[Senate Hearing 117-488]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 117-488
A REVIEW OF THE FISCAL YEAR 2022 STATE DEPARTMENT BUDGET REQUEST
=======================================================================
HEARING
before the
COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
SPECIAL HEARING
JUNE 8, 2021--WASHINGTON, DC
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Appropriations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
49-552 PDF WASHINGTON : 2022
COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS
PATRICK LEAHY, Vermont, Chairman
PATTY MURRAY, Washington RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama, Vice
DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California Chairman
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois MITCH McCONNELL, Kentucky
JACK REED, Rhode Island SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine
JON TESTER, Montana LISA MURKOWSKI, Alaska
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon ROY BLUNT, Missouri
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware JERRY MORAN, Kansas
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii JOHN HOEVEN, North Dakota
TAMMY BALDWIN, Wisconsin JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut SHELLEY MOORE CAPITO, West
JOE MANCHIN, III, West Virginia Virginia
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland JOHN KENNEDY, Louisiana
MARTIN HEINRICH, New Mexico CINDY HYDE-SMITH, Mississippi
MIKE BRAUN, Indiana
BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
MARCO RUBIO, Florida
Charles E. Kieffer, Staff Director
Shannon H. Hines, Minority Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Opening Statement of Chairman Patrick Leahy...................... 1
Statement of Senator Richard C. Shelby........................... 3
Statement of Senator Lindsey Graham.............................. 3
Statement of Senator Christopher Coons........................... 4
Statement of Hon. Antony J. Blinken, Secretary, U.S. Department
of State....................................................... 6
Prepared Statement........................................... 8
Additional Committee Questions................................... 45
Questions Submitted by:
Chairman Patrick Leahy................................... 45
Senator Dianne Feinstein................................. 49
Senator Joe Manchin, III................................. 50
Senator Martin Heinrich.................................. 54
Senator Susan M. Collins................................. 54
Senator Lindsey Graham................................... 56
Senator Roy Blunt........................................ 57
Conclusion of Hearing............................................ 58
A REVIEW OF THE FISCAL YEAR 2022 STATE DEPARTMENT BUDGET REQUEST
----------
TUESDAY, JUNE 8, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Appropriations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met at 10:00 a.m. in room SD-106, Dirksen
Senate Office Building, Hon. Patrick Leahy (chairman)
presiding.
Present: Senators Leahy, Murray, Feinstein, Durbin, Reed,
Coons, Schatz, Murphy, Van Hollen, Shelby, Collins, Murkowski,
Graham, Moran, Hoeven, Capito, Kennedy, Hyde-Smith, Braun, and
Hagerty.
opening statement of chairman patrick leahy
Chairman Leahy. The committee will come to order. I want to
welcome Secretary Blinken, who is down at the end of this long
table. Mr. Secretary, we are still trying to keep a fair amount
of distance, but it is an improvement that we are not having to
wear our masks and I appreciate that, something the Vice
Chairman and I have discussed.
I understand that Vice Chairman Shelby will defer to
Senator Graham, the Ranking Member in the State Foreign
Operations Subcommittee, for his opening statement, after mine.
Then after that I will turn to Senator Coons, who I welcome as
the new Chairman of the State Foreign Operations Subcommittee,
and he will give his opening statement.
Now, Mr. Secretary, this committee funds every aspect of
the Department's operations. I was going over it again this
weekend. I probably explored the detail of it more than I ever
have before, but it covers every aspect of your operations. You
cannot turn the lights on, or power your computers at Foggy
Bottom or at our embassies around the world without the
appropriations from here.
What worried me is that last year, your predecessor,
Secretary Pompeo, could not find time to schedule to testify
before this committee--even though he was invited by
Republicans and Democrats--in support of the Administration's
budget request. In the 40 plus years I have been here, every
Secretary of either party has testified.
That is a long way around of saying I appreciate you being
here. I know you have been traveling night and day, and I
appreciate you taking the time because we have to hear from the
Secretary of State about the operational and programmatic needs
of the Department.
We are in a rapidly changing, interconnected, increasingly
dangerous world, as you know. Certainly those of us who have
the intelligence briefings on a regular basis know.
You know, a few decades ago the United States had no
serious rivals. Our economic and military power far exceeded
that of any competitor anywhere in the world. Today, things
look a lot different.
After two decades and thousands of lives lost, $2 trillion
later, we are leaving Afghanistan and nobody has a real sense
of satisfaction. Maybe it would have been impossible no matter
what.
In China, just a few decades ago--I remember my first trip
there--bicycles were the common mode of transportation. You go
there now, high-speed rail, cars, everything. It is a growing
global power, but they did not squander their treasury on
unnecessary or unwinnable wars. Instead, it methodically
invested in its own economic development and military forces
and it has expanded its reach to virtually every continent in
the world.
The last Administration trivialized climate change. They
dismissed the COVID pandemic as nothing to worry about. They
embraced the world's most brutal and corrupt dictators, and our
allies wondered if the United States was still a country it
could look to for global leadership.
But in the mere 4 years, our reputation as the world's
leading democracy, a builder of regional alliances, the force
behind the Geneva Conventions, the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, and every significant arms control treaty--
certainly in my lifetime--was severely damaged.
So your job is to fix this, and we want to help you do
that. We want to reaffirm our commitment to democracy, to
fundamental rights, to act as a leader of the Free World that
solves problems by building coalitions of like-minded
governments, not by bullying or disparaging our friends and
partners. That is what American people expect of us. It is also
very important. That is what the world expects of us. So we
look forward to hearing from you today about how the funds you
are asking for, which amount to a $5,400,000,000 increase over
fiscal year 2021 for the Department of State and for USAID
(United States Agency for International Development), could
help to do that.
I note you are proposing significant increases to prepare
for the next pandemic and combat other threats to public
health, because as much as we wish it would be otherwise, you
and I both know there will be other pandemics. Reduce global
warming, help vulnerable countries adapt to rising temperatures
as they see their coastlines disappear. Pay what we owe to the
United Nations and start rebuilding our alliances, combat
violent extremism and transnational organized crime and
corruption--you see that every day. Re-staff our embassies and
consulates after years of neglect by the previous
Administration, counter Russian aggression and Chinese
influence, reaffirm our support for democracy, human rights,
and civil society, respond to multiple humanitarian crises, and
promote U.S. private sector investment and international
development.
You have got a lot on your plate, Mr. Secretary, and these
are not Democratic or Republican issues. It is the price we pay
as Americans for the diplomacy and development necessary to
project U.S. global leadership and protect our security, the
leadership and security that our predecessors built over
generations. That, I want to continue, and, frankly, it is a
small price to pay, just a fraction of the budget for the
Department of Defense.
I remember what former Secretary Mattis said when he was
Secretary of Defense. He said if we want to cut our ability to
help, whether it is in aid or anything else around the world,
buy more bullets, because he would much rather see us having
alliances with countries than wars.
So I commend this budget and what it says to the world, to
our friends and allies, to our adversaries. I commend you for
sending it. I hope this committee can work together to pass it.
In order to do that, we need to have agreed-upon top lines
for both defense and non-defense spending. I am willing to
support the top lines proposed by President Biden to make the
proposed budget for the State Department possible. But you know
from your own experience here, no president of either party's
budget has ever come up to Congress and been passed unchanged
and that is the way the Constitution works.
I think Congress should begin bipartisan and bicameral
discussions with the White House to establish agreed-upon top
lines very soon so we can do the important work of drafting our
appropriations bills.
Vice Chairman Shelby and I have traveled far and wide
together. We have met with many of the outstanding Embassy
staff who you are representing here today, Mr. Secretary, and I
am proud of them. So many around the world, most I have
absolutely no idea what their political philosophy is, all I
know is that they are supporting the United States of America
and doing a great job.
Now as I said--yes, Vice Chairman.
statement of senator richard c. shelby
Senator Shelby. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that
my written statement be made part of the record.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you. I understand you're going to----
Senator Shelby. Mr. Secretary, we welcome you. You're no
stranger here. We all know that and look forward to question
and answer period, and at this time I want to yield my time to
Senator Graham, the former Chairman and Ranking Republican on
the subcommittee.
Senator Graham.
Chairman Leahy. Senator Graham, go ahead.
statement of senator lindsey graham
Senator Graham. Thank you. Thank you both very much.
Welcome. There you are. I have a lot of admiration and hope
to work with you to solve a lot of problems in the world.
You know, the budget is plussed up in areas that I
appreciate. We had battles in the last Administration a bit
about developmental aid, but at the end of the day, Senator
Shelby, I think one of the things that our side should be
looking at is I think we have $861 million for Central America.
Count me in for helping Central America.
There's an ambitious $4 billion aid package to Central
America over the next 4 years, Senator Shelby, but, Mr.
Secretary, this is good money after bad until you change our
policies here at home. You're not going to change Central
America to the point that people won't stop coming here
completely and the pull factors that have been created by the
Biden Administration have to change or this money will do no
good.
Count me in for immigration reform. I've talked with
Senator Durbin, but as long as we have a catch and release
program and our asylum system, they will keep coming no matter
what Vice President Harris says. I appreciate her strong words,
but our actions on the ground do not match those words.
We had a 178,000 people come in April, over 60 some
thousand were allowed to stay, single adult males were sent
back, but unaccompanied minors are allowed to stay, and people
with small children are allowed to stay, and if you claim
asylum, you're released into the United States. You no longer
remain in Mexico.
So to my colleagues on this committee, count me in for
developing a better life in Central America, but it will not
work until we change our laws. As long as it's understood in
Central America that you can claim asylum as a family unit with
a small child and you get to stay in the United States rather
than being sent back, they will keep coming.
The word is out that the title 42 COVID restrictions were
not applying that to unaccompanied minor children. They're
coming by the thousands, tens of thousands now. So this is one
part of the budget that would make sense if you changed the
laws in America. That would be a comprehensive approach that I
could support reforming our laws that are magnets to pull
factors and helping Central America.
Without reforming our laws, Senator Shelby, it doesn't
matter how much money you spend in Central America.
Jordan, we went back to the MOU level. I'd like to talk to
the Secretary about maybe upping that, given the problems that
Jordan's facing, but I could not agree more with Senator Leahy.
This is an area of the budget we've always come together on. I
look forward to working with Secretary Coons at the
subcommittee level to come up with a rationale foreign policy.
I'll end with this. I agree with military leaders who say
that developmental aid is very important to stop wars and to
bring about stability. You cannot fight your way or kill your
way to stability. You have to have a military component and you
have to have a self-power component. I believed that then, I
believe that now, and I look forward to working with my
colleagues to make this budget a reality. The sooner we get the
top lines, the better for the world.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you very much, Senator Graham.
Senator Coons.
statement of senator christopher coons
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for
your decades of leadership and advocacy in support of
development and the State Department. I look forward to working
with you, the Vice Chairman, and the Ranking Member.
Welcome, Secretary Blinken. As the Chairman said, we
greatly appreciate your being here. The appropriations process
creates an essential opportunity to exchange views with you and
that's critical to the Department and for this committee, and
I'm grateful for the tremendous work that you and President
Biden are doing.
You have an important week ahead of you. The upcoming
meetings with NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), the EU
(European Union), and G7 (Group of Seven), and I wish you the
best of luck as you reaffirm our leadership and our engagement
with these critical alliances.
I'm encouraged by the initial $6.5 billion increase in the
budget request for the Department and the fact is--Senator
Graham's made this point many times--we have a history of
shortchanging diplomacy and development in ways that have put
added burdens on the U.S. military and this budget, which will
bolster our embassies and consulates and support programs to
meet the challenges to U.S. security by strengthening
alliances, preventing conflict and responding to global
threats, is no less important than the funding we provide our
Armed Forces.
The Administration's budget request prioritizes funding to
address issues that I and many on this committee have
highlighted for years: supporting international efforts at
public health, critically including the COVID-19 pandemic, to
strengthen global health security, countering China's and
Russia's malign influence, mounting a multilateral and
bilateral strategy to combat climate change, and a host of
other challenges.
I'm encouraged by a number of the increases that you'll be
presenting in just a moment to address the root causes of
migration from Central America, for assistance to the
Palestinians, for expanding our response to ongoing or
worsening humanitarian crises from Ethiopia to Yemen, Syria,
Burma, Venezuela.
More than anything, I think we must urgently stop the
global COVID-19 pandemic before new, more lethal, more
transmissive variants emerge and overwhelm the vaccines we've
already developed.
I know you and USAID Administrator Power are focused on
this. I am grateful for your leadership in international
vaccine distribution. I was proud to play a small role in
announcing the delivery of vaccines to Taiwan with Senators
Duckworth and Sullivan, and I saw firsthand just how much the
South Koreans appreciated the delivery of a million vaccines
during my trip to East Asia over recent days.
We do have our policy differences on this committee. I
suspect you'll hear a few of those differences today, but I
hope we can all agree that the less than 1 percent of the
Federal budget the Administration is requesting for the State
Department is absolutely vital if we will re-engage with our
allies, strengthen our global leadership, advance our values,
fight for democracy and human rights, combat climate change,
and in so many other ways invest in the people who bring our
values to the world.
I look forward to your testimony and to working with you.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you. As you know, the Office of
Attending Physician said if you are fully vaccinated, masks are
not required. If you are not, then the Attending Physician has
made clear wearing a mask is critical. We ask you to do that,
and that unvaccinated members keep a social distance. As I
said, it is not quite the way we normally have hearings. We
will have 5-minute rounds. Members will be called upon in order
of seniority. If they are unavailable at the time they are
called upon, I will just move on to the next person in line and
then when they rejoin, they will get back in the queue.
Secretary Blinken does not need a lot of introduction. He
previously served as Deputy National Security Advisor from 2013
to 2015 and Deputy Secretary of State from 2015 to 2017 under
President Obama. Before that, he served as the Democratic Staff
Director for the Foreign Relations Committee.
He is exceptionally well-qualified for his current position
and got an overwhelming vote of 78 to 22 when he was confirmed.
There were days when I think that we could not get a vote that
high, to say the sun rises in the east. Secretary Blinken, you
have 5 minutes or whatever time you need.
Please go ahead, sir.
STATEMENT OF HON. ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY, U.S.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Mr. Blinken. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, Vice Chairman Shelby, Chairman Coons, Ranking
Member Graham, all the Committee Members, thank you very much
for coming together today and giving me this opportunity to
talk about the Administration's proposed budget and how we
believe it will help us achieve our national security
priorities and deliver results for the American people which is
our common mission.
Let me just say that the last time I had the honor of
actually appearing before the subcommittee--Senator Graham will
remember this--I was seated next to another witness who seemed
to get a lot more attention, Bono. So very memorable day before
the subcommittee, but, Senator Coons, Senator Graham, very much
looking forward to working with you going forward, as well.
This is a critical moment for the United States and for our
global leadership. We have major tests, including stopping
COVID-19, rising to the challenge of the climate crisis,
supporting a global economic recovery that delivers for
American workers and families. We have to revitalize our
alliances and partnerships, out-compete China, and defend the
international rules-based order against those who seek to
undermine it, renew democratic values at home and abroad, and
push back against malign activity by our adversaries.
In a more competitive world, other countries are making
historic investments in their foreign policy toolkit. We need
to do the same thing. That's why in this budget we proposed
$58.5 billion for the State Department and USAID for fiscal
2022 and just to cover some of the specifics.
This budget will strengthen global health. The United
States has been a leader in this field for decades in Africa,
around the world. We're asking for $10 million for global
health programs, including nearly $1 million for global health
security to help us prevent, prepare for, respond to future
global health crises, so we can stop outbreaks before they turn
into pandemics that put our safety and prosperity in danger.
The budget will accelerate the global response to the
climate crisis by providing $2.5 billion for international
climate programs, including $1.25 billion to the Green Climate
Fund to help developing countries implement climate adaptation
and emissions mitigation programs which is directly in our
interest.
The budget will double down on the fight for democracy,
which, as we all know, is under threat in many places around
the world. People talk of a democratic recession around the
world.
Our budget request includes $2.8 billion in foreign
assistance to advance human rights, fight corruption, stem the
tide of democratic backsliding, and strengthen and defend
democracies, for example, through technical training for
elections and support for independent media and civil society.
It also requests $300 million for the National Endowment for
Democracy.
The budget will support a comprehensive strategy to address
the root causes of irregular migration from Central America. It
will invest $861 million in the region as a first step toward a
4-year commitment of $4 billion to help prevent violence,
reduce poverty, curtail endemic corruption, and expand job and
educational opportunities.
The budget would re-establish U.S. humanitarian leadership
with a request of $10 million in assistance to support
refugees, victims of conflict, other displaced people, and to
rebuild a refugee admissions program.
It will support our partners in the Middle East by fully
funding our commitments to key countries, including Israel and
Jordan, and by restoring humanitarian assistance to the
Palestinian people.
It includes a budget request of $3.6 billion to pay our
assessed contributions in full to international organizations,
initiatives, peacekeeping efforts, including to restore our
annual contributions to the World Health Organization.
As China and others work hard to bend international
organizations to their world view, we have to ensure that these
organizations instead remain grounded in the values,
principles, and rules of the road that have made our shared
progress possible for so many decades.
Finally, to deliver in all of these areas, the budget will
reinvest in our most vital asset and that's our people. It will
provide new resources to recruit, to train, and to retain a
first-rate diverse global workforce with nearly 500 additional
foreign and civil service positions, the largest increase for
State Department staffing in a decade, and it will modernize
our technology, cybersecurity, protect our embassies and
consulates, and include a direct appropriation of $320 million
for consular services worldwide so that we can continue to
provide these vital services to Americans and those who seek to
study, to travel, to do business with the United States.
Our national security depends not only on the strength of
our Armed Forces but also our ability to conduct effective
diplomacy and development. That's how we solve global
challenges, forge cooperation, advance our interests and
values, protect our people, prevent crises overseas from
becoming emergencies here at home, and that's why diplomacy and
development are smart investments for American taxpayers.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice Chairman, a top priority for me as
Secretary is to restore the traditional role of Congress as a
partner in our foreign policy-making. That's the spirit that I
bring to today's conversation, the spirit I'll bring to all
future conversations and engagements with this committee, and
I'm grateful for the chance to answer your questions.
Thank you very much.
[The statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Antony J. Blinken
Chairman Leahy, Vice Chairman Shelby, Chairman Coons, Ranking
Member Graham, and all Committee members, thank you for this
opportunity to talk about the Biden-Harris Administration's proposed
budget--and how it will help us achieve our national security
priorities and deliver results for the American people.
This is a critical moment for the United States and our global
leadership. We face major tests, including stopping the COVID-19
pandemic, rising to the challenge of the climate crisis, and supporting
a global economic recovery that delivers for American workers and
families. We must revitalize our alliances and partnerships; out-
compete China and defend the international rules-based order against
those that seek to undermine it; renew democratic values at home and
abroad; and push back against malign activity by our adversaries.
In a more competitive world, other countries are making historic
investments in their foreign policy toolkit. We must do the same.
That's why, in this budget, we've requested $58.5 billion for the State
Department and USAID for fiscal year 2022.
Here are some specifics.
This budget will strengthen global health. The United States has
been a leader in the field for decades, in Africa and around the world.
We're asking for $10 billion for global health programs, including
nearly $1 billion for global health security, to help us prevent,
prepare for, and respond to future global health crises so we can stop
outbreaks before they turn into pandemics that put our safety and
prosperity in danger.
This budget will accelerate the global response to the climate
crisis by providing $2.5 billion for international climate programs,
including $1.25 billion to the Green Climate Fund, to help developing
countries implement climate adaptation and emissions mitigation
programs--which is directly in our own interest.
It will double down on the fight for democracy, which is under
threat in too many places. Our budget request includes $2.8 billion in
foreign assistance to advance human rights, fight corruption, stem the
tide of democratic backsliding, and strengthen and defend democracies--
for example, through technical training for elections and support for
independent media and civil society. It also requests $300 million for
the National Endowment for Democracy.
This budget will support a comprehensive strategy to address the
root causes of irregular migration from Central America. It will invest
$861 million in the region, as a first step toward a four-year
commitment of $4 billion, to help prevent violence, reduce poverty,
curtail endemic corruption, and expand job and educational
opportunities.
It will reestablish U.S. humanitarian leadership, with a request of
$10 billion in assistance to support refugees, victims of conflict, and
other displaced people, and to rebuild our refugees admissions program.
It will support our partners in the Middle East by fully funding
our commitments to key countries, including Israel and Jordan, and by
restoring humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people.
It includes a budget request of $3.6 billion to pay our assessed
contributions in full to international organizations, initiatives, and
peacekeeping efforts, including to restore our annual contributions to
the World Health Organization. As China and others work hard to bend
international organizations to their worldview, we must ensure that
these organizations instead remain grounded in the values, principles,
and rules of the world that have made our shared progress possible for
decades.
Finally, to deliver in all these areas, this budget will reinvest
in our most vital asset--our people. It will provide new resources to
recruit, train, and retain a first-rate, diverse global workforce, with
nearly 500 additional Foreign and Civil Service positions--the largest
increase for State Department staffing in a decade. And it will
modernize our technology and cybersecurity; protect our embassies and
consulates; and include a direct appropriation of $320 million for
consular services worldwide, so we can continue to provide these vital
services to Americans and those who seek to travel, study, or do
business with the United States.
Our national security depends not only on the strength of our armed
forces but also our ability to conduct effective diplomacy and
development. That's how we solve global challenges, forge cooperation,
advance our interests and values, protect our people, and prevent
crises overseas from turning into emergencies at home. And that's why
diplomacy and development are smart investments for American taxpayers.
A top priority for me as Secretary is to restore the traditional
role of Congress as a partner in our foreign policy making. That's the
spirit I bring to today's conversation, and I'm grateful for this
chance to answer your questions.
Thank you.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you very much for that, Mr.
Secretary. That is why I wanted the whole committee, both
Republicans and Democrats, to be here to hear you.
You know, I know both former President Trump and now, of
course, President Biden said they want to be out of Afghanistan
this year. Very little of what we were earlier told by our
intervention in Afghanistan years ago turned out to be accurate
or sustainable. So now we are withdrawing, and no matter how
people feel about that, I want to know what it means for our
embassies.
I assume that you have contingency plans for our personnel
at our embassies, our consulates in Afghanistan, is that
correct?
Mr. Blinken. It is.
Chairman Leahy. I remember in the first year I was here,
you had the Fall of Saigon, and we saw the chaotic extradition
from there. I think of all the people affected by it, and I am
wondering about the processing of special immigrant visas for
Afghans who have worked with us, risked their lives for us.
What are we doing for them, because they are going to have a
target on their back?
Mr. Blinken. Mr. Chairman, I very much agree with you, and
we have an obligation to help those who helped us. They put
themselves on the line for the United States working with our
troops, working with our diplomats. We need to be there for
them and so we have the Special Immigrant Visa Program that
you've alluded to. We're working very hard to make sure that it
can meet the demand that may be coming out of Afghanistan.
Just to briefly update you on this, we have about 18,000
applicants in the pipeline. Half of those are at the beginning
of the pipeline. They've expressed interest, but they haven't
filled out the necessary forms and made the applications, but
we know there's interest.
The other 9,000 or so are actually actively in the process.
About 30 percent of them are awaiting so-called Chief of
Mission approval. The Chief of Mission has to make a
determination that they qualify for the program by dint of
service to the United States. The other 20 percent are actually
in the immigration process itself.
So we had a current cap of about 26,000 special immigrant
visas. We've used 15,000. So we have about 11,000 left. We're
asking for an additional 8,000 to make sure we can accommodate
all 18,000 who are in the pipeline.
Chairman Leahy. 8,000 would be enough because we have women
leaders, civil society leaders?
Mr. Blinken. We want to be able, if need be, to come back
to you and act expeditiously if we need more than that. Our
best assessment right now is that if we get the additional
8,000, we can cover everyone who is currently at some place in
the pipeline.
I will also tell you we've had challenges. We've had
backlogs. We've had backlogs when it comes to those looking to
get Chief of Mission approval to indicate that they have the
status necessary that we've worked very hard to clear up. We've
surged staff, including by July an additional 50 people. Most
of this work is actually done in Washington. We've increased
our staff. The backlog was about 5,400 in terms of Chief of
Mission approvals. We should be able to get through that
backlog in the next 3 to 4 months.
We also had a backlog on the immigration side because, as
you know, with COVID and everything else, conducting interviews
has been challenging, but that backlog we've actually worked
through.
So long way of saying we would like to work very closely
with this committee, with Congress, to make sure that we have
the resources at any given time we need to make good on our
commitment to those seeking----
Chairman Leahy. Well, let me tell you one thing I would
especially like to work with you on. And we can have further
discussions, but I want you and your staff to know this is very
high in my priorities. The Scholar Rescue Program, you are
familiar with that----
Mr. Blinken. I am, yes.
Chairman Leahy [continuing]. And the Afghan Scholar Rescue.
We have a lot of Afghan scholars who need to be rescued. We
have higher education places here in the United States and
other countries that will be happy to take them.
Will you and your staff work with me closely on that?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, welcome doing that.
Chairman Leahy. Now, I also look at Vietnam where many of
us here have gone. I have gone there several times with the
Leahy War Victims Fund, the first time on behalf of George H.W.
Bush. We see Vietnam's economy growing and its people are eager
to compete in the global economy, but they are a one party
state. Political dissent is not tolerated, but we can go there
freely, spend money freely, in fact we do. We give aid to them.
We cooperate with Vietnam in many areas. We raise human rights
with them.
I mention that because much closer to home, Cuba is a one
party state. Political dissent is not tolerated. Why do we not
have a similar relationship with Cuba? Because I see as we
isolate them, I have to think that the Russians and the Chinese
are saying, ``Keep isolating them, because we will come in. We
will help with jobs.''
Many of us have visited young people who are starting their
own companies that are suddenly shut off from visitors from the
U.S. They are just a few miles from our shore. If we keep
excluding them, what is going to be our reaction when China and
Russia say, ``Hey, we will just come in here, we will help you
out, we will do what the Americans tried to do to begin with''?
What will your reaction be to that?
Mr. Blinken. Two things, Mr. Chairman. First, just quickly
on Vietnam, I couldn't agree with you more. We've seen a
profound transformation in the relationship's normalization
back in 1995. I think our bilateral trade is now something like
$90 billion. We've got a growing security relationship. We've
got cooperation in public health, education, the legacies of
war.
I had the opportunity to go there several times when I was
Deputy Secretary, and, of course, as you know, I think as many
of you know, it's a place where the United States is very
popular and we are working to deepen that partnership. The
President's interim national security guidance calls on us to
deepen the relationship and work has been done across
Administrations to do that.
With regard to Cuba, Mr. Chairman, we are conducting a very
thorough review of our policy and in doing that, we are
engaging with members of Congress, people from different
perspectives, all of the different stakeholders, both in Cuba,
outside of Cuba, whether it's activists, journalists, NGOs
(nongovernmental organizations), the business community.
We want to get as much input as we can as we are looking at
the policy. I think we have a couple of guiding principles in
mind. One is to make sure that we are doing everything we can
to advance democracy and freedom for the Cuban people and doing
it in a way that empowers the Cuban people to shape their own
futures and destinies.
So we're looking at the different policy components that
would go a long with that. I welcome the opportunity to speak
to you, to speak to anyone interested in this as we're
conducting the review and your input, your ideas are vital in
that.
Chairman Leahy. I will turn it over to Senator Shelby, but
I suggest some of the people you should talk with are the young
people who are trying to create jobs, a future for themselves,
and who are so excited to be able to have relationships with
the United States, and who may feel shut off.
Go ahead, Senator Shelby.
Senator Shelby. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, President Biden canceled the Keystone
Pipeline, eliminating thousands of good-paying jobs here in
America. Yet in a recent meeting with your Russian counterpart,
you backed down on sanctioning a Russian corporation
constructing the Nord Stream Pipeline to Germany.
My question is this, Mr. Secretary. What kind of mixed
message is this sending to our American people who were
directly impacted by the President's decision to eliminate
their jobs on the Keystone Pipeline here in America?
In other words, how do you explain to unemployed Keystone
Pipeline workers that Russia's gains from the Nord Stream
Pipeline are justified but gains to the United States and
American workers from the Keystone Pipeline are not?
I understand the pipeline also helps Germany. I understand
it's about 90 percent, you know, finished and so forth, but how
does that help American workers? Could you explain?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you, Mr. Vice Chairman.
I can't speak to Keystone itself. Those decisions are at
the White House, but let me address Nord Stream 2. To your
point, the construction of the pipeline began in 2018. By the
time we took office, it was over 90 percent complete, the
physical construction. A few weeks ago, we went ahead and
sanctioned 13 ships and 4 companies, the largest number of
entities sanctioned under the PEESA (Protecting Europe's Energy
Security Act) legislation since its inception. We also granted
a national interest waiver for the Nord Stream 2 AG, the
company overseeing the pipeline, and its CEO (chief executive
officer). That waiver can be rescinded at any time.
The reality is that the physical completion of the pipeline
was pretty much a done deal. The question going forward is what
is the most effective thing that we can do to support the
interests of Ukraine and other affected countries as well as
our own.
The worst possible result, at least in my judgment, would
be pipeline completed, poison the well with our closest partner
Germany as a result of sanctions, and remove any incentives for
Germany to work with us to try to mitigate any of the damage
that would be done by the pipeline going into operation. The
Germans have now come forward and we are working very closely
with them and will insist that we see from them real steps,
concrete actions to do a few things. First, to make sure that
we are making Ukraine whole. As you know, Mr. Vice Chairman,
Ukraine risks losing transit fees if this pipeline goes into
operation and thus goes around Ukraine. We need to try to make
Ukraine whole. Second, we need to make sure that Russia cannot
use gas as a coercive tool when it comes to Ukraine or anyone
else. We're working on that. We want to make sure that if
Russia acts out egregiously in other fashions there will be
some automatisticity in the response that we take with Germany
and others.
So all of those things are on the table. We're working on
it very actively. We also, of course, have opportunities going
forward to deal with those who would provide insurance or other
permits for the pipeline to actually become operational. We
continue to believe it's a bad idea for all the reasons that
the President has cited for many years, but we have to deal
with the reality as we found it. That's what we're trying to
do.
Senator Shelby. Now you're not telling us that you believe
that the pipeline's not going to be completed and operational
because that would defy logic, would it not?
Mr. Blinken. Well, I think, Sir, Line B has either just
been physically completed or is on the verge of it and there
were no steps that we could take in the timeframe that we had
to work with that would stop that.
But to your point, there is a difference between the
physical completion of the pipeline and it becoming
operational, actually gas flowing through it. We're still
working on that and, in particular, we want to make sure that
Europeans take the necessary steps to protect, to mitigate, to
deal with any of the adverse consequences of gas flowing
through this pipeline.
Senator Shelby. What's your message to the American workers
who've been displaced by Keystone because they see a
contradiction there in their own lives?
Mr. Blinken. I can't speak to Keystone or domestic policy
or politics, just Nord Stream itself.
Senator Shelby. Thank you.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Senator Shelby. I'd like to get into the other area of the
defense funding. The Chinese Communist Party continues to
invest, as well know, in the People's Liberation Army at record
rates. China's efforts to gain strategic influence across the
globe is well known, so forth. Despite all this, President
Biden's 2022 budget proposes to severely, severely underfund
the Department of Defense, potentially jeopardizing our efforts
to counter China aggression around the world.
Most people in the world know that China's interested in
hedge money and they are our greatest threat down the road.
They're patient and they've got kind of a quasi whatever kind
of capitalist economy that the Soviet Union never had to
underpin a lot of this.
What is this Administration--what's the message to the
world if you're cutting defense in a time of a challenge like
this from Russia and China, Mr. Secretary?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Senator Shelby. Or trying to cut defense, you know, I
should say.
Mr. Blinken. You'll understand I can't speak to the defense
budget. What I can speak to is how we're approaching the
challenge posed by China. This is both the most consequential
and most complicated relationship we have. It's the single
nation state that militarily, economically, diplomatically,
politically has the ability to try to upend the rules-based
order that we strongly defend because it's advanced our own
security and prosperity for so many years.
I think if you look at the relationship, it has increasing
adversarial aspects to it. It certainly has competitive ones,
and it still has some cooperative ones, as well, but the common
denominator is to approach each of those aspects of the
relationship from the position of strength, and I think that
strength starts with a few things.
It starts with our alliances and partnerships. This is a
unique strategic asset for us, something that China does not
enjoy. That's why we're working to revitalize those alliances
and partnerships.
It includes our engagement in international organizations
and in international life because when we pull back, China
fills in and starts to shape the rules and set the norms. It
absolutely includes our military and our deterrent capability.
As you know better than I, some years ago we started to
shift resources to the Asia Pacific, including about 60 percent
of our Navy. We continue to take the steps necessary to make
sure we have a strong deterrent.
And finally, it involves making the right investments in
ourselves and I applaud the work that Congress has done,
including with legislation that I think is going to be before
you today, to strengthen our country, to strengthen the United
States, investments in our technology, investments in our
workers, investments in innovation and R&D (research and
development).
All of those elements together are how we approach China
from a position of strength.
Senator Shelby. Mr. Secretary, if I could, one quick
question on cybersecurity. Cyber attacks is on a lot of
people's mind as we saw what one little hack could do to our
pipeline and disrupt the East Coast and so forth.
We're not without, as the Secretary knows, we're not
without tools to disrupt and disturb others around the world.
The question is how much do we put up with from Russian people
that are complicit with the government or Chinese, Iran in the
disruption of our way of life?
Mr. Blinken. I couldn't agree with you more, Mr. Vice
Chairman, and I think when it comes, for example, to the
attacks we've seen recently, the ransomware attacks, including
on the Colonial Pipeline, one of the things that we have to
establish is that responsible states do not harbor criminals
who engage in these actions.
So we are working very hard on the President's
instructions, whole-of-government effort, to develop the
counter-ransomware strategy to better protect our networks and
there we have to work closely with the private sector, as you
know, to disrupt and destroy ransomware infrastructure and the
ecosystem that goes with it, to find and bring to justice those
who are engaged in these actions, and to insist that states
that would harbor these criminals do not do so and there needs
to be accountability for that.
All of this is on the table, as well as dealing with some
of the other things that go along with this, money laundering,
use of international cyber infrastructure, cryptocurrency. All
of these things will be part of the strategy that we're putting
together to push back and to ultimately disrupt cyber crime,
especially ransomware.
Senator Shelby. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
Senator Feinstein.
Senator Feinstein. Thanks very much, Mr. Chairman, and
thank you very much for holding this hearing.
A month ago because of the situation which I know you see
and I see as very dangerous for women and girls, I introduced a
bill which is bipartisan which would require the Secretary of
State to submit a report on the status of women and girls in
Afghanistan on a regular basis beginning this year and I am
very serious about it.
I want to particularly thank Senators Collins and Cornyn
and Durbin and Duckworth and Peters and Padea and Ernst and
Cardin and Casey for being co-sponsors of the bill, and it's my
understanding that in May a bombing outside of a girls' school
in Kabul killed more than 85 people, mostly young girls. Then I
introduced that bipartisan bill.
Mr. Secretary, how will the State Department ensure the
security of Afghan women and girls going forward, and how will
we ensure that they maintain their status in society?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you very much, Senator.
The bombing you're referring to is one of the most horrific
incidents and there have been many horrific incidents, but that
one, I think, touched all of us in our hearts----
Senator Feinstein. Thank you.
Mr. Blinken [continuing]. And our guts. It was devastating.
To attack school-age girls--in any event, we're very focused on
doing what we can, whatever we can to sustain the gains that
women and girls have made in Afghanistan.
Thanks to the support from Congress over the years, we've
invested nearly $800 million in programs for women and girls in
Afghanistan. There have been significant gains over the years
and what I can say is this.
First, even as we're withdrawing forces from Afghanistan,
we are not withdrawing from Afghanistan. We're determined to
maintain a strong Embassy presence. Other countries are, as
well. The programs that go along with that will continue with
the support of Congress, and I can also say that an Afghanistan
in the future that does not respect the gains that were made
for women and girls will become a pariah. It's as simple as
that.
Senator Feinstein. Thank you. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you, Senator Feinstein.
My neighbor from Maine, Senator Collins, please. You are
welcome.
Senator Collins. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
First, let me associate my concerns with Senator Feinstein
about the plight of girls and women in Afghanistan. The recent
bombing is certainly not a good sign for what is going to occur
once U.S. and NATO troops are withdrawn.
I want to turn to some other issues. State Department
personnel are among those who have been harmed by what appeared
to be directed energy attacks that have led to debilitating
symptoms known as the ``Havana Syndrome.''
As you know, I hope, the Senate last night unanimously
passed legislation that I authored with Senators Warner, Rubio,
and Shaheen that will beef up the medical care and financial
compensation for American public servants who continue to
experience these debilitating symptoms.
When President Biden meets with President Putin, will he
raise the issue of directed energy attacks against American
personnel since Russia is one of the countries that is
suspected of wielding this weapon?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you, Senator.
First, let me thank you for the legislation which is
greatly appreciated and I know the men and women of our Foreign
Service, Civil Service will very much appreciate that, grateful
for your support for them.
With regard to these incidents, the so-called anomalous
health incidents, we are in the midst at the President's
direction, with the NSC, the National Security Council, in the
lead, coordinating a Governmentwide review, including the
intelligence community, the State Department, the Defense
Department, to try to get to the bottom of what caused them,
who did it, if anyone did, and, of course, care for any people
who may have been victimized by it.
The State Department, and I've named a senior ambassador,
Pamela Spratlin, to oversee our efforts at the department
itself. We also will begin instituting this summer a baseline
testing program. So for any of our people going out into the
field, they will have a baseline very rigorous medical
evaluation and that will create some standard by which to
measure in the future should there be incidents to determine
whether there is actually a difference between their baseline
medical state and something that might have affected them.
Having said all that, here's the hard reality right now. We
do not know what caused these incidents. We do not know who, if
anyone, is actually responsible, state actor, individuals. This
is exactly what we're trying to get to the bottom of.
So certainly if we have concerns, suspicions, beliefs that
any state actor, Russia or otherwise, was involved or engaged
in this, you can be sure that we will take it to them, but
right now, we simply do not know. This is why the President has
ordered this intensive effort to see if we can get to the
bottom of what happened.
Senator Collins. Well, we certainly need a whole-of-
government approach, but I have to say that I'm very disturbed
to hear you say if anyone. These injuries are very real.
They've been substantiated at the University of Pennsylvania,
at NIH (National Institutes of Health), at Walter Reed, and I
know there's been great frustration by personnel at the State
Department about the response. So I think we need to move to
determining which adversary is using what kind of weapon to
harm our American personnel and----
Mr. Blinken. Let me say, Senator, I absolutely share your
commitment and conviction that we need to do that, and I did
not mean to suggest in any way that we are not taking this
absolutely seriously.
My number 1 priority, my number 1 responsibility is the
safety and security of the men and women who work for the State
Department and we will do everything we can to make good on
that.
Senator Collins. Let me turn very quickly to Iran. During
your confirmation hearing, you indicated that it was not in
America's national security interests to lift sanctions on the
Iranian financial sector, including the Central Bank, as well
as Iran's energy sector, given the connections with the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard.
Will you commit today that the Administration will not
provide sanctions relief, including through waivers or general
licenses, that directly or indirectly benefits the Central Bank
of Iran or the National Iranian Oil Company unless or until the
Treasury Department determines that these entities are no
longer connected to the IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps) or Iran's terrorism financing activities?
Mr. Blinken. Senator, as you know, we're engaged in
indirect conversations with Iran about the possibility of a
mutual return to compliance with the nuclear agreement, so-
called JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), and we don't
know at this stage whether Iran is willing and able to do what
it would need to do to come back into compliance. So we'll see
if that actually materializes.
Were that to happen, our responsibility would be to lift
sanctions inconsistent with the JCPOA but to resolutely
maintain sanctions that are consistent with it to deal with the
multiplicity of Iran's malign actions in a whole series of
areas and I would anticipate that even in the event of a return
to compliance with the JCPOA, hundreds of sanctions would
remain in place, including sanctions imposed by the Trump
Administration. If they are not inconsistent with the JCPOA,
they will remain, unless and until Iran's behavior changes.
Senator Collins. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
Senator Murray.
Senator Murray. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome, Secretary Blinken. I wanted to raise an issue that
the Pacific Northwest has been working on now for almost a
decade. It's an issue that we really need your sustained help
and help from other departmental leaders.
Simply put, we need your help to prioritize the stalled
effort to modernize the Columbia River Treaty between Canada
and the United States. The current level of treaty
prioritization is just not working and it has created a lot of
frustration across the entire Northwest.
Now I'm encouraged that the Columbia River Treaty is
already before the National Security Council and we know that
you, DOE (Department of Energy) Secretary Granholm, and others
have engaged with your Canadian counterparts and our
congressional delegation has asked for urgent and prompt
action.
Washington and Oregon have taken leadership in advancing
new policies and new State laws to transition towards clean
renewable energy sources. We are serious about a whole-of-
government approach to address the climate crisis and we
commend you and the rest of the Biden Administration for
championing similar policies and strategies at the Federal
level to address the threats posed by climate change.
But I wanted to ask you today what can you tell us about
the high level talks with Canada on the treaty and, most
importantly, can we go forward together to make a very prompt
and successful renegotiation of the Columbia River Treaty this
year as the Biden Administration priority without any more
delay?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you, Senator.
We are committed to working with you on this and to very
actively engaging our Canadian counterparts on this which is
what we're doing. I think what we're trying to find is shared
common ground on flood risk management, on hydropower
operations, on ecosystem cooperation.
So as you know, I think we had the 10th round of
discussions and negotiations virtually some months ago. We're
engaged now in seeing if we can move that forward.
I think there's a shared interest also with us and Canada
in trying to build back the regional economy, especially given
the ravages of COVID, and at the same time to be good stewards
of our water resources.
So we are fully engaged in this, but I'd also say that we
would welcome working with you and your team going forward to
see if we can move this to some kind of successful conclusion.
Senator Murray. I appreciate that. We just want to make
sure it's a priority and we are all working together as
promptly as we can.
Let me turn to a different topic. I'm very concerned about
the arms sales process. The brutal conduct of the Saudi-led
coalition during the war in Yemen as just one example shows the
really glaring shortcomings of the current policy and there's
ample evidence of the coalition using U.S.-provided weapons in
gross violation of the laws and principles governing warfare
and disregarding the serious concerns and authority of
Congress, the Executive Branch under the previous
Administration that rammed through even more sales of highly
advanced weapons and that just can't be allowed to happen
again.
I'm going to be reintroducing my Values in Arms Export Act
to bring vital reforms to this process and I know several of
our colleagues share these concerns and have legislation of
their own. I look forward to working with all of them to make
progress on this, but until Congress passes reform legislation,
what steps are you going to take to improve oversight of how
U.S.-provided weapons are used and increase the weight given to
human rights concerns when proposing arms sales?
Mr. Blinken. We're determined to get back to regular order
with Congress when it comes to arms sales and to make sure that
the work of Congress in looking at these sales upfront as well
as oversight on the other end is strong, rigorous, and
effective. We are committed to that, and if there are problems
in the process, we will work to fix them.
As you know, as well, President Biden took near-term steps,
including with regard to Saudi Arabia and the war in Yemen, to
stop support for offensive operations. We held back a couple of
significant munitions sales.
At the same time, we're committed to defending our partners
in Saudi Arabia. They've been on the receiving end of about a
150 attacks on Saudi territory where, by the way, there's
70,000 Americans, since January and so we have to make good on
our commitments to our partners.
We also, as you know, have interest in strengthening
partner defenses with security cooperation with defense trade,
but we are determined to do it in a way that addresses human
rights concerns and that makes sure that our partners are doing
everything they possibly can to avoid civilian casualties, to
avoid people getting caught in the crossfire. We welcome
working with you on that, both at the front end and the back
end.
Senator Murray. I appreciate that very much.
Mr. Chairman, I'm out of time, but I do just want to
mention that the COVID-19 pandemic has really made it harder
for women to access necessary reproductive health care. NFPA
estimates that in the first year of the pandemic, 12 million
women experienced disruptions in access to birth control with
disruptions averaging 3.6 months and resulting in 1.4 million
unintended pregnancies.
Mr. Secretary, I look forward to working with you to make
sure the budget addresses those concerns moving forward.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Senator Murray. Thank you.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you, Senator Murray.
I note that Senator Murkowski would be next. She has
graciously let Senator Graham go because of a commitment and
so, Senator Graham, you are recognized.
Senator Graham. Thank you. Thank you.
I am the Ranking Member of the Budget Committee and we're
having a hearing that begins right now. So I appreciate Senator
Murkowski. There will be something in the budget for Alaska.
Senator Murkowski. Thank you.
[Laughter.]
Senator Graham. All right. We got a lot of problems in this
world, Mr. Secretary. One of the problems I worry about is the
nuclear arms race in the Middle East. Do you worry about that?
Mr. Blinken. Yes.
Senator Graham. Good answer, honest answer. Are you
familiar with the fact that the United Arab Emirates has a
nuclear program but they do not enrich when it comes to their
fuel supply?
Mr. Blinken. Yes.
Senator Graham. Okay. It's called the 123 Agreement. It's
called the Gold Standard.
Do you support nonproliferation when it comes to nuclear
programs?
Mr. Blinken. I do.
Senator Graham. Okay. Do you expect the Arabs to continue
the policy of not enriching if we allow the Iranians to enrich?
Mr. Blinken. I think if we allow the Iranians to get a
nuclear weapon or to be on the threshold----
Senator Graham. That's not my question. My question is--
I've talked to the Arabs very recently--whatever you give the
Iranians in terms of enrichment, do you expect the Arabs to
want the same capability?
Mr. Blinken. The challenge, Senator, as we both know, when
it comes to Iran is they have the knowledge and the practice
of----
Senator Graham. Well----
Mr. Blinken. It's hard to----
Senator Graham [continuing]. But my question is there's a
better way here. What if everybody in the Middle East, the
Arabs and the Iranians, could have nuclear power from an
international fuel bank and nobody needed to enrich, does that
sound like a good idea?
Mr. Blinken. It does, and actually I read the very
thoughtful piece that you wrote recently on that and let me
just say this. I think it's a very compelling idea. Here's the
challenge. We actually thought of something similar back when
the JCPOA and actually its predecessor, the interim agreement--
--
Senator Graham. Yes.
Mr. Blinken [continuing]. Was being negotiated. It's
something that we put forward to----
Senator Graham. And the Iranians said no.
Mr. Blinken [continuing]. Them and they said no.
Senator Graham. Well, you know, are we going to let the
Iranians say no to an idea that would prevent a nuclear arms
race? They say they want nuclear power for peaceful purposes.
There's a way for them to have that.
The UAE (United Arab Emirates) wants a nuclear power
program. They're not insisting on enrichment because they don't
want to bomb. So here's what I would suggest. Please study this
idea hard and maybe not take no for an answer because I promise
you if you allow the Iranians to go back into the deal with
robust enrichment program, any enrichment program, the Arabs
are not going to sit on the sidelines and watch their mortal
enemy have the capability they're lacking, and we can prevent
this if the world would unite around the idea nuclear power
yes, nuclear weapons no. So I would appreciate it if you would
entertain that.
Immigration. In December of 2020, we were at a 45-year low
in terms of illegal crossings into the United States at our
southern border. Now we're at an all-time high. What happened?
Mr. Blinken. Two things. First, I do want--when it comes to
migration issues in terms of what is being done in the United
States, I will defer to my colleagues at DHS (Department of
Homeland Security), HHS (Department of Health and Human
Services), and the other concerned agencies, but what has
happened and what has certainly happened, we've seen in the
past and it's happening now is we know what the drivers of----
Senator Graham. We have a very short period of time. My
question was pretty simple. If it was at an all-time low in
December of last year and it's at an all-time high now,
something happened.
Here's my belief. You changed policies that were working.
It's no worse or no better than it was in Central America now
versus December. What's happened, you changed policies to go
back to catch and release, no longer remain in Mexico waiting
for asylum hearings, and people are taking advantage of that
along with the unaccompanied minor policies you've instituted.
Do you not see that as a pull factor?
Mr. Blinken. I believe, Senator, that we can and must
secure our borders----
Senator Graham. But my question is do you not understand
that your policy changes have led to the floodgates being
opened? If you don't understand that, then all this money
you're requesting for Central America makes no sense.
I'm willing to invest in Central America to make life
better, but the pull factors are so strong now because of
policy changes you initiated that we'll never have enough money
available to save Central America unless we go back to the
policies that worked in the past. Do you not understand that?
Mr. Blinken. To your point, I think it's the point you made
earlier, we need to have a rational, humane, and secure
immigration system.
Senator Graham. Is it rational to let people come to our
country, claim asylum, release them and expect them 5 years
later to show up for a hearing? That's not rational. They're
not doing it. They're not doing it by the thousands and they
will never do it. I don't blame them. I blame us.
So I would ask you in my closing moments here to consider
the pull factors as a root cause of this surge in illegal
immigration, not just the status of Central America.
Finally, you have pledged to get to the bottom of where the
coronavirus originated, is that correct?
Mr. Blinken. That is.
Senator Graham. And is it possible it may have come from a
lab leak?
Mr. Blinken. It is.
Senator Graham. Okay. Will you provide this committee your
plan to find out whether or not that happened and my question
is simple? If China doesn't cooperate with us in finding out
the root causes of the coronavirus leak, what should we do?
Mr. Blinken. There needs to be accountability for what
happened and there needs to be accountability for the failure
to cooperate, including making information available, having
transparency, access for experts.
Senator Graham. So I have sanctions that would be available
to you if they fail to cooperate. Would you support those
sanctions?
Chairman Leahy. Senator Graham----
Mr. Blinken. I would certainly take a look.
Chairman Leahy [continuing]. I know we got votes coming up.
We have a lot of people pending.
Senator Durbin, you're next.
Senator Durbin. Thank you, Senator. I'm sorry that my
colleague and friend, Senator Graham, has to leave because he
stated accurately a few minutes ago that we have worked
together on immigration issues. He's a co-sponsor of the Dream
Act.
But I do want to clarify a point that he has made twice
this morning. There's this notion, catch and release, that
somehow these people are processed at the border, given a
hearing date, turned loose in the United States and start
swimming in this vast ocean of this country and are never
reported from again. Catch and release. It turns out that's
just plain false. It's not true.
There was a study done of 3 million immigration court
hearings spanning more than a decade. The study found that 83
percent of all non-detained immigrants attended every single
one of their court hearings, 83 percent. 15 percent who did
miss a court hearing were ordered deported, were later able to
successfully reopen their cases and had their removal orders
rescinded.
So when you hear catch and release, that we're grabbing all
these people at the border, bringing them to the United States,
turning them loose with a court date that they pay no attention
to, it's not true, not true, not even close to being true.
We're dealing with 2 percent, less than 10 percent for
sure. So arguing that as a basis for our immigration policy is
just not correct, and, incidentally, if they have a lawyer,
most of them don't, but if they do have a lawyer, 96 percent
attend all of their court hearings. That doesn't sound like
catch and release, does it?
Mr. Blinken. No.
Senator Durbin. It sounds like----
Mr. Blinken. There's a good reason for that, too, which is
most people who come here, whatever the circumstances, do not
want to be living in the shadows. They want to be here----
Senator Durbin. Exactly.
Mr. Blinken [continuing]. Legally.
Senator Durbin. Exactly. And so I'm all for looking at our
immigration policy and there are lots of weaknesses and things
that need to be changed, but to start with the notion that
we're just letting people step across the border and get lost
in America is just not true. They're showing up for their court
hearings because they want to be part of this country and think
they have a valid asylum plea and I hope we make that part of
our conversation.
I'm trying to understand, Mr. Secretary, the complexity of
our current and evolving relationship in Afghanistan. It
appears the Taliban is going to be a political force there.
There is also a government in place. I'm not quite sure whether
there is any accommodation between them going on or expected.
I'm trying to figure out whose side are we on. I believe
we've spent a vast amount of our fortune and many American
lives in trying to build an indigenous Afghan security force so
that they can stabilize the situation and stop the outgrowth of
terrorism when it occurs. I don't know how that same force is
not viewed as in some respects antagonistic to the Taliban
itself.
So whose side are we on in the future of Afghanistan?
Mr. Blinken. We're resolutely on the side of the Afghan
people, first and foremost, and to make sure, to the best of
our ability, that they can move forward in peace, security, and
freedom, and the government that represents those people and
their interests is the government that we in the international
community will support.
Right now, there are conversations, discussions,
potentially negotiations going on between the government and
the Taliban to see if they can come to a peaceful accommodation
and to end the conflict, but as it stands, as I said a few
moments ago, even as we're withdrawing our forces, we are not
withdrawing from Afghanistan. We remain very much engaged.
We're determined to have a strong diplomatic presence, a strong
programmatic presence to make sure we can continue support,
economic, humanitarian, development, security assistance
support, for the Afghan government and for the Afghan people.
If a government of Afghanistan emerges as a result of force
or if a future Afghanistan does not respect the basic rights
that have been established for its people, including women and
girls, it's safe to say that that Afghanistan will be a pariah
internationally, not just for us but for countries around the
world.
Senator Durbin. Can I close with two points? One you would
anticipate from a Senator from my State, Mark Frerichs. Mark is
an American who's being held captive in Afghanistan. I hope
that you will within the next 24 to 48 hours give me an update
on what we are doing to bring him home.
Secondly, I'm going to send to you an article from the
Chicago Sun Times by Chicago native Marine Major Thomas Shuman
and he talks about the fact that an interpreter who risked his
life to save this Marine Corps officer is now at risk himself.
Mr. Blinken. I saw that. I read that article.
Senator Durbin. Can you give me your assurance, as you've
been asked by Senator Leahy and others, that this will be a
high priority to protect those men and women and their families
whose lives are at risk because they were willing to stand up
on our side?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, absolutely.
Senator Durbin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
Senator Murkowski, thank you again for----
Senator Murkowski. Certainly.
Chairman Leahy [continuing]. Allowing Senator Graham to go
before you. You are recognized.
Senator Murkowski. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, welcome, good to see you. Before I begin my
questions, I want to just follow on a comment that Senator
Shelby made with regards to the Nord Stream Pipeline and how
you reconcile that with the Administration's actions on
Keystone.
You've indicated that you're not going to get into the
domestic policy issues on Keystone, but I think it is worth
noting for the record that we do have some seeming
inconsistencies here when we are asking those in Europe,
Germany most notably, that keep away from Russia and yet in
just this past few months here, we've seen an increase in the
volume of oil that we receive from Russia on a daily basis.
We're now receiving more oil from Russia than we are from
the State of Alaska and that is something that again I think
when you think about consistencies of policies, this one just
doesn't make sense, particularly in light of the recent actions
by the Administration as related to ANWR (Arctic National
Wildlife Refuge). So we're going to keep pushing on ANWR and
following the law which is that those leases will move forward.
I enjoyed and appreciated greatly the conversations that we
had in Reykjavik at the Arctic Council. I think it is so
critical and so important that the United States be not only a
participant but really a leader when it comes to the Arctic
recognizing the opportunity that we have for levels of
cooperation. Your job most times is dealing with hot spots
where people are agitated and there are centuries of battles
that have gone on before. The Arctic is not that place and we
want to keep it that place, but it requires a level of
attention, more Arctic focus, and certainly more diplomacy to
ensure that the region remains peaceful and the U.S. interests
are preserved. You left that message at Reykjavik and I think
that that's important, but we also know that personnel and
policy are deeply, deeply tied.
So your plans in advancing Arctic diplomacy specifically
with administrative or personnel actions that you are taking to
put in place individuals whose real focus is on the Arctic?
Mr. Blinken. First, Senator, let me just say, as well, what
a real pleasure it was to be able to work with you at the
Arctic Council meeting and I share your conviction as well as
commitment to trying to do everything we can to make sure that
the Arctic remains a cool spot, not a hot spot, and I think the
work that we're able to do together, the work that I hope the
Administration and Congress can do together will continue to
move things in that direction. It is a place of peaceful
cooperation. We want to make sure that it remains such.
Two things: One is we are engaged in a review initiated by
the National Security Council, strategic review of policy
toward the Arctic and to that end very much look forward to
continuing to work with you, engage with you as we develop that
policy.
In terms of personnel, as you know, we were together with
our senior Arctic official who is our representative to the
Arctic Council. We also have a coordinator for the Arctic
Region who's responsible for the region more broadly beyond the
Arctic Council and is responsible for policy. We have a Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of Oceans and
Environment who also tracks this. So I think we have the senior
personnel that we need focused on this. The coordinator reports
to me directly.
Having said that, I'd welcome working with you and your
team to make sure that we are resourced appropriately and we
are set up appropriately to deal effectively with these issues.
Senator Murkowski. Well, as I've shared with you, we think
that we can have a more robust presence and a presence that
lends the credibility and the stature that the Arctic demands.
One last question for you. Senator Hirono and I have put
forward legislation urging the Senate to ratify the Law of the
Sea. This is something that has been around for a long period
of time. You will know that, but given the state of affairs
between the United States and China and in particular in the
South China Sea, as well as the very rapid emergence that we're
seeing in the Arctic Ocean as a place of commerce, your
comments on ratification of the Law of the Sea and the benefits
that it might provide to this country.
Mr. Blinken. My own judgment, Senator, and I'm speaking
here for myself because this is not something we've had an
opportunity to talk about with the President, so I want to
reserve that as a caveat, my own judgment is that the United
States would be extremely well served by ratifying the Law of
the Sea Treaty and this is something that is not only my
judgment, it's been the judgment across the board by our
military leadership, uniform and civilian, for many years.
As we're trying to uphold international law and as we're
trying to uphold the rights and responsibilities of different
countries when it comes to the use of the sea, we are in a very
significant competition and challenge with China which is
repeatedly abusing and undermining the rights of other
claimants and those rights are grounded, among other things, in
international law and in the Law of the Sea.
It does make it a little bit more challenging for us when
we are pushing back very hard on China for them to be able to
say, well, you cite the Law of the Sea, you're not even part of
it. My response has been, yeah, we do have some irony here
because we have not ratified the Law of the Sea but we abide by
it. You've ratified it and you don't.
But the reality is we would--I can just tell you
diplomatically, we would be on, to mix images here, on stronger
ground if we had ratification of the Law of the Sea, but I
think if you ask our military colleagues, they would tell you,
and I know you've had conversations over the years, they would
tell you this would strongly be in the national interests.
Senator Murkowski. Agreed. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you very much.
Senator Coons.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Secretary Blinken. Let me just follow on the
line of questioning you were just engaged in with Senator
Murkowski about China and our global competition and things we
can and should do to strengthen our position in the world.
Later today in what I think is a critical display of
bipartisanship, the Senate will come together to pass the
Innovation and Competition Act. This sprawling bill includes
within some sections specific to the State Department and
USAID. In fact, it authorizes about $8 billion for State and
AID that'll position us to better lead the world through the
adoption of industries of the future and to compete with China
through measures to boost R&D and revitalize manufacturing and
outlines a U.S. diplomatic and national security strategy.
Will you be willing to work with the SFOPS (State and
Foreign Operations) Subcommittee in a separate briefing on
China to discuss the ways we can make the best use of our
foreign assistance funds to counter Chinese influence, and will
you support the funds authorized in this bill and work with
this committee in the spirit of that legislation to keep the
emerging technologies of the future free and open and
consistent with our values as a critical part of our work to
advance democracy?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, and I have to tell you again that we
really applaud this initiative. I think it's very significant
as legislation. It's going to give us new tools, new resources
to deal more effectively with the competition, and I very much
welcome the opportunity to work closely with you, members of
this committee, other relevant committees, to put this into
practice.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
On my recent trip to South Korea, I had a chance to meet
with the leadership and staff of the Green Climate Fund and I'm
grateful for your leadership and President Biden's in restoring
our role as participants in the Paris Agreement, the Leaders
Summit the President held on climate in April.
The fiscal year 2022 budget includes critical funding for
programs like the GEF, the Global Environmental Facility, the
Climate Investment Funds, and the Green Climate Fund.
I'd be interested in hearing briefly how you see those
investments advancing our core values and interests around the
world.
Mr. Blinken. This, as you know very well, Senator, is a
critical year in a decisive decade when it comes to climate and
actually dealing with the challenge posed by climate change.
We have the COP26 coming up at the end of the year. We have
worked very hard from day one not only to raise our own
ambitions when it comes to curbing emissions but to making sure
that others did the same.
As you know very well, even if we do everything right at
home, we're 15 percent of global emissions and so that still
leaves the other 85 percent, and this is a global
responsibility. It's not just a U.S. responsibility, and
ensuring that other countries meet their responsibilities is
critical.
Initiatives, like the Green Climate Fund, are important
tools to do that. Some countries don't have the resources
necessary to engage in the adaptation that's required to meet
targets. So I think we have a responsibility to help.
Similarly, countries need to build resilience against some
of the ravages of climate change. There, too, we can help.
Senator Coons. As both Canada and the EU are moving towards
implementation of a carbon border adjustment mechanism, I look
forward to engaging with you on how the Administration is
thinking about the role of trade in achieving global climate
goals and how we help keep American industries and agriculture
production competitive in that global context.
Thank you for everything you've done to shine a real light
on the conflict in the Horn of Africa, in particular in the
Tigray Province of Ethiopia.
The U.S. Government provides about $600 million a year to
support the people of Ethiopia and has provided so far this
year $300 million to address the humanitarian crisis since it
began last November in Tigray.
I am gravely concerned about the ongoing scale of human
suffering, including reports of imminent famine and systematic
killings and sexual abuse. I'd be interested in hearing briefly
from you about what you think State and AID are doing and can
do about the lack of improvement in humanitarian access into
Tigray for the UN and U.S. humanitarian partners.
Mr. Blinken. Well, first, I just want to thank you for your
own leadership and engagement on this. You have been an
absolute champion in trying to move this to a better place,
including your direct engagement on a very important trip on
behalf of the President with Prime Minister Abiy and others,
and I think that gave us a good foundation that we've been
trying to work with, but to your point, it has been extremely
challenging.
We are seeing not only now the atrocities committed by
various forces in Tigray, Eritrean, Asmarans, as well as
Ethiopia, but to your point, a famine, not a natural famine but
one that is actually man- and woman-made in the sense that I
think there's the deliberate destruction of crops, of food
resources, as well as displacement of people that is causing
that.
As you know, we appointed a senior envoy, Jeff Feltman, one
of our most experienced diplomats, who, after working for the
State Department for 26 years, went on to be a senior official
at the United Nations. He is back with us. He, as you know, is
working on these separate but interrelated problems of Tigray
and, by the way, broader, as you know, ethnic challenges in
Ethiopia, the Ethiopia/Sudan border conflict and, of course,
the Grand Renaissance Stand, the GERD, and working on all three
to see if we can move this forward.
But, look, as you know very, very well, we need to see a
few things and we need to see them yesterday, not today. We
need to get all of these disparate forces out of Tigray
starting with the Eritreans and the Asmarans.
We need some kind of cessation of hostilities or ceasefire
and we need humanitarian access. So we're pushing on all those
fronts. We very much welcome continuing to work closely with
you to see if we can make some progress.
Senator Coons. Well, thank you. Just a last quick comment.
I'm so pleased to see your budget strengthening positions in
the State Department, adding 500 additional positions and
adding a Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer.
I look forward to working with you to invest in the
workforce of the State Department. Many of us who visit
embassies overseas have seen how they've been overextended in
recent years and I'm grateful for a budget that advocates for
the people of the State Department around the world.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you for your indulgence,
Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
We are going to recognize Senator Moran next, but before I
do, I should note we are going to have voting time fairly soon.
What I intend to do at the beginning of the first vote, which
will go on for a while, I am going to go and vote and I will
leave somebody else running the committee. I will go and vote
and come right back so that there will be time for everybody
who wants to ask questions to be able to. Thank you.
Senator Moran.
Senator Moran. Chairman, thank you.
Mr. Secretary, thank you for your service. Thank you for
your presence this morning. You and I don't know each other
well, but I would welcome the opportunity to change that and
offer me and my team the offer to you to work with you and the
State Department on the betterment of the United States and the
world.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Senator Moran. IAEA's (International Atomic Energy Agency)
Director General has called on Iran to answer questions about
uranium particles at former undeclared sites. Reuters reports
that the U.S. and European allies will not offer, will not
offer a resolution critical of Iran on this subject.
What is the plan to hold Iran accountable to its
international obligations in this regard?
Mr. Blinken. It needs to answer those questions, plain and
simple. We would be in an even better place to insist on it
answering those questions if we managed to get Iran back into
compliance with the JCPOA and if we were part of it, too. It
has mechanisms that allow us to insist on Iran making good on
access, making good on sharing information, but, regardless, it
needs to answer those questions. It needs to come clean about
past activities.
Senator Moran. Thank you. Let me mention a couple of
perhaps Kansas-specific things.
First of all, we've worked, me and my staff worked to
secure visas for those seeking to come to Kansas, and I
appreciate the conversations that I had earlier this year with
the Consular Affairs folks within the State Department on
expanding the national interest exemption to include
agricultural workers and other parts of my State's economy.
What I'm talking about here is that with the announcement
early on in the Biden Administration of visas being denied due
to COVID in certain countries, one of those is South Africa, it
is a country that provides workers, particularly in
agricultural harvest, from Texas to North Dakota, and we were
successful in getting them included in an exemption so that
they could continue to come here and work, and I'm grateful for
that.
But the bureaucracy, the paperwork, the backlog is still a
problem and harvest comes regardless of whether or not there's
a backlog, and those workers are hugely important, and I don't
know whether you have a specific way to solve that problem, but
it highlights for me--are the State Department employees
vaccinated? When do we have everybody back to work? Are we
there yet? If the answer to those questions is no, what else
can be done to meet these deadlines for us to feed Americans
and the world?
Mr. Blinken. Well, very happily, I can report that our
missions overseas are vaccinated and we got that done I think
in late April. It was a big challenge. I know my predecessors
had this frustration. There was an anticipation the State
Department would receive 300,000+ vaccines in December. We got
13,000 back then and we have been running as fast as we can to
make up the difference and happily we've gotten all of our
overseas missions vaccinated. So that's the good news.
Senator Moran. That's good news.
Mr. Blinken. That's allowing us, consistent with ongoing
safety protocols, I think, to be more effective in actually
processing visas starting to open that back up again.
However, as you know, various travel restrictions remain,
guided by the science, guided by what we're hearing from the
CDC (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) and other
colleagues, but we would like nothing better than to be able to
get back to business as usual.
Parenthetically, one of the things that suffered and our
budget tries to make good on is, you know, Consular Affairs and
the visa processing system has actually been a money winner for
the State Department over the years with the dramatic decline
in the issuance of visas because of COVID.
We now have a deficit that we have to make up, but my hope
is we'll be able to move forward and, by the way, in terms of
looking at exemptions or people who you think need to be able
to come here, we are very open to working with you and then
seeing what, if anything, can be done.
Senator Moran. Okay. Thank you. Having their approval to
come here is one thing. That's a beneficial thing. Actually
getting the process completed to allow them to come is the part
I wanted to highlight for you and again ask for your help and
encouragement to see if you can't find solutions to that
process.
Another topic I'd like to raise is there's a native Kansan,
Michael Sharp, and he was working for the United Nations when
he and a colleague were murdered in the Democratic Republic of
Congo. I commend the Embassy there for keeping me apprised of
this seeking of justice for those murders and that justice is
apparently being pursued and arrests have been made but the
trial has been delayed, and I just would ask for your
commitment to continuing Americans' assistance to the DRC and
in pursuit of that justice and ask you to keep me informed of
developments or how I can help.
Mr. Blinken. You have that commitment.
Senator Moran. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, thank you.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you very much, Senator Moran.
Senator Schatz is next, but I am turning the gavel over to
Senator Coons while I go and vote.
Senator Schatz.
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Secretary, for being here. I want to talk to you
about global press freedom. As you know, global press freedom
is on the decline. The pandemic has made this trend worse.
Reporters Without Borders found that journalism is completely
or partly blocked in 73 percent of countries.
Can you talk about what the State Department is doing about
that?
Mr. Blinken. I share your deep concern and this is, I
think, further evidence of the broader democratic recession
that we were talking about and that's usually often a leading
indicator of that backsliding of that recession.
So we are doing a number of things, many of which are
reflected in the budget. We have very active support programs
and protection programs, as well, for journalists, for those
who are working to provide citizens of the countries they're
working in basic information that they need, and happy to work
with you to make sure that those programs are as strong and
effective as possible.
At the same time, we have our own ways of combating
misinformation, disinformation that unfortunately is
proliferating around the world. The Global Engagement Center,
as you know, I think has been an effective vehicle for doing
that, and it is now the premier platform for sharing
information about misinformation and disinformation which is
also critical to this work.
But we're determined to do everything we can both in terms
of literally standing up and speaking out on behalf of
journalists who are not able to do their jobs, who are being
threatened, as well as programmatically various initiatives to
support their work.
Senator Schatz. In addition to the program level, Senator
Young and I have a bill to establish an ambassador-at-large for
global press freedom, and I'm hoping I can secure your
commitment to work with us on that legislation.
I understand the reservations about establishing another
ambassador-at-large, I get it, and yet it seems important that
we institutionalize these efforts towards global press freedom
so that it doesn't swing back and forth, depending on who the
president is.
Mr. Blinken. I'd be happy to look at that and work with
you.
Senator Schatz. Thank you. I want to talk to you about
youth engagement. More than a quarter of the world's population
is under the age of 15 and when you look at the global south,
it's closer to 50 percent in many countries. These are kids
that don't actually know the value of American-style democracy.
What they know is the Iraq War, the siege on the Capitol.
They're too young to know any of the extraordinary history that
we helped the world to defeat Nazi Germany, eradicate polio,
tear down the Iron Curtain.
We have a great story to tell, but I'm afraid that we're
not telling it internationally, and I think, you know,
obviously the first thing in winning over hearts and minds of
young people around the planet is to change our policies. I
think that has happened, but I do think we need a specific
engagement strategy with the world's young people who I think
do not understand the value proposition not just of freedom and
American ideals but America itself.
Mr. Blinken. Yes, I very much agree with you, and I think
one of the best investments we make--and, by the way, I really
want to thank this committee because over the years it's not
only sustained that investment, it's actually grown it, but
among the best investments we make are in our exchange
programs, particularly those focused on young people.
We have an extraordinary record in this government over
many Administrations, going back many years, in identifying
young people at a very early stage who years later go on to
play prominent roles in their countries, in government, in the
private sector, in academia, in science, et cetera, and when
they participate in these exchange programs, it builds a
relationship with the United States, it builds an understanding
of the United States that more often than not stays with them
for their entire lives, and the influence that they wield in
their own societies is usually good for us.
I went back to look--this is some years ago. These numbers
are probably out of date, but of the people who took part in
our exchange programs at a young age, more than 50 went on to
win Nobel Prizes, thousands became leaders of industry, more
than 300 became leaders of their countries. We have a good
track record and it builds relationships in a very powerful
way.
One quick example that you know very well, as well, the
Young African Leaders Initiative has been, I think, a
tremendous success, one that we're trying to continue. 1.3
billion people in Africa, median age 19, to your point. We have
to find ways to engage them.
Now it sounds like in a continent that big, 1.3 billion
people, getting 5, 10, 15, 20,000 people in one of these
programs sounds like a drop in the ocean, but again I go back
to the proposition that the people that we manage to identify
and that come into these programs tend to go on to have very
important successful careers in whatever they pursue and they
build networks among themselves that expand out and they tend
to have a very favorable view of the United States.
Senator Schatz. I'm glad to hear you say that. One final
point on this is that we shouldn't outsmart ourselves right
now. I met with Wendy Sherman last week and she said after a
pretty extraordinary global tour, she said everywhere she went,
the first, second, and third priority for every head of state
and her counterpart that she met was COVID and vaccinations and
so we have not just a moral obligation to everyone who resides
on this planet to deploy the vaccine as quickly as possible but
an extraordinary opportunity to change the view of America
across the planet by not outsmarting ourselves.
All these programs are great, but the main thing that we
can do and the main thing that we should do is to get as much
vaccine out there as we possibly can.
Mr. Blinken. I couldn't agree more, and the President, as
you know, has instructed us now to push out 80 million vaccines
between now and early July and that will be--once that is done,
by a factor of five more than any other country has shared
around the world.
We're going to build on that. When we have excess vaccines
beyond July, we will be contributing those and we're working
very hard to significantly increase production around the world
so that we can do that. I could not agree more.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Senator Coons [presiding]. Senator Capito.
Senator Capito. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Secretary Blinken, for being with us today. I
really appreciate it, and thank you for your service.
I'm the Ranking Member on the Senate Appropriations
Subcommittee for Homeland Security, so I'm going to ask two
questions related to that. As we know, migration from non-
Mexican/non-Northern Triangle countries is skyrocketing. I have
just a chart here from the date May 27 through June 2nd, 2021,
and I just did a rough estimate. 6,000 or so, more than that
maybe over the week, Ecuador, Venezuela, Brazil, Haiti, Cuba,
Chile, Romania, and my question revolves around your budget
request because you request 861, eventually going to 4 billion
for Northern Triangle with the goal of controlling the
crossings at the southern border.
How will this help control the migration that we're seeing
from non-Northern Triangle countries that we have coming to the
southern border, and do you plan to expand this request to
other countries as those numbers go up because they are
increasing, and I'm sure you're well aware of that?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, you're very right to put the spotlight on
this. So I've seen those numbers, as well.
I think what we have to do is to make sure that in each
case we understand what is driving that migration. It varies,
as you know, from country to country, place to place.
Among the places that you cited, of course, Venezuela has a
catastrophic economic situation brought about by the gross
mismanagement of the Maduro Regime as well as, of course,
political repression, et cetera. There's a driver there.
Nicaragua, of course, is heading in exactly the wrong
direction when it comes to sustaining democracy. That is a
driver, as well as the economic situation.
So I think what we need to do is look in each situation at
what is driving this and how do we address that. Also, what is
contributing in a practical way. So, for example, in some of
these countries, we've seen many people transiting through
Mexico. We're working very closely with our colleagues in
Mexico to address some of these specific situations that you
just raised.
Senator Capito. Thank you for mentioning that. I do think
that Mexico has changed some of their policies----
Mr. Blinken. They have.
Senator Capito [continuing]. And, for instance, migrants
can fly into a Mexican airport close to our border with limited
visa requirements and simply walk from the airport across the
border. I mean, this is definitely a problem.
We can argue about what all of the issues are. The issues
are there are more people that are from different countries.
It's costing our country and their countries and we need to
find a solution here to crack down on this because I think the
American people when they think a 170,000 people are coming
across the border illegally a month is astronomical.
Let me ask you a question on ransomware. CISA
(Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency), which is
under the Homeland Security, they've been working to mitigate
cyber breaches, and I know this is part of your budget request,
too, and ransomware attacks. We've obviously seen the one most
recently with the Colonial Pipeline and I'm sure there's many
more that we don't know about, but others, certainly even one
of our local hospitals had a ransomware attack.
How are you working with our allies diplomatically on a
collective approach to mitigate these ransomware attacks, and
also the DOJ has recently elevated ransomware to the same
priority level as terrorism. Will the Department of State also
commit similar resources to tackling this issue and ensure that
ransomware criminals wherever they exist are brought to
justice?
Mr. Blinken. In short, we will. This is front and center as
a priority for us. We've seen already, to the point you make,
potential devastating impact this can have and it is by
definition now an international problem and so an international
obligation. So we were talking about this a little earlier.
We are, among other things, getting together with other
concerned countries first to try to establish the principle
that any state that harbors criminal enterprises or
organizations engaged in ransomware that is not acceptable and
they need to take action against it and if not, there's going
to need to be some consequences.
Second, there's a lot that we can do on a coordinated basis
internationally to try to disrupt some of these criminal
networks and enterprises. That's what we're working on.
Senator Capito. Would the President be speaking when he
takes his trip tomorrow on this very topic?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, he will.
Senator Capito. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you and the President for
restoring confidence in our allies and taking on our
adversaries and reviving American global leadership.
In order to be successful, we've got to make sure that we
match our ambitions with resources and I appreciate the budget
request you've made to this committee. There's some areas where
I would propose even additional amounts, but I think this is a
really good proposal, and I think all of us know if we don't
show up around the world, we lose, and this budget says we're
going to show up.
I'm also glad to see the Biden Administration asserting
global leadership in the global fight against the pandemic and
that's not only the right thing to do, it's also in our self-
interests to slow down mutations that could come back to our
shores and bite us.
So I'm glad to see that you've committed the $80 million--
excuse me--80 million doses as well as the $4 billion and I
would urge the Administration and urge the United States as we
develop the capacity for more vaccines to work with our
partners to do even more.
I'm hopeful that maybe the upcoming G7 or on your upcoming
trips, we'll be in a position to do even more because as
important as 80 million is and as important as the CoVAX
commitment is, the demand and need is much higher.
We've also seen, as you know, some of our adversaries,
especially China, using the vaccine in a quid pro quo fashion,
not simply to immunize people but to extract concessions from
governments.
I want to talk a little bit about your recent trip that you
took to the Middle East in the aftermath of Hamas' attacks on
Israel. I'm pleased to see you're talking about replenishing
the Iron Dome, was also pleased to see that you were announcing
humanitarian assistance and other help to Palestinians who have
nothing to do with Hamas and doing so in a way to make sure
that Hamas is not the beneficiary. You previously indicated
that you want to restore that relationship between the United
States and the Palestinian Authority.
Could you just clarify what the Administration's intentions
are with respect to UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees) funding? Is it your intent to
restore that to the full amount that the United States provided
before the previous Trump Administration?
Mr. Blinken. That is the objective, but just to be very
clear in doing that, we are also determined that UNRWA pursue
very necessary reforms in terms of some of the abuses of the
system that have taken place in the past, particularly the
challenge that we've seen in disseminating in its educational
products, anti-Semitic or anti-Israel information. So we're
very focused on that.
UNRWA, I think, has leadership that is engaged now in
making sure that they have in place processes to prevent that
from occurring going forward. We're looking at that very, very
carefully.
Senator Van Hollen. And I fully support that effort. I
think that has to be, you know, part of the understanding and
commitment made by UNRWA and its leadership. I know you're
engaged in those conversations now.
While you were in the West Bank, you also indicated that we
were going to begin the process of reopening the consulate in
Jerusalem in order to, you know, have a better unilateral
dialogue and that obviously is important to achieve the
ultimate goal when the conditions are right for a two-state
solution, which you and the President have indicated is our
goal.
Do you have a timeline for that action with respect to the
consulate?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you for raising that. I think to your
point, re-establishing the consulate that was there for decades
before is a critical means for us to engage more effectively
with the Palestinian people as well as with the Palestinian
Authority and so we now have to go through a process that has a
series of steps that I'm happy to discuss with your team.
I can't put an exact timeline on it. I hope we could get
this done in a matter of months, but it is a critical vehicle
for us to engage more effectively with the Palestinian people.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And finally----
Senator Coons. Senator Van Hollen, we have several other
members waiting.
Senator Van Hollen. Oh, I'm sorry. Did I go over?
Senator Coons. You've gone about 5 minutes over.
Senator Van Hollen. Oh, I apologize for that. All right. I
had 4 minutes. I thought I was heading to 5. Sorry about that.
Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Senator Hoeven.
Senator Hoeven. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, what efforts are you making to advance the
Abraham Accords and shore up the diplomatic support for Israel
against Iran, not only Iran directly but also the terrorists
that it supports, like the recent Hamas attacks in Israel?
Mr. Blinken. We strongly support the Abraham Accords. This
is an important initiative and I think, as we see more
countries working to normalize relations with Israel, that's a
good thing.
So two things, Senator. One, we're working closely with the
various countries that have already signed on to the
normalization process to try to see what we can do to help
advance that, to strengthen it, to support it.
Second, we're engaged with other countries that might in
the future choose to sign on to encourage them to do the same
thing.
Senator Hoeven. So you believe that is the correct strategy
to pursue the Abraham Accords?
Mr. Blinken. I do.
Senator Hoeven. Good. And you're doing that vigorously?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, we are.
Senator Hoeven. Thank you. Our States on the Canadian
border, not only our citizens but many others, want to be able
to travel into Canada. This is particularly the time of year
with beautiful weather up there.
What do you anticipate in terms of the border and do you
anticipate it will remain closed after June 21st? What are you
doing there on the northern border? We're trying to balance the
security issue, which we also work on with CBP. We have 900
miles of border responsibility, but, you know, we're used to
going back and forth with our good friends, the Canadians. What
are we going to do here?
Mr. Blinken. We're very much engaged on this. I've had
multiple conversations with my Canadian counterpart on this. We
understand in particular our fellow citizens who live in border
States the difficulties, challenges that this has presented.
Now we've tried and we've worked very hard over the months
to at least keep the border going for critical trade, for
essential travel. We've worked to get exemptions as necessary,
but I'm particularly concerned with communities especially that
have to transit through Canada----
Senator Hoeven. Right.
Mr. Blinken [continuing]. In order to go back and forth,
very sensitive to that.
What I can tell you is we're working closely with the
Canadians to see if we can make sure that the ability of our
citizens to go to and fro is sustained. I welcome working with
your office on that to make sure that we know where there are
particular problems and seeing if we can work through them.
Senator Hoeven. Yeah. We would really appreciate that, and
there is a pent-up demand and certainly for Canada, our great
friend and ally, but also just international travel, and then
the pent-up demand for passport services.
Mr. Blinken. Yeah.
Senator Hoeven. It's certainly got to be a priority.
Mr. Blinken. Appreciate that.
Senator Hoeven. Talk about your strategy vis-a-vis China
relative to their nuclear build-up. What are you doing? I mean,
what is your diplomatic strategy to address China's nuclear
build-up and, frankly, you know, their militarization in the
South China Sea and just in general their more aggressive
military posture towards our country?
Mr. Blinken. We have seen, we are seeing China make more
investments in its nuclear program and seek to build its
arsenal and this is something that I think we need to engage
because it presents a growing challenge. So this is something
that we're focused on. We're working on it and would be pleased
to come back and talk to you about that in more detail.
Senator Hoeven. But your strategy is, is it to include our
European allies? What is going to be effective with them?
Mr. Blinken. There are two----
Senator Hoeven. They sell so much into our market. You
know, we talk about how we need to be able to export to them
and all these kind of things, but they need us in terms of, you
know, all the products and services that they're selling here,
but what do you think is our strategy? What's our leverage to
be effective with them?
Mr. Blinken. Well, I think our leverage is multifold. We
had a chance to talk about this a little bit earlier. In any of
these areas, the foundational piece of this is to be able to
approach China from the position of strength and the elements
of that strength are, one, strong alliances and partnerships.
That is a strategic asset for us that China doesn't have. When
we are working and speaking collectively with others who are
aggrieved by China's practices in one area or another, we're
much stronger, we're much more effective just in the economic
realm, to cite one example. Alone, we're about 20-25 percent of
world GDP. When we're working in concert with other
democracies, we're 50 of 60 percent of world GDP. It's a lot
harder for China to ignore. So alliances and partnerships,
that's a critical piece.
Second, actually leaning in and engaging in these very
imperfect international institutions. The challenge there is
that these institutions tend to set the rules, the standards,
the norms. When we pull back, China fills in, and it has a
stronger hand in setting the rules on new technologies, for
example. We're leaning in, making sure with our allies and
partners that we're present.
Third, what you've just done or on the verge of doing, I
think this afternoon, with this very important legislation that
is making the right investments in ourselves, in our
technology, in R&D, in our workers, that is fundamentally our
greatest source of strength when it comes to competing and
dealing effectively with China and, of course, our military,
our deterrent capacity. All of those things have to be married
together.
Senator Hoeven. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you, Senator Hoeven.
I should note, just to interject here, that I live about an
hour's drive from the Canadian border. A lot of my wife's
family lives in Canada. We used to just go back and forth. We
also have homes, even businesses, even a library in Vermont
that are half on the U.S. side, half on the Canadian side. You
know, obviously it is almost a cliche, the longest unguarded
frontier in the world. We have got to get back so we can have
open and easier back and forth with--I mean, most countries
would give anything to have a neighbor like that to the north.
Senator Kennedy.
Senator Kennedy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Secretary, thank you for being here. I have watched you
operate and I don't mean that in a pejorative sense and I want
to tell you I've been impressed.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Senator Kennedy. Of course, I reserve the right to change
my mind, and there are a lot of things I want to talk to you
about today but I'm not. I'm going to talk about what I think
is an overarching opportunity that we're missing. I think the
State Department is missing it, I think the Congress is missing
it, and I think President Biden is missing it. So we're all
missing it in my judgment.
The coronavirus is not over. It's better in the United
States, but it's not better in South America. It's not better
in Sub-Sahara Africa. It's better but not good in India, and
the facts are the facts. I don't mean this to be a political
statement.
The virus came from China. The best vaccines came from the
United States, and we have an opportunity right now to
demonstrate to the world what American leadership looks like.
We have an opportunity right now to do the right thing to help
save lives, to do the smart thing in terms of our national
security and to check the rise of the Communist Party of China,
not the people of China. The people of China are good people,
but the members of the Communist Party of China are pirates.
Now we know that many countries like the United States have
the ability to manufacture and to store and distribute the
vaccine but a lot of countries don't and it's dangerous. Not
only is it immoral us not addressing this problem, it's
dangerous for the United States as the virus mutates.
In my opinion, what I would encourage you to encourage the
President to do is this week to announce that of all of our
foreign policy issues, and they're all important, everything
from Myanmar to--I get it, but our single most important
priority for the rest of the year is going to be to vaccinate
the world.
I'm not talking about 20 million doses here, 10 million
there. I mean to vaccinate the world. I don't know how many
doses that is, 500 million, a billion, a billion and a half.
It's the right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do. It
won't be popular in some quarters, but we ought to do it
anyway.
Now the funding, I think you would find that you would have
a bipartisan effort from the United States Congress to find the
money. Not all my colleagues are going to agree with me on
this, but I think we could find money to do it from the last
coronavirus bill. I didn't vote for it. I thought it was
unnecessary, expensive. I thought it wasn't right for the
coronavirus. It was sold to us as an economic disaster relief
bill. Clearly we're not in an economic disaster anymore.
I think we could repurpose some of the money, but I don't
want to fight about that now. But I would strongly encourage
you to do that.
Let's show the world what American leadership is all about
and that will pay far greater dividends than anything we can do
in terms of summits or foreign aid and it's also the right
thing to do, and I just don't think the Administration is
seizing this opportunity, and I think you're missing a
political opportunity. From my side, that's bad, but for the
world, it would be good.
Mr. Blinken. Senator, can I just say that I am in violent
agreement with you.
Senator Kennedy. Let's do it.
Mr. Blinken. And I could not have said it any better than
you did, and I would just say stay tuned.
Senator Kennedy. Good.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
I would note for Senator Kennedy and others--I know he
agrees with this--during the Ebola plague, when I and others
were pushing to give aid to other countries, we just reminded
everybody the Ebola plague was one airplane trip away from the
United States. Even if we want to be just selfish about it, we
have a reason, but as the wealthiest nation on earth, I think
we have a moral humanitarian reason to.
Senator Hyde-Smith.
Senator Hyde-Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you
for being here, Mr. Secretary, and speaking of humanitarian
efforts, Mr. Secretary, as you are aware, Israel is our closest
ally in the Middle East and has seen major violence within the
region just in the past few weeks.
Being a democracy surrounded by many enemies whose stated
policy is the destruction of Israel, U.S. support of Israel and
its right to defend itself is of vital importance.
Ensuring U.S. funding does not benefit terrorist
organizations is in our national security interests and a duty
to our allies. With that in mind, what assurances can you give
the committee that U.S. funding for humanitarian aid will not
end up in the hands of Hamas or Palestinian terrorist groups?
Mr. Blinken. We're determined to make sure that that's the
case and I agree with you, both in your statements about
Israel, the threats that it faces, and the need to ensure that
as we work to not only deal with the grave humanitarian
situation in Gaza but ultimately to reconstruct and rebuild
that nay assistance provided does not wind up in the hands of
Hamas or Palestinian, Islamic, Jihad or any other terrorist
group that has vowed destruction of Israel.
Based on my conversations with Israeli leaders, I was just
there, as you may know, as well as with the United Nations, the
Palestinian Authority, the Egyptians, and others, all of whom
have an interest in seeing Gaza rebuilt, we believe that we can
put in place the right process, the right mechanism, the right
oversight to ensure that funds used to rebuild, taxpayer funds
in our case, would not go to Hamas.
By the way, I think it's critical for another reason. It's
hard to ask other countries to make these investments, as well,
in potentially rebuilding Gaza if everything that is rebuilt is
going to be lost again in the future because of Hamas' actions.
So I think everyone has a stake in this and based on the
conversations that I've had, I think we're convinced we can put
in place the right kind of mechanism to do it.
Senator Hyde-Smith. Thank you for that answer.
Also, I'm deeply concerned by President Biden's decision to
eliminate protect life and global health assistance. This life-
saving policy protected taxpayer dollars from subsidizing
foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortions
overseas, such as the International Planned Parenthood and
Maria Stokes International.
Your budget would funnel even more taxpayer dollars to
these organizations by increasing the slush fund for
international family planning, reproductive health, by $8.7
million. Promoting abortion in poor developing nations,
especially when those nations have pro-life laws in place right
now, harms the most vulnerable and undermines the goodwill we
seek to do with global health assistance.
Do you believe it is appropriate to force the American
taxpayers to fund the global abortion industry by funneling
millions of dollars more to a slush fund that benefits planned
parenthood internationally?
Mr. Blinken. Senator, we take very seriously the
proposition that, one, the sexual and reproductive health and
rights of women and girls are key to their health and well-
being and want to make sure that the support exists to do that.
As you know well, women and girls in particular have been the
victims in so many different ways of COVID, of conflict, and
denying access to reproductive health only exacerbates the
problem.
Having said that, we also take very seriously the
proposition that we are not in the business of funding
internationally the funding of abortion.
Senator Hyde-Smith. Well, that is a great concern that my
State has and I think a lot of organizations can certainly
speak to that, as well.
And I do want to be associated with Senator Kennedy's
remarks. Now is the time for Americans to shine, that we have
developed this vaccine in record speed, that is just the most
phenomenal health care that I can possibly think of, and I do
want to be associated with those remarks.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Senator Hyde-Smith. And the Keystone XL Pipeline, that's
already been discussed thoroughly here already. So I just won't
linger on that, but I think that we have to answer to a lot of
Americans who lost their jobs because of this and the effect
that it's had on this industry and it's hard for me to go home
and look at them and explain to them why that they lost their
jobs. So I just wanted to make that point.
Thank you----
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
Senator Hyde-Smith [continuing]. Very much, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. And I would note--I appreciate the comments
on global vaccinations--I would remind everybody here that in
December, when I was Vice Chairman of this committee, I
included $4 billion for the Global Alliance on Vaccination and
Immunization in the Omnibus Spending Bill. That money is now
being used. So I am glad to have support from you and from
Senator Kennedy for that type of operation, because having done
it once, I intend to be doing it even more.
Senator Murphy.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Good to see you, Mr. Secretary. Thanks for spending time
with us today.
I want to applaud you and the President for your quiet and
effective diplomacy in bringing an end to the crisis in Israel
and inside Gaza. I hope and I trust that this committee will
continue our robust support for our security partnership with
Israel, but I wanted to draw your attention today to the need
to also address what will be both short-term and long-term
humanitarian crisis in Gaza itself.
You have, I think, rightly turned back on funding for the
United Nations Relief and Works Agency, and I would love your
thoughts on whether there will be room to get that back up to
the sort of 2017-2016 levels of $360 million per year and
whether the Administration is discussing plans to join the
international community in helping to rebuild Gaza after the
course of the latest conflict.
Second, I just would ask for your thoughts on the continued
wisdom of the blockade. A lot of folks supported the blockade
when it began over a decade ago because people thought it was a
means to sort of force Hamas out of power, and also a means to
make sure that very dangerous weapons don't get into Gaza that
could be used against Israel.
Well, Hamas is still there and as we saw through the
dizzying pace of rockets being launched from Gaza into Israel,
that blockade didn't seem to effectively prevent Hamas from
being equipped with pretty serious weaponry. What it does is
result in 50 percent of the population being out of work which
unfortunately tends to feed Hamas narrative.
So your thoughts on relief efforts going forward in Gaza
after the crisis and the wisdom of continuing the blockade?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you very much, Senator.
Two things. On the relief efforts, I think there are two
critical pieces to this. One is the immediate humanitarian
because we do have a very, very challenging situation in terms
of the most basic things, water, sanitation, sewage,
electricity, and that needs to move forward as quickly and as
effectively as possible.
Then there's the question of actual reconstruction,
rebuilding, and to your point--and, by the way, I had lots of
conversations when I was in Israel with Israeli counterparts
but also with Palestinians and then in Egypt and Jordan, other
places.
Hamas feeds off of misery and despair. That's the lifeblood
of this organization and so I think there's a recognition,
including on the part of Israelis, that it's not only the right
thing to do but the smart thing to do to try to give people,
including in Gaza, a better perspective and better hope for the
future, including the ability to have jobs, put money on the
table, and build a future.
So what we are looking at with our partners in Israel, with
the United Nations, with the Palestinian Authority, with Egypt,
and others is a process for engaging in the reconstruction in
ways that will sustainably benefit Gazans but not put money
directly in the pockets of Hamas to engage in the activities
that have only brought destruction and ruin upon Palestinian
people. So we're very focused on it.
To your other point, we had, as you alluded to, restarted
our assistance programs to the Palestinians before this
conflict. We added funds to that to deal with the immediate
needs in Gaza and we're working with other countries to make
sure the resources are there.
Senator Murphy. Very quickly on Ukraine, Senators Shaheen,
Portman, and I just returned. There is an impressive list of
reforms that both Poroshenko and Zelensky Government have
engaged in in the middle of an ongoing war with Russia, but
lately it seems like we have gone one step forward and two
steps back.
The President spoke to President Zelensky yesterday.
There's an upcoming trip. Are there specific reforms you'd like
to see the Ukrainians deliver on prior to President Zelensky's
trip to the United States?
Mr. Blinken. Yes, Senator, and I was there myself about, I
guess, a month ago and had very good conversations with
President Zelensky and the rest of his team and the challenge
that you know so well is that Ukraine faces aggression on two
fronts, external aggression from Russia but internal aggression
from corrupt forces that are eating away at the democracy that
it's trying to build, and so there are a number of areas where
it's important that Ukraine make progress, particularly in
having an independent judiciary that functions and is chosen,
vetted, and has independent oversight, corporate governance,
particularly with its state-owned enterprises, that is
transparent, and actual implementation of, for example,
anticorruption laws.
It's very good that they've passed important legislation
but that's not enough, as we know. They actually have to be
implemented, and we need to see people engaged in corrupt
practices actually brought to justice. That sends a powerful
signal that these aren't just words on a piece of paper. They
actually mean something.
So I think we're looking to see progress in all of those
and several other areas, as well.
Senator Murphy. Well said, Mr. Secretary.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Murphy.
Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Secretary Blinken, it's very good to see you again.
Mr. Blinken. Good to see you.
Senator Hagerty. I know you've been traveling the world. I
have been traveling myself a bit, too. I just got back from
Israel this past week. There, I saw the aftermath of what Hamas
has done launching rockets into Southern Israel. Over 4,000
rockets in that attack, as you well know.
It was very clear to me that that attack would not have
happened, that capability would not have exist were it not for
the funding and the support of Iran. So what I'd like to talk
with you about for a few minutes is Iran. As I watched our
negotiators in Vienna discussing sanctions relief for Iran
while Iran's proxy, Hamas, is unloading rockets on Israel in an
indiscriminate fashion, I mean, I went to homes that had been
destroyed, civilian homes that had been destroyed by these
rockets that came from Hamas, it's extremely disheartening to
imagine that we would be considering sanctions relief for Iran
at a time that would put tens of billions of dollars more into
Iranian hands that they could use to continue their role as the
world's largest state sponsor of terror.
These sanctions were very hard-fought. You and I've talked
about this before. I worked for months to get Japan to stop
purchasing Iranian oil, hard-fought, hard to get that in place.
These sanctions are binding and they're very hard to put in
place, and the notion that we would relieve these sanctions
when Iran has already announced that they're going to restock
Hamas, they're going to help Hamas rebuild their terrorist
network to again be in a position to threat, harass, and attack
Israel as we think about what Iran's obvious intentions are, I
believe, Mr. Secretary, that Iran will do everything in its
power to use the billions of dollars that might be relieved in
sanctions relief to put that toward terrorism. Money's
fungible.
You've talked about this, but I'd be very interested to
hear your comments on how we can assure that any sanctions
relief that might occur toward Iran doesn't wind up funding
more terror.
Mr. Blinken. I very much appreciate your concern and I
share it. A couple of things. The Iran-Hamas relationship has
been a real problem for a long time. It was a real problem
before the nuclear agreement was achieved. It was a problem
during its pendency. It's been a problem since and even under
maximum pressure.
So this is a relationship that has brought a lot of
destruction and misery, starting with the Palestinian people,
by the way. The most recent--and so there's been support by
Iran for Hamas in terms of know-how, technology, rockets, all
of that.
Our best assessment, public assessment of the most--and I
think the Israelis have shared this, as well--of the most
recent violence perpetrated by Hamas is that most of these
rockets are now unfortunately indigenously produced by Hamas
within Gaza. They're not coming in from the outside. Some are
but most of them are not. That doesn't excuse in any way the
relationship.
The challenge is this, an Iran with a nuclear weapon or
with the ability to produce one on very short order as a result
of being able to make fissile material very quickly is an Iran
that's going to act with even greater impunity when it comes to
its support for proxies, terrorist groups like Hamas
destabilizing activities in the region.
We have a strong interest, I think, in the first instance
trying to put the nuclear problem back in the box because right
now without the constraints of the agreement Iran is galloping
forward. It's producing more fissile material. Its stockpile
has increased more than 10 times beyond what it was allowed to
have under the agreement. It's spinning more advanced
subterfuges. It's enriching to 20 percent in some cases and
even a little bit at 60 percent.
The end result is the time that it would take Iran to
produce fissile material on short notice for a nuclear weapon
has gone down from where the agreement put it at a year or more
to now a matter of months and if this keeps going, it will
eventually be a matter of weeks and that's an Iran that's going
to be even more dangerous in terms of thinking it can get away
with the things it's getting away with.
Nothing we would do in the nuclear agreement would remove
our ability to go hard on Iran in these other areas. I share
your concern, though.
Senator Hagerty. I'd clarify this point, though, that even
under the JCPOA Iran did not comply. They hid from
international inspectors their nuclear archive. Their intention
has always been clear to obtain a nuclear weapon and I want to
make certain that if we do provide any sort of sanctions relief
that we don't do it in a way that you take every step possible.
I know that you will, but you take every step possible to
ensure that those funds do not make their way back into the
sponsorship of terrorism that Iran is so notorious for
undertaking.
Mr. Blinken. I share that.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you.
The last vote has started and so I want to thank everybody
for being here, but I--oh, I am sorry, Senator Reed, my
neighbor to the south. Senator Reed, please.
Senator Reed. Well, thank you. It's easy to overlook
someone my size. So I completely understand.
Chairman Leahy. No, no, no. You are a giant in the Senate.
Please go ahead.
Senator Reed. Thank you.
Let me welcome Secretary Blinken and thank him for the
service he rendered not only today but for many, many years to
the Nation. Thank you.
The Global Engagement Center at the State Department has an
awesome responsibility to integrate, synchronize, coordinate
all efforts designed to upset disinformation efforts aimed at
undermining the United States, et cetera.
Do you have the structures and process and the resources in
place to do that because it's a whole-of-government operation?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you for putting a spotlight on that,
Senator. I believe that we do and I believe that it is vitally
important.
The work that it does to try to educate, expose, mitigate
disinformation is, as we know, increasingly important, and I
think the good news is the Global Engagement Center has become
really the premier platform for not only exposing but sharing
that information with partners, partner countries around the
world so that we can act together.
We've also put in place a rapid response mechanism, working
with other countries, to go right back at disinformation and
misinformation.
So we have asked for the resources in the budget to make
sure we can sustain effectively the operations of the Global
Engagement Center, but certainly welcome working with you on
that to make sure it's as effective as possible.
Senator Reed. And how do you integrate defense capabilities
and intelligence capabilities since they have substantial
knowledge of activities particularly outside the United States
that are directed at misinformation and maligned activities?
Mr. Blinken. Well, their part of the challenge is making
sure that we're working across the Government, as well, and
making sure that we are fully linked up and coordinated with
the other agencies. They're bringing to bear some of the
information that they're getting and then our job at the State
Department in particular is to try to use that information to
more effectively coordinate with other countries, to make sure
that we're dealing with this problem not alone but working
closely with others.
But it starts at home both with what the Global Engagement
Center itself and the work across the Government.
Senator Reed. Are you satisfied that there is appropriate
support for this effort by Defense Intelligence and other
agencies, Homeland Security?
Mr. Blinken. My sense is that as a general proposition,
yes. Can we do more? Can we do better? Can we be more
effective? Yes, as well. So I think it would be good to work on
that to make sure we're doing it.
Senator Reed. I look forward to that. And, Mr. Secretary,
switching to another topic, Afghan, the Afghan Government, you
recently announced $300 million in civilian aid for
Afghanistan. Of course, we are still committed to providing
military funds, not personnel but funds, to sustain.
Can you give us an idea of how those funds are going to be
used, your funds, and also how are you going to essentially
deliver them when the presence of the United States is shrunk
dramatically?
Mr. Blinken. So this is a challenge that we're working on
and that is vitally important that we address. Our withdrawal
of forces is not a withdrawal from Afghanistan. The Embassy, a
strong Embassy, will remain in place and we're working on
everything we need to do to make sure that we can sustain that
diplomatic presence as well as the diplomatic presence of
others.
The Embassy will be responsible for all of our programs and
our ability to sustain economic, humanitarian, development, and
security assistance is critical and the Embassy is the linchpin
of that.
There are, for sure, challenges that we're going to have to
address, particularly not only the provision of assistance but
the oversight to make sure that it's being used appropriately.
It'll be tougher, but I think we feel we can put in place
the right process, the right means working with Congress to get
that right, but we're determined to do it.
Senator Reed. I will presume you'll agree with me. Congress
should move very quickly to pass legislation to increase the
visas, the SIV, for personnel that have been very critical to
our operations in Afghanistan, and also streamline the process.
We have a moral obligation. I think you can just simply
agree or not.
Mr. Blinken. I could not agree more.
Senator Reed. Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Mr. Blinken. Appreciate it.
Senator Reed. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Leahy. Thank you, and I agree, too. We have seen
this after other conflicts.
Senator Braun, I believe you will probably be the last
person because we have 5 minutes left in this vote. You have
your 5 minutes.
Senator Braun. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Wall Street Journal indicated that there was a study in
process on the origin of the virus and that the State
Department did shut the ongoing probe down in January. Why was
that done, and did you consult with Drs. Fauci and Collins in
making that decision?
Mr. Blinken. Thank you. I saw the report. I think it's on a
number of levels incorrect. This is my best understanding,
Senator.
The previous Administration asked a contractor to come in
to pursue an internal inquiry into the origins of the COVID
virus with a particular focus on whether it was the result of a
lab leak. That work was done. It was completed. It was briefed
to relevant people in the department.
When we came in, we also were made aware of the findings.
The previous Administration, the Trump Administration, it's my
understanding, had real concerns about the methodology of that
study, the quality of the analysis, bending evidence to fit
preconceived narratives. That was their concern. It was shared
with us.
But the bottom line is the work that was contracted for was
completed and it was made known. This was the work of one
office and a few individuals in it, not a whole-of-government
effort to get to the bottom of what happened. That's exactly
what President Biden has ordered.
We now are in a 90-day effort led by the intelligence
community to find out to the best of our ability where this
virus came from and that's the way we're going to get at it.
Senator Braun. Speaking of the Intelligence Committee,
Senator Hawley and I got through the Senate with unanimous
consent that is nearly impossible to do, for our intelligence
agencies to release any classified information redacted for
anything that would, you know, need to be.
Would you recommend that that occurs so all of us can see
it, including committees here as well as the American public,
the information we have?
Mr. Blinken. Two things. I don't want to get into the
equities of the intelligence community. It's not my place to do
it, but as a matter of basic principle, I think we need to make
sure that we understand, the American people understand, the
international community understands where and how this virus
originated because if we don't know that, we will not be able
to put I place the measures necessary to make sure that this
doesn't----
Senator Braun. Are you for declassifying that information?
Mr. Blinken. Well, again, I say this with a big caveat
because the equities of the intelligence community, depending
on, as you know, where it came from, sources and methods, et
cetera, those have to be respected, but I think we should have
as much transparency as we possibly can with whatever
information we find.
Senator Braun. And the harder nut to crack would be getting
the Chinese to be open and transparent.
Mr. Blinken. That's correct.
Senator Braun. What tools would you recommend that
President Biden use to make sure that happens when they have
been so opposite of that in the journey through COVID and when
you look at all the havoc that's been created along the way? It
seems like to get to the bottom of this, they need to be fully
transparent, willing to admit what might have happened, and
have got to be part of the solution. What tools do you bring to
bear to get that to happen?
Mr. Blinken. First of all, I agree with you, and I think,
as you've said, if you look at this from day one, the
government in Beijing did not, to say the least, meet its basic
responsibilities in transparency, sharing information, giving
access to experts, especially in the early days when it might
have made a real difference, and unfortunately that's continued
to this day, including with the report done by the World Health
Organization that did not benefit from that kind of
information-sharing, that kind of transparency.
So I think a couple things. We need accountability for what
happened and who, if anyone, was responsible, and if that's not
forthcoming, I think you're going to see a rising international
chorus that will be demanding of China or in any other
situation, any country that's failing to meet its
responsibilities, and we will look at whatever tools are
appropriate to make sure that information is forthcoming.
Senator Braun. So beyond a chorus and jaw-boning, what
particular tools or sanctions do you think would come into play
and how far do we go to get to the bottom of it?
Mr. Blinken. Well, I don't want to get into hypotheticals
going forward. What I can say for today and also be happy to
work with you and colleagues on this is we will make sure that
we have and others have tools in place to strongly encourage
countries, including China, to actually meet their
responsibilities to the international community.
Senator Braun. I think the country is watching and the
world is watching and it'll take us and you and the President
to galvanize those efforts.
Thank you.
Mr. Blinken. Appreciate that. Thank you.
ADDITIONAL COMMITTEE QUESTIONS
Chairman Leahy. Thank you very much.
With that, we will conclude. I want to thank all the
Senators who are here, both sides of the aisle, but especially
Secretary Blinken. It is good to have you here. I have had many
comments from Senators, again in both parties, say how good it
is to have a Secretary of State give clear, direct answers. I
know it means a lot to me.
We will keep the record open for written questions to be
submitted by 5 p.m. next Tuesday, June 15th.
[The following questions were not asked at the hearing, but
were submitted to the Department for response subsequent to the
hearing:]
Questions Submitted by Chairman Patrick Leahy
Question. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed how terribly unprepared we,
and most of the world, were to control a deadly new virus, which more
than a year later continues to wreak havoc in India, Brazil, and many
other countries. The World Health Organization fell short, CDC fell
short, China withheld important information, and the previous
administration made a bad situation exponentially worse. Global
economic losses attributable to COVID-19 are in the trillions of
dollars and rising. What are the most important lessons the Department
has learned from this pandemic, and what is your strategy for preparing
for the next one so we don't repeat past mistakes?
Answer. The Department is using lessons learned and an analysis of
what is needed to reexamine its approach to global health security and
ensure improved global preparedness. We are working through the
elements of a multi-pronged and multi-year strategy to strengthen and
modernize the global architecture for health security. We are
advocating for WHO reform; and we successfully negotiated for a Member
State Working Group that will work towards specific recommendations for
strengthening and reforming the WHO, consider amendments to the
International Health Regulations, and improve early warning and
response systems with clear triggers for action.
We are also working to identify new global health security
financing and governance mechanisms.
Question. Like those who need Special Immigrant Visas because of
their past association with the U.S. Government, Afghan scholars are
very vulnerable and they are critical for preparing the next generation
of Afghan leaders. What plans does the Administration have to rescue
Afghan scholars who may be targeted? Would you support designating
funds to help rescue Afghan scholars and utilizing the global higher
education network to host them around the world?
Answer. The Department of State is exploring all options available
to assist Afghans at risk due to their affiliation with the United
States and its values. The Department is actively engaged in
contingency planning with international organizations and NGO partners
in Afghanistan and neighboring countries most likely to receive refugee
outflows from Afghanistan. We are also engaged in humanitarian
diplomacy to coordinate an international response and to urge
neighboring countries to accept Afghan refugees seeking international
protection. Furthermore, the Department currently manages funding for a
significant number of scholarships for Afghan students inside and
outside of Afghanistan in support of Afghanistan's next generation.
Question. Cuba: Why aren't you adopting an approach of engagement
with Cuba, as President Obama did and as you have said in many contexts
is the best way to resolve differences with governments we disagree
with? How do you justify maintaining the failed Trump policy of
isolation and sanctions which infringe on the rights of Americans, hurt
the Cuban people, and have achieved none of their objectives?
Answer. The Biden-Harris Administration has committed to carefully
reviewing U.S.-Cuba policy to tailor it to advance the goals the
Administration is trying to achieve, including improving the political
and economic wellbeing of the Cuban people. As part of the ongoing
review, the Department of State has actively engaged, and continues to
engage, with a wide range of stakeholders representing diverse
opinions. The views shared by Cubans, Cuban-Americans, and other
stakeholders provide valuable information to policymakers, and in that
regard, we appreciate and thank you for your white paper on this
matter, as well. In our efforts, we will continue to seek to empower
the Cuban people to determine their own future.
Question. These issues were examined in depth by the Obama
Administration. How long do you expect your review of U.S. policy to
take, and when are you going to restore Americans' right to travel to
Cuba and the ability of Cuban Americans to send remittances to their
families?
Answer. We are committed to carefully reviewing policy decisions
made in the prior administration, including the restrictions on travel
and remittances. As part of the ongoing review which has no set
timeline, the Department of State has actively engaged, and continues
to engage, with a wide range of stakeholders representing diverse
opinions with an eye to assessing impact on the political and economic
wellbeing of the Cuban people.
Question. Why not provide training and other support to Cuban
private entrepreneurs, whose biggest competitor is the Cuban
Government, and whose businesses depend on American customers?
Answer. The Department of State supports independent labor groups
and cuentapropista associations to advocate for worker rights and
promote opportunities for economic self- determination. We seek to
empower the Cuban people to determine their own future and will focus
our policy so that it advances the goals the Administration is trying
to achieve, including improving the political and economic wellbeing of
the Cuban people.
Question. And why wouldn't it be in our interest to cooperate with
Cuba on COVID, law enforcement, maritime security, environmental
conservation, and other area of regional and bilateral interest?
Answer. While we have serious differences with Cuba on a range of
issues, we agree we should engage directly with the Cuban government on
these and other issues of mutual concern that are in the interest of
the United States. Additionally, we support direct engagement with a
large swath of Cuban civil society, and we are already doing so as part
of our review of Cuba policy. We will seek to empower the Cuban people
to determine their own future.
Question. What are we doing to help Haiti find a way out of this
worsening crisis? Have you considered appointing a Special Envoy, as
you have for the Horn of Africa? Shouldn't our focus be on supporting a
transitional governing authority that represents a broad spectrum of
Haitian society to prepare the country for elections?
Answer. Restoring democratic institutions to Haiti will require
legislative and presidential elections this year so that Parliament can
be restored, and President Moise can transfer power to a democratically
elected successor in February 2022. If Haiti's political leaders work
together in the best interests of the Haitian people, free and fair
elections are possible, and could serve as an important step toward
political stability. To achieve this goal, we continue to engage with
Haitian political leaders and civil society from Embassy Port-au-Prince
and at high levels in Washington. While Haitian political leaders'
unwillingness to work together to find compromise solutions helped
propel Haiti into the present crisis, extra-institutional transitional
governments have also included political dysfunction.
Question. Does the administration have a Middle East policy (e.g.
specific goals and a plan to achieve them), and if so what is it, and
what would it require to succeed where others have failed? What forms
of leverage are you prepared to use to convince both sides to stop
provoking each other, and making the chance for peace more remote?
Answer. Yes. The Administration believes that Israelis and
Palestinians alike deserve equal measures of freedom, security, and
prosperity, which is important in its own right, and as a means to
advance to a negotiated two-state solution. Ultimately, peace will
require a negotiated, mutually agreed resolution to the conflict. Plans
that are rejected out-of-hand by one side or the other are not a
constructive starting point. We are strongly encouraging both the
Palestinians and the Israelis to avoid unilateral actions including
settlement activity, annexation of territory in the West Bank, and
demolitions, as well as incitement to violence and providing
compensation for individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism.
Question. What forms of leverage are you prepared to use to
convince both sides to stop provoking each other, and making the chance
for peace more remote?
Answer. We are strongly encouraging both the Palestinians and the
Israelis to avoid unilateral actions, including settlement activity,
annexation of territory in the West Bank, and demolitions, as well as
incitement to violence and providing compensation for individuals
imprisoned for acts of terrorism. We are pursuing an affirmative and
practical approach that encourages constructive, positive steps to
preserve the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution. To that
end, we will need to avert possible flashpoints in the weeks ahead,
rebuild, and address the causes that led to the recent crisis.
Question. Egypt has a military government that has crushed its
opposition and silences its critics with harsh imprisonment. Protected
speech is outlawed as terrorism. There is no longer a free press. Civil
society is harassed and subjected to crippling laws. The justice system
is deeply flawed.
The Administration's budget request proposes $1.3 billion in
military aid for Egypt, and to eliminate the democracy and human rights
conditions on a portion of the aid. How does that square with the
Administration's insistence that democracy and human rights are at the
core of our foreign policy, and aren't you concerned about the message
it sends to the Egyptian people?
Answer. The Budget Request for fiscal year 2022 reflects the
Administration's intent to use FMF resources to support key U.S.
national security interests in Egypt including counterterrorism, border
security, and maritime security. At the same time, the President has
underscored the importance of having a constructive dialogue on human
rights with Egyptian authorities as we pursue these interests.
Promoting a stable, prosperous Egypt where the government protects
human rights is a core objective of U.S. policy. We will continue to
consult with Congress about our shared interest in improving human
rights in Egypt. We will continue to work to implement the Leahy laws
regarding FMF to Egypt.
Question. We are all concerned about China, and there is a lot of
talk about countering Chinese influence. There are countless pages of
legislation pending in Congress that aim to do that, but we don't know
what, if anything, will be signed into law. So I am wondering: What
authorities don't you have that you need to counter what the Chinese
are doing?
Answer. The PRC poses the most significant challenge of any nation
to the interests of the American people. To counter the PRC
government's provocative and coercive actions, we are working to
sustain our key military advantages, defend democratic values, champion
human rights, invest in advanced technologies, protect critical supply
chains and infrastructure, and restore our vital security and economic
partnerships. Responding quickly to these challenges requires resources
and flexible mechanisms commensurate with the challenge, both to push
back on PRC influence and to define and advance an affirmative,
democratic alternative.
Question. What resources--staff or program funds--are in your
budget request for this?
Answer. The greatest geopolitical challenge that the United States
faces in the 21st century is the relationship with the PRC. The fiscal
year 2022 Budget Request addresses this risk across all Foreign
Assistance (FA) and Diplomatic Engagement (DE) accounts. The $300
million Countering PRC Malign Influence Fund (CPMF) and $910 million in
DE will continue to support U.S. efforts to challenge threats to a
stable and open international system and increase the capacity of U.S.
partners and allies to deter PRC aggression. The request also includes
$1.6 billion in FA that demonstrates U.S. leadership in advancing a
free and open Indo-Pacific and adds 48 positions to support increased
reporting efforts and the regional platform of more than 4,000 USDH
across all agencies that will reassert forward-looking global
leadership and engage the PRC from a position of collective confidence
and strength.
Question. Does the Administration have a clear strategy for U.S.
global engagement and leadership that can be an effective counterweight
to China?
Answer. The Biden-Harris Administration will work closely with
allies and partners to address the China challenge from a position of
strength. We won't just mend our alliances, we will modernize them for
the world we face. We are committed to working with partners to combat
COVID-19 and climate change; to face down foreign election interference
and corruption; to strengthen our defenses in cyber space; and to
produce and secure the technologies of the future. We will support our
allies and partners who also speak up against China's attempts to
undermine the international rules-based system and our shared values.
Question. Even before the inauguration, the Administration
announced its plan to provide $4 billion over 4 years for Central
America to address the root causes of migration. If I thought money
alone could solve the problems there I would be all for it. But we have
spent billions of dollars in Central America over the past 20 years to
address the same problems, with dismal results. There is plenty of
blame to go around, but mostly I think it is due to corrupt leaders who
were far more interested in weakening the institutions of democracy and
enriching themselves, than in helping their people. We treated them as
legitimate partners and made excuses for them. The Obama Administration
tried the Alliance for Prosperity. Frankly, it was disappointing. The
Trump Administration tried building a wall. That was never going to
work, and it completely ignored the causes of migration. What do you
plan to do differently and what do you think you can achieve?
Answer. At President Biden's direction and under his February 2
executive order on migration, we are refocusing and sharpening our
efforts. The executive order lays out a comprehensive approach to
regional migration, which includes asylum system reforms, addressing
root causes of migration, expansion of legal pathways, and working with
regional partners. Based on past experience, the Administration has
made fighting corruption a key priority, and we will work with leaders
and civil society to make governments more transparent and accountable.
We are learning from what has worked and what has not worked, targeting
programs to communities of those most likely to migrate. The
Administration is also focused on promoting transparency and good
governance to create the enabling conditions for broad-based economic
growth since the absence of opportunities in the region is a major
driver of irregular migration. The Department and USAID take this
responsibility very seriously and are continually evaluating and
improving our foreign assistance programs to ensure they are
appropriately targeted and producing results.
Question. You have spoken of the need to diversity Foreign Service
and civil service personnel at the State Department, and you recently
created the position of Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer. This is
long overdue, and I commend you for it. How does the Department plan to
address longstanding issues of diversity, particularly system barriers
that prevent equal opportunity across the workforce?
Answer. Our Bureau of Global Talent Management established four
Barrier Working Groups in response to last January's GAO report on
diversity problems in the Department, and we will continue to do
barrier analyses moving forward removing or mitigating any barriers to
increasing diversity in our ranks. We will also finalize and then
implement a five-year diversity and inclusion strategic plan that
establishes a clear demographic baseline against which future progress
will be measured and holds Department leaders accountable for creating
a fair, equitable, inclusive, and accessible workplace. I want to
ensure that the Department recruits, retains, and develops a workforce
that looks like America.
Question. I think every member of the Appropriations Committee has
traveled abroad and met some of the diplomats representing the United
States. Americans traveling, working, studying, serving, and living in
foreign countries depend on them. Your predecessors supported budgets
that would have slashed funding for the State Department and our
embassies. This Committee did not support that. What percentage of the
positions at our embassies and consulates are vacant today, and do you
have a plan--and are the funds in your budget request--to fill those
vacancies or create new positions?
Answer. We manage a 10-12 percent overseas vacancy rate in a
variety of ways (e.g. temporary duty annuitants, Civil Service limited
appointments, and eligible family members). Following a review of
staffing priorities, we realigned 95 Foreign Service (FS) positions to
our highest priority political, economic, and public diplomacy
understaffed positions in 70 missions to better align with current
foreign policy priorities. We have several actions proposed for fiscal
year 2022 including an increase of 130 new FS generalists across the
regional bureaus, 21 new overseas facility managers to provide project
oversight at our embassies, and $21 million for Diplomatic Security to
quicken the security clearance process, enabling us to hire employees
more rapidly.
Question. I am glad to see your request to pay a third of our UN
peacekeeping arrears in fiscal year 2022, and the plan to pay the
balance in fiscal year 2023. You have also proposed language to enable
us to pay our 27.8 percent assessment, so we don't keep adding to our
arrears. Have you considered also changing the way we pay our
assessment for the UN regular budget and other international
organizations, so that rather than always being a year behind, we pay
what we owe the year it is due?
Answer. Yes, I am aware of the issues related to the timing of
payment of assessments for the UN regular budget. My understanding is
that this situation has existed since the 1980s and also affects
organizations other than the UN. Though not included in the fiscal year
2022 request, the Department is considering options for synchronizing
payments for the UN regular budget and would welcome the opportunity to
discuss the matter further with the committee.
Question. What is the current length of time it takes the State
Department to process an authentication request filed today?
Answer. As of June 21, the Office of Authentications processes
requests within six weeks, down from 13 weeks in January. The Office of
Authentications expedites services for emergencies and life or death
situations.
Question. Can you explain the specific steps the State Department
is taking to reduce the backlog of cases awaiting authentications?
Answer. To reduce the backlog, we have increased the Office of
Authentications staffing by detailing 11 staff from other passport
services divisions, in addition to the use of overtime. Detailees have
been trained to process and authenticate documents and many will remain
in place until pre-pandemic processing times are reached.
Question. Does the Department have the resources it needs to
successfully return the authentications timeline to pre-pandemic
levels?
Answer. The Department currently has resources to return the
authentications timeline to pre- pandemic levels. Those resources are
the additional detailees from other passport services divisions, as
well as the use of overtime. In addition, the extensive training these
detailees have received will provide the Department with the ability to
mitigate future workload backlogs in the Office of Authentications. The
Department uses Consular and Border Security Programs (CBSP) revenue
generated by other passport and visa services to fund these activities,
as the fees generated by this service are remitted to the Treasury.
Question. When can we expect the amount of time to authenticate
documents will return to the pre- pandemic levels?
Answer. We currently expect to return to pre-pandemic processing
times of one to two weeks and pending cases of 2,000 or fewer by the
end of July, provided the workload remains steady.
______
Questions Submitted by Senator Dianne Feinstein
Question. I was pleased that the Administration renewed New START
immediately upon taking office. We need to take a clear-eyed approach
to dealing with Vladimir Putin, but reducing the nuclear danger should
be a priority for cooperation between our two countries. I strongly
believe that verifiable arms control treaties can enhance transparency,
save on expensive weapons' development, and build trust. Secretary
Blinken, when do you expect to begin negotiations with Russia regarding
the follow-on treaty to New START?
Answer. As directed by President Biden, we are preparing for a
Strategic Stability Dialogue with Russia and are in the process of
scheduling a meeting. A high-level Department of State official will
lead the U.S. delegation. Through this dialogue, we seek to lay the
groundwork for future arms control and risk reduction measures. We seek
a stable and predictable relationship with Russia. We have also made
clear to Russia that this entails holding it accountable when it
disregards its international obligations and commitments, including
those related to arms control and nonproliferation, as well as
identifying opportunities for constructive engagement on areas of
mutual interest, such as strategic security.
Question. What are you hearing from your Russian counterparts
regarding their willingness to begin these discussions, and what are
the next steps in the process?
Answer. The Administration is in the process of scheduling a
meeting of the Strategic Stability Dialogue with Russia. In their
public statements, Russian officials have been positive about beginning
this dialogue. The United States plans to discuss next steps in nuclear
arms control and other strategic topics as part of this dialogue. We
seek a stable and predictable relationship with Russia. We have also
made clear to Russia that this entails holding it accountable when it
disregards its international obligations and commitments, including
those related to arms control and nonproliferation, as well as
identifying opportunities for constructive engagement on areas of
mutual interest, such as strategic security.
Question. I am concerned about the plight of those in Afghanistan
who worked with the United States military, such as interpreters and
security volunteers. The State Department reported close to fifteen
thousand pending Afghan special immigrant visa applications in December
of 2020 and the number has recently grown.
Secretary Blinken, does this budget request provide what you need
to get individuals who supported U.S. and Coalition Forces out of the
country if necessary?
Answer. The Department of State takes seriously its commitment to
assist Afghans at risk due to their prior service to the United States.
In conjunction with interagency partners, the Department is
participating in a robust NSC-led process to streamline SIV processing
and leverage all available options to protect Afghans under threat due
to their association with the United States. These interagency efforts
seek to identify SIV applicants who have served as interpreters and
translators to be relocated outside of Afghanistan before we complete
our military drawdown by September in order to safely complete the
remainder of the special immigrant visa application process. We look
forward to working closely with Congress on these efforts, including
any possible associated funding requests.
Question. The State Department budget includes a request of $320
million for consular services worldwide. I understand that since
January 22, 2021, the State Department has suspended the processing of
all Iraqi P-2 refugee applications pending further review. This creates
great hardship and danger for many of our friends. As an example Mr.
Laith Hammoudi risked his life as an Arabic interpreter employed by
American and British media companies, and his visa application has been
under review for 9 years. Secretary Blinken, why are P-2 applications
delayed, and when can we expect the State Department to resume
processing these applications?
Answer. I can confirm the State Department has requested an
appropriation of $320 million for our Consular and Border Security
Program (CBSP) account. However, Iraqi refugee processing is performed
by our Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration and funded out of
the Migration and Refugee Assistance appropriation.
The processing of applications to the Iraqi P-2 program was
suspended on January 22, 2021, in response to an indictment of
individuals involved in a fraud scheme targeting applicants to the
program. A review of all other pending Iraqi P-2 cases to assess
whether they are implicated in the scheme and to address remaining
vulnerabilities is ongoing. While I cannot yet predict when the review
will be complete, we are working as quickly as possible to be able to
resume processing legitimate applicants in need of resettlement.
______
Questions Submitted by Senator Joe Manchin, III
Question. In the U.S., coal production is down 30 percent from 2014
and coal exports have declined by 40 percent from 2018. However, there
are 1,063 coal-fired power plants that have been announced or are under
development around the world right now. China is involved in hundreds
of these as part of their Belt and Road Initiative. What role should
the U.S. be playing to ensure these fossil plants that are underway
will operate in the cleanest way possible with all commercially
available pollution and emissions controls? Is it possible for the U.S.
to provide alternative financing to these nations seeking to increase
their electricity access in an affordable and accessible manner?
Answer. I am collaborating with partners to mobilize resources,
policies, and technologies that accelerate the global clean energy
transition in support of the Administration's climate goals and
countries' nationally determined contributions. In April, we announced
our intention to double annual U.S. public climate finance to
developing countries. Our initiatives through the DFC and multilateral
development banks help partner countries attract private clean energy
investment and scale up technologies such as carbon capture,
utilization, and storage, to reduce pollutants in hard-to-abate
sectors. I am committed to ensuring the clean energy transition
strengthens environmental, social, and governance criteria.
Question. We cannot solve the global climate crisis on our own,
without global cooperation. How can we get India, China, Russia, and
indeed much of the world to do their fair share in reducing carbon
emissions?
Answer. We are already taking steps to ensure that other major
emitters are prioritizing climate action and doing their part to
confront this crisis. That's why President Biden's April 22 Leaders'
Summit on Climate reconvened the Major Economies Forum (MEF),
representing the world's 16 largest economies and the leadership of the
EU. We saw several dramatic new climate announcements at the recent
2021 G7 Leaders' Summit, which we hope to see carried forward by the
G20 later this year. We know that the clean energy and low-carbon
technology markets will represent some of the largest in the world in
the years to come, encompassing trillions of dollars--meaning that
countries who ignore will pass up prosperity, growth, and security.
Question. Secretary Blinken, as you know the President's budget
request calls for over $3.5 billion in reconstruction assistance for
Afghanistan for fiscal year 2022. I have been disgusted with the waste,
fraud, and abuse practices displayed by bad actors within the Afghan
government and our own contractors. And now with our military force
pulling out it is more important than ever to ensure that funding is
getting where it is intended. If we do nothing to clear up this
corruption we are guaranteeing control of Afghanistan will return to
the Taliban, which will result in a massive humanitarian catastrophe.
How seriously do you consider the recommendations of the Office of the
Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction?
Answer. The Department of State values the recommendations of the
Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR). We
agree with SIGAR's assessment that it is more important than ever to
ensure that U.S. assistance to Afghanistan is being used for its
intended purposes. All U.S. assistance to Afghanistan is monitored to
ensure it is implemented with accountability and transparency, and that
it is used to benefit the Afghan people and promote U.S. national
security interests. The United States has invested in systems and
processes that strengthen the rule of law and reduce Afghanistan's
vulnerability to corruption by improving transparency, financial
management, and the delivery of government services.
Question. What conditions do you intend to place on your portion of
this funding, and what ramifications do you foresee for continued
corruption?
Answer. All U.S. assistance to Afghanistan is monitored to ensure
it is implemented with accountability and transparency, and that it is
used to benefit the Afghan people and promote U.S. national security
interests. The United States has invested in systems and processes that
strengthen the rule of law and reduce Afghanistan's vulnerability to
corruption by improving transparency, financial management, and the
delivery of government services. At the 2020 Donors' Conference, donors
made clear that future funding levels would be contingent upon
maintaining Key Aid Principles agreed to with the Afghan government in
the Afghanistan Partnership Framework, as well as progress on
individual reform actions. Our Embassy works with civil society
organizations and members of parliament to increase understanding of
their rights and oversight responsibilities to prevent and mitigate
corruption and to support advocacy efforts to strengthen government
accountability in the use of public resources.
Question. One of the key problems with the previous
Administration's approach to China was its inability to bring our
allies along with it on trade, national security, and other issues. How
are you changing that?
Answer. The United States will engage and lead in international
institutions, not pull back and cede the field to Beijing to write the
rules and norms that govern those institutions. Whether competing with,
cooperating with, or confronting China, we will start from a position
of strength, shoulder to shoulder with our friends and allies. We'll
make clear that our overriding priority is to ensure that our approach
to China benefits the American people and protects the interests of our
allies and partners. We do not seek conflict, but we welcome
competition and will always stand up for our principles, for our
people, and for our friends.
Question. You have said that when you think about the foreign
policy priorities, you think about what it will mean for American
families and how it will make us stronger at home. How do you balancing
domestic concerns with foreign policy interests?
Answer. U.S. domestic renewal depends on our ability to renew our
role in our world--and our ability to renew our role in the world, in
turn, depends on our ability to renew ourselves here at home. A strong
U.S. middle class, domestic competitiveness, and national security are
mutually reinforcing. Our foreign policy must deliver for U.S. citizens
by making their lives more secure, creating opportunity for workers and
families, and prioritizing the global challenges that will increasingly
shape our futures: from responding to COVID-19 and the climate crisis,
to securing critical infrastructure and supply chains, to shaping the
rules that govern emerging technologies. Achieving these goals requires
a more integrated approach to foreign and domestic policy.
Question. With the deadline for American troop's withdrawal from
Afghanistan being September 11th, and with some estimates showing that
troops intend to be out by mid-July, we must ensure the safety of other
U.S. personnel in the country, including diplomats. What is the plan in
Afghanistan to protect America's diplomats serving in that country?
Answer. The safety and security of U.S. government personnel is one
of my top priorities. We continue to execute a safe and orderly
drawdown in accordance with the President's guidance for U.S. forces to
be out of Afghanistan by September. This drawdown is being executed in
coordination with our partners and in a manner that enables us to
maintain a diplomatic presence through the U.S. Embassy in Kabul.
Security at each and every diplomatic facility worldwide is constantly
assessed based on a variety of factors, with resources allocated to
ensure our personnel are well-positioned to counter any particular
threat. The Department of State will continue to coordinate and plan
with the Department of Defense to prioritize the safety of U.S.
diplomatic facilities and personnel in Afghanistan.
Question. What type of military contingent do you believe will
remain behind at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul?
Answer. The Department of State defers to the DoD for all issues
related to U.S. military contingency planning. State routinely
coordinates and plans with the DoD to ensure the safety of diplomatic
facilities and personnel worldwide.
Question. Do you believe that is sufficient?
Answer. The Department of State defers to the Department of Defense
on this question.
Question. The danger faced by Afghan Interpreters isn't new: in the
past, we have seen interpreters stranded in Afghanistan and killed
while waiting on visa processing. In the case of Sakhidad Afghan, a
brave 19 year old who started working as an interpreter for the U.S.
military, he was waiting for 3 years when he was then tortured and
murdered by the Taliban. With the U.S. Troop withdrawal from
Afghanistan, we need to ensure those who risk their lives for our
safety and freedom are ensured their safety. Can you please provide a
detailed update on the administration's efforts to help Afghan
interpreters who worked with our forces, put their lives on the line,
and are now in danger?
Answer. The Department of State takes seriously its commitment to
assist Afghans at risk due to their prior service to the United States.
In conjunction with interagency partners, the Department is
participating in a robust NSC-led process to streamline SIV processing
and leverage all available options to protect Afghans under threat due
to their association with the United States. This includes efforts to
identify Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) applicants who have served as
interpreters and translators to be relocated outside of Afghanistan
before the Administration completes our military drawdown by September
so they can safely complete the remainder of the SIV application
process. We look forward to working closely with Congress on these
efforts.
Question. Do you believe that the Taliban and al Qaeda may come
after those interpreters and their families?
Answer. We remain resolute in our commitment to Afghans who served
the USG at great personal risk and will continue to offer an option of
resettlement to those Afghans who have worked for or on behalf of the
United States via the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) program,
including potential relocation of interpreters and translators who are
already in the SIV pipeline outside of Afghanistan to safely complete
the SIV process.
Question. How many requests has the State Department received for
visas from Afghans who have served as interpreters with our troops?
Will you please submit to my office by next week a written list of all
that have been rejected and all that are under consideration?
Answer. The Department of State takes seriously its commitment to
assist Afghans at risk due to their prior service to the United States.
We are currently engaged in NSC-led efforts to identify SIV applicants
who have served as interpreters and translators to be relocated outside
of Afghanistan before the Administration completes our military
drawdown by September so they can safely complete the remainder of the
Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) application process.
SIV cases are opened when an Afghan emails the Department of
State's National Visa Center via at [email protected] and
expresses interest in applying for an SIV based on their prior service
to the United States, including interpreters and translators. The
approximately 18,000 individuals in the SIV pipeline would include all
interpreters and translators that have emailed the National Visa
Center's dedicated email address to express interest in a visa.
In fiscal year 2020, 400 Afghan translators and interpreters
received chief of mission approval after applying to the Afghan-SIV
program; 387 received approval in fiscal year 2019. Visa records are
confidential under Section 222(f) of the Immigration and Nationality
Act (INA). We cannot discuss the details of individual visa cases
including refusals.
Question. China has looked beyond its borders to acquire key
technologies and know-how, often through illicit means like cyber theft
which enable it to rapidly build an advanced military. Beijing's
approach relies in part on gaining access in the West while exploiting
civilian research and commercial entities through its military-civil
fusion strategy. How will the Biden Administration work with our allies
and partners in developing common standards and policies related to
high-risk investments and Chinese military actors' presence in our
markets?
Answer. The United States encourages our allies and partners, where
appropriate, to adopt or strengthen their national security investment
review mechanisms, such as those similar to the Committee on Foreign
Investment in the United States. The committee may share information on
best practices, investment trends, and where authorized by law,
information regarding transactions to help allies protect their own and
our national security interests. In addition, E.O. 14032 signaled the
Biden-Harris Administration's commitment to ensuring that U.S. persons
are not financing PRC-linked companies that undermine the security or
values of the United States, and we call on our allies and partners to
take similar actions.
Question. What potential do you see for the U.S. to work with
allies and partners in Europe and Asia to build trusted supply chains
in strategic industries?
Answer. Our objectives are to build trusted supply chains in
strategic industries, strengthen our diplomatic relationships, and
encourage foreign investment in the United States. With support and
participation from our interagency partners, we are engaged in
bilateral supply chain consultations with several countries in Europe
and Asia. We see significant potential for further multilateral and
regional engagement, particularly in Asia, Europe, and Latin America.
Upcoming and recent regional meetings, such as the U.S.-EU Summit
as well as those arising out of APEC, the Quad, and the U.S.-Mexico-
Canada Agreement (USMCA), all provide opportunities to engage.
Question. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also
known as the Iran Deal, was initially signed in 2015 by Iran and
several world powers. It placed restrictions on Iran's nuclear program
in exchange for sanctions relief. President Trump withdrew the U.S.
from the JCPOA in 2018. The Biden Administration has expressed that the
US would return to the JCPOA if Iran resumes compliance. What is the
current status of the JCPOA discussions with Iran and what safeguards
to we have in place to ensure Iranian compliance?
Answer. Iran's failure to comply with nuclear-related commitments
under the JCPOA continues to threaten our national security. The U.S.
delegation, led by Special Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, has engaged in
multiple rounds of talks in Vienna, where meaningful progress continues
to be made to reach an understanding on how we can achieve a mutual
return to compliance with the JCPOA. Still, outstanding issues remain.
If we are successful, Iran will once again be subject to the most
stringent verification and monitoring regime ever negotiated. In
addition, we will retain a range of diplomatic tools to enforce Iranian
compliance and be better positioned to address other concerns,
including Iran's missile proliferation and other destabilizing
policies.
Please know that Special Envoy Malley and his team stand ready to
brief Congress upon request and would be happy to provide you and your
team with an update.
______
Questions Submitted by Senator Martin Heinrich
Question. The United States has a responsibility, and an interest,
in supporting the elimination of COVID- 19 around the world and the
administration's plan to share 80 million vaccine doses by the end of
June is encouraging. With this plan in mind, how are you working to
ensure every American living and working abroad is able to access the
COVID-19 vaccine?
Answer. While the Department of State does not provide direct
medical care to private U.S. citizens abroad as a matter of course,
U.S. citizens overseas may receive vaccine doses where they are
eligible according to national vaccination plans. We are also ensuring
U.S. citizens who travel back to the United States are informed about
how they can be vaccinated easily and effectively and providing all
appropriate consular assistance to U.S. citizens in need overseas.
This includes publishing information regarding the host country's
vaccine availability and providing repatriation loans to assist
destitute U.S. citizens in returning to the United States.
Question. During the hearing, you mentioned the role Germany played
in the administration's position with regard to the Nordstream II
pipeline. How can the State Department work with the Departments of
Energy and Commerce in an effort to reduce Germany's reliance on
Russian oil and gas?
Answer. I remain committed to enhancing U.S. and European energy
security and to ensuring Russia cannot use energy as a coercive tool.
Coordinating with relevant U.S. interagency partners to achieve these
goals is critical to this work. We collaborate to advance development
of and investments in clean, renewable energy technologies domestically
and with allies and partners abroad. Advancing these endeavors enhances
diversity of supply and energy security, thereby reducing Russia's
ability to leverage its energy exports to spread malign influence. The
Administration is also working ceaselessly to ensure that critical
infrastructure, including allied and partner energy infrastructure, is
resilient to a wide variety of threats.
______
Questions Submitted by Senator Susan M. Collins
Question. The Administration has announced more than $360 million
in aid to the West Bank and Gaza, including funding in late-May to help
support recovery in Gaza. I appreciate that the State Department has
made clear that ``all of these funds will be administered in a way that
benefit the Palestinian people--not Hamas.'' How is the State
Department going to ensure that reconstruction funds and material
support to Gaza do not directly or indirectly aid Hamas?
Answer. As we do around the world, the Administration will provide
assistance in the West Bank and Gaza through experienced, and trusted
independent partners on the ground who distribute directly to people in
need. The Department and USAID have a robust vetting process to
mitigate the risk that USG resources could inadvertently support Hamas
or other terrorist groups.
In addition, our development and humanitarian partners in the West
Bank and Gaza have aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at
ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching those for whom we
intend.
Question. The Administration has announced more than $360 million
in aid to the West Bank and Gaza, including funding in late-May to help
support recovery in Gaza. I appreciate that the State Department has
made clear that ``all of these funds will be administered in a way that
benefit the Palestinian people--not Hamas.'' How will you ensure that
this aid complies with various U.S. laws designed to ensure U.S.
assistance does not support terrorism, such as the Taylor Force Act?
Answer. The Administration provides assistance in a manner
consistent with U.S. law and does not direct assistance to Hamas. As we
do around the world, the Administration will provide assistance in the
West Bank and Gaza through experienced and trusted independent partners
on the ground who distribute directly to people in need.
Question. During the recent conflict in Gaza, Hamas, which we know
is funded by Iran, repeatedly used civilians as human shields as it
launched thousands of rockets into Israel, often times undershooting
and killing innocent Palestinians as well. The Sanctioning the Use of
Civilians as Defenseless Shields Act (Shields Act) passed Congress
unanimously and became law in 2018.
This law requires the President to impose sanctions on foreign
persons involved in the use of human shields by Hamas or Hezbollah.
Will the administration impose any sanctions on any individuals under
this law?
Answer. We are actively working with Israel and other allies and
partners to counter the flow of materiel and financial support to Hamas
and other Gaza-based militant groups.
The Administration's efforts to counter terrorist organizations,
including Hamas, are ongoing and multifaceted and include imposing
financial sanctions, bolstering law enforcement cooperation with
allies, and engaging in diplomatic engagement with partners to
encourage action against the groups.
Question. The immigration crisis on our southwest border continues.
I have personally witnessed the impact of this crisis when I visited in
March. The State Department's fiscal year 22 budget request includes
$861 million to begin implementing a proposed four-year, $4 billion
plan to address the root causes of migration in Central America. I
understand you recently visited the region to discuss combatting
corruption, which continues to be a significant problem. Congress has
provided significant funding in the past and does not appear to have
much to show for it.
If Congress provides this funding, how can we be sure it will
actually help the people of the Northern Triangle and will truly help
stem migration to the U.S. border?
Answer. Central American citizens who migrate through irregular
channels to the United States do so for a range of reasons, but many
are driven by lack of opportunity and insecurity at home.
We are learning from past experience and targeting programs to
communities of those most likely to migrate. Drawing from the
experience of recent development efforts in Central America, we made
fighting corruption a key priority and will work with leaders and civil
society to make governments more transparent and accountable. We are
also focused on promoting transparency and good governance to create
the enabling conditions for broad-based economic growth since the
absence of opportunities in the region is a major driver of irregular
migration. We are working with local private sector and civil society
partners to understand the needs of people living in areas with high
rates of emigration and ensure our programs reach these communities. We
will regularly evaluate programs for efficacy. Additionally, our
efforts to address the root causes of migration are couched in a
comprehensive framework for regional migration which includes U.S.
asylum system reform, expansion of legal pathways, and regional
solutions.
Question. Will you work with me and within the State Department to
take measures to protect persecuted minorities such as the Banyamulenge
in the DRC?
Answer. Yes. I share your concerns about ongoing violence in the
region. We are pressing the UN and the government of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC) to proactively address violence among the
Banyamulenge, Bafuliro, Babembe, and Banyindu in South Kivu and bring
sustained peace and justice to their communities. The UN peacekeeping
mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) has a critical role to play in protecting
civilians from attacks, including those perpetrated against the
Banyamulenge community as well as those perpetrated by Banyamulenge
armed groups against other groups. We also continue to look for ways to
strengthen UN efforts to assess the humanitarian situation and support
communities in need.
Question. What additional assistance can Congress provide to
support you in ensuring these groups are protected and provided
assistance?
Answer. The United States has provided assistance to UN and
humanitarian aid organizations for education, health, food, and other
assistance to those displaced from conflict. I believe more must be
done to protect and provide humanitarian aid to the Banyamulenge and
all other communities subject to armed group violence in eastern DRC.
Congressional support for programs to collect information on armed
group leaders can potentially remove spoilers and nefarious actors,
promote accountability for those responsible for human rights abuses
and violations, and promote greater community dialogue to stem
violence.
Question. Pandemic preparedness is a critical component in
addressing the current pandemic and preventing future ones, and the
President's fiscal year 22 budget request includes significant
investments in global health security. Attention to routine health
services, however, is equally important. A survey by the World Health
Organization revealed that about 90 percent of countries are still
reporting one or more disruptions to health services. Countries still
must make important decisions when responding to COVID-19 that may
negatively affect access to care for other health issues, and the
longer it takes for low- and middle-income countries to be vaccinated
from COVID-19, the more opportunities there will be for deadly service
disruptions. How is the U.S. government working with partner countries
to ensure the continuation of essential health services, such as
routine immunizations for young children or maternity care, while at
the same time responding to COVID-19?
Answer. The high transmissibility and asymptomatic transfer of the
COVID-19 virus and its variants have made infection prevention and
control, as well widespread use of Antigen detection rapid diagnostic
tests Ag-RDTs, necessary services to ensure that continuation of
essential health services occurs. The USG has been working with partner
countries to quantify, forecast, procure, and deliver personal
protective equipment, and deploy infection prevention and control
strategies that ensure protection for both facility and community-based
front-line workers and clients.
Question. I have long led bipartisan legislation with Senator
Coons, the Reach Every Mother and Child Act, that would strengthen U.S.
government efforts to help end preventable child and maternal deaths
and was pleased to note that one of the very few new investments in
global health--other than in global health security--was for Maternal
and Child Health. Every year, one million newborns still die on the day
they are born, and we certainly need more progress and increased
attention to this issue, including a review of the current strategic
framework that is now outdated. Will you commit to working with me and
USAID to ensure that these programs are appropriately resourced and
prioritized in the months ahead?
Answer. Yes, I am committed to furthering USAID's flagship program
to prevent child and maternal deaths and welcome the opportunity to
work with you. In 2019 alone, USAID supported more than 84 million
women and children to access essential--and often lifesaving--care.
Prioritizing these programs will be critical to ensuring that
significant gains made on maternal and child survival are not undone
due to the COVID-19 pandemic. To that end, USAID is currently
undertaking a rigorous, data-driven country prioritization process to
ensure that maternal and child health resources are focused on
countries with the greatest needs and opportunities and to shape the
framework for maternal and child survival moving forward.
Question. Women's political participation results in tangible gains
for democracy, global prosperity, and more sustainable peace, as
emphasized in the U.S. National Strategy on Women, Peace and Security
and reiterated more recently in ongoing conversations related to the
Afghan peace process. Experts have made clear that the lack of
participation of women in peace processes risks the possibility of
sustainable peace for all. Investing in adolescent girls' civic and
political knowledge and leadership critically paves the way for their
active political participation as women, is essential for ensuring
their priorities are heard equally and results in more effective U.S.
foreign assistance. An investment in adolescent girls now is an
investment in global prosperity and sustainable peace for generations.
I have introduced bipartisan legislation with Senator Cardin, the
Girls' LEAD Act, to promote girls' leadership and participation in
civic and political processes through U.S. foreign assistance. How does
the President's budget request support this work?
Answer. The fiscal year 2022 request includes over $1.0 billion for
gender assistance globally, including $94.4 million for Women, Peace,
and Security (WPS) and $200 million to support a Gender Equity and
Equality Action Fund. These resources will support the political,
economic, and social empowerment of women and girls in all their
diversity, advance the WPS agenda, and prevent and respond to gender-
based violence globally, including in areas affected by conflict or
instability. Promoting gender equality and the empowerment of women and
girls is a human rights and strategic imperative that increases access
to education and economic opportunities, improves health outcomes,
advances stability, and fosters peace, justice, and democracy.
______
Questions Submitted by Senator Lindsey Graham
Question. Secretary Blinken: I am deeply concerned about the recent
reports in the media which suggest that voices from within the
intelligence and scientific community that raised concerned about the
origins of Covid-19 were silenced. According to these reports,
officials from within the Department of State discouraged employees
from investigating the possibility that Covid-19 originated in a
laboratory in Wuhan and escaped. Can I get your assurance that you will
investigate allegations that there was a group within the Department of
State that silenced individuals who raised concerns about the potential
that Covid-19 originated from a lab?
Answer. Under the previous administration, the Bureau of Arms
Control, Verification, and Compliance commissioned an internal inquiry
into COVID origins, and that work has concluded. The team responsible
for the inquiry never drafted a report but did brief their work to
Department staff. The Department continues to work with the interagency
on this matter, as needed and directed. President Biden tasked the
intelligence community to redouble its efforts to collect and analyze
information that could bring us closer to a definitive conclusion about
the origins of COVID-19. Further, he has committed to work with like-
minded partners to press China to participate in a full, transparent,
evidence-based international investigation and to provide access to all
relevant data and evidence.
Question. The World Health Organization's International Health
Regulations (IHR 2005) govern how member states collaborate and share
information on public health events and emergencies that could have an
international impact. More specifically, Articles 6 and 7 require
states to notify the WHO within 24 hours ``of all events which may
constitute a public health emergency of international concern'' and
``provide to WHO all relevant public health information.'' Do you
believe that the Chinese government has complied with its obligations
under the IHS 2005?
Answer. The pandemic has demonstrated the need for strengthening
the international response to public health emergencies, including the
timely sharing of information. We are committed to strengthening
compliance with the International Health Regulations and reforming the
WHO to ensure it can deliver on its vital global mission to advance
global health, health security, and the prevention of future biological
catastrophes. We have expressed our concerns regarding the need for
full transparency and access to the PRC with respect to all information
regarding the earliest days of the pandemic.
______
Questions Submitted by Senator Roy Blunt
Question. Secretary Blinken, on June 3, 2021, the Administration
announced it would donate 80 million vaccines to the international
community by the end of June. Did the Department of State fund the
vaccines that are being donated, and if so, what is the source of the
funds (by bill and section number)?
Answer. The 80 million vaccine doses planned for donation
originated from the U.S. surplus vaccine supply. I refer you to HHS for
further details on these vaccine donations.
Question. Secretary Blinken, on June 3, 2021, the Administration
announced it would donate 80 million vaccines to the international
community by the end of June. Specifically, which company's vaccines
are being donated? Please provide estimates based on vaccine producer
and number of doses.
Answer. The 80 million doses that the Administration is sharing are
safe and effective vaccines that have been authorized for use in the
United States, consisting of Pfizer, Moderna, and Johnson & Johnson
doses. We anticipate sharing U.S. AstraZeneca doses as soon as they are
available and cleared as safe for export by the U.S. Food and Drug
Administration.
Question. Secretary Blinken, on June 3, 2021, the Administration
announced it would donate 80 million vaccines to the international
community by the end of June. Finally, what is the cost per dose?
Answer. The 80 million donated doses are from existing U.S. supply
that was purchased by the previous administration. We refer you to HHS
for costing information.
Question. Secretary Blinken, on June 10, 2021, President Biden
announced the United States will purchase and donate 500 million doses
of Pfizer vaccine to the international community. It is my
understanding that the United States Government will pay the not-for-
profit price that Pfizer has set for low-and lower-middle income
countries. What is the price per dose?
Answer. The purchase from Pfizer will be at a not-for-profit price.
The contract will be finalized over the coming weeks, and the
Administration will make the terms of the contract public.
We cannot provide the terms until the contract is finalized.
Question. Secretary Blinken, on June 10, 2021, President Biden
announced the United States will purchase and donate 500 million doses
of Pfizer vaccine to the international community. It is my
understanding that the United States Government will pay the not-for-
profit price that Pfizer has set for low-and lower-middle income
countries. Will the price change between the 200 million doses
purchased in 2021 versus the 300 million doses purchased in 2022?
Answer. The price will not change for the purchased Pfizer doses
between those delivered in 2021 and 2022.
Question. Finally, will Department of State funds be used to
purchase these vaccines? If so, what is the source of these funds (by
bill and section number)?
Answer. Yes, we will use Department of State and USAID funding to
purchase these vaccines.
Although we are still finalizing the specifics of our funding plan,
we anticipate using supplemental funding Congress has made available.
We will share the full details as soon as they are available.
Question. Secretary Blinken, there is an open question as to
whether we may need vaccine boosters in the future. At two hearings
this year in the Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education, and
Related Agencies Subcommittee, both the National Institutes of Health
and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Directors testified
that they still did not know whether boosters are necessary. My concern
is that it could be very dangerous if vaccine companies, rather than
public health experts, are setting the public's expectations around
COVD-19 boosters. However, I recognize the need to be prepared, and
that includes potentially donating booster shots internationally. Was
this topic discussed at the G-7 summit in June? If so, what was the
nature of those discussions?
Answer. We would refer you to HHS and CDC on questions pertaining
to the possible need for boosters. Given the urgency and immediacy of
increasing global vaccine coverage right now, deliberations at the G7
focused on how member countries can expand coverage--by increasing
funding to COVAX, sharing surplus doses, and expanding vaccine
manufacture--in 2021 and into 2022.
CONCLUSION OF HEARING
Chairman Leahy. We have held three hearings now, one on
Infrastructure Deficit, Climate Change, and the American Jobs
Plan, one addressing Domestic Violent Extremism, and, of
course, this extremely important one on the State Department
Budget, and our role, our leadership in the rest of the world.
Next week we will have a Full Committee hearing on National
Security and Budget for the Department of Defense. Secretary of
Defense Austin and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Milley will be
here. I reiterate the need for Congress to begin bipartisan and
bicameral discussions with the White House to establish top
lines for fiscal year 2022 so we can get on with our work in
the committee.
But on a personal note, Secretary, it is great to see you
again and thank you for taking this time.
Mr. Blinken. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
[Whereupon, at 12:32 p.m., Tuesday, June 8, the hearing was
concluded, and the subcommittee was recessed, to reconvene
subject to the call of the Chair.]
[all]