[Senate Hearing 117-288]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]




                                                        S. Hrg. 117-288

       NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART III

=======================================================================

                                HEARINGS

                               BEFORE THE

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS


                             FIRST SESSION

                               ----------                              

                                Part III

                 October 5, 2021 thru December 14, 2021

                               ----------                              



       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
       
       
       
       
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                   Available via the World Wide Web: 
                         http://www.govinfo.gov
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                  NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, 
                        FIRST SESSION--PART III



                                                        S. Hrg. 117-288
 
       NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART III

=======================================================================

                                HEARINGS



                               BEFORE THE



                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE



                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS




                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                                Part III

                 October 5, 2021 thru December 14, 2021

                               __________



       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
       
       
       
       
       
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]




        Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
        
        
        
           U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
47-863 PDF      WASHINGTON : 2022        
        
        
        


                COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS          

            ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman          
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland             JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire            MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware           RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut          MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia                      ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts          RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                     TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey               JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                     TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland               MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                         BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                Damian Murphy, Staff Director          
       Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director          
                   John Dutton, Chief Clerk          






                             (ii)          

  


                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              

Responses to additional questions from the committee and any 
  other material submitted for the record are located at the end 
  of each hearing transcript.

                                 PART I

January 19, 2021--Blinken, Hon. Antony J., of New York, nominated 
  to be U.S, Secretary of State--hearing transcript printed as a 
  separate document in two parts:

    Part I: https://bit.ly/3yKm75m

    Part II: https://bit.ly/3OIPCd6



January 27, 2021--Thomas-Greenfield, Hon. Linda, of Louisiana, 
  nominated to be U.S. Representative to the United Nations--
  hearing transcript printed as a separate document: https://
  bit.ly/3AsQRsH



March 3, 2021....................................................     1

    Sherman, Hon. Wendy R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy 
      Secretary of State.........................................     9

    McKeon, Hon. Brian, of the District of Columbia, nominated to 
      be Deputy Secretary of State (Management and Resources)....    13

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................    60



March 23, 2021...................................................   171

    Power, Hon. Samantha, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International 
      Development................................................   176

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   207



April 15, 2021...................................................   263

    Nuland, Hon. Victoria, of Virginia, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Political Affairs).....................   269

    Zeya, Uzra, of Virginia, nominated to be Under Secretary of 
      State (Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights).....   272

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   292



April 28, 2021...................................................   353

    Jenkins, Hon. Bonnie D., of New York, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Arms Control and International 
      Security)..................................................   357

    Fernandez, Hon. Jose W., of New York, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Economic Growth, Energy, and the 
      Environment); Alternate Governor of the International Bank 
      for Reconstruction and Development; Alternate Governor of 
      the Inter-American Development Bank; and Alternate Governor 
      of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development....   360

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   379






                                 (iii)

May 19, 2021.....................................................   425

    Nichols, Hon. Brian A., of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (Western Hemisphere Affairs)..   431

    Sison, Hon. Michele Jeanne, of Maryland, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (International Organization 
      Affairs)...................................................   434

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   462



June 9, 2021.....................................................   493

    Andre, Hon. Larry Edward Jr., of Texas, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia..............   498

    Brewer, Hon. Maria E., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho.......................   500

    Mushingi, Hon. Tulinabo S., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Angola, and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and 
      Principe...................................................   503

    Aubin, Hon. Elizabeth Moore, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria..   505

    Young, Eugene S., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Congo......................................   508

    Lamora, Christopher John, of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon.....................   510

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   520



June 15, 2021....................................................   549

    Robinson, Hon. Todd D., of New Jersey, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (International Narcotics and 
      Law Enforcement Affairs)...................................   552

    Holmgren, Brett M., of Minnesota, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research).............   555

    Kritenbrink, Hon. Daniel J., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and Pacific 
      Affairs)...................................................   558

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   583




July 13, 2021....................................................   617

    Smith, Gentry O., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Diplomatic Security)...................   622

    Bitter, Hon. Rena, of the District of Colombia, nominated to 
      be Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs).........   625

    Medina, Monica P., of Maryland, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Oceans and International Environmental 
      and Scientific Affairs)....................................   628

    Knapper, Marc Evans, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam............   631

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   647



July 20, 2021....................................................   669

    Adams-Allen, Paloma, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Deputy Administrator of the U.S. Agency for 
      International Development (Management and Resources).......   672

    Donfried, Dr. Karen, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Assistant Secretary of State (European Affairs and 
      Eurasian Affairs)..........................................   675
    Phee, Hon. Mary Catherine, of Illinois, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) and a member 
      of the Board of Directors of the African Development 
      Foundation.................................................   677

    Witkowsky, Anne A., nominated to be Assistant Secretary of 
      State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations), and to be 
      Coordinator for Reconstruction and Development.............   680

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   695



                              ----------                              

                                PART II

July 27, 2021....................................................   739

    Gifford, Hon. Rufus, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief 
      of Protocol and to have the rank of Ambassador during his 
      tenure of service..........................................   745

    Satterfield, Lee, of South Carolina, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (Educational and Cultural 
      Affairs)...................................................   748

    Coleman, Hon. Isobel, of New York, nominated to be Deputy 
      Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International 
      Development (Policy and Programming).......................   751

    Lu, Hon. Christopher, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the U.N. for U.N. Management and Reform, 
      and to be the Alternative Representative to the Sessions of 
      the General Assembly of the U.N............................   753

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   768



July 28, 2021....................................................   789

    Salazar, Hon. Kenneth Lee, of Colorado, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the United Mexican States....................   795

    Lewis, Jessica, of Ohio, nominated to be Assistant Secretary 
      of State (Political-Military Affairs)......................   798

    Lu, Hon. Donald, of California, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (South Asian Affairs)...................   801

    Escobari, Hon. Marcela, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for 
      International Development (Latin America and the Caribbean)   803

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   823



August 5, 2021...................................................   859

    Raynor, Hon. Michael, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently and 
      without additional compensation as Ambassador to the 
      Republic of Guinea-Bissau..................................   863

    Ostfield, Marc, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Paraguay................................   866

    Fitrill, Troy Damian, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Guinea..................................   868

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   879



September 15, 2021 (a.m.)........................................   889

    Noyes, Hon. Julieta Valls, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (Population, Refugees, and 
      Migration).................................................   896

    Bauer, Hon. Denise Campbell, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the French Republic, and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco...................   899

    Smith, Julianne, of Michigan, nominated to be U.S. Permanent 
      Representative to the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty 
      Organization, with the rank and status of Ambassador.......   902

    Leaf, Hon. Barbara A., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Near Eastern Affairs)..................   905

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   929
September 15, 2021 (p.m.)........................................   997

    Kang, Dr. C.S. Eliot, of New Jersey, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (International Security and 
      Nonproliferation)..........................................  1000

    Scheinman, Hon. Adam, of Virginia, nominated to be Special 
      Representative of the President for Nuclear 
      Nonproliferation, with the rank of Ambassador..............  1002

    Bernicat, Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom, of New Jersey, 
      nominated to be Director General of the Foreign Service....  1005

    Crocker, Hon. Bathsheba Nell, of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the 
      U.N. and other International Organizations in Geneva, with 
      the rank of Ambassador.....................................  1007

    Carpenter, Dr. Michael, of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Organization for 
      Security and Cooperation in Europe, with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................  1010

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1028



September 22, 2021...............................................  1067

    Nides, Hon. Thomas R., of Minnesota, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the State of Israel..........................  1079

    Cohen, David L., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Canada..................................................  1082

    Telles, Dr. Cynthia Ann, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica...................  1084

    Udall, Hon. Tom, of New Mexico, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      New Zealand and without additional compensation to be 
      Ambassador to the State of Samoa...........................  1115

    Margon, Sarah, of New York, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor..  1118

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1130



September 28, 2021...............................................  1249

    Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
      and Development, with the rank of Ambassador...............  1256

    Gitenstein, Hon. Mark, of Washington, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the European Union, with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................  1259

    Flake, Hon. Jeffrey Lane, of Arizona, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey.......................  1262

    McCain, Cindy Hensley, of Arizona, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the U.N. Agencies for Food and 
      Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure 
      of service.................................................  1265

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1285



September 29, 2021...............................................  1311

    Sullenberger, Capt. C.B. III, of Texas, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative on the Council of the International Civil 
      Aviation Organization with the rank of Ambassador during 
      his tenure of service......................................  1318

    Gawande, Dr. Atul A., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for 
      International Development..................................  1321

    Cronin, Hon. Claire D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Ireland......................................  1323

    Logsdon, Kent Doyle, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova......................  1336

    Cromer, Sharon L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of The Gambia.................................  1339

    Palmer, Hon. Virginia E., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana........................  1341

    Van Vranken, Howard A., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.....................  1344

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1352
September 30, 2021...............................................  1411

    Holgate, Hon. Laura S.H., of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, 
      with the rank of Ambassador, and to be U.S. Representative 
      to the Vienna Office of the U.N. with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................  1415

    McClelland, Caryn R., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam............................  1418

    Young, David John, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Malawi.....................................  1420

    Pierangelo, Claire A., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros.....................  1423

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1431



                              ----------                              

                                PART III

October 5, 2021 (a.m.)...........................................  1455

    Stewart, Mallory A., of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and 
      Compliance)................................................  1458

    Bondy, Steven C., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Kingdom of Bahrain..................................  1461

    Carty, Lisa A., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council, 
      with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate 
      Representative to the Sessions of the U.N. General Assembly 
      during her tenure of service...............................  1463

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1485



October 5, 2021 (p.m.)...........................................  1525

    Hovenier, Jeffrey M., of Washington, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.......................  1529

    Murphy, Michael J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Bosnia and Herzegovina..................................  1532

    Pantaleon, Hon. Julissa Reynoso, of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain, and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador the Principality of Andorra.....................  1535

    Kennedy, Victoria Reggie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Austria......................  1538

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1558



October 20, 2021 (a.m.)..........................................  1583

    Burns, Hon. R. Nicholas, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the People's Republic of China...............  1587

    Emanuel, Hon. Rahm, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Japan...................................................  1626

    Kaplan, Jonathan Eric, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Singapore....................  1630

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1651



October 20, 2021 (p.m.)..........................................  1735

    Mahoney, Hon. Patricia, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Central African Republic.................  1739

    Vrooman, Hon. Peter Hendrick, of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique...................  1741

    Haas Peter D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 
      People's Republic of Bangladesh............................  1744
    Chung, Julie, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.............  1747

    Shukan, Brian Wesley, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Benin...................................  1756

    Fitzsimmons, Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy, of Delaware, 
      nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic........  1759

    Gilmour, Hon. David R., of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial 
      Guinea.....................................................  1762

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1771



October 26, 2021.................................................  1837

    Stanley, Marc R., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the 
      Argentine Republic.........................................  1840

    Rashad, Hussain, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
      Large for International Religious Freedom..................  1846

    Wong, Chantale Yokmin, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be U.S. director of the Asian Development Bank, with the 
      Rank of Ambassador.........................................  1849

    Kugler, Dr. Adriana Debora, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. 
      Executive Director of the International Bank for 
      Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years.....  1852

    Toloui, Hon. Ramin, of Iowa, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Economic and Business Affairs).........  1857

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1873



November 2, 2021.................................................  1941

    Barrett, Hon. Thomas, of Wisconsin, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg................  1947

    Harpootlian, Jamie L., of South Carolina, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia.....................  1950

    Miller, Scott, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the 
      Swiss Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without 
      additional compensation as Ambassador to the Principality 
      of Liechtenstein...........................................  1952

    Ramanathan, Erik D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden........................  1955

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1968



December 1, 2021.................................................  1985

    Nathan, Scott, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief 
      Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development 
      Finance Corporation........................................  1990

    Bass, Hon. John R., of New York, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Management)............................  1993

    Brzezinski, Hon. Mark, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.......................  1995

    Adler, Michael M., of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Kingdom of Belgium.....................................  1998

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2024



December 14, 2021 (a.m.).........................................  2067

    Blome, Hon. Donald Armin, of Illinois, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.............  2074

    Garcetti, Hon. Eric M., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of India........................  2077

    Gutmann, Dr. Amy, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Federal Republic of Germany.........................  2080

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2094
December 14, 2021 (p.m.).........................................  2151

    Hill, Hon. Christopher R., of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia.......................  2156

    Taylor, Michele, of Georgia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council with the 
      rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service............  2159

    Albright, Alice, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 
      Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge 
      Corporation................................................  2162

    Donnelly, Hon. Joseph, of Indiana, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Holy See............................................  2164

    Whyche-Shaw, Oren E., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. 
      Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five 
      years......................................................  2180

    Ebong, Enoh T., of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 
      Director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency..........  2182

    Nucete, Leopoldo Martinez, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank 
      for a term of three years..................................  2185

    Jorge, Maria Fabiana, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-
      American Development Bank..................................  2188

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2196


                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                    TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2021 (a.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:17 a.m., in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Young, Cruz, and 
Hagerty.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 
come to order.
    We are here to consider the nominations for three important 
positions: Ms. Mallory Stewart to be the Assistant Secretary of 
State for Arms Control Verification and Compliance, Ms. Lisa 
Carty to be the U.S. Representative on the U.N. Economic and 
Social Council and an alternative representative to the U.N. 
General Assembly, and Mr. Steve Bondy to be the Ambassador to 
Bahrain.
    Congratulations on your nominations. We appreciate your 
willingness and also those of your families to serve. Your 
families are, certainly, part of the sacrifice on behalf of the 
nation, so we appreciate them as well.
    Ms. Stewart, the AVC Bureau is critical in the State 
Department and to our national security, leading U.S. 
diplomatic efforts to confront our adversaries about their most 
dangerous weapons.
    I am pleased to see you bring a wealth of experience to 
this important role, including from your current service on the 
National Security Council as the Senior Director for Arms 
Control and Nonproliferation and your years in the State 
Department as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the AVC Bureau 
working on these issues.
    If confirmed, you will have to address a series of 
challenges from the very start, including a weakened AVC 
Bureau, the result of years of neglect under the previous 
administration, at the exact moment that we are entering a more 
dangerous world.
    The head of our nuclear forces, Navy Admiral Charles 
Richard, recently called China's explosive growth and 
modernization of its nuclear and conventional forces 
breathtaking.
    Russia continues to modernize its shorter-range 
nonstrategic weapons and has shown a willingness to use 
chemical weapons against its own citizens.
    Iran is moving closer to having enough material for a 
nuclear weapon. I am concerned that the Bureau is unprepared 
for this more dangerous world and that it lacks the resources 
and staff it needs to effectively negotiate with our strategic 
rivals.
    I trust that, if confirmed, you will use your knowledge and 
skills to prioritize strengthening AVC, and I look forward to 
hearing your thoughts on how to address the challenges ahead.
    Ms. Carty, congratulations on your nomination. It is 
reassuring that President Biden has nominated you, a consummate 
professional with decades of experience working with the United 
Nations and the Department of State to this role to help 
address the economic, humanitarian, and social challenges 
facing the globe.
    Under President Trump, the United States, largely, 
abdicated a leadership role at the United Nations. From 
attempting to pull out of the World Health Organization in the 
middle of a global pandemic to undermining international 
protections for women, girls, and LGBTI individuals, to 
defunding or cutting funding to key agencies, we sent the 
signal that the United States would no longer lead, I should 
say, ceding space and influence to China and Russia.
    If confirmed, you will join a new team committed to repair 
what has been undermined, including support for human rights, 
democracy, and addressing the metastasizing humanitarian crisis 
around the world, including the most recent one in Afghanistan 
after the rapid collapse of the Ghani Government and Taliban 
takeover.
    I look forward to hearing your thoughts on how critical the 
agency's initiatives like those promoting the equal rights of 
women and girls can continue in Afghanistan. And, if confirmed, 
I trust that you will draw on your decades of relevant 
experience to effectively engage within and work to strengthen 
the U.N. system.
    Mr. Bondy, welcome to the committee. I am pleased to see 
such an experienced diplomat and Livingston, New Jersey, native 
nominated for a critical Gulf post.
    I am not surprised that someone from the Garden State has 
merited a dozen State Department awards, a Service Commendation 
award from the Department of Defense, and a Presidential Rank 
Award, and speaks five languages.
    I would also like to note that I am not the only one to 
praise your service. Retired General Votel, former commander of 
CENTCOM who served with you, has noted that you are, quote, 
``extraordinarily well qualified for this position,'' and 
called you, quote, ``an effective collaborator who is deeply 
respected across the military and within the interagency.''
    I also have a statement from Ambassador Hugo Llorens 
praising your service and record and, without objection, I move 
to enter those statements into the record.


    [The information referred to above is located at the end of 
this hearing transcript.]


    The Chairman. U.S.-Bahrain ties are long-standing. As the 
host of the U.S. Naval Forces Central Command and the Navy's 
Fifth Fleet, Bahrain is an essential U.S. partner in our shared 
efforts to maintain stability and security in the Arabian Gulf.
    As the region continues to face instability of threats, 
most concerning from Iran, it is critical that we have a 
skilled diplomat in place to strengthen and maintain our 
partnership.
    Bahrain has also led the change for more regional diplomacy 
as an original signatory to the Abraham Accords, and I have 
full confidence you will work to further their political, 
economic, and cultural normalization with Israel.
    Your extensive experience in the Middle East, including 
time spent as the Counselor for Political and Economic Affairs 
in Bahrain and more recently as the Deputy Chief of Mission and 
charge d'affaires in Abu Dhabi, will certainly serve you well 
and the country well in navigating our Embassy in Manama.
    I look forward to each of your testimonies. And with that, 
let me turn to the ranking member for his opening remarks.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good morning. 
Welcome to our nominees.
    On the nomination of Assistant Secretary of State for Arms 
Control Verification and Compliance, I want to make clear that 
a sole-purpose nuclear declaratory policy or any perceived 
weakening of the U.S. nuclear deterrent will be a betrayal of 
our allies and will embolden China and Russia. It will also 
cause allies to lose confidence in the Biden administration's 
commitment to NATO's Article 5 commitments and to Asia 
security.
    The position you have been nominated to is incredibly 
important to not only the United States but also our allies 
and, for that matter, our enemies.
    For decades, U.S. administrations have embraced the long-
standing policy of strategic ambiguity regarding the use of 
nuclear weapons. While administrations have thought about 
changing to a no-first-use policy, they realized international 
security was more important than ideology.
    Indeed, the Obama administration itself studied this 
closely and rejected such a policy change twice. Earlier this 
year, our British allies also rejected this change.
    The Biden administration says it wants to strengthen U.S. 
alliances. U.S. allies have told me and have told us that they 
strongly object to a change to a no-first-use or sole-purpose, 
which is nothing more than a no-first-use in disguise policy. 
This administration should listen to them.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to the Economic and Social 
Council of the United Nations, the United States remains the 
largest donor to the United Nations.
    In recent years, the Chinese Communist Party has used its 
minimal donations to leverage a large-scale malign influence 
campaign affecting, in particular, the NGO committee in order 
to block NGOs critical of China, and they support NGOs that are 
actually run by the Chinese Communist Party. More must be done 
to stop this harmful practice.
    The Biden administration has also decided to run for a seat 
on the Human Rights Council. The Council is known for its anti-
Israel bias and troubling countries, including the worst human 
rights offenders on the planet like China, Cuba, Russia, and 
Venezuela.
    I strongly oppose any attempt by the United States to 
rejoin this sham group until reforms have been achieved.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to Bahrain, United States 
and the Kingdom of Bahrain have enjoyed a close relationship 
since the 1940s.
    Home to the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet and the International 
Maritime Security Construct, Bahrain is a lynchpin for regional 
stability and serves as a critical front against Iran's 
regional aggression.
    I remain concerned that Iran continues its efforts to 
destabilize Bahrain and arm the terrorist groups that operate 
there.
    On the human rights front, Bahrain has come a long way 
since the Arab Spring. While there is more work to be done, 
certainly, the Kingdom has made strides in effective policing, 
advancing human rights, and curbing trafficking in persons. It 
is vital that we continue this important work.
    Finally, I applaud Bahrain's growing relationship with 
Israel with its signing of the Abraham Accords. These 
agreements finally offer a path forward for peace in a troubled 
region, and the recent visit of the Israeli foreign minister 
and Embassy opening were encouraging steps.
    Should you be confirmed, it is critical that you work to 
encourage Bahrain and Israel to deepen their diplomatic, 
economic, and security relationship. This is a priority effort.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    All right. We will turn to our nominees. We ask you to 
summarize your statements in about five minutes or so so we can 
have an opportunity for robust questions.
    Your full statements will be included in the record, 
without objection, and we will start with Ms. Stewart and work 
our way down the aisle.

 STATEMENT OF MALLORY A. STEWART OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (VERIFICATION AND 
                          COMPLIANCE)

    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, and members of this committee for the opportunity to 
appear before you today.
    It is my distinct honor and pleasure to be President 
Biden's nominee for the role of Assistant Secretary for Arms 
Control, Verification and Compliance at the Department of 
State.
    I want to thank the President and Secretary Blinken for 
their confidence in me and for the opportunity, if confirmed, 
to help advance and protect American national security.
    I would also like to thank my colleagues and friends who 
have supported me throughout this process, and I would 
especially like to thank my parents, my husband, and our three 
children. I could not have achieved anything without their 
encouragement, their guidance, their patience, and their 
endless love and support.
    The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance Bureau, AVC, 
is at the forefront of some of the most challenging and 
pressing national security priorities. I know firsthand just 
how important, complex, and challenging AVC's work is because, 
if confirmed, this would be a return to the Bureau in which I 
proudly served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary.
    I also had the privilege of working on the AVC portfolio 
prior to that during my time in the State Department's Legal 
Adviser's Office, and I continue to work many of these issues 
in my current role at the National Security Council.
    I joined the State Department's Legal Adviser's Office in 
2002. I was inspired to leave my law firm job in part by the 
events of 9/11 amidst the swirl of international outreach, 
coordination, and concern.
    Throughout my time working on arms control and treaty 
issues, I have personally witnessed the value of international 
cooperation, engagement, and dialogue, even and sometimes 
especially with nontraditional partners and potential 
competitors.
    In order to most effectively achieve the Bureau's mission, 
AVC must continue its work to reestablish U.S. leadership in 
multilateral institutions and reengage with allies and 
partners.
    The Biden-Harris administration recognizes that the 
challenges we face are not ours alone and cannot be solved by 
any one nation. That is why it has placed a great deal of 
importance on engagement and has begun the work to revitalize 
and strengthen our alliances in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-
Pacific to better deter and defend against growing threats.
    But engagement with allies is only one piece of the 
diplomacy puzzle. We must also engage with our main 
competitors, like Russia and China, and attempt to keep an open 
dialogue.
    It is important to be able to engage on security even at 
times of bilateral tension and disagreement. That is why this 
administration is engaged in a strategic stability dialogue 
with Russia and why we seek to engage in meaningful dialogue on 
nuclear and other strategic stability threats with China.
    From an administrative perspective, I am specifically 
interested in expanding AVC's capacity to work on the 
challenges posed by these countries' increasingly aggressive 
behaviors.
    If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to lead this 
important Bureau, together with the many dedicated professional 
public servants that uphold the Bureau's national security 
mission every day.
    AVC's work to address the existential threat posed by 
nuclear weapons, deter the use of all weapons of mass 
destruction, and contend with emerging technology security 
challenges in a rapidly evolving security environment is 
critical to American security.
    If confirmed, I would hope to partner with the Hill and 
with other departments and agencies to make sure the Bureau has 
the necessary support and resources to fulfill its important 
mission.
    Working together, we need to make sure AVC has the best 
tools and analytical capabilities available now and in the 
future to provide robust verification of arms control, 
nonproliferation, and disarmament agreements and commitments, 
as well as rigorous assessments of compliance with those 
agreements and commitments, including in order to provide 
Congress with a complete and accurate accounting of the arms 
control landscape through the Annual Compliance Report.
    I was personally involved with the Compliance Report when I 
was a DAS in AVC, and I think it is critically important and it 
needs to be thorough, clear, and credible. If confirmed, I will 
make its timely delivery to Congress a priority.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of this 
committee, you have my commitment that, if confirmed, I will 
work in close coordination with you and deeply respect your 
role in the formation of foreign policy.
    There are a great number of challenges we face, but we face 
them together and we must resolve them together.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to be here today, and I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Stewart follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Mallory A. Stewart

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of 
this committee for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is my 
distinct honor and pleasure to be President Biden's nominee for the 
role of Assistant Secretary for Arms Control, Verification and 
Compliance (AVC) at the Department of State. I want to thank the 
President and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me and for the 
opportunity, if confirmed, to help advance and protect America's 
national security.
    I would also like to thank my colleagues and friends who have 
supported me throughout this process. And I would especially like to 
thank my parents, my husband, and our three children. I could not have 
achieved anything without their encouragement, their guidance, their 
patience, and their endless love and support.
    The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance Bureau (AVC) is at 
the forefront of some of the most challenging and pressing national 
security priorities. I know firsthand just how important, complex, and 
challenging AVC's work is because, if confirmed, this would be a return 
to the Bureau in which I proudly served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary 
during the Obama administration. I also had the privilege of working on 
the AVC portfolio prior to that during my time in the State 
Department's Legal Adviser's Office, and I continue to work many of 
these issues in my current role at the National Security Council.
    I joined the State Department's Legal Adviser's Office in 2002. I 
was inspired to leave my law firm job in part by the events of 9/11, 
amidst the swirl of international outreach, coordination, and concern. 
Throughout my time working on arms control and treaty issues, I have 
personally witnessed the value of international cooperation, 
engagement, and dialogue, even--and sometimes especially with--non-
traditional partners and potential competitors.
    In order to most effectively achieve the bureau's mission, AVC must 
continue its work to re-establish U.S. leadership in multilateral 
institutions and re-engage with allies and partners. The Biden-Harris 
administration recognizes that the challenges we face are not ours 
alone and cannot be solved by any one nation. That is why it has placed 
a great deal of importance on engagement and has begun the work to 
revitalize and strengthen our alliances in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-
Pacific to better deter and defend against growing threats.
    But engagement with allies is only one piece of the diplomacy 
puzzle. We must also engage with our main competitors, like Russia and 
China, and attempt to keep an open dialogue. It is important to be able 
to engage on security even at times of bilateral tension and 
disagreement. That is why this administration is engaged in a strategic 
stability dialogue with Russia, and why we seek to engage in meaningful 
dialogue on nuclear and other strategic stability threats with China. 
From an administrative perspective, I am specifically interested in 
expanding AVC's capacity to work on the challenges posed by these 
countries' increasingly aggressive behaviors.
    If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to lead this 
important Bureau together with the many dedicated professional public 
servants that uphold the bureau's national security mission every day. 
AVC's work to address the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons, 
deter the use of all weapons of mass destruction, and contend with 
emerging technology security challenges and a rapidly evolving security 
environment is critical to American security. If confirmed, I would 
hope to partner with the Hill and with other Departments and Agencies 
to make sure the Bureau has the necessary support and resources to 
fulfill its important mission.
    Working together, we need to make sure AVC has the best tools and 
analytical capabilities available, now and in the future, to provide 
robust verification of arms control, nonproliferation, and disarmament 
agreements and commitments, as well as rigorous assessments of 
compliance with those agreements and commitments, including in order to 
provide Congress with a complete and accurate accounting of the arms 
control landscape through the annual Compliance Report. I was 
personally involved with the Compliance Report when I was a DAS in AVC. 
I think it is a critically important product that needs to be thorough, 
clear, and credible. If confirmed, I will make its timely delivery to 
Congress a priority.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of this committee. You 
have my commitment that, if confirmed, I will work in close 
coordination with you and respect your role in the formation of foreign 
policy. There are a great number of challenges we face--but we face 
them together, and we must resolve them together.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to be here today, and I look 
forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you. Forty-seven seconds to spare. That 
is pretty good.
    Mr. Bondy?

STATEMENT OF STEVEN C. BONDY OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF BAHRAIN

    Mr. Bondy. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
distinguished members of this committee, thank you for your 
warm welcome and thank you for the opportunity to appear before 
you today as President Biden's nominee to be the United States 
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain.
    I am extremely grateful to the President, a fellow Fightin' 
Blue Hen of the University of Delaware, and to Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me with this 
nomination.
    It is the thrill of a lifetime to be in this position and, 
if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this 
committee and the Congress on the important foreign policy 
interests of the United States in Bahrain.
    I would like to start by recognizing and thanking my wife, 
Meghan, who has been a steadfast supporter and source of 
inspiration through thick and thin, including the two years I 
served in war zones.
    Our daughter, Rachel, is here today and our son, Drew, is 
tuning in from Brooklyn. Rachel and Drew traveled the world 
with us and enrich our lives with their love and global 
perspective. My parents, George and Enid Bondy, are also 
watching today's proceedings from Daytona Beach. I owe them all 
more than I can say.
    Mr. Chairman, I am excited at the prospect, if confirmed, 
of returning to a country where my family and I spent three 
wonderful years. Bahrain was a key part of the recent Operation 
Allies Refuge, facilitating and supporting over 7,000 Americans 
and others transiting the country on their way to the United 
States. Bahrain once again demonstrated it is not just a 
partner or an ally, it is a real friend.
    The foundation of that friendship begins with our shared 
national security interests. The United States Navy has had an 
enduring presence in Bahrain since the 1940s and it has been 
home to the U.S. Navy Central Command and Fifth Fleet since the 
Gulf War.
    Bahrain is a safe, secure, and welcoming home to the 8,500 
U.S. military members and their families who are in country.
    The United States works collaboratively with the Bahraini 
Government to address threats to the internal security of the 
Kingdom and the region, particularly from Iran.
    This joint security work helps keep safe American citizens, 
investments, and interests in the country, and if confirmed, I 
will have no higher priority than protecting the safety and 
security of Americans in Bahrain.
    Mr. Chairman, a year ago, Bahrain and Israel signed the 
Abraham Accords agreement, shepherded by the United States. 
This bold act represents a change in the strategic orientation 
of the Kingdom, and it opened the door to Bahrain and Israel 
developing their relationship across a wide spectrum of shared 
interests.
    If confirmed, I will devote my energy and creativity to 
expanding and strengthening this relationship. The President 
and the Secretary have been clear that human rights are at the 
center of our foreign policy.
    If confirmed, a primary focus of our bilateral engagement 
will be to advance respect for human rights and political 
participation, particularly as the 2022 parliamentary elections 
approach.
    We will continue to have open and honest exchanges with 
Bahrain on these important matters, recognizing both where more 
progress needs to be made as well as where and when Bahrain has 
made meaningful progress.
    Mr. Chairman, I was fortunate to be serving in Bahrain when 
our bilateral free trade agreement entered into force in 2006. 
That agreement established a solid basis for our commercial 
relations, and American companies can play an important role as 
the Bahraini economy emerges from the COVID pandemic. If 
confirmed, I will advocate on behalf of American companies 
pursuing opportunities in Bahrain.
    Mr. Chairman, the United States and Bahrain have a 
friendship that goes back almost 120 years when intrepid 
Americans established the American Mission Hospital and related 
school in Manama.
    It will be my distinct honor, if confirmed, to build upon 
this legacy as the United States Ambassador to Bahrain.
    I welcome any questions you may have.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Bondy follows:]


                 Prepared Statement for Steven C. Bondy

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of 
this committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today as President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador 
to the Kingdom of Bahrain.
    I am extremely grateful to the President--a fellow Fightin' Blue 
Hen of the University of Delaware--and to Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have shown in me with this nomination. It is the thrill 
of a lifetime to be in this position, and if confirmed, I look forward 
to working closely with this committee and the Congress on the 
important foreign policy interests of the United States in Bahrain.
    I would like to start by recognizing and thanking my wife Meghan, 
who has been a steadfast supporter and source of inspiration through 
thick and thin, including the two years I served in war zones. Our 
daughter Rachel is here today, and our son Drew is tuning in from 
Brooklyn. Rachel and Drew traveled the world with us and enrich our 
lives with their love and global perspective. My parents George and 
Enid Bondy are also watching today's proceedings from Daytona Beach. I 
owe them all more than I can say.
    Mr. Chairman, I am excited at the prospect, if confirmed, of 
returning to a country where my family and I spent three wonderful 
years. Bahrain was a key part of the recent Operation Allies Refuge, 
facilitating and supporting over 7,000 Americans and others transiting 
the country on their way to the United States. Bahrain once again 
demonstrated it is not just a partner or an ally, it is a real friend.
    The foundation of that friendship begins with our shared national 
security interests. The United States Navy has had an enduring presence 
in Bahrain since the 1940s, and it has been home to the U.S. Navy 
Central Command and Fifth Fleet since the Gulf War. Bahrain is a safe, 
secure, and welcoming home to the 8,500 U.S. military personnel in 
country and their families.
    The United States works collaboratively with the Bahraini 
Government to address threats to the internal security of the Kingdom, 
particularly from Iran. This joint security work helps keep safe 
American citizens, investments, and interests in the country. If 
confirmed, I will have no higher priority than protecting the safety 
and security of Americans in Bahrain.
    Mr. Chairman, a year ago Bahrain and Israel signed the Abraham 
Accords agreement, shepherded by the United States. This bold act 
represents a change in the strategic orientation of the Kingdom, and it 
opened the door to Bahrain and Israel developing their relationship 
across a wide spectrum of shared interests. If confirmed, I will devote 
my energy and creativity to expanding and strengthening this 
relationship.
    The President and the Secretary have been clear that human rights 
are at the center of our foreign policy. If confirmed, a primary focus 
of our bilateral engagement will be to advance respect for human rights 
and political participation, particularly as the 2022 parliamentary 
elections approach. We will continue to have open and honest exchanges 
with Bahrain on these important matters, recognizing both where more 
progress needs to be made, and where and when Bahrain has made 
meaningful progress.
    Mr. Chairman, I was fortunate to be serving in Bahrain when our 
bilateral Free Trade Agreement entered into force in 2006. That 
agreement established a solid basis for our commercial relations, and 
American companies can play an important role as the Bahraini economy 
emerges from the Covid pandemic. If confirmed, I will advocate on 
behalf of American companies pursuing opportunities in Bahrain.
    Mr. Chairman, the United States and Bahrain have a friendship that 
goes back almost 120 years, when intrepid Americans established the 
American Mission Hospital and related school in Manama. It will be my 
distinct honor, if confirmed, to build upon this legacy as the United 
States Ambassador to Bahrain. I welcome any questions you may have.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Ms. Carty?

    STATEMENT OF LISA A. CARTY OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE 
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE ECONOMIC 
  AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK OF 
AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE AN ALTERNATE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED 
 STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 
      THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HER TENURE OF SERVICE AS 
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE ECONOMIC 
            AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS

    Ms. Carty. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, 
distinguished members of the committee, it is truly an honor to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to become 
the U.S. Representative to the Economic and Social Council of 
the United Nations.
    I am grateful to the President, to Secretary Blinken, and 
to Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. If 
confirmed, I will do my best to live up to their trust and to 
work closely with all of you on the committee.
    I would like to begin by expressing my deep appreciation to 
my family, to my husband, Bill Burns, an exceptionally 
dedicated public servant who has inspired and supported me 
since we first met as Junior Foreign Service officers nearly 40 
years ago, and to our daughters, Lizzy and Sarah, who from 
infancy through college shared our Foreign Service journey and 
the many moves that that entailed.
    I wish that my parents and my in-laws, each models of 
exemplary service, could see this moment. My father was a proud 
graduate of the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and a Korean War 
veteran, my mother, a public school special education teacher.
    My father-in-law served in the U.S. Army for 34 years with 
my mother-in-law, his full partner in all the sacrifices that 
required. Their example and the love and support of my family 
are a very large part of why I am here today.
    I approach this new challenge with considerable humility, 
with an abiding commitment to public service, with faith in the 
power of clear-eyed diplomacy in the pursuit of American 
interests and human rights, and with a well-grounded sense of 
both the possibilities and the limitations of the United 
Nations, and with few illusions about the complicated world 
around us.
    It is a world in which the U.N. has a crucial role, 
especially in tackling the humanitarian, development, human 
rights, and social issues to which I have devoted nearly four 
decades as a career diplomat and then as an official of the 
United Nations.
    It is a world in which the COVID pandemic and a changing 
climate have worsened problems of poverty, instability, and 
health insecurity, especially for women and girls, and where 
the U.N.'s Economic and Social Council can play a key role in 
mounting a global response consistent with U.S. interests.
    It is a world in which authoritarian rivals like China and 
Russia and others seek advantage in the U.N. system and where 
active and energetic American diplomacy is required to counter 
them.
    And it is a world in which the capabilities of the United 
Nations matter enormously, but also require relentless U.S. 
insistence on transparency, accountability, and reform as well 
as unwavering resistance to anti-Israel bias.
    My professional background provides a unique combination of 
skills to help the United States take on these challenges. I 
spent 25 years as a Foreign Service officer working extensively 
on humanitarian, health, gender, and development issues, with 
field experience in Asia, Russia, and the Middle East.
    I served as a Pearson Congressional Fellow working for 
Senator Nancy Kassebaum on the Africa Subcommittee, I worked 
for USAID on health programs in Russia, and served as the State 
Department's regional refugee coordinator based in Amman, 
Jordan.
    I have decades of experience in multilateral diplomacy and 
a strong sense of how to navigate the U.N. system shaped by 10 
years of work in U.N. entities, first, with the joint United 
Nations program on HIV/AIDS working hand in hand with PEPFAR, 
and most recently with the U.N.'s Office for the Coordination 
of Humanitarian Affairs where, through the combined efforts of 
U.S. Government counterparts and courageous and committed U.N. 
colleagues, we helped alleviate suffering in some of the 
world's worst crises.
    Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working hard 
to put that background to good use in support of American 
interests. I will work hard to ensure that U.N. efforts across 
the responsibilities of the Economic and Social Council are 
effective, well run, and consistent with U.S. goals.
    I will work hard with allies and partners to mobilize 
coalitions and achieve practical outcomes and I will work hard 
with all of you to ensure the closest possible collaboration 
with Congress.
    Thank you very much again, Mr. Chairman, for your 
consideration. This is truly the honor of a lifetime, and if 
confirmed, I will devote the full measure of my skill and 
experience to serve the best interests of the American people. 
I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Carty follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Lisa A. Carty

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, it is 
truly an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee 
to become the U.S. Representative to the Economic and Social Council of 
the United Nations. I am grateful to the President, Secretary Blinken 
and Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. If 
confirmed, I will do my best to live up to their trust and to work 
closely with all of you on this committee.
    I would like to begin by expressing my deep appreciation to my 
family--to my husband, Bill, an exceptionally talented public servant, 
and accomplished diplomat, and to our daughters, Lizzy and Sarah, who 
from infancy through college, shared our Foreign Service journey and 
the many moves that entailed. Serving overseas, particularly at 
challenging posts, asks a lot of family members, and I will be forever 
grateful that they so readily embraced the demands of Foreign Service 
life. I wish that my parents, and my in-laws--each models of exemplary 
service--could see this moment. My father was a proud graduate of the 
U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and a veteran of the Korean War, my 
mother, a public-school special education teacher, my father-in-law 
served in the U.S. Army for 34 years with my mother-in-law his full 
partner in all the sacrifices that entailed. Their example, and the 
love and support of my family, are a very large part of why I am here 
today.
    I approach this new challenge with considerable humility; with an 
abiding commitment to public service; with faith in the power of clear-
eyed diplomacy in the pursuit of American interests and human rights; 
with a well-grounded sense of both the possibilities and limitations of 
the United Nations; and with few illusions about the complicated world 
around us.
    It is a world in which the U.N. has a crucial role, especially in 
tackling the humanitarian, development, human rights, and social issues 
to which I have devoted nearly four decades as a career diplomat and 
then as an official of the United Nations. It is a world in which a 
changing climate and the COVID pandemic have worsened problems of 
poverty, economic development, instability, and health insecurity, 
especially among women and girls, and where the U.N.'s Economic and 
Social Council can play a key role in boosting a global response and 
recovery consistent with U.S. interests. It is a world in which 
authoritarian rivals like China, Russia, and others seek advantage in 
the U.N. system, demanding active and energetic American diplomacy to 
counter them. And it is a world in which the capabilities of the United 
Nations matter enormously--but also require relentless U.S. insistence 
on transparency, accountability and reform, as well as unwavering 
resistance to anti-Israel bias.
    My professional background provides a unique combination of skills 
to help the United States take on these challenges. I spent a quarter-
century as a Foreign Service Officer, working extensively on 
humanitarian, health, gender and development issues, with field 
experience in Asia, Russia and the Middle East. I served as a Pearson 
Congressional Fellow working for Senator Nancy Kassebaum on the Africa 
Sub-committee and with Congressman Tony Hall on the Select Committee on 
Hunger. I worked for USAID on health programs in Russia; and served as 
the Regional Refugee Coordinator for the State Department, based in 
Amman, Jordan. I have decades of experience in multilateral diplomacy, 
and a strong sense of how to navigate the U.N. system shaped by ten 
years of work in U.N. entities--first with the United Nations Program 
on HIV/AIDS where I served as the principal U.N. focal point for the 
PEPFAR program and most recently with the U.N.'s Office for the 
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, where I worked with U.S. 
Government counterparts and courageous and committed U.N. colleagues to 
help alleviate suffering in some the world's worst crises.
    Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working hard to put 
that background to good use in support of American interests at the 
United Nations. I will work hard to ensure that U.N. efforts across the 
responsibilities of the Economic and Social Council and its subsidiary 
bodies are effective, well-run, and consistent with U.S. goals. I will 
work hard with allies and partners at the U.N. to mobilize coalitions 
and achieve practical outcomes. And I will work hard with all of you to 
ensure the closest possible cooperation with Congress.
    Thank you very much again, Mr. Chairman, for your consideration. 
This is the honor of a lifetime, and if confirmed, I will devote the 
full measure of my skill and experience to serve the best interests of 
the American people. I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you all very much. We will go through a 
series of five-minute rounds. But before we do that, I have a 
series of questions on behalf of the committee as a whole that 
I would like to ask each nominee.
    They speak to the importance that this committee places on 
responsiveness by all officials in the executive branch and 
that we expect and will be seeking from you.
    I would ask each of you to provide just a simple yes or no 
answer to the following questions.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    Mr. Bondy. Yes.
    The Chairman. If you can give me a verbal response, please.
    Ms. Stewart. Yes.
    The Chairman. Okay. I cannot hear you. Sorry. Your 
microphone is not on.
    Do you commit to keep the committee fully and currently 
informed about the activities under your purview?
    Ms. Stewart. Yes.
    Mr. Bondy. Yes.
    Ms. Carty. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Ms. Stewart. Yes.
    Mr. Bondy. Yes.
    Ms. Carty. Yes.
    The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    Ms. Stewart. Yes.
    Mr. Bondy. Yes.
    Ms. Carty. Yes.
    The Chairman. Okay. All of the witnesses--I mean, the 
nominees have answered yes to those questions. I will--the 
chair will reserve his time and I will turn to the ranking 
member.
    Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Stewart, I want to start, first of all, on the very 
important role you have on--that you are seeking here with the 
Bureau. And as I said to you in my opening statement that the 
Biden administration wants to strengthen U.S. allies, and we 
all do, the allegiances that we have and the agreements we 
have.
    The U.S. allies, however, have told us that they strongly 
object to a change to a no-first-use or sole-purpose policy for 
reasons I have previously stated.
    Are you aware of their objections?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator, for the question. I share 
your concern about allies and partners understanding U.S. 
deterrence.
    Senator Risch. That was not the question. The question was 
are you aware that they have strenuous objections to what the 
administration is proposing?
    Ms. Stewart. I have seen some traffic and assessments of 
engagements, and there has been numerous engagements with 
allies and partners.
    Senator Risch. You are aware that our partners and our 
allies have strenuous objection to what is being considered 
here. Is that a fair statement or not?
    Ms. Stewart. I think I am not sure if I understand the term 
``strenuous objection.'' I think they are concerned about what 
we are----
    Senator Risch. Will you go so far as to say they have an 
objection?
    Ms. Stewart [continuing]. I do not even know if it is an 
objection. But, perhaps, the point is that I think through our 
engagement we hope to explain and understand and really hear 
from them further as to their----
    Senator Risch. You are telling me, as you sit here today, 
you do not understand that our allies have strong objections to 
what the administration is considering? Is that what you are 
telling me?
    Ms. Stewart. I would definitely agree that there are 
certain concerns about what is possibly in the consideration 
process. But I think the effort that we are undergoing to 
engage with them is to really understand what those concerns 
are and to, hopefully, address those concerns through part of 
the engagement process.
    Senator Risch. You will not go to where I need you to be 
and that is to get a good clear understanding. If we, on the 
committee, on Republican side of the committee, have an 
understanding that our allies have strong, strong objections to 
what you are considering, how is it that you cannot concede 
that?
    I understand you are saying they have concerns. Would you 
agree with me that they are stronger than concerns?
    Ms. Stewart. I guess--and I definitely appreciate what you 
are trying to sort of get at here. My concern to completely 
satisfy your question is that we are still very much in the 
process.
    We do not know the result of the Nuclear Posture Review 
that the Department of Defense is leading, and so it is very 
hard to say that allies and partners can have objections to a 
process that has not sort of played out and we have not had a 
chance to engage more fulsomely with them as to where the 
direction is going, and there is a lot of considerations in the 
process.
    If they object, it seems like they are prematurely 
objecting to something that we have not established.
    Senator Risch. You have already said if they object. You do 
not know that they are objecting. Is that correct?
    Ms. Stewart. I think the concern is what would they be 
objecting to at this point, without the actual report.
    Senator Risch. I am not going to get you there, so I am not 
going to pursue that any further. But let us--let me say I am 
disappointed in your answers.
    We are acutely aware of objections. Strong objections have 
been raised by our allies. If you are not, you need to get on 
board before I am going to be able to vote for your 
confirmation.
    You were in the same Bureau in the Obama administration. 
You are aware that twice they considered adopting a no-first-
use or sole-purpose policy. You are aware that you, are you 
not? Once early on in their administration and then again 
during the time you were there between 2015 and 2017. Is that 
correct?
    Ms. Stewart. Yeah.
    Senator Risch. Would you tell this committee why the Obama 
administration decided not to adopt the no-first-use or sole-
purpose policy?
    Ms. Stewart. My understanding is that they had a lot of 
effort to engage and understand partners' perceptions. And I am 
sorry that you take issue with my statement. I think the 
concern is that we really need to allow the process to play out 
and we need to understand the best advice from the Department 
of Defense leading this process and how that can be implemented 
through policy, that we work with partners and allies to 
explain and understand.
    But to your question--sorry--the approach in the Obama 
administration to get to fundamental purpose of deterrence, was 
really to accommodate many of the challenges we faced with our 
deterrence efforts and to understand integrated deterrence 
issues within the report, and to address some of the 
existential threats that we faced at that time.
    Senator Risch. But you agree with me they specifically 
rejected adopting a no-first-use or sole-purpose policy? Do you 
agree with that?
    Ms. Stewart. I was not part of the NPR process during that 
time.
    Senator Risch. Did not they or did not they?
    Ms. Stewart. They did not have sole-purpose or no-first-use 
in the Obama----
    Senator Risch. And they specifically rejected it after 
considering it and studying it. Is that correct?
    Ms. Stewart [continuing]. I assume that they looked at it 
closely, but I was not part of that process yet.
    Senator Risch. And I agree with you, we need to let the 
thing play out. But if we are going to let the--if we are going 
to let the process play out, we need to have at least a clear 
understanding of what our allies are telling us and it looks to 
me like you got a long ways to go to get there.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to each of our nominees today. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with you.
    I would like to begin, excuse me, with you, Ms. Carty, and 
as the representative to the U.N.'s Economic and Social 
Council, I wanted to assess your feeling about the Commission 
on the status of women, which is the only global body dedicated 
to the promotion of women and girls empowerment and equality 
and aids to mainstream women's equality in U.N. activities.
    [Clears throat.]
    Senator Shaheen. Excuse me.
    As you look at the role that you can play within ECOSOC and 
with the Commission, how do you think efforts to improve 
women's empowerment could be bolstered by the work of the 
Commission and do you see specific changes that you can be 
engaged in that will help with that?
    Ms. Carty. Senator Shaheen, thank you so much for that 
question. I have spent a fair part of my career working on 
issues related to women and girls and gender, and it is an 
issue that is very near and dear to my heart.
    I see multiple opportunities, Senator, across the U.N. 
system where I could help through a position in ECOSOC advance 
U.S. goals regarding the well being of women and girls if I was 
confirmed for this position.
    I think CSW offers particular opportunities. I think the 
important thing is to be very strategic and forward thinking in 
how we engage there and to make sure that we approach each CSW 
session with a very clear sense of what we want to try to 
achieve and we work very deliberately with CSW and other 
missions in New York, other governments, to try to make sure of 
one mind about the objectives we will pursue during those 
sessions.
    Senator Shaheen. Can you give me an example of a priority 
that you would have as you are looking at a first place to 
focus?
    Ms. Carty. One issue, Senator, I feel is terribly important 
is the issue of education for women and girls. It is something, 
unfortunately, where there have been huge and significant 
setbacks in the context of the COVID epidemic.
    We know that there are tens of thousands, millions, of 
girls out of school at this point who may never get back into 
school, and I think that would be a really important area, 
actually, across the U.N. system for specific focus, because we 
know that without that kind of access to education that it 
really imperils a young girl's future.
    I would encourage CSW to look at that set of issues.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. And we know that empowering 
women and girls also adds to the stability in communities and 
countries, the potential opportunities and prosperity and 
economic opportunities in countries as well.
    Ms. Stewart, I was really pleased to see the Biden 
administration extend the New START treaty, something that I 
worked on 10 years ago when it was before this body.
    But as we think about how we continue to engage with the 
Russians, where do you think we should be thinking and how can 
we build on that to cover tactical weapons, emerging nuclear 
technologies, other efforts that we really need to address?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator.
    I share your concerns with respect to the Russian 
challenges that we are facing right now. Russia's new nuclear 
weapons and its diversification in dual-use delivery platforms 
represent a threat to strategic stability.
    The strategic stability dialogue is an interagency process 
to seek risk reduction and greater understanding of the 
policies and actions of the two nations.
    In the plenary led by Deputy Secretary Sherman, we have 
agreed to two working groups for experts. First, in principles 
and objectives for the future of arms control, and second, the 
capabilities and actions with strategic effect.
    We have made clear that we want to address all of Russia's 
nuclear weapons, including nonstrategic nuclear weapons and 
novel delivery systems.
    Our driving principles in this process will be increasing 
U.S. and allied security, ensuring effective verification and 
faithful compliance for legally binding measures, and avoiding 
future miscalculation or misunderstanding.
    We are only at the beginning of our conversations, and so I 
agree with you we need to be careful to understand the full 
range of challenges and misunderstanding potentials that we 
face.
    No determinations about specific approaches have been made. 
But the strategic stability dialogue is a very good first step 
to try to engage and understand where we have overlapping 
concerns and where we can make progress towards stabilizing our 
relationship.
    If confirmed, I hope to consult closely with this Congress 
to address this process further and to truly understand how we 
can best evaluate and consider this threat.
    Senator Shaheen. And so are you optimistic? You said you 
think it is a good first step. Are you optimistic that we may 
be able to make some progress?
    Ms. Stewart. I am cautiously optimistic that, in certain 
arenas, there is some progress we can make that we can 
understand where our collective advantage for both the U.S. and 
Russia and, hopefully, the global community can be satisfied by 
taking important actions to address destabilizing behavior and 
to lead to the best norms of responsible behavior.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    I understand the next colleague who is available is Senator 
Van Hollen virtually.
    Senator Van Hollen: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank all 
the witnesses for your service. Congratulations on your 
nominations.
    Ms. Carty, a question regarding the Sustainable Development 
Goals at the United Nations. We have gotten a recent report 
indicating that since the onset of COVID-19 we have seen an 
increase in extreme poverty, declines in educational 
achievement, increased violence against women and girls, and 
other trends that threaten to reverse some of the positive 
development gains that we have made in recent decades.
    The Economic and Social Council of the United Nations has 
the main responsibility for integrating--addressing these 
issues across different U.N. agencies.
    What goals you think we need to be most focused on when it 
comes to regaining lost ground? Where have we lost the most 
ground and what role can you play and the United States play in 
trying to catch up?
    Ms. Carty. Senator, thank you very much for that question 
and for flagging what really is an ancillary impact of the 
COVID epidemic that we all need to keep very much within our 
lines of sight.
    The truth is the U.S. has driven so much of that global 
development progress over many decades and it is now all at 
risk. I do think, Senator, the SDGs present a very important 
roadmap for how to bring the global community together in a 
common effort to ensure that we are trying to regain ground on 
all those issues that you just mentioned, whether it is food 
insecurity, increasing rates of poverty, or you mentioned with 
Senator Shaheen children out of school.
    The list is quite long, and many of the SDGs directly 
address those risk areas, Senator. There are ones focused on 
health, on education, on economic well being, on the climate. I 
think we actually have to be very strategic, look where the 
needs are right now most acute, and then try to prioritize 
action around those SDGs first.
    But I would just be clear, Senator, in saying I know 
Secretary Blinken has embraced the SDGs as a roadmap for 
development, and I think one of the real values that they bring 
is they do provide a path, a common path, and set benchmarks 
for progress.
    If confirmed for the position, Senator, I would very much 
look forward to focusing on the SDGs as a key component of my 
work. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen: Thank you. Maybe you can follow up with 
respect to which areas you think are in most need of focused 
attention right now.
    Mr. Chairman, can you still hear me?
    The Chairman. I can, Senator.
    Senator Van Hollen: I think--so I do not know if--Ms. 
Carty, just a follow-up question for you. According to a July 
report by the International Service for Human Rights, China has 
repeatedly used its seat on ECOSOC to block applications from 
NGOs working on human rights issues, and not only blocking NGOs 
working in China but China has, essentially, acted as a shield 
for other authoritarian regimes.
    Are you familiar with this situation and what would you do 
about it, if confirmed?
    Ms. Carty. Senator, thanks very much. I am not familiar 
with that specific report. But I am, certainly, familiar with 
the broad issue at stake here. And just I would say to start 
that we have to be very clear we can leave no space for China 
to try to undermine the fundamental values and principles of 
the U.N. system.
    We have seen this play out very specifically in the NGO 
committee, which is the committee that accredits NGOs for U.N. 
representation.
    I have worked at many points over my career, Senator, with 
nongovernmental organizations and I fully understand the 
importance of the perspective they can bring to the table. They 
must be there, but it must be legitimate credible NGOs that are 
there.
    If confirmed for this position, I would work across the NGO 
committee to ensure that entities that should be at the table 
are, particularly those that China might seek to deny a place 
to, perhaps NGOs working on human rights or press freedoms or 
other broad democracy and governance issues, and I would ensure 
that those that do not belong at the table do not have a place.
    Thanks, Senator.
    Senator Van Hollen: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I 
thank all of you. I have some questions to submit for the 
record, but congratulations to all.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to 
all the witnesses.
    Mr. Bondy, I think I will spend my five minutes with you. 
You have significant experience in a really important region of 
the world and I want to ask you about a couple of issues 
dealing with the U.S.-Bahrain relationship.
    First, Bahrain has been a good partner in the United States 
in our evacuation of Afghans. They have been very helpful in 
being the home of our Fifth Fleet.
    Bahrain has also had some serious concerns about human 
rights issues, mass arrests in 2011, and it is a country where 
the leadership is kind of a minority Sunni population that is 
in leadership, but about 70 percent of the population is Shi'a.
    Talk about what you could do, should you be confirmed, to 
promote more attention to human rights in Bahrain.
    Mr. Bondy. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
    Indeed, as you say, there has been traditionally a fair bit 
of friction and tension within the Kingdom of Bahrain between 
the various communities. If we were to rewind 10 years ago, as 
you said, when there was quite a bit of strife in the country, 
we would have to say that the trend lines since then have been 
exceedingly positive.
    Indeed, the Government of Bahrain has used a new 
legislative mechanism called the alternative sentencing law to 
release over 3,500 convicts who were in prison and they have 
now been able to depart the prison and find other ways to sort 
of get on with their lives.
    Additionally, Senator, there is a new juvenile justice law 
which elevates the age from 15 to 18 of who can be tried as a 
majority age individual and that has resulted, in fact, in some 
people between the ages of 15 and 18 really serving kind of 
very shortened sentences in juvenile detention centers rather 
than as full-blown prisoners.
    But, Senator, you absolutely have hit the nail on the head. 
Promoting human rights is absolutely an essential tenet of the 
administration's foreign policy, and if confirmed, I will seek 
to use several fora that we already have established either 
through the strategic dialogue or in regular quarterly meetings 
between the Embassy and an inter-ministerial grouping in Manama 
to continue to promote the values and the interests that we 
have with regard to human rights.
    Senator Kaine. Mr. Bondy, thank you for that.
    Switching to another topic, in the last couple days 
something positive happened. Foreign Minister Lapid of Israel 
visited Bahrain to open the Israeli Embassy there. Very, very 
positive.
    I was a supporter of the Abraham Accords when they were 
announced for a couple of reasons. I feel like the 
normalization of relations between nations in the region and 
Israel was actually a public expression of what was already 
sort of going on sub rosa, and rather than have it be sub rosa 
why not put it on the table that we are now going to work 
together on issues of common cause?
    A normalized diplomatic relationship is not a Good 
Housekeeping seal of approval but it is just a way of having 
channels of dialogue and communication and normal relations, 
which are beneficial.
    But the other reason I strongly support the Abraham Accords 
is I have been just so discouraged about the absence of 
progress toward a two-state solution in Israel. I visited 
Israel for the first time in 1998. I went to the West Bank as 
well.
    And, frankly, in the 23 years since then the situation has 
moved farther away from the peace between an Israel and 
Palestine living side by side that we contemplated when we 
recognized the State of Israel at its foundation during the 
Truman presidency.
    I view the Abraham Accords as giving nations in the region 
kind of skin in the game. Their populations want them to do 
things to promote a successful resolution and a Palestinian 
nation that lives peacefully side by side with Israel.
    You were the charge at the UAE. The UAE was one of the 
other nations that normalized relations with Israel in this 
way. What do you see as prospects of building upon the Abraham 
Accords to break the stalemate that has existed for so long and 
find a path forward to the peace that we have longed for for 
decades?
    Mr. Bondy. Thank you, Senator, for that very important 
question and for your comments on the situation.
    Indeed, the Abraham Accords are--they represent a strategic 
change for the region and, in fact, in my career I also served 
in Jordan when Jordan made peace with Israel. I view 
strengthening and expanding the relationship of two very good 
friends and allies, Bahrain and Israel, as a very important 
book end to my own career with the Foreign Service.
    But I believe there is great potential for those two 
friends to build their relationship all the way across the 
spectrum, and I will devote my energy and creativity, if 
confirmed, to helping them to do exactly that, Senator.
    Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, I yield back.
    Senator Cardin. [Presiding.] Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    I understand we have next by WebEx Senator Young.
    [No response.]
    Senator Cardin. Senator Young, are you there?
    [No response.]
    Senator Cardin. I will pursue my questioning and then we 
will come back to Senator Young if he is available.
    First off, let me thank all of our nominees for their 
public service and they are willing to continue in public 
service. These are difficult times.
    We thank you and your families. Each of the positions that 
you have been nominated to are extremely important to our 
national security and to America's interests.
    Ms. Carty, I am going to follow up on the Sustainable 
Development Goals. I was listening to your response to Senator 
Van Hollen. But I want to concentrate on one that was not 
mentioned during that exchange and that is Sustainable Goal 
Number 16.
    It is the one that the United States was the initiator of 
to include it among the SDGs. It is a new one so, therefore, it 
is going to be more challenging to implement accountability 
standards.
    And it is a little bit more difficult to establish 
accountability standards for SDG 16 as compared to others that 
we have established ways of evaluating how well we are doing in 
meeting the SDG goals.
    Will you tell me your strategy on dealing with SDG 16, 
which deals with good governance, so that I can have your 
assurances that this will be a very high priority if you are 
confirmed to this position?
    Ms. Carty. Thank you very much, Senator.
    And I think it is so important that the U.S. did insist on 
adding that as one of the core SDGs because it is fundamental 
to everything else that needs to happen. It is fundamental to 
how the U.N. system needs to work.
    If confirmed, Senator, I would work very aggressively with 
other like-minded governments to ensure that we did have the 
clearest possible benchmarks and indicators, meaningful 
benchmarks and indicators, practical benchmarks and indicators, 
to track progress on SDG 16 and also to ensure that where we 
saw backtracking we had effective means of calling that out.
    I think it comports very well, Senator, with broader U.S. 
development policy and, if confirmed, I look forward to paying 
sustained attention and working with you and your staff on 
that.
    Senator Cardin. I appreciate that. We are going to try to 
help you by establishing a rating system for how well countries 
are doing on fighting corruption, which is one of the key 
ingredients--anti-corruption--to have good governance.
    We are going to try to help you, but I can assure you I 
will be sending you information and expecting responses in 
regards to carrying out President Biden's acknowledgement that 
corruption is a national security core concern so you have a 
chance to do something about that with the SDG 16.
    And speaking about backtracking on good governance, Mr. 
Bondy, Senator Kaine already covered this point but I just want 
to cover it from a little bit different angle, and that is 
that, yes, Bahrain is an important ally of the United States in 
so many different areas, including our strategies against Iran 
as well as the Abraham Accords and moving forward with 
normalization with relations with Israel.
    During Arab Spring, Bahrain was one of the most aggressive 
countries in dealing with removing the rights of the citizens 
of their own country and abuses that occurred. We saw some 
reforms, but it appears now they have backtracked on many of 
those issues.
    I appreciate your comments about some of the issues 
concerning youthful offenders. But my information shows they 
are still using the arrest powers indiscriminately to crack 
down on any opposition to the Government at all, including 
peaceful demonstrations.
    I just really want to stress the point that with a country 
that we have a strategic partnership with that is backtracking 
on their commitments on human rights, we have to be very clear 
that that is a major concern to us and it affects our ability 
to strengthen the ties between our two countries.
    Mr. Bondy. Senator, I am very grateful for your comments on 
this important matter. It is difficult for me to comment on 
whether there is backtracking or forward movement as you know, 
obviously, I am not serving in the capacity.
    However, I can assure you, Senator that raising the broad 
swath of human rights issues would be something that I would 
eagerly do if confirmed as ambassador, and we do have several 
mechanisms where we can raise kind of the broad policy issues 
as well as specific cases.
    And I will say that my understanding is that our Bahraini 
partners have been very open to having that free and frank 
dialogue and, if confirmed, I would welcome the role of this 
committee and the Congress to play in this extremely important 
set of human rights issues.
    Senator Cardin. And let me mention one other part that our 
missions play in countries where NGOs or advocates have a 
challenging time in exercising their rights, their basic human 
rights, where the U.S. mission becomes a safe place for them to 
be able to get support for being heard.
    Do you commit, if confirmed, that our mission in country 
will always be a safe haven for those trying to exercise their 
basic human rights?
    Mr. Bondy. Yes, Senator, I do. Those activities go on 
already where we have a broad swath of outreach to human rights 
defenders and human rights organizations, and if confirmed, I 
absolutely want to continue that outreach.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. I believe Senator Young is now 
available vis-a-vis WebEx.
    Senator Young?
    Senator Young. Thank you so much, Mr. Cardin.
    Mr. Bondy, very good to see you, sir. Congratulations to 
you on your nomination and to all the other panelists on your 
nominations.
    Mr. Bondy, Bahrain recently committed to partner with Task 
Force 59 and will be the first nation to partner with that 
group. According to NAVCENT, they agreed to collaborate in 
October on manned/unmanned teaming exercise to evaluate 
advanced unmanned surface vessels.
    Will you commit to support Bahrain's partnership with the 
Fifth Fleet's recently created unmanned systems task force, 
Task Force 59, and will you work to promote other Gulf States 
joining this important initiative?
    Mr. Bondy. Senator, I absolutely can support that. I think 
it is a very important initiative in order to continue to 
promote freedom of navigation and safe transport in the--on the 
high seas.
    Senator Young. Very good.
    Sir, in light of the Abraham Accords and Israel's entry 
into CENTCOM, will you commit to push as hard as possible to 
get the Israeli military as integrated as possible in the 
multilateral activities at CENTCOM and the Fifth Fleet lead out 
of Bahrain, including maritime security efforts in the Gulf and 
Red Sea and regional efforts on missile defense and counter 
drone efforts?
    Mr. Bondy. Senator, I believe that moving forward on 
building the relationship between Israel and Bahrain in a broad 
spectrum of areas all the way, starting with military and 
security as you are describing and then moving all the way 
across to economy, trade, education, technology, and people-to-
people ties, is incredibly important.
    And certainly, if confirmed, I would like to find a way to 
use the convening power of the United States in order to 
involve Israel more closely in planning and discussions related 
to preserving security in Bahrain and the Gulf region.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    And lastly, sir, will you commit to work with CENTCOM and 
the Fifth Fleet to get an Israeli naval liaison officer 
assigned to NAVCENT in Manama?
    Mr. Bondy. Senator, I admit that I am unaware of that 
specific initiative. But, if confirmed, I absolutely would want 
to consult with the Department of Defense, with NAVCENT, assist 
in any way that I could play a useful role.
    Senator Young. That makes sense, Mr. Bondy. I will look 
forward to, should you be confirmed, following up with you and 
your consultation with DOD, and if there is any way I could be 
of assistance in furtherance of that effort I will be happy to 
do so.
    Ms. Stewart, congratulations to you as well. We continue to 
see the foundation of strategic arms control crumble away. 
Years ago, I spent a brief stint of time working on the staff 
of former Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
Dick Lugar. I feel especially responsible to ensure the legacy 
of arms control is protected and renewed.
    To do that, we must have partners and processes that we can 
trust. At the same time, we want to ensure that we do not erode 
our defensive capabilities by entering into an agreement that 
is one sided.
    What are the core areas of New START, Ms. Stewart, that 
need to be updated in order for the U.S. and Russia to have 
confidence in the agreement?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator, for that question. I 
definitely appreciate your background in this issue and I am 
very glad to hear that you are concerned about the future in 
this arena, as I am as well.
    Because of the downturn in relations with the Russian 
Federation, effective arms control is more valuable now than it 
was in 2010, and it is important to maintain the boundaries on 
nuclear competition even as we hold the Russian Federation to 
account for its reckless and aggressive actions.
    I think the verifiable limits on Russian intercontinental 
range nuclear forces allow us to make better informed judgments 
about the sufficiency of U.S. nuclear forces and help diminish 
the possibility of a costly and dangerous nuclear arms race.
    As you know, New START also provides a forum for ongoing 
dialogue on strategic stability in nuclear weapons at a time 
when tensions between our countries are elevated and bilateral 
relations are increasingly challenged.
    As to your specific question, it would be useful in the 
next steps beyond the New START treaty to address the 
nonstrategic nuclear weapons of the Russian Federation to 
understand their limitations, numbers, and parameters in a way 
that could comprehensively address our concerns with respect to 
a lack of strategic stability by their increasing presence.
    As for the specifics of a next step agreement beyond New 
START, I think we definitely have to consider, as many 
administrations have, how to bring in the nonstrategic nuclear 
weapons and the novel delivery systems, including the unmanned 
delivery platforms, to address their concerns from a strategic 
stability vantage.
    Senator Young. Thank you. I think my time is about to end. 
I am curious whether there is any interest in Russia for a 
revised INF after the Trump administration pulled out on 
account of the fact that it had essentially become a unilateral 
agreement.
    Unless you have a yes or no answer on that, which I would 
welcome, maybe we can talk about that later.
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you. I look forward to discussing this 
with you, if confirmed.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    The Chairman. [Presiding.] Thank you.
    Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Welcome to the nominees.
    Ms. Stewart, the post that you would hold, if you are 
confirmed, is one that is critically important to the national 
security of the United States. Among other things, the bureau 
you would be heading is responsible for the annual report 
mandated by Congress on international adherence to arms control 
treaties.
    This report serves both as a proxy and a litmus test for 
the seriousness with which presidential administrations 
approach dangerous proliferation.
    During the Trump administration, I repeatedly urged the 
president to untangle the United States from Cold War style 
treaties that only constrained us, both because Russia cheated 
on them and China was not even bound by them.
    President Trump rightly extracted us from treaties like the 
INF and Open Skies. The annual compliance report, which 
documented Russian and Chinese proliferation, was a crucial 
part of the case I made and the decisions that President Trump 
took.
    I want to discuss with you how you would approach these 
issues, if confirmed. Let us start with China. China is engaged 
right now in a nuclear buildup that likely puts them in 
violation of their obligations under Article 6 of the NPT. The 
U.S. has limited leverage to stop this buildup, though.
    I have previously introduced legislation that would impose 
sanctions on parts of the Chinese military sector unless they 
come into compliance with their already existing NPT Article 6 
obligations for good faith negotiations.
    Do you agree that China is in violation of its Article 6 
obligations?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator. I share your concern about 
China's growing nuclear arsenal, and it does pose a security 
threat to the United States and our allies.
    That said, I intend to, if confirmed, work closely with the 
lawyers and the experts in the Arms Control Bureau to 
understand more fully the exact development and capacity 
enhancement that China is engaging in and to understand how 
that implicates their Article 6 obligations under the NPT.
    Senator Cruz. Does that mean you do not have an opinion 
right now about whether China is in violation of their Article 
6 obligations?
    Ms. Stewart. I think I need to understand better exactly 
the parameters of their development and what they intend to do. 
I understand there is future plans and, certainly, rapid 
expansion in the future, and I need to understand exactly where 
that is going to be implicated with respect to their nuclear 
capacities.
    Senator Cruz. All right. Let us turn to Russia.
    You have been a noted advocate of the Comprehensive Test 
Ban Treaty. As you know, the United States Senate has pointedly 
refused to ratify the CTBT, in part because of Russian 
behavior.
    In its 2021 Compliance Report, the Trump administration 
rightly called out this behavior. I would like to quote from 
that report.
    Quote, ``The United States finds that since declaring its 
testing moratorium Russia has conducted nuclear weapons 
experiments that have created nuclear yield and are not 
consistent with the U.S. zero yield standard.''
    Do you agree with that assessment?
    Ms. Stewart. I agree with the assessment in the Compliance 
Report, yes.
    Senator Cruz. Do you commit to ensuring, if you are 
confirmed, that you would continue to document such 
noncompliance?
    Ms. Stewart. Absolutely.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. Let us shift then to Iran.
    Since 2007, it has nearly always been the position of the 
United States that Iran is not a member in good standing within 
the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the NPT.
    We know the Iranian regime kept nuclear weapons blueprints 
on the shelf even while they were still pretending to comply 
with the Iran deal.
    In April 2019, then nominee to be Special Representative 
for Nuclear Nonproliferation, Jeffrey Eberhardt, confirmed in 
writing to this committee that, quote, ``Iran's standing as a 
nonnuclear weapons state party to the NPT cannot be described 
as good.''
    Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you for the question. I do.
    Senator Cruz. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the 
nuclear archives seized by Israel, including materials in the 
archives relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to 
constitute noncompliance by Iran of its obligation under the 
NPT?
    Ms. Stewart. We, certainly, share the concern that this is 
a serious issue we need to look into. But I think we need more 
understanding and information regarding that background file to 
assess whether that constitutes a violation of the NPT.
    Senator Cruz. Okay. And final question. I am concerned 
about the possibility of the Biden administration adopting a, 
quote, ``no-first-use'' nuclear policy. China has formally 
declared a no-first-use policy, but the Chinese Communist Party 
has proven itself willing to break such promises after we agree 
to them.
    Do you personally support a no-first-use policy for the 
United States?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you.
    With respect to that question I would, certainly, defer to 
the Department of Defense process that is presently undergoing 
to understand what exact policy is being included in a 
statement of no-first-use.
    That said, I appreciate that we need to ensure our extended 
deterrence commitments to our allies and partners remain strong 
and credible, as the President has stated that we would do in 
our Interim National Security Strategic guidance.
    And it is important to make sure allies and partners 
understand that whatever steps we take our commitment to their 
defense is unshakable.
    Senator Cruz. You do not have any personal views on this 
topic, though?
    Ms. Stewart. I have a lot of personal views with respect to 
the underlying policies being considered in the Nuclear Posture 
Review. But I am certainly--I am certainly welcoming the----
    Senator Cruz. What are those views? That is the question is 
what are those views?
    Ms. Stewart. I think we have to--we have to really consider 
how we can take steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in 
our deterrence. But we have to do so in a way that ensures our 
extended deterrence commitments to our allies and partners 
remain strong and credible.
    And I think, regardless of the policy language, the words 
will be informed by the concerns that the Senator raised 
earlier. They will be informed by our engagement with the 
allies and partners to ensure them of our unshakeable 
commitment.
    And so if the policy is no-first-use, if it is sole-
purpose, if it is fundamental purpose or if it goes back to the 
2018 Nuclear Posture Review, it has to be done with a good 
sense of understanding of our commitments.
    And we need to make sure that our commitments to our allies 
are strong and unshakable, and we need to understand their 
concerns and address them.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you.
    The Chairman. There are no other members before the 
committee, as I understand it. I will ask questions myself.
    Before I do, I want to wish Senator Cardin a very happy, 
joyous, and healthy birthday and many more, one of our key 
members of the committee.
    [Singing.]
    Senator Cardin. We now understand that Senator Menendez's 
Senate career is his second career. His first career is as a 
singer and a performer. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. I am not giving up my day job. I like to eat. 
But happy birthday. This is what happens when you sing--I sang 
to Jeanne Shaheen. Now he wants to be sung to. I made that 
mistake of doing that in public. In any event, happy birthday, 
Ben.
    And I understand--I do not know if he is here anymore, but 
a former member of the staff, John Ryan, who is at the State 
Department, shares an illustrious birthday with Senator Cardin. 
Happy birthday to him as well.
    Let me, on a serious note, turn to our nominees.
    Ms. Stewart, you may have heard my opening comments and I 
am wondering, do you believe that the department as it is 
presently configured, as it is presently staffed, is up to the 
challenge ahead?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator.
    I share your concerns that the Bureau of Arms Control has 
been challenged through the previous administration--losing 
resources, losing supporting staff--and I agree that bringing 
on a new generation of experts and enabling the good transfer 
of institutional knowledge will be a priority as will expanding 
our ability to confront and contend with an increasingly 
aggressive China and new and emerging technological challenges.
    I agree with you we also need to expand and enhance our 
work to create a new generation of tools and technologies that 
will enhance verification and allow us to better monitor 
compliance.
    We need to position ourselves to work closely with the 
intelligence community and the U.S. interagency to explain the 
basis for the U.S. Government's compliance concerns to the 
international community in an effort to shine a light and, 
hopefully, resolve those concerns.
    And finally, we need to work to rebuild an understanding of 
the importance of arms control measures in coordination with 
deterrence to achieve a lasting and sustainable strategic 
stability.
    If confirmed, all of these are issues that I hope to work 
on in close cooperation with you to expand and enhance the 
capacity of the Bureau to address the numerous challenges that 
face us.
    The Chairman. We have an extraordinary array of issues that 
your department would have responsibility for and for which I 
think we face some major challenges.
    Let me ask you specifically, it appears that we have 
reached a critical juncture in our diplomatic efforts to 
contain Iran's nuclear program. It continues to stonewall the 
IAEA's investigation into undeclared nuclear materials and 
activities that were uncovered in 2018 and is refusing to allow 
the IAEA to assess critical monitoring equipment.
    I do not even understand quite the much ballyhooed 
agreement that was reached by the IAEA. All they did is they 
took out the components that were previously being used for 
monitoring but which they cannot see and put in the new chips 
to continue to monitoring but which they cannot see.
    We do not have any eyes on site during this period of time 
to understand how far they have advanced, and Tehran is 
pressing forward with their nuclear program with a current 
breakout time to produce the necessary material for a weapon 
near where it was before the JCPOA was signed.
    What impact is Iran's refusal to cooperate with the IAEA 
having on compliance with the nuclear nonproliferation treaty 
and do you think that Iran has really walked away without very 
much consequence, that other states will follow Iran's lead and 
refuse to fully cooperate with the IAEA?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator. I completely share your 
concerns on this issue. This administration remains committed 
to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and we 
continue to believe diplomacy, in coordination with our allies 
and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal.
    We, clearly, have a series of fundamental disagreements on 
a wide range of issues. Iran's lack of cooperation on 
safeguards in the JCPOA, its support for terrorism, its 
ballistic missile programs, destabilizing actions throughout 
the region, and its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully 
detained U.S. citizens and foreign nationals as political tools 
are all issues of grave concern.
    But with respect to your specific point, if we do not 
address the numerous challenges that Iran poses, we will risk 
other countries following Iran's lead and we will risk the 
diminishment of the IAEA and the NPT itself.
    This administration is very focused on understanding what 
we can do to address all of these challenges while supporting 
the IAEA.
    AVC's sister bureau, the ISN Bureau, is the lead in the T 
family on this issue. If confirmed, I will work to make sure 
AVC is ably assisting the department in its efforts to prevent 
Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon and to ensure support for 
the IAEA in all of its efforts.
    The Chairman. All right. I have questions for you on China 
but I will submit them for the record. I would like a full 
answer when you receive them.
    Let me turn to Mr. Bondy. We, obviously, you, obviously, 
support the continued partnership with Bahrain to address 
counterterrorism needs in the region. Is that correct?
    Mr. Bondy. Yes, I do.
    The Chairman. And as well as maintaining the close security 
partnership that we have between the United States and Bahrain?
    Mr. Bondy. Yes, I do, Senator.
    The Chairman. We applaud that Bahrain and the UAE became 
countries that normalized relations with Israel. But, if 
confirmed, what steps can you take as ambassador to preserve 
the space for a continued dialogue on normalization, how we 
could help foster Israel's growing ties with Bahrain?
    Mr. Bondy. Yes, Senator. Thank you very much for the 
question.
    This is an issue set that, if confirmed, I would want to 
devote all of my creativity and energy in order to expand the 
relationship between two of our close friends and allies in the 
Middle East region.
    Indeed, I believe there is quite a bit of progress that can 
be made. At least at this stage both sides have taken the 
fundamentally important step to complete and sign and promote 
the Abraham Accords, and now comes the time where it needs to 
be operationalized.
    As we heard earlier, the Israeli Foreign Minister did visit 
Bahrain just a few days ago. Bahrain does have an ambassador 
now in Israel and my understanding is Israel shortly will have 
an ambassador in Bahrain.
    I would, certainly, want to, if confirmed, consult with the 
Israeli Embassy, the Israeli ambassador. But I do believe, 
Senator, that there is a great amount of room for joint 
cooperation be it in the military and security realm, all the 
way across to people-to-people contact, and I would want to 
look for opportunities in order to enhance that relationship.
    The Chairman. I have said to several of our nominees going 
to some of these countries is that it is great that the Abraham 
Accords were signed. It is great that there is normalizing.
    But normalizing has to go a step beyond. If you are allies 
you are allies. That means you stand up for Israel at 
institutions like the United Nations. It means you engage 
within the region to engage other countries within the region.
    As you say, it has to become operational. Otherwise, it is 
just a piece of paper for which there is a recognition of a 
relationship. But what that relationship is is really, 
ultimately, embodied by the actions of both countries, 
bilaterally, in each case. I hope to see that in the case of 
Bahrain.
    I do have questions about our--the human rights, and I will 
submit those for the record that I would like to see you 
respond to.
    Finally, Ms. Carty, I look at what some people say about 
ECOSOC and there are some who say that ECOSOC lacks any real 
authority and that it works--overlaps with the activities of 
the U.N. General Assembly.
    It has been suggested that the Council could play a greater 
role in global economic and development policy. The U.N. has 
passed several reforms over the years, including as recently as 
this year, to strengthen ECOSOC's policy guidance role and to 
improve collaboration between ECOSOC, its subsidiary councils, 
and other U.N. entities.
    What is your assessment of the most recent ECOSOC reforms? 
Do you believe that ECOSOC should have a greater policy-setting 
role?
    Ms. Carty. Senator, thanks for the question.
    I think it is still a work in motion, Senator, as best I 
understand the situation. ECOSOC does play an important role in 
framing the conversation that then goes on to the General 
Assembly in creating reports, resolutions, documents. It can 
set the context for how key issues are discussed, key issues 
that matter substantially to the United States.
    If confirmed for this position, Senator, I would always 
keep that in mind, how do we work effectively across the ECOSOC 
body to ensure that their operations are effectively supporting 
important U.S. goals that are within the purview of the 
committee.
    I am a firm believer, Senator that the U.N. functions best 
when the U.S. is in a leadership role and is, clearly, at the 
table and I would hope, if confirmed, to bring that to the 
ECOSOC discussion.
    The Chairman. One last question for you. I am concerned 
about China's increasing influence and role in U.N. bodies. 
ECOSOC consults with more than 5,100 registered nongovernmental 
organizations to inform its work.
    I am deeply concerned that within ECOSOC China has used its 
seat on the Council's committee on NGOs to block applications 
from NGOs working on human rights issues.
    I know you are not there yet but you have been involved in 
this field in general. How do you assess China's efforts to use 
its increased influence at ECOSOC and elsewhere in the U.N. 
system to undermine civil society and silence the voices of 
those who champion human rights?
    Ms. Carty. Senator, I think this absolutely is a problem 
and it needs to be a top priority. We know that there is a 
broader effort undertaken by China across the U.N. system to 
try to insert its authoritarian values in place of core U.N. 
principles.
    We cannot allow that to happen. There are particular risks 
in the ECOSOC space and, in particular, in the NGO committee 
where I understand China has acted to ensure that NGOs that 
represent Tibet or the Uighurs are not allowed to participate.
    If confirmed for this position, Senator, I share fully with 
you the view that NGOs and civil society provide an absolute 
critical perspective. Credible organizations need to be at the 
table and I would devote the full measure of my energies to 
ensure that was, in fact, the case.
    The Chairman. We look forward to that. This committee as 
well as the Senate has spoken with one voice on China and, 
therefore, whether it be on arms control issues or whether it 
be about its nefarious activities at the U.N. that I have just 
described, we look forward to a forceful response.
    Senator Hagerty has made it under the wire. He is now 
recognized.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Menendez. It was my 
honor to follow you in the Banking Committee meeting just a few 
minutes ago and thank you for your comments there and your 
leadership there.
    Ms. Stewart, I would like to turn a question to you. The 
United States has a long history of using nuclear deterrent to 
prevent not only nuclear aggression but nonnuclear forms of 
aggression that either threaten us or our allies.
    Jim Baker, who served as President George H. W. Bush's 
Secretary of State, wrote about the use of calculated 
ambiguity. Using calculated ambiguity in America's policy to 
deter and prevent Saddam Hussein, I think, had a real effect, 
looking at the possible use of chemical and biological weapons 
of mass destruction during the 1991 Gulf War.
    We use calculated ambiguity to make an enemy think really 
hard about the possible consequences before they might launch 
chemical or biological weapons against the United States, 
knowing that the response could include a full range of 
options, including nuclear.
    In 2020, presidential candidate Biden argued that, and I am 
going to quote, ``The sole purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal 
should be deterring and, if necessary, retaliating against a 
nuclear attack,'' the end of his quote.
    From my perspective as a businessman, I always think it is 
a bad option to take tools and options off the table, 
particularly with dealing in situations where the United States 
or our allies might be in danger.
    I want to ask you, Ms. Stewart, do you support adopting a 
sole-purpose policy?
    Ms. Stewart. Thank you so much for that question. I agree, 
this is a really difficult area and it is a very complicated 
analysis that, right now is being led by the Department of 
Defense to really have a whole-of-government review of our 
deterrence posture, our Missile Defense Review, our nuclear 
policy, and our broader national defense guidance. I think this 
is a hard issue.
    With respect to sole-purpose, with respect to no-first-use, 
with respect to sort of the policy formulations, ultimately, 
United States declaratory nuclear policy will be a decision for 
the President, and the particular language chosen for this 
policy will be fully informed by the perspectives of our allies 
and partners.
    And as I mentioned before, we will engage allies and 
partners. We will continue--and we have been engaging with 
them--to assure them that the United States commitment to their 
defense is unshakable and to explain how our rationale for the 
declaratory policy is chosen by the President in the best 
national security interests and how we intend to assure our 
allies' and partners' security consistent with that policy.
    To your specific question, the policy formulations that the 
Department of Defense right now is coming up with will fully 
take into account the strategic threat environment we face and 
will certainly lay out the concerns and the challenges with 
respect to any option on the table.
    I do not want to get ahead of where the department is on 
this. But I understand that all different formulations of what 
that policy could be are on the table. The concern I have is 
when we say sole-purpose, what sort of formulation of that are 
we discussing? Or if we say no-first-use, what formulation?
    There are several different, I guess, semantic 
conversations we could have about what you are looking at and 
what you are considering in the NPR process and what the 
Department of Defense is putting on the table, again, fully 
informed by their threat assessment.
    There are certain sole-purpose formulations that may make 
more or less sense, depending on what we are trying to address 
throughout the NPR, and looking at the integrated deterrence 
considerations.
    But I think these will all be very carefully observed and 
studied and presented to the President.
    Senator Hagerty. I can confidently say this, that anything 
we do in an environment like we have right now where the threat 
is escalating, anything that we might do that would limit our 
options would weaken the United States. It would embolden our 
adversaries and it will cause our allies to question us.
    I encourage you strongly as you look at this policy, as you 
contemplate the responsibilities that you are facing, that you 
take every effort to broaden our options and not restrict them 
in any manner.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you. That concludes our hearing.
    The record for this hearing will remain open until the 
close of business on Wednesday, October 6th, 2021. I ask 
colleagues to ensure that questions for the record are 
submitted no later than tomorrow, on Wednesday.
    I would say to the nominees inevitably there will be 
questions that will be directed to you. I would urge you to 
answer them fully as well as expeditiously as possible so that 
your nominations can be considered before the committee at a 
business hearing.
    And with thanks to the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Photos from commercial satellites have revealed three new 
fields of intercontinental ballistic missiles. The size and scope of 
these missile fields indicate China is abandoning its previous nuclear 
strategy based upon minimal deterrence and instead is moving toward a 
strategy of assured retaliation against the United States, which is 
similar to Russia's nuclear strategy. This committee began to address 
this issue in the bipartisan ``Strategic Competition Act,'' which lays 
out the need for effective arms control in the face of China's military 
modernization and expansion. What are your thoughts about when and how 
the United States should approach China to begin talks on strategic 
stability or arms control?

    Answer. I believe the United States must pursue arms control 
measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's 
(PRC) growing nuclear arsenal. These efforts will go together with ones 
designed to bolster deterrence in the region. The administration hopes 
that Beijing will come to see that arms control is in its own security 
interest and is a mechanism to reduce the risk of military crises and 
manage the threat of destabilizing arms races. U.S. allies and partners 
will be key to success here and the administration will work with them 
to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully with the United States 
on arms control. If confirmed, I commit to consult Congress at an 
appropriate time on potential measures to be pursued with China.

    Question. What issues do you believe the United States should focus 
on?

    Answer. The best way to address emerging nuclear threats to the 
United States and our allies and partners is to ensure our strategic 
deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective and pursue arms control 
that enhances U.S., allied, and partner security. The People's Republic 
of China's (PRC) growing nuclear arsenal represents one such threat 
that the United States must address over the coming years. If 
confirmed, one of my focus areas will be on how best the State 
Department can expand the expertise and resources needed to contend 
with arms control challenges posed by the PRC.

    Question. Do you believe the AVC Bureau has the resources and staff 
necessary to effectively negotiate with China?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities is ensuring the 
Bureau has the appropriate resources to pursue the administration's 
arms control objectives, including potential engagement with the 
People's Republic of China. I would be grateful for Congressional 
support in this effort.

    Question. I supported the extension of the New START Treaty for a 
full five years. I agreed with the Biden administration that a full 
extension would allow the United States to retain the benefits of New 
START while we address the many, many areas of concern we have with 
Russia. The United States and Russia just completed their second 
Strategic Stability Dialogue but it is still unclear to me what exactly 
we are seeking to accomplish in our discussions with Russia. Should the 
United States and Russia seek to build on New START with a new treaty 
that imposes deeper reductions in both sides' strategic nuclear forces?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration will use the five-year 
extension of the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in 
consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control 
that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons. It would be premature to 
speculate about U.S. nuclear force levels and potential limits in 
future arms control before the Nuclear Posture Review is complete and 
President Biden sets U.S. nuclear strategy.

    Question. Should we seek a new type of agreement that incorporates 
shorter-range nuclear weapons, not currently covered by New START?

    Answer. The United States will use the time provided by the five-
year extension of the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in 
consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control 
that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons, including novel strategic 
systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons. Incorporating Russian non-
strategic nuclear weapons into arms control is a longstanding and 
bipartisan U.S. objective.

    Question. What impact will China's nuclear buildup have on our 
ability to reach future arms control agreements with Russia?

    Answer. The United States should pursue arms control measures with 
Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) that advance the 
security of the United States, U.S. allies, and partners. The PRC's 
rapid expansion of its nuclear arsenal presages a more dangerous 
future, with a considerably larger number of sophisticated nuclear 
delivery systems capable of targeting a multitude of actors in the 
Indo-Pacific and beyond. This larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a 
broader PRC military build-up and contribute to arms racing dynamics 
that will complicate how we approach arms control challenges in the 
future.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator James E. Risch

Duties and Qualifications
    Question. What background and experience do you possess that 
qualify you to perform the duties of Assistant Secretary of State for 
Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance (AVC)?

    Answer. In 2004, I joined the Office of Treaty Affairs in the 
Department of State's Legal Adviser's office and focused on the Arms 
Control and Nonproliferation treaties portfolio. I have been working on 
these issues ever since, as a lawyer for the AVC Bureau and as a policy 
maker in the Bureau. I was a principal member of the technical staff 
and senior manager at Sandia National Laboratories, where I worked on 
arms control and nonproliferation policy support. Most recently, I have 
served as Senior Director at the National Security Council for Arms 
Control, Disarmament, and Nonproliferation. Before I started as a 
Deputy Assistant Secretary in AVC, I was closely involved with many of 
the significant issues confronting the Bureau. For example, I was the 
lead lawyer for the delegations that negotiated our missile defense 
agreements with Poland and Romania. I also provided legal support for 
the New START negotiations and effort to develop rules of responsible 
behavior in emerging technology domains. I was also involved in the 
negotiations of the 2013 U.S.-Russian Framework for the Elimination of 
Syrian Chemical Weapons and the subsequent international architecture 
erected at the United Nations and in the Organization for the 
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to implement that Framework. 
After becoming the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Emerging Security 
Challenges and Defense Policy in the AVC bureau, I led numerous space 
security dialogues with partners and allies, and I was able to support 
Assistant Secretary Frank Rose in the Space Security Dialogue with 
China. In that role, I also led the Bureau's efforts to produce the 
Annual Compliance Report, and then was responsible for briefing that 
report to the Hill, as well as foreign governments interested in its 
conclusions. During my time at Sandia National Labs, I learned more 
about the technical side of verification and compliance. I supported 
numerous projects on behalf of the State Department or the Department 
of Defense to further our arms control and nonproliferation policies 
and objectives, and gained a much deeper understanding of the crucial 
role of the national labs in so many of our deterrence, strategic 
stability, and arms control and verification capacities. Finally, as a 
Special Assistant to the President and the Senior Director for Arms 
Control, Disarmament, and Nonproliferation, I have been leading the 
interagency policy processes on these issues for over 8 months. This 
has provided me with a clear view of how the entire nuclear policy 
arena operates and interacts (both domestically and internationally) 
and the challenges, stovepipes, and perspectives that exist. If 
confirmed, my experience and interagency connections in this field will 
serve me well in the role of AVC Assistant Secretary.

    Question. If confirmed, do you believe that there are any steps 
that you need to take to enhance your expertise to perform the duties 
of Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and 
Compliance?

    Answer. Given the numerous challenges posed by weapons of mass 
destruction and emerging technologies, it is important that everyone 
working to mitigate these challenges continually enhance and expand our 
personal knowledge and understanding. If confirmed, I will continue my 
own efforts to understand the scope of both the challenges facing the 
Bureau and the varying perspectives--both international and domestic--
on how to address them. This includes listening to and working with 
Congress, the interagency, as well as international allies and partners 
to maximize our collective efforts to improve international security.

Major Challenges and Priorities
    Question. In your view, what are the major challenges confronting 
the next Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, 
and Compliance?

    Answer. There are numerous challenges facing AVC as a whole, some 
of which I outlined in my opening statement. If confirmed, I look 
forward to tackling all of them with the help of the experts in the 
Bureau, at State and around the Government. A top priority would be to 
enable and empower the Bureau to bring in and retain the necessary 
expertise to effectively address the growing threats to strategic 
stability, including China, emerging technologies, and attribution and 
accountability challenges in the face of mis- and disinformation. 
Impending retirements and staff attrition must also be addressed. The 
institutional transfer of knowledge from key experts and opportunities 
for growth and career development would also be a major focus of mine.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you address these challenges?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would make it a priority to enhance 
bipartisan focus on the Bureau's crucial work on global strategic 
stability. I would also work to expand AVC's ability to work hand in 
hand with the U.S. interagency focused on nuclear policy, through more 
dialogues, detail opportunities, and other exchanges, so that the 
Bureau's tool set can be used to continue to strengthen national 
security and reduce risks internationally. In particular, I would want 
to focus on working with the interagency to better integrate deterrence 
and arms control policies, so they can be mutually reinforcing. Working 
together with the Hill, I would make the case that AVC needs the best 
tools and analytical capabilities available, now and in the future, to 
provide accurate, credible, and robust verification of arms control, 
nonproliferation, and disarmament agreements and commitments, as well 
as rigorous assessments of compliance with those agreements and 
commitments, including in order to provide Congress and our partners 
and allies with a complete and accurate accounting of the arms control 
landscape through the annual Compliance Report.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your main priorities?

    Answer. Longstanding top priorities for the AVC Bureau continue to 
include reducing the risk of nuclear and conventional war through 
effective arms control mechanisms such as: risk reduction, 
transparency, prevention of unintended escalation, negotiation of 
effectively verifiable international agreements, and bilateral and 
multilateral diplomacy to prevent miscalculation and misunderstanding. 
The Bureau has also long sought to limit vertical nuclear 
proliferation, and to pursue accountability for and deter the use of 
chemical, biological, and all weapons of mass destruction. Rapid 
advances in science and technology require that the Bureau continue its 
work to tackle new challenges: from creating norms of responsible 
behavior in space, to addressing security challenges underseas and in 
the Polar regions, to grappling with advancements in cyber capabilities 
and other emerging technologies that can threaten strategic stability. 
Finally reinvigorating and reemphasizing the mission of the Bureau, and 
supporting the international organizations who support attribution and 
accountability in our arena, needs to be at the forefront of our 
efforts. Our ability to hold bad actors accountable under the arms 
control architectures requires unassailable credibility on our part. 
That means AVC must be at the forefront of fulfilling U.S. commitments 
to that architecture.

    Question. The Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance 
includes a diverse set of portfolios and issues. What criteria would 
you apply and what processes would you follow to establish priorities 
and evaluate tradeoffs in time and resources between the various AVC 
commitments?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would strive to align the use of AVC's 
staff, time, funding, and other resources with priorities identified by 
the President and Secretary of State and articulated in the Interim 
National Security Strategic Guidance and other relevant administration 
documents, as well as by Congressional mandate. In general, and in 
conformity with these aforementioned sources of strategic guidance, I 
would also seek to devote resources to issues based on the magnitude of 
their potential impact on national security and potential benefit for 
U.S. efforts to enhance arms control, disarmament, and international 
security cooperation. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that AVC's 
Bureau Strategic Plan and Bureau Resource Request reflect full 
alignment with these criteria for prioritizing the use of resources to 
fulfill the Bureau's critical national security mission.

    Question. What resources does AVC have to call upon within its own 
bureau, and that it has contracted, to verify, and make compliance 
determinations with respect to other nations' adherence to their NPT 
obligations, U.S. nuclear cooperative agreements, and the military 
diversion of civilian nuclear facilities in violations of existing IAEA 
safeguards agreements?

    Answer. It is my understanding that AVC employs 1.25 FTEs engaged 
in assessing compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which 
includes compliance with required IAEA safeguards agreements, but does 
not assess compliance with U.S. nuclear cooperative agreements. There 
are no contracts supporting verification of compliance with the NPT at 
present. The U.S. Government conducts its own analysis of Iran's 
compliance with the NPT and makes its own findings, drawing on the 
IAEA's reports, and extensive reporting by the U.S. Intelligence 
Community. The principal analysis for the annual Compliance Report is 
drafted by AVC and coordinated within the Department of State. This 
draft analysis and findings are then sent to the interagency and a 
thorough, government-wide vetting and clearance process takes place. 
When the interagency review is completed, State finalizes the analysis 
and findings as part of the annual Compliance Report.

    Question. How do these resources compare with those AVC has on tap 
to make determinations regarding possible violations of the Outer Space 
Treaty, the CTBT, the BWC, and CWC? Please give specific staffing 
numbers in full-time staffer equivalents and in dollars contracted out 
for relevant outside analysis.

    Answer. I understand that AVC's full-time staff equivalents devoted 
to verifying compliance with the specified treaties at present are as 
follows: zero FTEs for the Outer Space Treaty, zero FTEs for the 
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), 3.5 FTEs for the 
Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), and 10.5 FTEs for the Chemical 
Weapons Convention (CWC). Should compliance issues arise related to the 
Outer Space Treaty, AVC staff who cover Outer Space security issues 
could be allocated to assess such concerns. As the CTBT is not in force 
yet, no FTEs are dedicated to assessing compliance with it; however, 
two FTEs work on issues related to CTBT and work to assess compliance 
with the LTBT and TTBT, as well as states' adherence to their 
respective voluntary testing moratoria. There are no contracts 
supporting verification of compliance with the Outer Space Treaty at 
present. There are no contracts for monitoring compliance with the 
CTBT, since it is not in force, but ongoing projects relevant to 
monitoring compliance with the LTBT, TTBT, and states' adherence to 
voluntary nuclear explosive testing moratoria amount to $1,310,324 at 
present. Currently, there are three projects supporting BWC compliance 
and strengthening attribution measures for biological weapons 
investigations totaling $976,000. AVC also has two current projects 
related to supporting CWC compliance verification totaling $350,075 at 
present.

    Question. What percentage of verification and compliance analysis 
does AVC simply delegate to the Intelligence Community and State's 
Intelligence and Research Bureau?

    Answer. As required by statute, the Department of State, led by 
AVC, prepares compliance analysis as part of the annual Compliance 
Report, in consultation with the Departments of Defense and Energy and 
the Joint Chiefs of Staff. As also required by statute, the report is 
submitted with the concurrence of the Director of National 
Intelligence. Thus, the Intelligence Community, including the 
Department of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, reviews and 
concurs with the annual Reports. The AVC Bureau is uniquely positioned 
to employ a cadre of WMD technical and arms control policy experts who 
are involved in the rigorous compliance assessment process. Compliance 
assessments are informed by all-source intelligence products, 
comprising both finished analysis and raw reporting, relevant to 
verification of foreign states' compliance with their obligations. For 
nearly all agreements, AVC convenes Verification and Compliance 
Analysis Working Groups at which interagency partners, especially those 
identified by statute as participants in the annual compliance report 
process, participate in reviewing activities of concern and making 
recommendations on a compliance determination for respective Compliance 
Reports.

    Question. What are your views on the relationship between the 
Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and 
Compliance and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in particular, 
and with Congress in general?

    Answer. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee and Congress have an 
important role in the formation of foreign policy. You have my 
commitment that, if confirmed, I will work in close coordination with 
the committee and Congress.

    Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take to sustain a 
productive and mutually beneficial relationship between Congress and 
the Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and 
Compliance?

    Answer. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee and Congress have an 
important role in the formation of foreign policy. My goal, if 
confirmed, is to work with Congress on resolving a number of challenges 
that we face as a nation. You have my commitment that, if confirmed, I 
will work in close coordination with the committee and Congress to 
achieve our shared objectives.

    Question. U.S. Strategic Command leader Admiral Richard says 
China's ``breathtaking'' nuclear buildup is the final piece of 
capability to build a military able to coerce and confront the U.S. and 
our allies to change the world order. Do you agree with this 
assessment? Why or why not? What are your views on the causes of 
China's nuclear expansion? What are the implications?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) ongoing rapid 
expansion of its nuclear arsenal presages a more dangerous future, with 
a considerably larger number of sophisticated nuclear delivery systems 
able to reach the United States and our allies and partners than in the 
past. This larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a broader PRC military 
build-up and its increasingly assertive and threatening behavior to 
U.S. allies and partners. Precisely because Beijing is the least 
transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapon states, accurate 
assessments of its nuclear trajectory and intentions are difficult. 
China's behavior, in addition to the concerns expressed by Admiral 
Richard and others, highlights why the United States must pursue arms 
control to reduce the dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal.

    Question. Air Force Secretary Kendall recently referred to a 
potential Chinese fractional orbit bombardment system (FOBS). What can 
you share about a possible Chinese FOBS capability? How would such a 
capability affect the credibility of China's no first use policy?

    Answer. I defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific 
assessment. Overall, China's ongoing advances to its nuclear arsenal 
raise questions regarding its intent and undermine its claims to seek a 
minimum nuclear deterrent backed by a no-first use policy.

    Question. Would an operational FOBS violate the Outer Space Treaty?

    Answer. Consistent with longstanding U.S. policy, an object 
carrying nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction that 
completes only a fraction of an orbit is not a violation of Article IV 
of the Outer Space Treaty. Longstanding U.S. and international views 
are that while the Outer Space Treaty prohibits the placement of WMD in 
orbit, it does not prohibit nuclear weapons or other WMD transiting 
through space for part of their trajectory.

    Question. We understand the prior administration AVC had found 
cause to find China in violation of the NPT Article VI. What is your 
view of Chinese refusal to engage in good faith negotiations as 
required by the NPT? Are they in compliance with article VI?

    Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining 
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. The State 
Department's most recent Compliance Report did not find the PRC to be 
in violation of its obligations under Article VI of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty. If confirmed, I will consult with legal and 
policy experts at the Department of State on a variety of matters 
related to the PRC's behavior in the nuclear weapon arena, including 
its compliance with Article VI.

    Question. China has resisted numerous attempts to engage in 
bilateral or multilateral engagement regarding arms control, and has 
instead embarked on a major expansion and improvement of its nuclear 
forces. How do we get China to the arms control table?

    Answer. The administration will pursue arms control measures to 
reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing 
nuclear arsenal. These efforts will be paired with actions to bolster 
deterrence in the region. The administration is developing and 
evaluating specific proposals, and, if confirmed, I commit to 
consulting Congress at an appropriate time on potential measures to be 
pursued with the PRC and how best the State Department can develop and 
retain government expertise regarding arms control with the PRC.

    Question. The New START Treaty excludes Russia's tactical nuclear 
weapons and so-called ``exotic'' strategic delivery systems. If Russia 
fields some of these exotic systems before the expiration of New START, 
how should the U.S. respond?

    Answer. The New START Treaty limits Russia's Avangard hypersonic 
glide vehicle and will limit the Sarmat heavy ICBM at the appropriate 
point in its development cycle. Whether the two nuclear-powered novel 
systems announced by President Putin in March 2018 will be operational 
by New START's scheduled expiration in February 2026 remains to be 
seen. The United States will use the time provided by the extension of 
New START to pursue with Russia, in consultation with Congress and U.S. 
allies and partners, arms control that addresses all Russian nuclear 
weapons, including novel strategic systems not subject to New START and 
non-strategic nuclear weapons.

    Question. Which of Russia's so-called ``exotic'' systems do you 
believe are most concerning for U.S. security? Please explain the 
reasoning behind your answer.

    Answer. Each of the novel systems poses unique challenges. Based on 
the unclassified information that is available, the nuclear-powered, 
nuclear-armed cruise missile appears to be volatile, unreliable, and 
dangerous, posing a threat to the entire world, including Russia. If 
confirmed, I will consult with the U.S. Intelligence Community on 
Russia's ``exotic'' weapon systems, and I will engage with the 
Department of Defense on the military implications of these systems.

    Question. What do you believe the Russian reaction will be, if any, 
to the recent U.S. declassification of nuclear stockpile numbers?

    Answer. Declassifying U.S. nuclear stockpile numbers demonstrates 
the serious U.S. commitment to transparency and confidence-building 
measures that can enable further progress on reducing nuclear risks. We 
encourage Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to do the 
same and act in a more transparent manner. The declassification of U.S. 
stockpile numbers has shown U.S. leadership in nuclear nonproliferation 
and disarmament efforts. Others have welcomed our transparency and 
joined us in calling on Russia or the PRC to declassify their nuclear 
stockpile numbers.

    Question. What is your understanding of Russia's nuclear doctrine 
and how it views nuclear deterrence?

    Answer. Russia publicly states it would only use nuclear weapons in 
two scenarios: in response to the use of weapons of mass destruction 
against it and/or its allies, or if the existence of the Russian state 
is threatened. Yet Russia conducts exercises with scenarios simulating 
limited nuclear first use and maintains an arsenal of 1,000 to 2,000 
non-strategic nuclear weapons, which is projected to grow. Russia has 
developed a wide range of new dual-capable ground-, sea-, and air-based 
short- and intermediate-range missile systems. Such weapons range U.S. 
allies and partners in Europe and East Asia--as well as U.S. forces 
stationed there--and both our deterrence strategy and our approach to 
arms control must address these threats. If confirmed, I will consult 
with the U.S. Intelligence Community on Russian nuclear policy, 
strategy, doctrine, and forces.

    Question. What are your views on what objectives the U.S. should 
have for the U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogues?

    Answer. President Biden and President Putin agreed in June 2021 to 
pursue an integrated, robust, and deliberate Strategic Stability 
Dialogue. Through this dialogue, the Biden administration seeks to lay 
the groundwork for future arms control and risk reduction measures, 
while maintaining a consistent and iterative discussion on threats to 
strategic stability. While the administration seeks a more stable and 
predictable relationship with Russia through constructive engagement 
and aims to lessen the potential for miscalculations and 
misunderstandings, it will also hold Russia accountable when it 
disregards its international obligations and commitments. I agree with 
this approach.

    Question. What is your understanding of Russia's objectives for the 
U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogues?

    Answer. President Biden and President Putin agreed in June 2021 to 
pursue an integrated, robust, and deliberate Strategic Stability 
Dialogue. Through this dialogue, Russia has publicly stated it wants to 
raise U.S. capabilities and actions that it perceives as undermining 
strategic stability, such as U.S. missile defenses, U.S. precision-
guided weapons, U.S.-NATO capabilities and exercises near Russian 
borders, and U.S. forward-deployed nuclear weapons in Europe.

    Question. In a response to Congressional questioning in April 2021, 
the head of U.S. Strategic Command, Admiral Richard, stated that 
``Limited U.S. response options.are intended to provide a more credible 
deterrent to limited attack against the U.S., Allies and partners 
rather than relying primarily on the threat of large-scale nuclear 
responses. Without this capability, Russia may perceive an advantage at 
lower levels of conflict that may encourage limited nuclear use.'' Do 
you agree with Admiral Richard's assessment? Does this capability 
enhance U.S. leverage in diplomatic engagement with the Russians over 
their own non-strategic nuclear arsenal?

    Answer. I agree that limited U.S. response options are intended to 
provide a more credible deterrent to limited attack against the United 
States and our Allies and partners rather than relying primarily on the 
threat of large-scale nuclear responses. I believe the United States 
should have modern, credible, and effective nuclear forces that deter 
adversaries from nuclear use, no matter how limited. The ongoing 
Nuclear Posture Review process is analyzing how to accomplish this, and 
Admiral Richard's expertise and views will factor into that analysis.

    Question. Russia has violated previous arms control agreements like 
the INF Treaty and the BWC. It has repeatedly used banned chemical 
weapons against its own citizens and tolerated their use by its allies 
like the Assad regime. Since the fear of violating global norms and 
commitments does not appear to be a major constraint on Russia's 
actions, what other strategies can we employ to actually enforce these 
norms and ensure Russian behavior does not deteriorate further?

    Answer. The 2021 Compliance Report and the Condition 10(C) Report 
detail Russia's violations of both the BWC and CWC. If confirmed, I 
intend to work closely with the interagency, Allies, and partners to 
identify options to hold Russia accountable for its use of chemical 
weapons (CW) and identify measures to bring Russia back into compliance 
with its treaty obligations. The United States uses the full range of 
tools in its toolkit to respond to Russia's CWC and BWC violations. For 
example, the United States added key Russian Ministry of Defense 
institutes to the Department of Commerce's Entity List because the U.S. 
Government has reasonable cause to believe these facilities are 
associated with Russian biological weapons program. The United States 
also led efforts at the OPCW that resulted in the addition of two 
families of Novichoks to the CWC Annex on Chemicals. Further, the 
United States imposed sanctions under the Chemical and Biological 
Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (``CBW Act'') on 
Russia for the use of a Novichok chemical weapon in the poisoning of 
Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny that included restrictions on 
exports and purchases of Russian sovereign debt to send a clear signal 
that Russia's use of CW has severe consequences.
    Most recently, the United States, along with 44 other countries, 
posed a series of questions to Russia regarding the poisoning of Mr. 
Navalny under Article IX at the OPCW Executive Council meeting that 
took place October 5-8, 2021.
    The United States will continue to take steps to deter Russia's use 
of chemical weapons. This will include engaging Russia bilaterally and 
multilaterally, as well working with allies and partners at the OPCW 
Executive Council and Conference of the States Parties and in U.N. 
fora, including the Security Council, and using public messaging to 
express our concerns. If confirmed, I will explore further measures to 
address Russian non-compliance with the CWC. There can be no impunity 
for the use of chemical weapons.

    Question. It is our understanding that Russia has withdrawn its 
offer to freeze its warhead production that was offered under the Trump 
administration. What is the administration's strategy to constrain 
Russian non-strategic nuclear forces? What technology does the United 
States possess that would allow it to verify a potential Russian 
declaration? Has the State Department/AVC invested any funds in 
developing technologies that could assist in the verification of 
Russian NSNW? If so, what is the status of those programs and how far 
along in the TRL process is the technology?

    Answer. Russia never proposed to freeze nuclear warhead production. 
It said in October 2020 that it could accept a U.S. proposal to freeze 
the size of each side's nuclear arsenal, in conjunction with a one-year 
extension of New START. An arrangement on these terms was not 
finalized, in part, because Russia deemed U.S. efforts to define 
``warheads'' and discuss verification of the freeze as unacceptable 
extra demands.
    The Biden-Harris administration will use the five-year extension of 
the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with 
Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all 
Russian nuclear weapons, including non-strategic nuclear weapons. 
Identifying and analyzing appropriate verification technologies, 
ranging from National Technical Means to on-site inspections, will be 
an important component of those efforts. If confirmed, this would be a 
priority for me and an issue on which I would consult with Congress, 
including ensuring sufficient funding to explore and develop new 
verification technologies.

    Question. What do you view as the purpose of Iran's nuclear 
program?

    Answer. The United States has made clear its longstanding concerns 
with Iran's nuclear program, in particular Iran's pre-2004 efforts to 
develop nuclear weapons. As a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran is obligated not to manufacture 
or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons. Under the Joint Comprehensive 
Plan of Action, Iran reaffirmed this commitment. If confirmed, I will 
strongly support the administration's efforts to ensure that Iran never 
obtains a nuclear weapon.

    Question. In your assessment, do Iran's nuclear program and 
ballistic missile program indicate a desire by the Iranian Government 
to have a nuclear weapons capability?

    Answer. The United States has assessed that Iran pursued nuclear 
weapons until late 2003. Iran's long history of denial and concealment 
regarding its past nuclear weapons program, its continued escalation of 
nuclear activities beyond the limits in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of 
Action, and its ballistic missile development and proliferation all 
remain serious concerns today. Like President Biden, I am committed to 
ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

    Question. Given Iranian advances in space-based delivery systems 
and ballistic missiles, does the Iranian regime remain in compliance 
with the NPT? Why or why not? Please provide a detailed answer.

    Answer. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is solely 
focused on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and does not 
address missiles or any other potential delivery platform. Nonetheless, 
I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the NPT 
independent of Iran's ballistic-missile-related activities. If 
confirmed, I will work with legal and policy experts to monitor and 
assess Iran's NPT compliance. President Biden has made clear he is 
committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

    Question. Does the United States conduct its own analysis of 
Iranian compliance with its safeguards and other NPT commitments or 
does it rely strictly on the IAEA process? If the former, please 
describe in detail who makes that determination and what process it 
entails.

    Answer. The U.S. Government conducts its own analysis of Iran's 
compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and makes its own 
findings. The IAEA's reports inform that analysis. After consultations 
with the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC), the principal analysis for 
the annual Compliance Report is drafted by the State Department. The 
Department's draft analysis and findings are then sent to the 
interagency and a thorough, government-wide vetting and clearance 
process takes place. When the interagency review is completed, State 
finalizes the analysis and findings as part of the annual Compliance 
Report.

    Question. Under the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action 
(JCPOA), the limitations on Iran's uranium enrichment expire between 
2026 and 2031. If the U.S. rejoins the JCPOA, do you assess that Iran 
will be legally able to increase its uranium enrichment after 2031?

    Answer. As reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran 
is currently pursuing a uranium enrichment program far in excess of the 
limits under the JCPOA. A mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA 
would restore important restrictions on the size and scope of Iran's 
nuclear activities, and its uranium enrichment-related activities in 
particular, as well as the strongest verification and monitoring 
measures ever negotiated. While Iran would be permitted to expand key 
uranium enrichment activities again in 2031 under the JCPOA, the Biden 
administration has made clear that a mutual return to compliance with 
the deal remains the best available option to restrict Iran's nuclear 
program and provide a platform to address Iran's destabilizing conduct 
moving forward.

    Question. In 2018, Israel's Mossad released a series of Iranian 
nuclear files, which included information about at least three uranium 
enrichment facilities that Iran had hidden from the International 
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Do you agree that providing the IAEA 
access to those sites is essential to ensuring oversight of Iran's 
nuclear program?

    Answer. The administration takes Iran's full implementation of its 
legally binding obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its 
safeguards agreement with the IAEA very seriously. Iran must provide 
the IAEA with requested information and access in response to any 
question or concern related to potential undeclared nuclear materials 
and activities in Iran. If confirmed, I will strongly support the 
IAEA's monitoring and verification mandate in Iran.

    Question. In 2018, Israel's Mossad released a series of Iranian 
nuclear files, which included information about at least three uranium 
enrichment facilities that Iran had hidden from the International 
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

    Answer. My understanding is that the Biden administration will not 
take Iran at its word regarding assertions about its nuclear program. 
The JCPOA provided the strongest verification and monitoring measures 
ever negotiated to help ensure Iran's nuclear activities are 
exclusively peaceful. Resumption of mutual compliance with the deal 
would ensure the renewed implementation of these important measures, as 
well as restrictions on the size and scope of Iran's nuclear 
activities. Like President Biden, I am committed to ensuring that Iran 
never acquires a nuclear weapon.

    Question. What are your views on how to define ``integrated 
deterrence''?

    Answer. I defer to the Department of Defense for a specific 
definition of integrated deterrence. The administration believes the 
security challenges faced by the United States and our allies and 
partners require a reliance on all elements of national power, not just 
military tools. As such, there is a strong role for diplomacy to play 
in strengthening the alliances, institutions, agreements, and norms 
that underwrite international security. If confirmed, I will engage 
with the Department of Defense and Congress on how arms control can be 
used to strengthen deterrence.

    Question. How would unilateral U.S. reductions in the nuclear triad 
and the nuclear weapons complex enable the United States to negotiate 
with Russia and China from a position of strength?

    Answer. Whether unilateral or reciprocal, any potential reductions 
would need to be carried out in a manner consistent with the objective 
of ensuring the United States sustains a modern, credible, and 
effective deterrent so long as nuclear weapons exist. I would never 
support unilateral reductions that endanger U.S. security or weaken 
U.S. negotiating leverage.

    Question. Which emerging technologies most threaten strategic 
stability, and why? How can we best address these technologies through 
existing structures?

    Answer. Emerging technologies offer challenges and opportunities to 
strategic stability. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Quantum 
technologies have the potential to provide significant benefits to U.S. 
national security. AI, for example, could enhance deterrent 
capabilities and provide tools that improve situational awareness and 
decision-making capabilities, therefore, avoiding an unintended 
escalation during a crisis. However, it is important to consider the 
potential risks from such systems as well. If confirmed, we need to 
determine whether there are norms of responsible behavior that can be 
developed around the use of these systems. If confirmed, I look forward 
to addressing these challenges with Russia and the People's Republic of 
China.

    Question. In your view, would allowing Russian or Chinese 
inspectors to visit U.S. missile defense sites be an acceptable measure 
to build trust and transparency? If so, should we insist on reciprocal 
inspection rights? How would such measures comply with the prohibitions 
of 10 USC Sec. 130h?

    Answer. No decision has been made on whether to seek agreement with 
Russia or China on transparency measures related to U.S. missile 
defense programs, including missile defense site inspections. The 
United States would condition any agreement on receiving reciprocal 
rights from the Russian Federation and/or the People's Republic of 
China (PRC). Also, to the extent any agreement would include 
inspections at U.S. missile defense sites on the territory of allied or 
partner nations, the United States has committed to approach each Host 
Nation, prior to any discussion with Russia, to obtain Host Nation 
approval and conditions for permitting such inspections, and their 
conduct, on their sovereign territory. I fully recognize that any 
agreement with the Russian Federation must comply with the prohibitions 
of 10 USC Sec. 130h.

    Question. Does the Biden administration support the development and 
deployment of INF non-compliant systems such as GLCM to Eastern Europe 
and Asia?

    Answer. The U.S. withdrawal from the INF Treaty due to Russia's 
material breach and failure to return to compliance resulted in that 
treaty's termination. As such, there are no longer ``INF non-
compliant'' missiles. The Department of Defense (DoD) continues work on 
capabilities that would previously have been prohibited under the INF 
Treaty. I defer to DoD for further program details, but the United 
States would consult with allies, partners, and Congress prior to any 
foreign deployments.

    Question. What is the difference between a ``no first use,'' ``sole 
purpose,'' or ``fundamental purpose'' policy?

    Answer. Various declaratory policy options will be reviewed as part 
of the Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review. That ongoing 
analysis and the continuing allied and partner consultations will 
inform my own view on declaratory policy. It would be premature to 
define these terms before the NPR process has begun a detailed 
discussion on the matter. At the same time, I understand the concerns 
expressed among some allies and partners, members of Congress, and 
experts regarding U.S. adoption of a ``no-first-use'' or ``sole 
purpose'' policy. Those concerns will inform the review process.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. Among ``no first use,'' ``sole 
purpose,'' and ``fundamental purpose,'' most commentators assess ``no 
first use'' to be more restrictive than the other two. More exacting 
distinctions will vary depending on how each is defined. The DoD-led 
Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) is developing and evaluating different 
declaratory policy options and their implications. The NPR process will 
seek to clarify exactly what the formulations mean and avoid potential 
misunderstandings regarding the implications of the various policies. 
It would be inappropriate to speculate on specific definitions or 
differences with the NPR work still ongoing.

    Question. What are your views on the United Kingdom's declaratory 
policy? Was the UK wrong to maintain its long-standing policy of 
ambiguity in its latest integrated review?

    Answer. The administration supports the UK's efforts to ensure its 
defense and commend the UK for its openness on its nuclear policy and 
posture. Such transparency reduces the risks of misunderstanding and 
promotes stability. We call on Russia and the People's Republic of 
China to adopt a similar level of transparency about their nuclear 
policies.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. I agree with the 
administration's view of UK declaratory policy, and the United States 
commends the UK for its openness on its nuclear policy and posture. The 
administration further supports the United Kingdom's efforts to 
maintain a credible nuclear deterrent. The United States calls on 
Russia and the People's Republic of China to adopt a similar level of 
transparency.

    Question. We understand our allies have messaged strongly to the 
Biden administration against weakening the U.S. nuclear deterrent 
through adoption of a No First Use/Sole Purpose policy. The 
administration has previously ignored allied concerns on NordStream2, 
Afghanistan, and AUKUS. Given widespread allied concerns over a shift 
in declaratory policy, how would a major shift in this policy be 
consistent with the President's pledge to ``rebuild,'' U.S. alliances? 
What can concrete steps are you prepared to take to assure allies that 
the Biden Admin ensure their security?

    Answer. The Biden administration is working to reinvigorate and 
modernize our alliances and partnerships around the world. They are a 
tremendous source of strength and a unique American advantage. We are 
working to reaffirm, invest in, and modernize NATO and our alliances 
with Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea--which, along with our 
other global alliances and partnerships, are America's greatest 
strategic assist. I understand the concerns expressed among some allies 
and partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding potential U.S. 
adoption of a no-first-use or sole purpose declaratory policy. These 
two options do not reflect a binary choice. They are among various 
declaratory policy options being reviewed as part of the Department of 
Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review. That ongoing analysis and the 
continuing allied and partner consultations will inform my own view. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure the President is aware of allied and 
partner views to inform his decisions on U.S. nuclear posture and 
policies.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. Under the Biden-Harris 
administration, the United States is working to modernize its military 
capabilities and ensure the U.S. armed forces are equipped to deter 
adversaries, defend the U.S. people, interests, and allies, and defeat 
a variety of threats that emerge. As part of our overarching integrated 
deterrence, the United States will retain a strategic deterrent that 
remains safe, secure, and effective so that U.S. extended deterrence 
commitments to its allies remain strong and credible for the purposes 
of assurance. 

    Question. We understand the State Department recently surveyed over 
30 countries asking for their views on U.S. nuclear policy and any 
potential shifts in our declaratory policy. In addition to the 
responses to this outreach, we also understand there is at least one 
cable from this summer that codifies this feedback from a meeting 
between administration officials and their counterparts in the United 
Kingdom, France, and Germany in a cable. Do you commit to providing the 
committee with the details of allied feedback to the State Department, 
including the cable referenced previously?

    Answer. As announced, the administration is implementing a robust 
engagement plan with allies and partners as part of the ongoing Nuclear 
Posture Review (NPR). Those consultations are classified diplomatic 
exchanges and part of a current and ongoing process. I will note that 
allies and partners have provided a broad range of views that are being 
fed into the NPR process. If confirmed, I commit to work with Congress, 
through the Department's Bureau of Legislative affairs, to accommodate 
the vital oversight needs of this committee.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. Congressional oversight is a 
recognized and critical authority of Congress and of this committee. 
Taking into account the possible need for use of secure facilities and 
secure means of communication for classified information, and the 
potential for damage to diplomatic relations with our allies if 
confidential diplomatic communications are unduly disclosed publicly, I 
commit, if confirmed, to work with the Department to accommodate the 
oversight needs of this committee, including as to the matters you 
reference.

    Question. In your testimony, you reference varying definitions of 
``Sole Purpose''. How is this not an obfuscation and how would such a 
nuanced approach be a legitimate diplomatic response to our allies' and 
partners' grave concerns?

    Answer. Allies and partners have provided a broad range of views 
that are informing the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR). The administration 
continues to factor those views into its deliberations, including of 
various declaratory policies. My point was that as the NPR evaluates 
various policies, how they affect allied and partner perceptions of the 
strength and credibility of U.S. extended deterrence commitments needs 
to both be understood within the U.S. Government and explainable to 
foreign governments.

    Question. The Obama administration twice considered changing 
declaratory policy, and decided against changes both times. Why?

    Answer. The Obama administration explained in its 2010 Nuclear 
Posture Review that it did not adopt a sole purpose declaratory policy 
because ``there remains a narrow range of contingencies in which U.S. 
nuclear weapons may still play a role in deterring a conventional or 
chemical and biological weapon attack against the United States or its 
allies and partners.''

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. I was not part of the 2010 NPR 
process and have no firsthand knowledge into the decision-making 
process from 2010. Whether nuclear weapons may still play a role in 
deterring a conventional or chemical and biological weapon attack 
against the United States or its allies and partners is among the 
contingencies being evaluated as part of the ongoing DoD-led Nuclear 
Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior to that analysis 
being completed.

    Question. In what ways do you see the United States exercising its 
global leadership on arms control issues, and if confirmed, what would 
you do to advance and balance both U.S. interests and arms control 
efforts?

    Answer. Some examples of current efforts that demonstrate U.S. 
leadership on arms control include the Strategic Stability Dialogue 
with Russia, support for disarmament and nonproliferation progress at 
the U.N. First Committee and in other multilateral institutions, 
efforts to modernize the Vienna Document and consider proposals for 
future conventional arms control architecture that enhances 
international security, continued efforts to marshal international 
support for holding countries like Russia and Syria accountable for 
their use of chemical weapons, and dialogue with our allies and 
partners to support action in concert toward these ends. We also strive 
to lead by example by ensuring that U.S. nuclear policy and doctrine 
are consistent with the President's guidance to find ways to reduce the 
role that nuclear weapons play in our national security posture while 
taking into account security conditions and ensuring that our 
deterrence capabilities, and extended deterrence for our allies, remain 
safe, secure, strong, and credible. If confirmed, I intend to continue 
these efforts to protect our national security and ensure that the 
United States remains a leader in arms control by pursuing arms control 
dialogues, risk reduction best practices, and transparency and 
confidence-building measures that enhance strategic stability and 
reduce the risks of conflict escalation and miscalculation.

    Question. The USG has once again released numbers on the U.S. 
nuclear weapons stockpile, and called on other states with nuclear 
weapons to do the same. Russia and China refused to reciprocate when 
the Obama administration first tried this. Do you believe they will 
reciprocate this time?

    Answer. Declassifying U.S. nuclear stockpile numbers demonstrates 
the serious U.S. commitment to transparency and confidence building 
measures that can enable further progress on reducing nuclear risks. 
While we would encourage Russia and the PRC to be more transparent, the 
declassification of U.S. stockpile numbers has not harmed U.S. national 
security and has shown U.S. leadership in nuclear nonproliferation 
fora. Others have welcomed our transparency and joined us in calling on 
Russia and the PRC to do the same.

    Question. Should the State Department present data on its own 
estimates for China and Russia record of progress toward the 
achievement of the goals of the NPT?

    Answer. We assess a variety of information in evaluating progress 
toward the achievement of the goals of the NPT. I defer to the 
Intelligence Community on sharing sensitive information publicly. We 
are concerned about Russian and PRC weapons development and 
modernization. The Strategic Stability Dialogue with Russia, part of 
which will discuss next steps in nuclear arms control, is designed to 
address such concerns. If confirmed, I will consult with legal and 
policy experts at the Department of State on matters related to the 
PRC's behavior in the nuclear weapon arena, including its progress 
toward the achievement of NPT goals.

    Question. What are your views with respect to the Treaty for the 
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW)?

    Answer. The TPNW risks undermining U.S. deterrence relationships 
that are still necessary for international peace and security and may 
reinforce divisions that hinder our ability to work together to address 
pressing proliferation and security challenges. All NATO Allies remain 
opposed to the TPNW, as repeatedly stated by the North Atlantic 
Council, most recently in June of 2021. Any disarmament effort must 
take into account the international security environment, and legally-
binding measures must include effective verification.

    Question. Should the United States actively dissuade other States 
from joining the TPNW, or from participating in TPNW-related events and 
initiatives?

    Answer. The United States has expressed, and will continue to 
express, our views on what we believe to be the significant defects of 
the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and discouraged 
other states from becoming Parties to the TPNW. We have also shared our 
intentions not to participate in the first meeting of TPNW States 
Parties in March of 2022 in any capacity as such participation could be 
seen as giving the treaty unwarranted credibility. We also have 
encouraged our allies and partners not to participate.

    Question. Should the United States deny assistance to allies or 
partners who join the TPNW?

    Answer. Allies that benefit from extended nuclear deterrence have 
declined to join the TPNW. The United States continues to share our 
views on what we believe to be the significant defects of this treaty 
with our Allies and partners. We also have encouraged Allies and 
partners to conduct their own independent analysis of the potential 
impacts of the TPNW on national interests, legal commitments, and 
policy. It remains to be seen how TPNW states parties will interpret 
and implement many of the treaty's provisions, how this might impact 
their security relationships, and how the United States would react to 
specific situations.

    Question. Do you believe that membership in the TPNW would preclude 
a country from being a member of NATO, a nuclear alliance? Would TPNW 
membership preclude a nation from partaking in NATO or U.S.-led 
exercises?

    Answer. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is 
incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence relationships that are still 
necessary for international peace and security and may reinforce 
divisions that hinder the international community's ability to work 
together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges. 
U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear deterrence (which includes all 
NATO Allies, plus Australia, Japan, and South Korea) share our view 
that the TPNW is incompatible with our extended nuclear deterrence 
arrangements.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. The Treaty on the Prohibition of 
Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence 
relationships that are still necessary for international peace and 
security, and U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear deterrence share 
this view. While it remains to be seen how TPNW States Parties will 
interpret and implement the treaty's provisions, the text of the TPNW 
could have significant negative consequences for States Parties' 
ability to cooperate with nuclear-weapon States such as the United 
States, including in the context of a nuclear alliance like NATO. In 
particular, the TPNW's prohibition on assisting, encouraging, or 
inducing conduct otherwise prohibited by the treaty, which includes the 
possession of nuclear weapons, is vague and, depending on how broadly 
the treaty's obligations are interpreted, could have potentially 
sweeping implications for a TPNW State Party's ability to participate 
in NATO, as well as its ability to join in U.S.-led military exercises.

    Question. What do you see as your role, if confirmed, in 
strengthening support for the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of 
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the nuclear nonproliferation regime, as 
compared to the tenets of the TPNW?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with the Bureau of 
International Security and Nonproliferation (ISN) to strengthen 
political support for the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and to achieve 
a positive outcome at the upcoming NPT Review Conference. I would 
support and contribute to efforts, led by the President's nominee for 
Special Representative for Nuclear Nonproliferation, Adam Scheinman, to 
explain the U.S. record on arms control and our demonstrated commitment 
to the ultimate goal of nuclear disarmament in accordance with NPT 
Article VI. I would continue to oppose the Treaty on the Prohibition of 
Nuclear Weapons, which ignores the security environment, undercuts 
deterrence, and does not offer a practical path toward that goal.

    Question. What are your views on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty 
(CTBT)?

    Answer. A global, legally-binding ban on nuclear explosive testing 
in all environments is in the national security interest of the United 
States. Entry into force of the CTBT would enhance our efforts to 
prevent the further proliferation of nuclear weapons.

    Question. What do you think the United States' role should be in 
continuing to work with the CTBTO?

    Answer. I believe it is important for the United States to display 
leadership and remain fully engaged with the work of the CTBTO 
Preparatory Commission to ensure its capabilities are as robust as 
possible.

    Question. Does U.S. annual support to CTBTO require any metric or 
reporting on how the funds are spent? How does the United Stated ensure 
the funds are strictly for the IMS not operations of the CTBTO or 
general expenses?

    Answer. Through exchanges of letters in 2018 and again in 2021, the 
United States has conveyed all applicable U.S. funding restrictions on 
the funds it provides to the CTBTO Preparatory Commission. In response, 
the Preparatory Commission's Executive Secretary has acknowledged those 
restrictions and confirmed that U.S. funds will be used consistent with 
them.
    Expenditures on the International Monitoring System (IMS) and 
International Data Centre (IDC) comprise more than 80 percent of the 
CTBTO Preparatory Commission's annual budget, while the U.S. assessed 
contribution provides 22.5 percent of the funds available to the 
Commission for all its activities.

    Question. What are your views on the zero yield standard to which 
the United States adheres, as compared to the interpretation by other 
CTBT signatories such as Russia and China?

    Answer. Once in force, the CTBT would ban nuclear explosive tests 
of any yield. The treaty's negotiating record and public statements by 
leaders and/or senior officials from every P5 state at the time the 
treaty was negotiated, signed, and presented for domestic approval make 
clear that the CTBT is a ``zero-yield'' treaty. Russian and PRC 
officials have since stated that their respective countries continue to 
have the same understanding of the CTBT scope that was discussed when 
the treaty was negotiated.

    Question. For the past several years, the Intelligence Community 
and the Department of State have highlighted U.S. concerns that Russia, 
and especially China, are conducting nuclear tests that may be 
inconsistent with this standard. In your view, should countries that 
conduct tests producing nuclear yield face repercussions? If so, what 
actions would you recommend the international community take in 
response to these alleged activities on the part of China and Russia?

    Answer. The State Department's most recent Compliance Report 
outlines the findings and concerns the U.S. Government has regarding 
Russian and Chinese activities related to nuclear testing. 
Specifically, the Compliance Report analyzes adherence to each 
country's unilaterally declared nuclear explosive testing moratorium. 
Nuclear testing is a threat to international security and highlights 
the need for an in-force ban that the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban 
Treaty and its associated verification mechanisms can help provide. In 
the meantime, if confirmed, I pledge to work with allies and partners 
to highlight and confront nuclear testing wherever it occurs.

    Question. The Obama administration considered supporting 
ratification of the CTBT through a resolution in the U.N. Security 
Council and a ``political statement expressing the view that a nuclear 
test would defeat the object and purpose of the CTBT'' that would be 
referenced in the U.N. resolution. Regardless of one's view about the 
necessity of nuclear testing, do you agree that seeking U.S. 
ratification of CTBT through customary international law mechanisms or 
any method outside Senate's advice and consent role is 
unconstitutional?

    Answer. As I understand it, the Obama administration never sought 
to ratify the CTBT other than through the normal constitutional 
process. There is no mechanism for U.S. ratification of a treaty 
outside of such a process. The P5 statement in 2016 indicated that a 
nuclear explosive test would defeat the object and purpose of the CTBT, 
and a U.N. Security Council resolution then took note of that 
statement. This did not constitute U.S. ratification of the CTBT. The 
United States has not ratified the treaty and would require Senate 
advice and consent or statutory authorization under our domestic law 
before it could do so.

    Question. To be clear, do you believe the President can circumvent 
the Senate's constitutional role regarding the ratification of treaties 
in any way?

    Answer. No. Senate advice and consent or statutory authorization 
would be required in order for the United States to ratify the CTBT. 
Neither may be achieved without the Senate's approval.

    Question. Please describe the main challenges you believe the 
United States faces when it comes to biological threats.

    Answer. The biological threat landscape is broad, encompassing 
naturally occurring, accidental, and intentional incidents with 
potential impacts to humans, animals, agriculture, materiel, and the 
environment. Pathogenic biological threats do not respect national 
borders and create unique challenges to fully assessing, preventing, 
protecting against, responding to, and recovering from biological 
incidents. If confirmed, I would work to strengthen the Biological 
Weapons Convention so it is an improved resource for the international 
community to protect against the threat landscape, dissuade and deter 
BW development, and raise the costs of starting or maintaining a BW 
program, especially including State or non-state actor biological 
threats.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of how advancements in 
biotechnology, including the emergence of synthetic biology, change the 
biological threat picture and create new challenges in assessing 
compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention. Is the Biological 
Weapons Convention fit for purpose in contending with emerging 
biotechnology that pose dual-use concerns?

    Answer. The BWC prohibits the development, production, stockpiling, 
or transfer of biological weapons. It underscores the overarching 
global norm that the weaponization of disease is repulsive and 
unacceptable. Even as advancements in biotechnology broaden the 
spectrum of threats, this ban applies to all biological weapons--
regardless of any new technological advances. The BWC also provides a 
unique international forum where States Parties can come together to 
share information and agree to take certain actions--like developing 
relevant national oversight or participating in transparency 
activities. There is an ongoing administration effort to strengthen the 
BWC. The BWC Review Conference planned for August 2022 will be a key 
opportunity. One of the United States' priorities will be to set up a 
systematic process to inform States Parties about science and 
technological advances, including synthetic biology, in part to support 
effective biological risk assessment and management.

    Question. What is the United States doing to strengthen the BWC? Is 
the BWC verifiable? If not what are we doing to address U.S. 
understanding and knowledge of Chinese BW programs?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic underscores the need to prevent 
future outbreaks--whether natural, accidental, or deliberate in origin. 
To that end, there is more that BWC States Parties can do. If 
confirmed, I will work to break the two-decade deadlock over 
strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention and bring the 
Convention into the 21st century. In particular, I would lead the AVC 
Bureau's portion of efforts to strengthen the BWC at the upcoming 
Review Conference and take steps to intensively explore measures to 
strengthen implementation and promote compliance and transparency.
    As noted in the 2021 Compliance Report, the People's Republic of 
China engaged in dual-use applications, which raises concerns regarding 
its compliance with Article I of the BWC. In addition, the United 
States does not have sufficient information to determine whether China 
eliminated its assessed historical biological weapons (BW) program, as 
required under Article II of the Convention. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Intelligence Community and interagency partners to 
improve the United States' understanding of Chinese efforts in this 
field and to clarify our concerns related to Chinese compliance with 
the BWC.

    Question. Please describe your views on China's national strategy 
of military-civil fusion and the challenges it poses to the United 
States. How should military-civil fusion inform U.S. cooperation with 
China on biotechnology and other related sectors?

    Answer. Through its Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) strategy, the PRC 
pursues collaboration with foreign research institutions, academia, and 
private firms to acquire the key technologies needed for the People's 
Liberation Army's future war fighting capabilities, often without those 
institutions' knowledge of the intended end-use/user or in 
contravention of existing export license conditions. As a result, its 
MCF strategy threatens the trust, transparency, reciprocity, and shared 
values that underpin international science and technology 
collaboration. It undercuts fair global business practices and is a 
direct challenge to the international rules-based order and the end-use 
assurance mechanisms by which we traditionally safeguard technology 
from military diversion.
    Across all sectors, the U.S. continues to strengthen our investment 
review process, bolster export controls, secure supply chains, and 
prioritize cases involving the PRC's intellectual property theft. The 
administration is encouraging our allies and partners in government and 
industry to implement similar measures. As the PRC has explicitly 
highlighted the importance of international collaboration at the 
university level to drive this strategy, the United States issued 
Presidential Proclamation 10043 to restrict visas for some Ph.D. and 
post-doctoral researchers seeking to undertake studies in the United 
States. The United States should continue to raise awareness within the 
academic and business communities about the risks of collaborating with 
PRC-based and state-linked entities to protect intellectual property 
and prevent the misuse of technology--including biotechnology--to drive 
PRC military modernization. We should also encourage adoption of 
appropriate risk mitigation measures that include technology transfer 
and data protection controls, transparency of beneficial ownership, and 
ability to screen foreign investments against national security risks.

    Question. Do you think the United States should cooperate with 
countries where we have concerns about compliance with the Biological 
Weapons Convention on biotechnology, pathogen research, and other 
categories of biological research that could be weaponized or serve a 
dual-use function?

    Answer. It is my view that the United States should not cooperate 
with countries of compliance concern on specific research where we 
believe there is significant potential that information, technology, or 
material we provide could be used for nefarious purposes. In this vein, 
I strongly support oversight of Life Sciences Dual Use Research of 
Concern. It is important, however, to continue dialogue with those 
countries to clarify and resolve compliance concerns and to promote 
strong biosafety and biosecurity practices and governance. Further, if 
some countries have the only access to certain pathogens, the United 
States must find a way to ensure that public health experts can 
continue their necessary collaborative work to be able to protect us 
from naturally occurring outbreaks, while minimizing our national 
security risks.

    Question. Do you commit to prioritizing engagement with industry, 
academia, the health research community, and other stakeholders outside 
traditional national security circles on the United States' compliance 
concerns with respect to the Biological Weapons Convention? If so, what 
three steps will you take to make good on this commitment, should you 
be confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit that the AVC Bureau will engage 
those outside traditional national security circles (e.g., industry, 
academia, the health research community) and with international 
counterparts about the United States' compliance concerns with respect 
to the Biological Weapons Convention. The AVC Bureau plans to engage 
those outside (and inside) traditional national security circles in the 
run-up to the BWC Review Conference and during the BWC Review 
Conference itself through bilateral engagements and briefings, NGO 
roundtables, and public outreach events.

    Question. Is there currently a review process within the United 
States Government for approving or disapproving life sciences or 
biological research collaboration with other countries that could pose 
dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses, and 
toxins? What role, if any, does the Department of State play in this 
review process? Within the Department of State, what role does AVC play 
in this process? If such a process exists, what type of evidentiary 
information must be included to determine whether such research 
collaboration is appropriate?

    Answer. When researchers apply for federal funds to be used in a 
collaborative research project, a number of oversight mechanisms or 
other review processes may be triggered. For example, research projects 
funded by Federal agencies are subject to a variety of oversight 
policies implemented by the respective funding agency, including 
policies regarding Dual Use Research of Concern (DURC) and high-risk 
experiments involving pathogens of pandemic potential. Where 
collaborations involve the transfer of U.S.-origin materials, 
equipment, or intangible technology, such transfers may be subject to 
license requirements under relevant export laws and regulations. If 
such collaborations involve individuals from certain countries 
travelling to the U.S. for research-related purposes, those individuals 
may be subject to visa vetting procedures. The AVC Bureau would be 
consulted if the proposed cooperation raised any potential issues 
related to compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention.

    Question. What role does the Department of State play in 
formulating and implementing the following guidance?


   United States Government Policy for Oversight of Life Sciences Dual 
        Use Research of Concern, available at https://www.phe.gov/s3/
        dualuse/documents/us-policy-durc-032812.pdf;
   National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity, Proposed Framework 
        for the Oversight of Dual Use Life Sciences Research: 
        Strategies For Minimizing The Potential Misuse Of Research 
        Information (2007), available at https://osp.od.nih.gov/wp-
        content/uploads/Proposed-Oversight-Framework-for-Dual-Use-
        Research.pdf
   National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity, Recommendations 
        for the Evaluation and Oversight of Proposed Gain-of-Function 
        Research (2016), https://osp.od.nih.gov/wp-content/uploads/
        2016/06/NSABB--Final--Report--Recommendations--Evaluation--
        Oversight--Proposed--Gain--of--Function--Research.pdf
   Report on Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control, 
        Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreement and Commitments 
        (Compliance Report)

    Answer. The Department of State participates in formulating U.S. 
Government policy guidance through interagency processes coordinated by 
the National Security Council, including the U.S. Government Policy for 
Oversight of Life Science Dual Use Research of Concern (the other two 
documents are not policies but reports that informed U.S. Government 
policy deliberations). As such, if confirmed, I would take part in the 
review of implementation of such U.S. Government policies. The 
Department of State is not involved in review processes that are 
established internal to other government agencies, unless that 
Department or Agency identifies a concern that would affect a 
Department of State equity, such as treaty compliance. If confirmed, I 
would strive to improve collaboration and transparency amongst 
interagency members on these issues.

    Question. If confirmed, what standard will you use in deciding how 
much unclassified information is required to make an unclassified 
finding in the Compliance Report?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will apply the same rigorous standard the 
United States has used since the report's inception to determine how 
much unclassified information is required to make an unclassified 
finding in the Compliance Report. It is important to be able to 
corroborate unclassified findings with supporting information, so the 
public and country in question understands what led the United States 
to make the determination. The Department works closely with the 
Intelligence Community and interagency to determine what information 
can be included in the unclassified report. The classified annex 
provides additional substantiating information for Congress.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit not to conceal or obfuscate 
evidence of violations of arms control treaties or agreements just 
because they cannot be entirely proven in the unclassified domain?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to safeguard classified information 
in accordance with law, regulation, and policy. At every level of 
classification, I would seek to substantiate conclusions with material 
evidence at the appropriate level of classification and would consider 
advocating for declassification and public release of information where 
it is in the U.S. national security interest to do so.

    Question. Do you disagree with any of the findings of the 2021 
Compliance Report?

    Answer. No, I do not disagree with any of the findings in the 2021 
Compliance Report.

    Question. Would you have disclosed the fact of Russia's violation 
of the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 2014, even though 
this violation could not be conclusively proven in the unclassified 
domain?

    Answer. U.S. compliance determinations are made stronger by how 
much evidence can be publicly shared. Sometimes there are legitimate 
reasons for limiting publicly available information. In 2014, the 
United States made public its determination of Russia's INF Treaty 
violation. That action was justified by years of accumulating and 
evaluating information, compliance analysis, and diplomacy with Russia.

    Question. What role should concerns about Russian or Chinese 
diplomatic blowback play in determining whether to include an 
unclassified finding in the report?

    Answer. It is my view that the report should provide as much detail 
as can be included in the unclassified Compliance Report regarding 
questions and concerns with countries' compliance with and adherence to 
arms control agreements and commitments to which they are party. If 
there is sufficient information to support making an unclassified 
finding in the Compliance Report, concerns regarding diplomatic 
blowback from Russia and China should not affect the inclusion of that 
finding. The AVC Bureau engages in bilateral dialogues with countries 
identified as having compliance concerns and that includes Russia and 
China. Including unclassified supporting information to corroborate the 
report's findings helps facilitate such bilateral dialogue.

    Question. Do you believe that you, if confirmed as Assistant 
Secretary of State for the AVC Bureau, would need the approval of State 
Legal to offer policy assessments regarding any country's possible 
violation of existing arms control agreements, including, but not 
limited to the NPT?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to offer Secretary Blinken, 
President Biden, and all other senior U.S. Government officials my best 
possible policy advice, seeking legal advice, including from the 
Department's Office of the Legal Adviser, as appropriate. Any 
assessment of a country's compliance with its legal obligations under 
an international agreement will necessarily entail legal analysis as to 
the parameters of those obligations, as well as intelligence and other 
reporting furnishing the best available evidence of states parties' 
compliance or non-compliance with their binding obligations as the 
United States understands them.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, and on 
request, to appear and testify before this committee, its 
subcommittees, and other appropriate committees of Congress? Please 
answer with a simple yes or no.

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to 
provide this committee, its subcommittees, other appropriate committees 
of Congress, and their respective staffs such witnesses and briefers, 
briefings, reports, records--including documents and electronic 
communications, and other information, as may be requested of you, and 
to do so in a timely manner? Please answer with a simple yes or no.

    Answer. I commit to work to accommodate the vital oversight needs 
of Congress.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to 
consult with this committee, its subcommittees, other appropriate 
committees of Congress, and their respective staffs, regarding your 
basis for delay or denial in providing testimony, briefings, reports, 
records--including documents and electronic communications, and other 
information, as may be requested of you? Please answer with a simple 
yes or no.

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to 
keep this committee, its subcommittees, and other appropriate 
committees of Congress, and their respective staff apprised of new 
information that materially impacts the accuracy of testimony, 
briefings, reports, records--including documents and electronic 
communications, and other information you or your organization 
previously provided? Please answer with a simple yes or no.

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, and on 
request, to provide this committee with records and other information 
within their oversight jurisdiction, even absent a formal committee 
request? Please answer with a simple yes or no.

    Answer. I commit to work to accommodate the vital oversight needs 
of the committee.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to 
respond timely to letters to, and/or inquiries and other requests of 
you or your organization from individual Senators who are members of 
this committee? Please answer with a simple yes or no.

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to 
ensure that you and other members of your organization protect from 
retaliation any AVC employee, federal employee, or contractor employee 
who testifies before, or communicates with this committee and any other 
appropriate committee of Congress? Please answer with a simple yes or 
no.

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, do you agree to provide to this committee 
relevant information within the jurisdictional oversight of the 
committee when requested by the committee, even in the absence of the 
formality of a letter from the Chairman?

    Answer. I commit to work to accommodate the important oversight 
needs of the committee in coordination with the Bureau of Legislative 
Affairs.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The number of full time equivalents (FTEs) decreased for 
the Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance Bureau (AVC) during the 
Trump administration, which compounded a demographic problem where 
approximately half of the Bureau is eligible to retire. What is the 
current number of FTEs in the Bureau? And what additional hiring 
authorities from Congress would help recapitalize the AVC workforce to 
aid it in the robust bilateral strategic dialogue with Russia, efforts 
to engage China on meaningful arms control measures, and the host of 
other challenges that the Bureau is responsible for addressing?

    Answer. If confirmed, rebuilding the workforce of the Bureau of 
Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) would be my top 
management priority. The total number of Washington, DC-based full-time 
equivalent staff in AVC as of October 2021 is 87, which is 23 percent 
lower than the total as of January 2017. AVC needs a reinvigorated 
workforce that can help address the dangers posed by chemical, 
biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons, and their delivery 
systems, as well as the emerging threats of the 21st century. It is my 
understanding that the Department would appreciate Congressional 
support to increase its capacity to address these critical issues of 
national security. If confirmed, I will support the Under Secretary's 
intention to recruit a diverse cadre of additional arms control 
experts. I also commit to uphold and fully implement the Department's 
leadership and management tenets, including support for diversity and 
inclusion, to strengthen the Bureau.

    Question. Is the State Department concerned that the addition of 
two new nuclear weapon capabilities in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review, 
the deployed low-yield W76(2) warhead and the planned sea-launched 
nuclear cruise missile, risk leading to inadvertent escalation in a 
conflict with an adversary? Would continuing to field these new roles 
for U.S. nuclear weapons be consistent with the President's Interim 
National Security Guidance to ``take steps to reduce the role of 
nuclear weapons in [U.S.] national security strategy?''

    Answer. The W76-2 and the nuclear-armed sea-launched cruise missile 
were directed in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. The ongoing NPR 
process is reviewing U.S. nuclear weapons capabilities, including the 
W76-2 and the nuclear-armed sea-launched cruise missile, to assess 
whether and how they fit into the administration's overarching 
objectives of reducing the role of nuclear weapons in our national 
security strategy, while ensuring our strategic deterrent remains safe, 
secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence commitments to 
our allies remain strong and credible.

    Question. How has the United States recently worked through the 
Extended Deterrence Dialogues with Japan and South Korea, as well as 
other bilateral consultations related to the Nuclear Posture Review 
process, to reaffirm our commitment to our allies' defense irrespective 
of any possible changes to U.S. nuclear weapons declaratory policy or 
force structure?

    Answer. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in advancing 
U.S. national security objectives. In the Nuclear Posture Review 
process, the administration is consulting with U.S. allies and 
partners, including those in the Indo-Pacific, through a variety of 
standing deterrence dialogues and ad-hoc consultations. The 
Administration has conveyed to allies and partners the United States' 
commitment to ensuring U.S. extended deterrence remains strong and 
credible.

    Question. China has reportedly recently constructed over 250 
intercontinental ballistic missile silos as part of a plan to possibly 
expand its strategic forces in addition to plans to construct fast 
breeder reactors that could expand its stockpile of plutonium for 
nuclear weapons. At what level has the Department (or the White House) 
conveyed its concerns about any future effort to fill those newly 
discovered silos? In order to better understand the intent behind these 
developments, does the United States intend to invite China to a 
bilateral strategic dialogue or make it an agenda item of the P5 
process?

    Answer. Many U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Blinken 
at the ASEAN Regional Forum in August, have noted deep concern with the 
rapid growth of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) nuclear arsenal. 
Beijing has clearly and sharply deviated from its decades-old nuclear 
strategy based on minimum deterrence. In consultation with U.S. allies 
and partners, the administration will pursue arms control measures to 
address the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal. The administration is 
developing and evaluating specific proposals, and, if confirmed, I 
commit to consulting Congress at an appropriate time on potential 
measures and how best the State Department can develop and retain 
government expertise regarding arms control with the PRC.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Todd Young

    Question. We have multiple open-source reports about China's 
increased nuclear posture. This clearly indicates that China must be 
incorporated into strategic arms discussions, and the longer they 
refuse the harder that conversation will be. I also recognize that 
China is coming from a different place than the United States and 
Russia which will require a different approach. If confirmed, how would 
you seek to contain China's growing nuclear weapons arsenal?

    Answer. We must pursue arms control measures to reduce the dangers 
from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing nuclear arsenal. 
These efforts will be pursued in coordination with actions to bolster 
deterrence in the region. The Administration will work with allies and 
partners to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully on arms 
control. The Administration is developing and evaluating specific 
proposals, and, if confirmed, I commit to consulting Congress at an 
appropriate time on potential measures to be pursued with China.

    Question. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has 
publicly confirmed that it found particles of processed uranium at 
three undeclared facilities in Iran. Are you aware of that?

    Answer. As reported by the IAEA Director General, the IAEA 
continues to investigate questions related to four undeclared locations 
in Iran, including three where the IAEA has detected the presence of 
nuclear material. Iran's failure to provide the IAEA with the necessary 
information and cooperation to resolve these questions is deeply 
troubling. The administration takes Iran's full implementation of its 
legally binding obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its 
comprehensive safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy 
Agency (IAEA) very seriously. Iran must provide the required 
cooperation with the IAEA without delay. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation 
to ensure that the IAEA has our continued full support in urgently 
resolving safeguards problems with Iran.

    Question. Commercial satellite imagery analyzed by independent 
researchers at the Institute for Science and International Security 
demonstrated that at one facility in Iran, there was a steady 
progression of containers being removed followed by sanitization work. 
The IAEA found uranium at that site. Do you agree with that assessment?

    Answer. In a September report to the IAEA Board, the Director 
General reiterated his deep concern that the IAEA had found indications 
that nuclear material had been present at three locations in Iran, that 
Iran had yet to provide the necessary explanation for the presence of 
such nuclear material at those locations, and that the current 
locations of the nuclear material were not known to the IAEA. We have 
made clear our serious concerns that Iran has failed to respond to the 
IAEA on these matters. It is essential that Iran fully comply with its 
legally binding obligations under its comprehensive safeguards 
agreement with the IAEA without further delay, and if confirmed, I will 
work closely with the Bureau of International Security and 
Nonproliferation to ensure that the IAEA has our continued full support 
in urgently resolving these safeguards problems with Iran.

    Question. Do you agree that it is an obligation under Article III 
of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) to declare all nuclear 
material to the IAEA?

    Answer. Article III requires each non-nuclear-weapon State Party to 
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to accept 
safeguards on all of its source or special fissionable material in all 
peaceful nuclear activities, as set forth in an agreement to be 
negotiated and concluded with the International Atomic Energy Agency. 
The IAEA's comprehensive safeguards agreement enables NPT non-nuclear-
weapon States Parties to implement this obligation and requires those 
states to declare to the IAEA all nuclear material that is required to 
be safeguarded under the NPT.

    Question. Is Iran a party to the NPT with a signed Comprehensive 
Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA?

    Answer. Yes. Iran ratified the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 
(NPT) in 1970 and remains a State Party to the Treaty. Iran's NPT-
required Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA came into 
force in 1974 and remains in force.

    Question. Do you agree that Iran is in non-compliance with the NPT?

    Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will help 
implement U.S. policy to support the IAEA's work to monitor and assess 
Iran's compliance with its NPT-required safeguards agreement. Iran must 
cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the serious, outstanding 
issues related to potential undeclared nuclear material in Iran. As a 
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT, Iran is obligated not to 
manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. Since 2007, it has nearly always been the position of the 
United States that Iran is not a member in good standing within the 
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Even pursuant 
to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran would not have 
returned to being a member in good standing until the International 
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reached a ``Broader Conclusion'' verifying 
the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. In April 
2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative for Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing to this 
committee that ``given Iran's past noncompliance with both its 
safeguards agreement and its NPT obligations, its failure to fully 
address IAEA questions related to past activities relevant to the 
development of a nuclear explosive device, and the emergence of new 
questions surrounding Iran's motives for retaining and concealing 
documents, equipment, and personnel related to its past nuclear weapons 
program, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT 
cannot be described as 'good.' ''

   Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment?

    Answer. Yes. Given Iran's past non-compliance with its obligations 
under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement and its 
present failure to fully address the IAEA's current questions related 
to implementation of that safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a 
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as 
``good.'' The United States has thoroughly detailed the concern with 
Iran's compliance with Article III of the NPT, including in the 2021 
Compliance Report.

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)?

    Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will work 
with legal and policy experts to monitor and assess Iran's NPT 
compliance. Iran must cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the 
serious, outstanding issues related to potential undeclared nuclear 
material in Iran. As a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT, Iran 
is obligated not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT?

    Answer. Iran's long history of denial and concealment regarding its 
past nuclear weapons program is of serious concern. The Biden-Harris 
administration will not take Iran at its word regarding assertions 
about its nuclear program and fully supports the IAEA as it uses its 
safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared 
nuclear material or activities in Iran. Like President Biden, I am 
committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

    Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of 
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good 
standing of the NPT?

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the 
NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International 
Atomic Energy Agency.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from 
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT?

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to 
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT?

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article 
VI obligations?

    Answer. China's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining decades 
of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. If confirmed, I 
will consult with legal and policy experts at the Department of State 
on a variety of matters related to China's behavior in the nuclear 
weapon arena, including its compliance with Article VI.

    Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to 
dampen China's nuclear buildup?

    Answer. U.S. allies and partners in Asia will be key to success in 
the administration's efforts to bring the People's Republic of China 
(PRC) into any arms control measures, and the administration will work 
with them to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully with the 
United States on arms control. The administration will pursue arms 
control measures to reduce the dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear 
arsenal and will make the case to Beijing that arms control is in its 
security interest. Arms control is not a trap designed to weaken 
China's defenses, but a mechanism to reduce the risk of military crises 
and manage the threat of destabilizing arms races, something that is in 
the interest of all countries.

    Question. For decades, China claimed that all it needed was a 
``minimum deterrent,'' but the CCP seems to be pursuing a capability 
far beyond that threshold. Why now? And how should the U.S. respond to 
China's nuclear modernization?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) apparent build-up of 
nuclear capabilities is cause for concern and may signal a departure 
from its decades-long nuclear strategy based on minimum deterrence. I 
defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific assessment on the 
timing of this build-up. In parallel to the PRC's nuclear build-up, its 
broader geopolitical goals appear to be shifting as well. The PRC's 
military activities highlight Beijing's increasing comfort with the 
employment of military forces to achieve its foreign policy objectives. 
As the administration pursues arms control measures to reduce the 
dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal, the administration will 
simultaneously maintain the capabilities to defend against a range of 
PRC military threats to the United States and our allies and partners.

    Question. Turning now to Russia. You have been a noted advocate of 
the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. As you know, the United States 
Senate has pointedly refused to ratify the CTBT, in part because of 
Russian behavior. In its 2021 compliance report, the Trump 
administration rightly called out this behavior. I'd like to quote from 
that report: ``The United States finds that, since declaring its 
testing moratorium, Russia has conducted nuclear weapons experiments 
that have created nuclear yield and are not consistent with the U.S. 
`zero-yield' standard.'' Do you agree with that assessment?

    Answer. Yes. I agree that since declaring its testing moratorium, 
Russia has at times conducted nuclear weapons tests or experiments that 
have created nuclear yield, which is not consistent with the zero-yield 
standard.

    Question. Do you commit to ensuring, if you are confirmed, that you 
would continue to document such non-compliance?

    Answer. Yes. I commit that, if confirmed, I will continue to 
document non-compliance and inconsistencies with arms control 
obligations and commitments in the annual Compliance Report.

    Question. I am concerned about the possibility of the Biden 
administration adopting a misguided ``no-first-use'' nuclear policy. 
Russia used to have a no-first-use policy, but formally scrapped it 
years ago when the Kremlin feared its conventional forces were 
insufficient. Our principal adversary, China, has formally declared a 
no first-use policy, but the Chinese Communist Party has proven itself 
willing to break any promise that suits its ambitions.

   Do you believe China's commitment to not use nuclear weapons first 
        in a conflict?

    Answer. I doubt the People's Republic of China's (PRC) commitment 
to a no-first-use policy. There is ambiguity over the conditions under 
which Beijing would act outside of its professed no-first-use policy. 
Some People's Liberation Army (PLA) officers have written publicly of 
the need to spell out conditions under which China might need to use 
nuclear weapons first. There has been no indication that national 
leaders are willing to address such nuances and caveats publicly. 
However, ongoing PRC advances in its nuclear arsenal, such as an 
exploration of low-yield warheads, raise questions regarding PRC intent 
and undermine its claims to maintain a minimum nuclear deterrent backed 
by a no-first-use policy.

    Question. Do you personally support a no-first-use policy for the 
United States?

    Answer. No.

    Question. Do you believe we have transparency into Iran's nuclear 
program?

    Answer. While the IAEA maintains near daily access at key nuclear 
facilities in Iran under Iran's IAEA Safeguards Agreement, the IAEA has 
reported that its verification and monitoring activities have been 
seriously undermined as a result of Iran's decision to stop the 
implementation of its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA, 
including the Additional Protocol. A return to mutual implementation of 
the JCPOA would restore the JCPOA's transparency measures, which are 
the strongest verification and monitoring provisions ever negotiated.

    Question. Given we do not have a comprehensive accounting of Iran's 
PMD program, and taking into consideration Iran's decades of deception 
to the IAEA on its nuclear program, how is it possible to have an 
accurate appraisal of Iran's activities as they evolve, when the 
international community lacks a baseline for verification efforts?

    Answer. The IAEA has reported significant concerns regarding 
potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and we 
have full confidence in the Agency to pursue its critical verification 
and monitoring responsibilities there. It is essential that Iran fully 
comply with its legally binding obligations under the NPT and its 
Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA to resolve these 
important matters without further delay. The JCPOA provided the 
strongest verification and monitoring measures ever negotiated. 
Resumption of mutual compliance with the deal would ensure the renewed 
implementation of these measures, as well as its restrictions on the 
size and scope of Iran's nuclear activities.

    Question. Despite the Board of Governor's December 2015 Final 
Assessment, which closed the chapter on PMDs in order to move forward 
with implementation of the JCPOA, the issue of Iran's possible military 
dimension remains outstanding. If confirmed, do you plan to reopen the 
PMD file? If not, why not?

    Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring 
that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will 
strongly support the Department's efforts, as they relate to my 
position as AVC Assistant Secretary, to bolster the IAEA's monitoring 
and verification activities in Iran so that the IAEA can provide the 
strongest possible assurance that Iran is not undertaking any 
undeclared nuclear activities. A return to mutual implementation of the 
JCPOA would restore the JCPOA's transparency measures, which are the 
strongest verification and monitoring provisions ever negotiated.

    Question. On April, 1, 2018, Tiangong-1, China's prototype space 
station, re-entered the earth's atmosphere after an uncontrolled re-
entry. On May 11, 2020, the Chinese Long March 5B rocket, re-entered 
the earth's atmosphere after an uncontrolled re-entry. On May 8, 2021, 
another Chinese Long March 5B core stage re-entered the earth's 
atmosphere after making an uncontrolled re-entry. In response to the 
most recent uncontrolled entry, NASA Administrator, Bill Nelson, said 
that ``It is clear that China is failing to meet responsible standards 
regarding their space debris.''

   Do you agree with the assessment that China is currently violating 
        the spirit of the Outer Space Treaty?

    Answer. Along with the United States and over 90 other members of 
the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, the PRC joined 
consensus in June 2019 on 21 voluntary, non-legally binding guidelines 
for the long-term sustainability of outer space activities. One of 
these guidelines calls for states to ``[t]ake measures to address risks 
associated with the uncontrolled re-entry of space objects.'' We urge 
all nations, including the PRC, to abide by their commitments and 
implement these guidelines, encouraging transparency and information 
sharing with other nations. If confirmed, I will work with my 
colleagues within State and at NASA to highlight the long-standing U.S. 
space policy principle that responsible space actors operate with 
openness, transparency, and predictability to maintain the benefits of 
space for all humanity.

    Question. Do you agree that in the case that space debris causes 
damage in the United States or in other nations party to the Outer 
Space Treaty from a Chinese Government launched space vehicle, that 
China would accept liability for damages under Section VII of the Outer 
Space Treaty? If not, please list what specific actions the Peoples 
Republic of China has taken to assure the United States that it would 
comply with Section VII of the Outer Space Treaty?

    Answer. In addition to its obligations under the 1967 Outer Space 
Treaty, the PRC is a party to the 1972 Convention on International 
Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects. The Liability Convention 
provides that a launching State shall be absolutely liable to pay 
compensation for damage caused by its space objects on the surface of 
the Earth or to aircraft in flight and has fault-based liability for 
damage caused to objects in space. The Liability Convention also 
provides for procedures for the settlement of claims for damages. These 
two treaties, along with 1968 Astronaut Rescue and Return Agreement and 
the 1976 Registration Convention, provide a basic legal framework 
within which interested States can work to protect their interests. The 
PRC has also stated in the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Use of Outer 
Space that ``wide adherence to the United Nations treaties contributes 
to creating a safe, secure and sustainable atmosphere for the 
development of outer space activities.''

    Question. Do you agree that China's continued use of uncontrolled 
re-entries constitute a national security threat? If not, then why?

    Answer. As NASA Administrator Nelson noted in May 2021, spacefaring 
nations must minimize the risks to people and property on Earth of re-
entries of space objects and maximize transparency regarding those 
operations. The PRC has yet to implement responsible standards 
regarding some of their space debris, which results in uncontrolled re-
entries. It is critical that the PRC act responsibly and transparently 
in space to ensure the safety, stability, security, and long-term 
sustainability of outer space activities as well as human life.

    Question. On July 31, 2019[,] at a Brookings Institution event 
titled ``Assessing Space Security: threat and response,'' you stated 
that ``the legal framework for both the commercial side and the 
military engagements and the evolution of the players in space has to 
catch up and it hasn't caught up.'' Please elaborate on your statement.

   Please list all aspects of the legal framework for ``military 
        engagements'' that need to be updated and how would you, in 
        your potential role at the Department of State, update them?

    Answer. As the Biden-Harris administration's Space Priorities 
Framework notes, ``[as] space activities evolve, the norms, rules, and 
principles that guide outer space activities also must evolve.'' In 
this regard, I believe that it is essential for the United States to 
continue to lead in strengthening global governance of space activities 
to uphold and strengthen a rules-based international order for space.
    The principles of 1967 Outer Space Treaty remain the indispensable 
foundation for these efforts. In this regard, I fully support the 
Biden-Harris administration's focus on developing legally non-binding 
approaches to reduce threats to space systems through the further 
development and implementation of norms, rules and principles of 
responsible behaviors. There are advantages to focusing on voluntary, 
legally non-binding norms of responsible behavior, such as the ability 
to adapt quickly to changing circumstances or technologies, allowing 
new and novel uses of space to be explored rather than restricted, and 
to allow civil and commercial operators to have more of a voice in 
their development.

    Question. Please list all aspects of the legal framework for 
``commercial side'' need to be updated and how would you, in your 
potential role at the Department of State, update them?

    Answer. It is essential for the United States Government to work 
closely and collaboratively with U.S. commercial industry and allies to 
promote the implementation of existing measures and lead in the 
development of new measures that contribute to the safety, stability, 
security, and long-term sustainability of space activities. The United 
States also must demonstrate how the full range of its governmental and 
private sector space activities can be conducted in a responsible, 
peaceful, and sustainable manner.

    Question. Will updating the legal frameworks for military or 
commercial engagements require updating or amending the Outer Space 
Treaty, if so how, if not, why not? Please describe any risks or 
potential disadvantages to updating or amending the Outer Space Treaty?

    Answer. As the Biden-Harris administration's Space Priorities 
Framework notes, ``[as] space activities evolve, the norms, rules, and 
principles that guide outer space activities also must evolve.'' In 
this regard, I believe that it is essential for the United States to 
continue to lead in strengthening global governance of space activities 
to uphold and strengthen a rules-based international order for space.
    The principles of 1967 Outer Space Treaty remain the indispensable 
foundation for these efforts. In addition to the Outer Space Treaty, I 
fully support the Biden-Harris administration's focus on developing 
legally non-binding approaches to reduce threats to space systems 
through the further development and implementation of norms, rules and 
principles of responsible behaviors. There are advantages to focusing 
on voluntary, legally non-binding norms of responsible behavior, such 
as the ability to adapt quickly to changing circumstances or 
technologies, allowing new and novel uses of space to be explored 
rather than restricted, and to allow civil and commercial operators to 
have more of a voice in their development.

    Question. Please describe how updating ``legal frameworks'' would 
impact the commercialization of space and why?

    Answer. U.S. commercial space activities are on the cutting edge of 
space technology, space applications, and space-enabled services. As a 
result, I believe that the existing international legal framework 
provides a solid foundation upon which commercial space activities and 
interests of the U.S. private sectors can thrive. Based upon this 
framework, domestic U.S. law and regulations must provide clarity and 
certainty for the authorization and continuing supervision of non-
governmental space activities, including for novel activities such as 
on-orbit servicing and orbital debris removal.

    Question. On January 11, 2007, China launched a ballistic missile 
from Xichang Space Launch Center that aimed at a nonoperative Chinese 
weather satellite, the Fengyun 1C, completely destroying the satellite. 
The destruction of the satellite created more than 3,000 pieces of 
space debris, the largest ever tracked, and much of it is expected to 
remain in orbit for decades.

   Please describe how China's actions, as described above, violate 
        the Article IV and Article IX of the Outer Space Treaty? If not 
        then, why not?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the administration of President 
George W. Bush did not make a determination of Chinese compliance with 
the Outer Space treaty following China's 2007 ASAT test. If confirmed, 
I commit to working with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 
enhancing countries' compliance with their Outer Space Treaty 
commitments.
    Following Russia's reckless November 2021 destructive anti-
satellite weapon test, Secretary Blinken stated, ``We call upon all 
responsible spacefaring nations to join us in efforts to develop norms 
of responsible behavior and to refrain from conducting dangerous and 
irresponsible destructive tests like those carried out by Russia.'' In 
addition, Deputy Secretary of Defense Hicks called on all nations to 
refrain from recklessly conducting destructive anti-satellite testing, 
which significantly increases the risk to human spaceflight and other 
satellites, and to foster a safe, sustainable space environment.
    China's ASAT test in January 2007 was inconsistent with the Space 
Debris Mitigation Guidelines of the Inter-Agency Space Debris 
Coordination Committee, which was endorsed by the China National Space 
Administration.

    Question. Please describe the threat on space exploration and the 
commercialization of space from space debris, and further specifically 
describe the threat from space debris created as a result of Chinese, 
Russian, and North Korean actions.

    Answer. Both China's ASAT test in January 2007 and Russia's in 
November 2021 were inconsistent with the Space Debris Mitigation 
Guidelines of the Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination Committee, 
which were endorsed by Roscosmos and the China National Space 
Administration. Russia's November 2021 test also was inconsistent with 
the [voluntary, legally non-binding] Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines 
of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space in June 2007, 
which were endorsed by the U.N. General Assembly in December 2007. As 
NASA Administrator Nelson noted in May 2021, spacefaring nations must 
minimize the risks to people and property on Earth of re-entries of 
space objects and maximize transparency regarding those operations.

    Question. Do you agree that China's actions threaten the United 
States' national security? If not, then why?

    Answer. I am very concerned that the PRC has developed counterspace 
weapons capabilities intended to target U.S. and allied satellites and 
that both China and Russia believe that counterspace operations will be 
integral to potential military campaigns against the U.S. and its 
allies. If confirmed, I plan to work with the Department of Defense and 
the Intelligence Community to use those tools available to the 
Department of State to address these threats as part of a whole of 
government response.

    Question. On December 13, 2001, President George W. Bush announced 
the United States' withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) 
Treaty, which took effect on June 13, 2002.

   Do you agree that the United States should attempt to re-enter the 
        ABM treaty? If so, please describe why?

    Answer. The ABM Treaty terminated upon the United States' 
withdrawal, and thus cannot be rejoined.

    Question. On December 13, 2001, President George W. Bush announced 
the United States' withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) 
Treaty, which took effect on June 13, 2002.

   Please list what potential national security implications rejoining 
        the ABM treaty would have on the United States?

    Answer. The ABM Treaty terminated upon the United States' 
withdrawal, and thus cannot be rejoined. If the United States were 
still a party to the 1972 ABM Treaty, it would prohibit or constrain 
the United States from continuing to develop and deploy strategic and 
theater ballistic missile defense (BMD) systems in terms of, for 
example, capability, geographic location, numbers, and basing modes.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Steven C. Bondy by Senator James E. Risch

Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bahrain was 
identified as Tier 1 but still has room for improvement, especially on 
adequately identifying trafficking victims as compared to labor law 
violations.

   How will you work with Bahrain to address these issues if you are 
        confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Human trafficking is an issue of serious concern to the 
U.S. Government. While Bahrain has made strides to reform its labor 
sponsorship system in recent years, even as many of those reforms were 
politically sensitive within the country, I agree there is more that 
needs to be done. Bahrain is a regional leader on labor issues, and 
Bahrain's engagement with its neighbors on the subject has led to 
important reforms elsewhere. The annual State Department TIP report 
documents areas of concern and recommendations for further improvement. 
If confirmed, I intend to work with Bahraini officials to further 
improve efforts to address forced labor vulnerabilities inherent in the 
sponsorship system and safeguard workers against abuses.

    Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster 
religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Bahrain has been a regional leader in religious freedom for 
minority religious groups represented by Bahraini citizens as well as 
expatriates resident in the country. In that regard, following the 
signing of the 2020 Abraham Accords, Jewish life is reviving in Bahrain 
with a historical synagogue now being operational. Bahrain is the only 
Gulf Arab country that recognizes Ashura, the most significant time of 
the Shia religious calendar, as an official holiday. However, the 
International Religious Freedom Report documents continued 
discrimination against and marginalization of its Shia citizen 
population. If confirmed, I will urge Bahrain to continue to expand 
respect for freedom of religion or belief and to promote an inclusive 
society that upholds religious freedom for the members of all religions 
and religious sects. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
State Department's Ambassador at Large for Religious Freedom on this 
issue.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these 
instances with the host government?

    Answer. Human rights are at the forefront of the administration's 
foreign policy, as they have been for me throughout my career. If 
confirmed, I intend to lead several established channels for human 
rights dialogue with Bahrain, including through our annual Strategic 
Dialogue and other high-level engagements, as well as to engage on 
specific cases as needed. Our partnership with Bahrain is strongest 
when based on shared values and frank and honest engagement. I 
appreciate Congress's focus and engagement on this important topic, and 
if confirmed, I look forward to working with members to continue to 
advance human rights in Bahrain.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Embassy in Manama 
continues to engage a wide range of civil society, including activists 
both inside and outside of Bahrain and those associated with Bahraini 
citizens imprisoned for exercising their rights. If confirmed, I look 
forward to continuing this important work and will look for 
opportunities to build upon it.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps do you plan on taking to further 
implementation of the Abraham Accords?

    Answer. The Abraham Accords agreement between Israel and Bahrain 
represents a change in the strategic orientation of the Kingdom, and it 
has already made an important contribution to regional security and 
economic development. While the two countries have already opened 
embassies in each other's countries, launched direct air connections, 
and signed a number of MOUs, if confirmed, I would work to strengthen 
relations between these two important friends and allies across a wide 
spectrum of areas, from military to economic to trade to education. 
Building people-to-people ties is a particular area of interest that 
would yield long-term dividends. I would want to consult with the 
Bahraini Government and the Israeli Embassy in Bahrain to see where 
they felt the greatest opportunities lie.

    Question. How would you propose strengthening the Bahraini public's 
support for normalization between Bahrain and Israel?

    Answer. It is essential for both U.S. and regional security 
interests that Israel is further integrated into the region. To further 
demonstrate for the Bahraini public the benefits of normalization, 
relations and linkages must grow organically, particularly between the 
peoples of the two countries. Direct Gulf Air flights servicing 
travelers between Bahrain and Israel represent a big step in this 
regard and facilitate ties in a number of areas such as commerce, 
technology, medicine, education, and tourism. If confirmed, I would 
support building economic and trade partnerships between the two 
countries, or in a trilateral forum involving the United States, so 
that the Bahraini public can see and feel the benefits of 
normalization.

    Question. In light of the Abraham Accords and Israel's entry into 
CENTCOM, if confirmed, will you commit to advocating for Israel's full 
integration into the multilateral activities that CENTCOM and the Fifth 
Fleet lead out of Bahrain, including maritime security efforts in the 
Gulf and Red Sea, and regional efforts on missile defense and counter-
drone efforts?

    Answer. Integrating Israel into Gulf security planning and 
operations represents one of the most significant potential benefits of 
the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I will engage Bahraini and United 
States military leaders to promote integrating Israel into regional 
operations, including maritime and other security efforts commanded 
from Bahrain.

    Question. In your view, what benefits would this have for regional 
stability?

    Answer. Bahrain's leaders have been clear that their relationship 
with Israel and decision to normalize is in the country's strategic 
interest. Indeed, the two countries have many common security 
interests. Further cooperation and interoperability between the two 
countries can only strengthen their ties and security and improve 
regional and United States security.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to work with CENTCOM and 
the Fifth Fleet to get an Israeli naval liaison officer assigned to 
NAVCENT in Manama? Please provide your assessment of the obstacles and 
challenges to doing so.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to work with CENTCOM and the 
Fifth Fleet to get an Israeli naval liaison assigned to NAVCENT in 
Manama. Enhanced Israeli participation in Gulf security planning and 
operations will improve regional and United States national security.

    Question. What role should Bahrain play in efforts to counter 
Iranian regional aggression?

    Answer. Bahrain is a steadfast U.S. ally and, as such, has 
consistently supported U.S. efforts to counter Iran's regional 
aggression. The threat posed by Iran and its proxies is very real to 
Bahrain and U.S. interests in Bahrain. If confirmed, I plan to work 
closely with our Bahraini partners to help bolster their security while 
supporting a comprehensive approach towards addressing Iran's 
destabilizing behavior.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps do you plan on taking to build 
upon, and expand, the International Maritime Security Construct (IMSC) 
established in 2019 in response to growing Iranian threats to freedom 
of navigation in the Gulf?

    Answer. Bahrain's hosting of the IMSC to ensure safe transit in the 
Gulf is an important example of its commitment to maritime security and 
freedom of navigation at a time when Iran continues to threaten 
commercial shipping in the Gulf. If confirmed, I will work with 
CENTCOM, NAVCENT, and the Bahrain Defense Force to ensure that their 
response to Iran in the region remains robust and forceful and 
facilitates the smooth flow of transport through open sea lanes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to support Bahrain's 
partnership with the Fifth Fleet's Task Force 59?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with CENTCOM, NAVCENT, and 
Bahrain Defense Force leaders on Bahrain joining the Fifth Fleet's Task 
Force 59.

    Question. How can the US leverage this partnership with Bahrain to 
encourage other Gulf states to join Task Force 59?

    Answer. Task Force 59 is an innovative and unique initiative in the 
Gulf. If confirmed, I would work with CENTCOM and United States 
diplomatic missions in the region to encourage other Gulf states to 
join. Success in its mission would be the best advertisement for others 
to join.

    Question. What is your assessment of Iranian efforts to destabilize 
Bahrain politically and militarily?

    Answer. Iran directs, trains, supplies, and funds militia groups 
across the region to advance its interests, undermine regional 
stability, and threaten U.S. partners, including Bahrain. Iran has a 
long history of cultivating, advising, and training armed Shia militant 
groups in Bahrain. The threat from Iranian-backed militants and other 
destabilizing actors is real; Bahraini and U.S. authorities have worked 
closely together to counter it for years and continue to do so on an 
ongoing basis. If confirmed, I intend to coordinate closely with the 
Bahraini Government to ensure our joint interests are adequately 
protected from threats of all kinds. We will continue to use a 
comprehensive approach using a variety of tools to counter the full 
range of Iran's destabilizing behavior. Working with Bahrain to promote 
internal security protects American citizens, investments, and 
interests in the Kingdom.

    Question. How can the United States, Bahrain, and potentially other 
regional partners strengthen cooperation to counter these efforts by 
Tehran?

    Answer. The United States and Bahrain can continue to strengthen 
cooperation to counter Iran's destabilizing behavior through exercises 
and increased interoperability. Task Force 59 is a great example of a 
new initiative to counter evolving threats. Targeted United States 
training of vetted Bahraini internal security units and enhancing 
counter-terrorism financing/anti-money laundering activities all 
contribute to safety and security inside Bahrain. If confirmed, I would 
work to continue these efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to work to ensure Bahrain's 
concerns are addressed in a future agreement with Iran?

    Answer. The administration continues to consult closely with 
Bahrain and all of its regional partners on U.S. engagement with Iran. 
commitment to Bahrain, a Major Non-NATO Ally, is strong and will remain 
so. If confirmed, I would work with the Government of Bahrain to keep 
them apprised of developments in U.S. engagement with Iran to further 
strengthen our partnership.

    Question. Where should Iran's malign proxy activity fall in terms 
of the priories in the context of negotiations with Tehran?

    Answer. The President and the Secretary have been clear that the 
administration has fundamental problems with Iran's actions across a 
series of issues, including its support for terrorism, its ballistic 
missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and 
its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and 
foreign nationals as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon 
would be likely to act even more provocatively when it comes to these 
issues, so the Biden-Harris administration has been clear that Iran 
will not be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will 
ensure continued support to a comprehensive approach using a variety of 
tools to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior, which 
includes its proxy activity in Bahrain.

    Question. If nuclear talks between the U.S. and Iran fail to yield 
results, what steps should the U.S. be prepared to take to address 
Iran's malign proxy activity which pose a serious threat to partners 
like Bahrain?

    Answer. The U.S. Government will continue to rely on a 
comprehensive approach using a variety of tools to counter the full 
range of Iran's destabilizing behavior and stand steadfast with our 
partners in the region in support of their security. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with Bahraini partners on ways and means to counter 
malign Iranian activity in the Kingdom.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Steven C. Bondy by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. How, if at all, do you expect U.S.-Bahrain relations to 
change in light of Bahrain's 2020 normalization agreement with Israel?

    Answer. Bahrain signing the 2020 Abraham Accords agreement with 
Israel represents a historic opportunity to deepen our relationship 
with Bahrain, which was already strong, and to assist our two regional 
friends and allies to broaden and strengthen their bilateral 
relationship. Bahrain's leaders have been clear that their relationship 
with Israel and decision to normalize is in their country's strategic 
interest. If confirmed, I intend to work to deepen not only the U.S.-
Bahrain bilateral relationship and the Bahrain-Israel bilateral 
relationship, but also explore opportunities to promote the Bahrain-
Israel-U.S. trilateral relationship.

    Question. What can the U.S. Embassy in Bahrain do to elevate and 
enhance Bahrain's relationship with Israel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to devoting my time and energy 
to operationalizing the Bahrain-Israel Abraham Accords agreement. While 
a number of MOUs have already been signed, I would work to broaden and 
strengthen relations between these two important friends and allies 
across the broad spectrum of topics, from military to economic to trade 
to education, and particularly on people-to-people ties, which provide 
benefits for the long term. I would also want to consult with the 
Bahraini Government and the Israeli Embassy in Bahrain to see where 
they felt the greatest opportunities lie.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Steven C. Bondy by Senator Christopher Murphy

    Question. Can you please clarify your answer as to the status of 
human rights in Bahrain and how you will promote human rights if 
confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The United States is encouraged by steps the Bahraini 
Government has taken in recent years to improve its human rights record 
in the past decade. If confirmed, I will work to promote continued 
positive momentum. The Biden-Harris administration has been clear that 
there are continued concerns about the human rights situation in 
Bahrain, as detailed in the State Department's annual Human Rights 
Report and discussed often with Bahraini interlocutors. If confirmed, 
human rights will be a priority for me, and I intend to lead engagement 
in several established channels for human rights dialogue with Bahrain, 
including our annual Strategic Dialogue and other high-level 
engagements. I will engage on specific cases as these arise, including 
regarding those individuals imprisoned for exercising their rights. I 
appreciate Congress's focus and engagement on this important topic, and 
if confirmed, I look forward to working with members to continue to 
advance human rights in Bahrain.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How can the United States work within ECOSOC to 
effectively push for consistent and high level U.N. engagement to 
address the undermining of humanitarian assistance and access? Does 
ECOSOC have a strong role to play here? How has ECOSOC's Humanitarian 
Affairs Segment (HAS) improved the U.N. response to the humanitarian 
crises and how can it be improved?

    Answer. The U.N. Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) provides a 
multilateral platform for Member States to discuss ways to meet growing 
humanitarian needs and improve the humanitarian system to reach the 
most vulnerable communities. In 2021, the United States' ECOSOC 
engagement prioritized the coordination and provision of humanitarian 
assistance to vulnerable populations impacted by conflict, COVID-19, 
and natural disasters, as well as the importance of humanitarian access 
and the protection and safety of United Nations and humanitarian 
personnel. If confirmed, I will ensure the United States continues 
working within ECOSOC to act ambitiously in addressing the compounded 
risks of conflict, climate and the COVID-19 pandemic while protecting 
and advancing principled humanitarian assistance.
    The HAS provides an important platform for the international 
community to strategically engage on the most pressing humanitarian 
issues. If confirmed, I will seek to further improve the HAS by 
ensuring that its discussions are focused on the most urgent priorities 
aligned to U.S. humanitarian concerns, as well as issues related to 
advancing inclusion, including with respect to sex and gender, 
innovation and partnership, greater respect for international law, and 
accountability for those actors who obstruct humanitarian assistance.

ECOSOC Reform
    Question. There are some who say ECOSOC lacks any real authority 
and that its work overlaps with the activities of the U.N. General 
Assembly. It has been suggested that the Council could play a greater 
role in global economic and development policy. The U.N. has passed 
several reforms over the years, including as recently as this year, to 
strengthen ECOSOC's policy guidance role and to improve collaboration 
between ECOSOC, its subsidiary councils, and other U.N. entities

   What is your assessment of the most recent ECOSOC reforms? Do you 
        believe that ECOSOC should have a greater policy-setting role?

    Answer. The reform of ECOSOC is an ongoing process. Sustained 
efforts by the United States have successfully influenced ECOSOC to 
implement reforms to improve its efficiency and effectiveness. For 
example, ECOSOC's ongoing revitalization work has reduced the number of 
days of ECOSOC activities by eliminating and/or shortening duplicative 
and lengthy segments and meetings, restructured the ECOSOC calendar 
into more streamlined groups, and required subsidiary bodies to assess 
whether they need annual negotiated outcomes. There has also been 
progress aligning the agendas of the General Assembly, ECOSOC, and 
ECOSOC's subsidiary bodies to eliminate duplicative segments. If 
confirmed, I will continue to urge ECOSOC to eliminate duplicative 
sessions, segments, and activities to allow ECOSOC and its subsidiary 
bodies to focus on core tasks.

    Question. How, if at all, will these ECOSOC reforms contribute to 
U.N. efforts to more effectively respond to the COVID-19 pandemic and 
related humanitarian crises?

    Answer. ECOSOC plays a pivotal role in addressing the COVID-19 
pandemic, economic recovery, and humanitarian crises. If confirmed, I 
will work with ECOSOC and likeminded partners to press to make ECOSOC 
more relevant, effective, and accountable to its Member States. ECOSOC 
reforms will allow the organization to better rationalize and 
prioritize its work to successfully address the impact of the COVID-19 
pandemic and make progress towards achieving the 2030 agenda.

    Question. China's Role in ECOSOC, Targeting NGOs: I am concerned 
about China's increasing influence and role in U.N. bodies. ECOSOC 
consults with more than 5,100 registered non-governmental organizations 
to inform its work. I am deeply concerned that within ECOSOC, China has 
used its seat on the Council's committee on NGOs to block applications 
from NGOs working on human rights issues.

   How do you asses China's efforts to use its increased influence at 
        ECOSOC and elsewhere in the U.N. system to undermine civil 
        society and silence the voices of those who champion human 
        rights? Are we doing enough to push back against this?

    Answer. There is no doubt that China is seeking to advance its 
interests across the U.N. system. Countering malign Chinese action 
requires vigilant and energetic U.S. engagement. Chinese influence in 
ECOSOC has been a particular issue. Preserving space for credible NGO 
voices, on human rights or other key issues, must be a top priority. 
The United States has serious concerns about any ECOSOC NGO committee 
member insisting NGOs align with particular political positions as a 
condition for the committee to grant U.N. consultative status. The 
United States has had success, including at ECOSOC, coordinating with 
allies and partners to push back against PRC attempts to undermine core 
U.N. principles. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to 
continue to object to the PRC's practice of demanding NGOs use so-
called ``correct U.N. terminology'' in their applications, websites, 
and documents when referring to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, or Tibet, 
which has the effect of censoring organizations' online presence, 
unduly restricting freedom of expression of their members, and stifling 
dissenting voices. If confirmed, I will work diligently to counter 
unhelpful Chinese actions, in particular with NGO committee members, 
and to ensure representation of credible civil society groups.

    Question. The rapid collapse of the Ghani Government and Taliban 
takeover exacerbated a large-scale humanitarian and forced migration 
crisis. Fragile financial conditions and the Taliban's sidelining of 
women and girls are among the broader challenges facing the country. I 
am concerned about the hundreds of U.N. Afghan staff, many women and 
ethnic minorities, whose lives are at great risk right now. The U.N. 
has reported dozens of incidences of looting of U.N. offices, threats 
and beatings of U.N. staff throughout the country. What more can be 
done to assist U.N. Afghan staff who are in great peril right now?

    Answer. The United States, along with our partners, continues to 
engage diplomatically to press the Taliban to allow safe, unfettered 
access for all humanitarian actors, including female aid workers. We 
also strongly support the efforts of the U.N. security system, 
including the U.N. Department of Safety and Security, to advise U.N. 
personnel and NGO aid providers in the field on security risks and 
security measures. If confirmed, I will continue to press for the 
safety of all humanitarian workers and U.N. personnel and their 
unfettered access to deliver needed services to the Afghan people.

    Question. What role should the Humanitarian Affairs Segment of 
ECOSOC play in bringing together actors from the U.N., private sector, 
and populations in need to meet the dire humanitarian needs within 
Afghanistan, particularly in light of the complex-and evolving-
sanctions regime in place against the Taliban?

    Answer. The ECOSOC Humanitarian Affairs Segment (HAS) has furthered 
efforts by the United States and our partners to ensure that 
humanitarian aid in Afghanistan adheres to humanitarian principles, 
reaches those most in need, is robustly funded, and leverages 
partnerships, including with the private sector, to maximize innovation 
and effectiveness in humanitarian response. If confirmed, I will seek 
to ensure the United States and our partners continue to support the 
HAS's important and growing role in bringing together stakeholders to 
address humanitarian needs and ensure unfettered access by and safety 
of U.N. and humanitarian partners.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Are you familiar with S. 2297, the International Pandemic 
Preparedness and COVID-19 response Act?

    Answer. I have read the legislation you reference and agree that 
sustained attention to the question of World Health Organization (WHO) 
reform is an urgent priority. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-
Harris administration's active engagement in the WHO's Member State 
Working Group on Strengthening WHO Preparedness for and Response to 
Health Emergencies (WGPR). Through this mechanism, the United States is 
advancing its interests and demonstrating its commitment to 
strengthening and reforming the WHO to ensure it can deliver on its 
vital global mission to advance health, health security, and the 
prevention of and response to future biological catastrophes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advancing the core 
principles of this Act through ECOSOC, including by elevating the 
importance of SDG #3 targets 3C and 3D?

    Answer. I understand that the United States is already working to 
advance multi-pronged efforts that are consistent with the core 
principles of the draft International Pandemic Preparedness and COVID-
19 Response Act.
    The Biden-Harris administration is fully committed to supporting 
equity in global health emergencies in ways that are consistent with 
the Act and Targets 3C and 3D of the Sustainable Development Goals. 
This means ensuring that developing countries have access to vaccines, 
oxygen, and therapeutics, and investing in capacity building to equip 
developing and developed countries with tools for early warning and 
risk reduction as pandemic and other health threats emerge. If 
confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to advance these 
priorities, which were also reflected in the President's Global COVID-
19 Summit on September 22.

Sustainable Development Goal #5
    Question. Through its various bodies, specialized agencies, 
programs, funds, resolutions, and summits, the United Nations seeks to 
advance the status of women internationally, including through 
Sustainable Development Goal #5, relating to gender equality. Often 
times, this has included advocacy for ``the reproductive health rights 
of women.''

   In your view, does the term ``reproductive health'' include access 
        to abortion?

    Answer. My understanding is that the United States has a long 
history of joining consensus on the use of the term ``reproductive 
health'' in global multilateral forums as part of its commitment to 
gender equality and the empowerment and protection of women and girls. 
Since the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development 
(ICPD) defined the term in its Programme of Action as adopted by 187 
governments, references to reproductive health have been included in 
scores of U.N. resolutions and included in the Sustainable Development 
Goals. The ICPD defined reproductive health as ``a state of complete 
physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of 
disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive 
system and to its functions and processes.'' The ICPD Declaration 
definition does not include a direct reference to abortion. If 
confirmed, I will continue to support efforts to promote women's 
physical, mental and social well-being and their comprehensive 
inclusion in all appropriate U.N. agencies, programs, funds, and 
resolutions.

    Question. Is a woman's access to abortion a ``right'' protected 
under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, an indicator of gender 
equality under SDG #5, or a target under SDG #3.7 (ensure universal 
access to sexual and reproductive health-care services)?

    Answer. My understanding is that the term `abortion' is not in the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The SDG 5.6 indicators are: 
``proportion of women aged 15-19 years who make their own informed 
decisions regarding sexual relations, contraceptive use and 
reproductive health care'' and ``number of countries with laws and 
regulations that guarantee full and equal access to women and men aged 
15 years and older to sexual and reproductive health care, information, 
and education.'' Target 3.7 is ``By 2030, ensure universal access to 
sexual and reproductive health care services, including for family 
planning, information and education, and the integration of 
reproductive health into national strategies and programmes.'' If 
confirmed, I will continue to support efforts to promote women's 
physical, mental and social well-being.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to fully complying with 
current laws prohibiting the use of U.S. foreign assistance to perform 
or promote abortion as a method of family planning, to support 
involuntary sterilizations, or to lobby for or against the legalization 
of abortion overseas?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding the law, including all 
laws related to our foreign assistance.

    Question. If confirmed, will you also commit to ensuring full 
compliance with the U.N.'s ``zero tolerance'' policy with regard to 
sexual exploitation and abuse, whether such acts are committed by U.N. 
personnel themselves or partners implementing U.N. humanitarian and 
development assistance programs?

    Answer. The United States will absolutely not tolerate sexual 
misconduct, including sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), in any of 
its forms and at any level across the multilateral system. Such acts 
are a scourge that undermines the very foundation of foreign 
assistance. The United States has been a leader, including through 
pushing through a landmark U.N. Security Council resolution in 2016 and 
urging the U.N. system at the highest levels and throughout the 
organization to adopt detailed and robust policies to prevent and 
respond to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), including to ensure 
that the U.N. takes a survivor-centered response to any such 
allegation, strengthens and improves its reporting and response 
mechanisms, and holds all perpetrators accountable. If confirmed, I 
will support the administration's push to fully enforce Secretary-
General Guterres's ``zero tolerance'' policy, including through the 
Office of the Special Coordinator on Improving the United Nations 
Response to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and the Office of the 
Victims' Rights Advocate for the United Nations.

Sustainable Development Goal #16
    Question. While the Sustainable Development Goals failed to 
prioritize democracy and good governance as the foundation upon which 
all stable, healthy, and prosperous societies are built, SDG #16 may 
serve as a building block for future negotiations. Targets relating to 
the rule of law, government transparency and accountability, and 
combatting corruption are particularly relevant in the wake of the 
COVID-19 pandemic.

   If confirmed, how will you advance the principles of democracy and 
        good governance as foundational to advancement to each of the 
        SDGs?

    Answer. The United States has consistently stressed that the 
fundamental values articulated in SDG 16 must form the basis for the 
achievement of the 2030 Agenda as a whole, and it has noted the 
importance of the cross-cutting and foundational values that drive 
progress on sustainable development, including transparency, good 
governance and the rule of law, and promoting equality and human 
rights. It is critically important for the United States to push for 
the recognition of the Agenda's underlying values across the U.N. 
system. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these values feature 
prominently in U.N. resolutions and other negotiated documents and work 
closely with U.N. organizations to ensure that their policies and 
practices reflect those values.

Energy Security and Climate Action
    Question. Expanding access to reliable and affordable energy will 
be key to the advancement of nearly all of the SDGs, particularly for 
SDG #1 (to end poverty in all its forms everywhere). Yet, many of the 
proposals coming out of the Biden administration appear to be 
prioritizing green energy options that are impractical and out of reach 
for the poorest of the poor and may exacerbate, rather than eliminate, 
energy poverty.
    Moreover, there are serious concerns about the potential for China 
to manipulate commitments under the SDGs and the upcoming U.N. Climate 
Change Conference (COP26), such that the Chinese Government and its 
state-owned enterprises profit through the sale of ``green'' 
technologies to low carbon emitters in the developing world in order to 
meet U.N.-imposed policies and requirements while failing to take 
meaningful action to reduce its own consumption.

   If confirmed, how will you balance SDGs #7 (clean energy) and #13 
        (climate action) against each of the other SDGs?

    Answer. It should be possible to advance progress on energy 
security and climate action without compromising progress across other 
SDGs. Renewables--specifically wind and solar--are the cheapest form of 
new electricity in most of the world today. The cost for many key clean 
energy technologies has continued to decline, additionally, they can be 
deployed cost-effectively at varying scales, making them increasingly 
essential to expanding energy access. Importantly, developing countries 
and major emitters, such as India, recognize these complementarities 
and have incorporated massive renewables deployment in their economic 
development agendas. It will be important as climate negotiations 
continue to ensure that China is not seeking unfair advantage or 
exploiting international agreements for its own gain. If confirmed, I 
would work to guard against unfair Chinese actions and develop 
complementarities across the energy, climate and other SDGs.

    Question. How will you ensure that low carbon emitters in the 
developing world are not penalized by energy development and 
consumption policies and requirements imposed by the U.N.?

    Answer. The Paris Agreement does not impose any ``energy 
development and consumption policies or requirements'' on emerging 
economies, and instead allows all parties to set nationally determined 
climate goals that reflect their unique national circumstances. The 
United States understands that every country, from high carbon emitters 
to low carbon emitters, faces a unique set of climate and energy-
related challenges. As such, each country will follow a different path 
to successfully transition to a clean energy future. If confirmed, I 
would work to aim to encourage and support those transitions through 
both bilateral and multilateral engagements.

    Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) Government is 
actively trying to reshape international institutions to advance its 
malign development model, including the United Nations.

   If confirmed, how will you work with our democratic allies and 
        partners to build resiliency to attempts by the Chinese 
        Communist Party (CCP) to undermine the integrity of 
        multilateral institutions and longstanding, widely held 
        democratic values, including with regard to the important work 
        of ECOSOC to advance the Sustainable Development Goals?

    Answer. There is no doubt that China is seeking to advance its 
interests across the U.N. system. Countering malign Chinese action 
requires vigilant and energetic U.S. engagement. If confirmed, I would 
make this a top priority. The United States has had success 
coordinating with allies to push back against PRC attempts to undermine 
core U.N. principles, including at ECOSOC. The committee's report, The 
United States and Europe: A Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic 
Cooperation on China, provides an important roadmap to help pursue this 
goal. The United States shares many priorities with countries around 
the world, including developing countries, yet too often in 
multilateral fora, and particularly at ECOSOC, votes do not align. If 
confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the Department to 
strengthen current alliances and partnerships as well as improve 
outreach to a broader group of countries based on shared priorities, 
both in New York and through bilateral channels.

    Question. Will you commit to monitoring such attempts and taking 
appropriate actions?

    Answer. The United States is best able to address these attempts 
when we are engaged and leading at the U.N., the General Assembly, and 
its subsidiary bodies including ECOSOC. If confirmed, I will use our 
re-engagement with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work 
with our partners and allies to push back against the PRC's attempts to 
reshape the U.N. and international rules, standards, and values. If 
confirmed, I will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, 
transparency, and impartiality, support qualified and independent 
candidates for key positions, and ensure that we advance our priorities 
on issues ranging from human rights to emerging technologies to the 
implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.

    Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles 
in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical 
standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have 
overtly advanced CCP goals, instead of acting independently to advance 
the global good. It is clear the United States has had mixed success 
with elections for heads of International Organizations in the past, 
and is taking more robust and coordinated steps to advocate for 
qualified and independent candidates in U.N. bodies.

   If confirmed, will you prioritize robust strategies to secure the 
        election of qualified and independent candidates to lead 
        ECOSOC?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities will be the 
appointment and election of qualified, independent candidates to 
leadership positions in the U.N. system. I would hope to draw on my 
extensive experience in the U.N. system to help advance this goal. Such 
personnel are critical to ensuring the U.N. operates effectively and in 
line with its foundational principles and values, and they bring strong 
technical and policy skills that enhance the performance and outcomes 
within the U.N. system, which, in turn, bolster our efforts on U.N. 
reform and good governance. The Bureau of International Organization 
Affairs has established a new office focused in part on managing, 
supporting, and coordinating elections and appointments for qualified 
U.S. and likeminded candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. 
That office works closely with our multilateral missions, including in 
New York and Geneva, to ensure the United States identifies and 
advocates on behalf of interested candidates for key positions across 
U.N. organizations and agencies

    Question. My report last year on U.S.-Europe cooperation on China 
notes that China abuses its seat on the U.N.'s NGO committee to block 
legitimate NGOs who would be critical of China's horrible human rights 
record, particularly against the Uyghurs and Tibetans.

   If confirmed, how would you ensure that China does not block 
        legitimate NGOs from joining the committee?

    Answer. PRC efforts to block legitimate NGOs from participating in 
the U.N. prevent the valuable contributions of civil society and other 
important non-state stakeholders. The United States has serious 
concerns about any ECOSOC NGO committee member insisting NGOs align 
with particular political positions as a condition for the committee to 
grant U.N. consultative status. The United States has had success, 
including at ECOSOC, coordinating with allies to push back against PRC 
attempts to undermine core U.N. principles. We will work with our 
allies and partners to continue to object to the PRC's practice of 
demanding NGOs use so-called ``correct U.N. terminology'' in their 
applications, websites, and documents when referring to Taiwan, Hong 
Kong, Macau, or Tibet, which has the effect of censoring organizations' 
online presence, unduly restricting freedom of expression of their 
members, and stifling dissenting voices. If confirmed, I will work with 
NGO committee members and allies to continue to push back against these 
efforts and ensure the committee's work is open, transparent, and 
accessible to civil society around the globe.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

SDG
    Question. As Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee 
on State Department and USAID Management, International Operations, and 
Bilateral Development, my subcommittee has responsibility for reviewing 
the budget and operations of the State Department and USAID. SDG 16, in 
my view is the key to achieving all the other sustainable development 
goals, as it seeks to develop ``peaceful and inclusive societies . . . 
provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and 
inclusive institutions at all levels.''

   Should you be confirmed, how do you plan on ensuring that SDG16 
        will remain central to the UN's approach to implementing the 
        SDGs and keep adversaries from advancing an alternative view on 
        democracy and human rights?

    Answer. The United States has consistently stressed that the 
fundamental values articulated in SDG 16 must form the basis for the 
achievement of the 2030 Agenda as a whole, and it has noted the 
importance of the cross-cutting and foundational values that drive 
progress on sustainable development, including transparency, good 
governance and the rule of law, and promoting equality and human 
rights. It is critically important for the United States to push for 
the recognition of the Agenda's underlying values across the U.N. 
system. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these values feature 
prominently in U.N. resolutions and other negotiated documents and work 
closely with U.N. organizations to ensure that their policies and 
practices reflect those values.

    Question. Unfortunately, the President's budget omitted specific 
support for the U.N. Joint SDG Fund. In your capacity, will you 
recommend that the U.S. become a lead donor that will attract 
additional investment from like-minded countries, multiplying the 
Fund's impact? How do you plan on engaging partners to encourage them 
to prioritize the Joint SDG Fund?

    Answer. A key aspect of the 2030 Agenda was the recognition that 
countries are primarily responsible for their own achievement of the 
SDGs, using funding from all sources, including domestic resource 
mobilization, domestic and international public finance, private sector 
investment, and civil society. Initiatives like the Joint SDG Fund, 
which seeks to leverage contributions to catalyze larger financial 
flows, are an important U.N. contribution to that funding. If 
confirmed, I will carefully consider how U.S. assistance can best 
support U.S. policy goals and whether the U.S. should contribute to the 
Joint SDG Fund.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The biggest issue that I, and many others have with the 
U.N. is that it allows any nation to participate as an equal member no 
matter what the nation's current practices are.
    ECOSOC is responsible for many committees' councils and commissions 
including the Commission on the Status of Women. If ECOSOC is to be 
taken as a serious organization that promotes human dignity, then it 
can't allow nations to make a mockery of basic principles at home while 
purporting to investigate similar abuses elsewhere.

   If confirmed, would you oppose the Taliban from occupying the 
        Afghanistan seat on the Commission on the Status of Women?

    Answer. Per longstanding practice, the United States will only 
support countries with a commitment to the full equality of women in 
law and practice for election to the Commission on the Status of Women. 
If confirmed, I will continue this practice.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to opposing the Taliban from 
serving on any council or committee that is under ECOSOC?

    Answer. As a general practice, U.N. subsidiary bodies such as those 
under ECOSOC defer questions on credentialing to the U.N. General 
Assembly and its Credentials committee. I understand the administration 
is working closely with like-minded governments and others in the 
international community to hold the Taliban to account for the 
statements and commitments it has made to responsible governance, 
including respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The 
Taliban's actions will matter more than its words. If confirmed, I will 
closely coordinate with colleagues across the U.S. Government and U.N. 
system to support the administration's objectives to hold the Taliban 
to account.

    Question.  Across a variety of international organizations, China 
is attempting to place its candidates as leaders or manipulate 
international standards and avoid shining the spotlight on its 
country's authoritarian practices. Within ECOSOC, China has reportedly 
used its seat on the Council's committee on NGOs to block applications 
from NGOs working on human rights issues. What is your assessment of 
China's efforts to increase its influence in U.N. bodies, particularly 
ECOSOC?

    Answer. There is no doubt that China is seeking to advance its 
interests across the U.N. system. Countering malign Chinese action 
requires vigilant and energetic U.S. engagement. Chinese influence in 
ECOSOC has been a particular issue. The United States has serious 
concerns about any ECOSOC NGO committee member insisting NGOs align 
with particular political positions as a condition for the committee to 
grant U.N. consultative status. The United States has had success, 
including at ECOSOC, coordinating with allies and partners to push back 
against PRC attempts to undermine core U.N. principles. The United 
States works with our allies to object to the PRC's practice of 
demanding NGOs use so-called ``correct U.N. terminology'' in their 
applications, websites, and documents when referring to Taiwan, Hong 
Kong, Macau, or Tibet, which has the effect of censoring organizations' 
online presence, unduly restricting freedom of expression of their 
members, and stifling dissenting voices. If confirmed, I will work 
diligently to counter unhelpful Chinese actions, in particular with NGO 
committee members and allies, to continue to push back against these 
efforts and ensure the committee's work is open, transparent, and 
accessible to civil society around the globe.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to highlight 
China's manipulative practices and counter its efforts to control 
ECOSOC and related committees?

    Answer. The United States is best able to address these attempts 
when we are engaged and leading at the U.N., including the General 
Assembly and its subsidiary bodies including ECOSOC. If confirmed, I 
will work with our partners and allies and strengthen partnerships to 
push back against the PRC's attempts to reshape the U.N. system and 
undermine the international rules-based order upon which it is based. 
If confirmed, I will also take targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC 
efforts that include its attempts to exploit the U.N. system and other 
international organizations to promote its ``One Belt, One Road'' 
Initiative as a way to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals or its 
efforts to introduce PRC ideology into negotiated U.N. products.



                               __________

Communications Received Supporting the Nomination of Steven C. Bondy to 
              be U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain


             Letter Submitted by Amb. Hugo Llorens (Ret.) 
                     in Support of Steven C. Bondy








  Letter Submitted by Gen. Joseph L. Votel, USA (Ret.), President and 
CEO, Business Executives for National Security, in Support of Steven C. 
                                 Bondy







                              ----------                              




                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                    TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2021 (p.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:32 p.m., in 
Room SH-216, Hart Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeanne Shaheen 
presiding.
    Present: Senators Shaheen [presiding], Menendez, Cardin, 
Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Van Hollen, Johnson, Romney, and Young.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE

    Senator Shaheen. Good afternoon, everyone. We are looking 
for Senator Markey, but we are going to go ahead and begin 
before he gets here. He is going to do introduction of Vicki 
Kennedy today.
    At this point, the hearing of the Foreign Relations 
Subcommittee on European Affairs will come to order and I would 
like to recognize the ranking member, Ron Johnson, who is also 
here.
    We are here today to consider nominations for four 
important positions representing the United States in several 
partner countries in Europe: Mr. Jeffrey Hovenier to be 
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo, Mr. Michael Murphy to be 
Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ambassador Julissa 
Reynoso Pantaleon--I am sorry for massacring your last name--to 
be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain and the Principality of 
Andorra, and Mrs. Victoria Reggie Kennedy to be Ambassador to 
the Republic of Austria.
    Let me begin by congratulating each of you on your 
nomination and thank you for agreeing to take on the 
commitments of being an Ambassador of the United States, should 
you be confirmed.
    Let me also welcome your relatives who are here. I always 
think of hearings for ambassadorial candidates as kind of like 
a wedding. Everybody is happy when they are here.
    I wanted to take a moment also today to celebrate the 
diversity of our nominees appointed by this administration.
    I have participated in a number of nomination hearings this 
year, and I have been struck by the diversity of the 
appointments which reflects the diversity of our country. Of 
the 21 nominees who have been confirmed by the Senate, 52 
percent are women, over half of the State Department nominees 
are people of color, and one in three nominees is either an 
immigrant or a child of immigrants. You all are in very good 
company.
    The nominees today are not only well qualified, but you 
offer a unique perspective that will serve to strengthen our 
ability to advance U.S. policy interests overseas.
    I have been heartened to hear the stories of nominees who 
were born outside of the United States or whose parents 
immigrated to America in hopes of providing a bright future for 
their children.
    Your experiences not only enrich America, they also advance 
America's interests overseas as a living testament to America's 
values in action. Thank you all for agreeing to stand as 
candidates for these positions.
    I think we will go ahead and begin opening statements and 
take a break if Senator Markey is able to come here so he can 
do the introduction.
    I also want to recognize former Senator Chris Dodd, who is 
hiding in the audience. Thank you very much, Senator Dodd, for 
being here. It is nice to see you, although I almost did not 
recognize you. But it is great to have you here.
    I want to also point out that we are in the middle of 
votes, and so at some point Senator Johnson and I will take our 
leave to go vote and we will hand the gavel to each other 
during that time.
    Again, thank you for agreeing to be considered for these 
posts.
    For more than two decades, Kosovo has demonstrated the 
importance of the NATO Alliance. The U.S. and Kosovo's strong 
transatlantic and regional security cooperation is supported by 
the NATO-led Kosovo force, which has maintained peace and 
security in the country for more than 20 years.
    In the coming years, Kosovo must work with Serbia to reach 
a final comprehensive agreement to normalize relations. This is 
paramount to a more stable region.
    Unfortunately, corruption remains a problem in Kosovo and, 
as a committed ally, the U.S. should push Kosovo to address the 
underlying causes of corruption. Mr. Hovenier's distinguished 
career in the Foreign Service has prepared him for the 
geopolitics of the Balkans, I am sure.
    He currently serves as the Deputy Chief of Mission in 
Ankara, Turkey, and has previously served in Berlin, Lima, 
Athens, and Vienna, to name a few places. I am sure that your 
deep diplomatic experience will serve you well in Kosovo.
    I am going to do introductions for the other nominees and 
then we will ask you to give your opening statement.
    Next, we have Michael Murphy, who is a career member of the 
Senior Foreign Service with a distinguished history with the 
department. He has been nominated to be the U.S. Ambassador to 
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    Like Kosovo, Bosnia has come a long way since the breakup 
of the Soviet Union. The Dayton Agreement continues to provide 
the framework for governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and I was 
glad to see earlier this year the appointment of a new High 
Representative to oversee civil aspects of the agreement.
    If confirmed, I hope that a priority of yours will be 
addressing unemployment, particularly among the young people in 
the country. While down compared to recent years, the youth 
unemployment rate in Bosnia is at an abysmal 34 percent.
    Bosnia and Herzegovina must continue to work with the U.S. 
and the international community to provide economic 
opportunities for its young people and prevent creeping malign 
foreign influence from taking advantage of the economic 
situation.
    Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon, we welcome you back to the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. You previously served as 
Ambassador to Uruguay and we welcome your nomination to the 
Kingdom of Spain and the Principality of Andorra.
    Ambassador Reynoso, you have undoubtedly followed Spain's 
generous efforts in supporting the evacuation of vulnerable and 
at-risk Afghans through the use of two military bases.
    Spain is a long-standing strong ally of the United States, 
and we hope your role will strengthen these bilateral ties. As 
a NATO ally, we are, of course, grateful for all of Spain's 
security contributions.
    But we continue to urge the country to increase its defense 
spending to support NATO's collective efforts in addressing 
shared challenges. Although the war in Afghanistan has now 
ended, NATO must divert its attention to confront new pressing 
challenges, and we welcome Spain's partnership to help NATO 
rise to this challenge.
    Ms. Reynoso, I, additionally, hope that your current role 
as First Lady Jill Biden's chief of staff and previous role as 
co-chair of the White House Gender Policy Council will help you 
ensure that gender equality and women's empowerment remains a 
concern across U.S. foreign policy.
    I am now going to turn it over to Senator Markey to 
introduce Victoria Kennedy, and then I will ask Senator Johnson 
if he will give his opening statement.
    Senator Markey?

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
    And it is my pleasure to introduce my friend, Victoria 
Reggie Kennedy, as the President's nominee to be U.S. 
Ambassador to Austria. I would like to welcome her son, Curran, 
who is here with us today.
    I also understand that Vicki's daughter, Caroline, and her 
husband, Alex, as well as Vicki's mother, Doris, are all 
watching on television today, and we know Vicki's late father, 
Judge Edwin Reggie, would be so proud of her.
    Vicki is a public servant at heart, which is how she has 
fused her intellect with her desire to serve. She is an 
advocate for art education, has a track record of working on 
initiatives that empower women and girls to promote a more 
inclusive society.
    While her roots are in Louisiana, where she was born, 
raised, and educated, Vicki has become a very valuable member 
of our community in Massachusetts. She is a member of the board 
of directors of the Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce and 
serves on the board of the New England Council.
    Her legal and business experience make her perfectly poised 
to represent the United States in Austria, one of the top 10 
fastest growing U.S. trade partners and foreign direct 
investors as of 2019.
    From 2015 to 2020, direct foreign investment in the United 
States has grown by more than 40 percent, sustaining an 
estimated 34,000 jobs in our communities.
    The modern U.S.-Austria relationship forged in the 
aftermath of World War Two is built on a commitment to our 
shared values of democracy, rule of law, and the protection of 
human rights.
    These are values that Vicki Kennedy understands and 
promotes as the president of the board and co-founder of the 
Edward M. Kennedy Institute, a nonpartisan nonprofit 
organization headquartered in Boston that educates the public 
about the unique role of the United States Senate in our system 
of government, established in honor of her late husband and our 
former colleague, Ted.
    The Kennedy Institute has won both domestic and 
international awards for its innovative and interactive design 
and approach to encouraging participatory democracy, 
invigorating civil discourse, and inspiring the next generation 
of citizens and leaders to engage in the civic life of their 
communities.
    Vicki's commitment to public service, good governance, and 
civic engagement will serve her well as she represents the 
United States and Austria at a time when our cooperation with 
the European Union is vital as we grapple with the mutual 
challenges of the pandemic, rising authoritarianism and 
nationalism, and the climate crisis.
    Vienna is also home to the International Atomic Energy 
Agency and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in 
Europe, both of which are key to President Biden's commitment 
to reinvigorate U.S. global leadership with a focus on 
diplomacy and rebuilding alliances.
    Vicki's political skill will make her an important asset to 
the President's commitment to build back a better foreign 
policy after a period of tumults unique in our history.
    And if I may quote my longtime delegation partner and 
Vicki's beloved husband, Ted, this is what he said: ``Together, 
we have known success and seen setbacks, victory and defeat. 
But we have never lost our belief that we are called to a 
better country in a newer world.''
    Vicki has spent her life working for a better country. I 
have no doubt that Vicki will bring all of her skills to 
support this administration. Congratulations on your 
nomination. I look forward to more years of your dedicated 
service to our great nation, and I recommend with no conditions 
that this committee give her a unanimous vote of support to 
take on this very important position.
    Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Markey.
    I will now turn to Senator Johnson for his opening 
statement before asking each of our nominees to give their 
statements.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN

    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Madam Chair. In the interests 
of time, I will just ask that my prepared opening statement be 
entered in the record and, really, just wanted to welcome the 
nominees and their families.
    Thank you for your past service. All of you, nominees and 
family members, I think you all realize, particularly those who 
have already served in similar capacities, this is a 
commitment. This is an act of service and sacrifice on the part 
of the entire family, and we truly appreciate it.
    I do want to say thank you to those that took the time to 
meet with me. I am always struck, not only just today but in 
previous meetings with the ambassador nominees, how they 
generally express what an honor it is to represent the United 
States to the chosen country.
    It is just true. I think we all recognize what a unique 
nation America is, and in discussions, whether it is with 
Kosovo or Bosnia and Herzegovina, these are nations that are 
struggling with democracy, and the advantage of representing 
the United States, as we discussed, is that they generally 
recognize America as wanting to be helpful. We are not there 
seeking some advantage. We are not there trying to control 
things. We just want what is best for the people of those 
countries. And so that makes it a pretty unique experience 
being U.S. ambassador to any nation.
    And I think my only other comment--we had these in our 
meetings as well--is we do rely on ambassadors and members of 
the embassies to communicate with members here so that we can 
be helpful.
    I think we need to be mindful as members of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee that what we say can have an impact 
passing resolutions, but we need the ambassadors and members of 
the embassy to let us know how we can be helpful.
    In my previous life, I managed sales individuals, and I 
would always impress upon them, yes, it is your responsibility 
to represent the company to the customer.
    It is your responsibility to represent America to your 
country but it is also important that you represent your 
country that you are ambassador to back to us. We need to have 
the expertise that you are going to develop as our ambassadors 
to these nations.
    Again, I sincerely thank you for your past service. Thank 
you for your willingness to serve and I look forward to your 
testimony.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Johnson.
    We will now ask each of our nominees to give their opening 
statements. We are going to ask that you summarize your 
testimony in five minutes but your full statements will be 
included for the record, without objection.
    And we will begin with you, Mr. Hovenier.

STATEMENT OF JEFFREY M. HOVENIER OF WASHINGTON, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO

    Mr. Hovenier. Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee as U.S. 
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.
    I am humbled by the trust and confidence the President and 
Secretary of State have placed in me, and I hope to earn your 
trust as well. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this 
committee and the Congress to advance the United States 
interests and priorities in and with Kosovo.
    Thank you for this opportunity to recognize my wife, Laura 
Hovenier, who is here with me today and to thank her for her 
love, counsel, support, and patience. She and our four 
children--Helen Sabin, Peter Hovenier, Megan Atkin, and Julia 
Hovenier--have made significant sacrifices in this rewarding 
but challenging life we have shared as a Foreign Service 
family.
    If confirmed, I would be particularly honored to serve as 
the U.S. Ambassador to Kosovo, a country that emerged from the 
horrors of the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the ethnic 
cleansing of the Milosevic regime.
    The United States played an essential role, together with 
our European partners, to protect the people of Kosovo and 
support them in their effort to establish a multi-ethnic 
democratic country.
    I had the good fortune to participate in these efforts in 
various capacities, including as a member of the U.N. team led 
by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari that developed the 
``Ahtisaari plan'' and paved the way for Kosovo's independence.
    The people of Kosovo have never forgotten America's role 
and steadfast support over the last 22 years, and as a result, 
Kosovo is one of the most pro-American countries in the world 
and a close partner. Following democratic elections in 
February, a new government has taken office with a decisive 
mandate, and the U.S.-Kosovo relationship remains positive and 
productive.
    I want to particularly acknowledge the early and generous 
response of the people in the Government of Kosovo in hosting 
evacuees from Afghanistan. The Government of Kosovo agreed to 
temporarily host up to 2,000 at-risk Afghans, many of whom 
served the U.S. Government and NATO at great personal risk.
    But receiving refuge when in need is something that many 
Kosovoans intimately remember.
    If confirmed, I intend to lead a whole-of-government effort 
to advance the following priorities.
    Continuing U.S. support for a sovereign democratic Kosovo, 
as this remains essential to regional stability and key to our 
long-standing strategic goal of a Europe that is whole, free, 
and at peace.
    Supporting the EU-facilitated dialogue to normalize Kosovo-
Serbia relations, which, to quote President Biden, ``should be 
centered on mutual recognition.''
    Normalization is essential to regional stability and 
security, and will pave the way for both countries' integration 
into Euro-Atlantic and European institutions. If confirmed, I 
will encourage Kosovo authorities to engage constructively, 
flexibly, and with urgency.
    Continuing to help Kosovo rebuild from the COVID-19 
pandemic--when Kosovo requested our help, the United States 
delivered. In September, the United States donated over 500,000 
life-saving Pfizer vaccine doses to Kosovo. This shipment was 
the largest single COVID-19 vaccine donation to Kosovo by any 
country or organization.
    If confirmed, I will continue to support the Government of 
Kosovo, Kosovo citizens, and its independent justice 
institutions as they work to strengthen the rule of law, 
improve governance, and combat corruption.
    I will also work to advance human rights for all citizens 
of Kosovo, particularly emphasizing ethnic and religious 
minorities.
    In 1999, our commitment to human rights led us to intervene 
with our NATO allies in Kosovo, saving innocent lives. We 
remain committed to this.
    I will work with our partners in Kosovo to foster economic 
growth and an improved enabling environment to help address 
Kosovo's high unemployment rate and assist Kosovo in securing a 
sustainable and green energy future to attract investment, 
create jobs, curb migration, and reduce environmental damage.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will support the Kosovo Security 
Forces' continued, gradual, and transparent development to a 
multi-ethnic NATO interoperable territorial defense force.
    By building on Kosovo's first international deployment 
together with U.S. forces and its first hosting of Defender 
Europe 21 exercises, we can help Kosovo transition from 
consumer to provider of security.
    Thirteen years ago, the people of Kosovo claimed their 
right to determine their own future and status as a sovereign 
and independent state. In those 13 short years they have 
achieved something remarkable, a capable and successful 
democracy with an economy that supports prosperity for all 
Kosovoans.
    If confirmed, it would be the honor of my career to lead 
the women and men of the U.S. Mission to work with the 
Government and people of Kosovo and our international partners 
on these priorities.
    Thank you for your attention. I would be pleased to take 
your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Hovenier follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Jeffrey M. Hovenier

    Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. I'm 
humbled by the trust and confidence the President and Secretary of 
State have placed in me, and I hope to earn your trust as well. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this committee and the 
Congress to advance the United States' interests and priorities in and 
with Kosovo.
    Thank you for this opportunity to recognize my wife, Laura 
Hovenier, and to thank her for her love, counsel, support, and 
patience. She and our four children--Helen Sabin, Peter Hovenier, Megan 
Atkin, and Julia Hovenier--have made significant sacrifices in this 
rewarding but challenging life we have shared as a Foreign Service 
family.
    If confirmed, I would be particularly honored to serve as U.S. 
Ambassador to Kosovo--a country that emerged from the horrors of the 
break-up of the former Yugoslavia and the ethnic cleansing of the 
Milosevic regime. The United States played an essential role, together 
with our European partners, to protect the people of Kosovo and support 
them in their effort to establish a multi-ethnic, democratic country. I 
had the good fortune to participate in these efforts in various 
capacities, including as a member of the U.N. Team led by former 
Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari that developed the ``Ahtisaari 
Plan'' and paved the way for Kosovo's independence.
    The people of Kosovo have never forgotten America's role and 
steadfast support over the last twenty-two years. As a result, Kosovo 
is one of the most pro-American countries in the world and a close 
partner. Following democratic elections in February, a new government 
has taken office with a decisive mandate, and the U.S.-Kosovo 
relationship remains positive and productive.
    I want to particularly acknowledge the early and generous response 
of the people and Government of Kosovo in hosting evacuees from 
Afghanistan. The Government of Kosovo agreed to temporarily host up to 
2,000 at-risk Afghans, many of whom served the U.S. Government and NATO 
at great personal risk.
    Receiving refuge when in need is something that many Kosovans 
intimately remember.
    If confirmed, I intend to lead a whole-of-government effort to 
advance the following priorities:
    Continuing U.S. support for a sovereign, democratic Kosovo, as this 
remains essential to stability in the region and key to our long-
standing strategic goal of a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.
    Supporting the EU-facilitated dialogue to normalize Kosovo-Serbia 
relations, which, to quote President Biden, ``should be centered on 
mutual recognition.'' Normalization is essential to regional stability 
and security and will pave the way for both countries' integration into 
the Euro-Atlantic institutions. If confirmed, I will encourage Kosovo 
to engage constructively, flexibly, and with urgency.
    Continuing to help Kosovo rebuild from the COVID-19 pandemic. When 
Kosovo requested our help, the United States delivered. In September, 
the United States donated over 500,000 lifesaving Pfizer vaccine doses 
to Kosovo. This shipment was the largest single COVID-19 vaccine 
donation to Kosovo by any country or organization.
    If confirmed, I will continue to support the Government of Kosovo, 
Kosovo's citizens, and its independent justice institutions as they 
work to strengthen the rule of law, improve governance, and combat 
corruption.
    I will also work to advance human rights for all citizens of 
Kosovo, including ethnic and religious minorities. In 1999, our 
commitment to human rights led us to intervene with our NATO Allies in 
Kosovo, saving innocent lives, and we remain committed to this.
    I will work with our partners in Kosovo to foster economic growth 
and an improved enabling environment to help address Kosovo's high 
unemployment rate and assist Kosovo in securing a sustainable and green 
energy future to attract investment, create jobs, curb migration, and 
reduce environmental damage.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will support the Kosovo Security Force's 
continued gradual and transparent development to a multi-ethnic, NATO-
interoperable, territorial defense force. By building on Kosovo's first 
international deployment together with U.S. forces, and its first 
hosting of Defender Europe 21 exercises, we can help transition Kosovo 
from consumer to provider of security.
    Thirteen years ago, the people of Kosovo claimed their right to 
determine their own future and status as a sovereign and independent 
state. In those 13 short years, they achieved something remarkable--a 
capable and successful democracy with an economy that supports 
prosperity for all Kosovans. If confirmed, it would be the honor of my 
career to lead the women and men of the U.S. Mission to work with the 
Government and people of Kosovo and our international partners on these 
priorities.
    Thank you for your attention. I would be pleased to take your 
questions.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Hovenier.
    Mr. Murphy?
    [No response.]
    Senator Shaheen. You need to turn on your microphone.

STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. MURPHY OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

    Mr. Murphy. I just realized that.
    Chair Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, and distinguished 
members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before 
you today as President Biden's nominee as U.S. ambassador to 
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    I am honored by the confidence and trust the President and 
the Secretary of State have placed in me and, if confirmed, I 
pledge to work closely with this committee and others in 
Congress to advance the United States interests in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina.
    I want to recognize my wife, Kimberly, who devoted 30 years 
to public service, starting in the Senate and followed by a 
career in the Foreign Service. Without her love, patience, and 
support, I would not be sitting here today.
    I also want to thank my parents, John and Barbara Murphy, 
who died in 2019 and 2018, respectively, but who I am confident 
are watching over me now. They instilled in me the values that 
have guided my career: a strong work ethic, a devotion to 
public service, and a commitment to integrity.
    If confirmed, I look forward to returning to Sarajevo, 
where I served from 2006 to 2009. I found the people of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina welcoming and friendly, and I am eager to 
engage with them again.
    There has been a strong bipartisan consensus throughout my 
career that a Europe whole, prosperous, and at peace is in our 
national interests. The United States' engagement in and 
support for Bosnia and Herzegovina are critical to 
accomplishing that goal, and our leadership there is essential.
    If confirmed, I will make it a priority to support 
implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords, subsequent state-
level reforms, and most importantly, Bosnia and Herzegovina's 
sovereignty and territorial integrity.
    Twenty-six years of peace is a great achievement but we 
cannot take it for granted. We must steadfastly support an 
independent, democratic, and multi-ethnic Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. We must support the Office of the High 
Representative and implementation of its 5+2 agenda.
    If confirmed, I will also support the following. First, I 
will support Bosnia and Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic 
aspirations. I will work with our allies and partners to 
facilitate the reforms necessary for Bosnia and Herzegovina to 
move towards EU membership and a deeper partnership with NATO.
    Euro-Atlantic integration is the surest path to the 
democratic, prosperous, and secure future that all of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina citizens seek and deserve.
    Second, I will support rule of law reforms, especially 
anti-corruption activities. Corruption in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina damages U.S. national security by undermining the 
functionality and stability necessary for Dayton 
implementation, by putting at risk Bosnia and Herzegovina's 
Euro-Atlantic integration, and by exposing Bosnia and 
Herzegovina to malign external influences.
    Third, I will support reforms to promote economic growth, 
bolster trade and investment with the United States, and create 
the prosperity necessary for the citizens of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina and their children to enjoy the opportunities that 
come from a thriving economy.
    Fourth, I will work to counter efforts by local and outside 
actors, especially Russia and the People's Republic of China, 
that threaten our interests and undermine Bosnia and 
Herzegovina's future.
    I am grateful for this committee's leadership highlighting 
the challenges posed by malign actors and providing tools and 
resources to push back against them.
    Fifth, I will support efforts to advance reconciliation 
among Bosnia and Herzegovina's constituent peoples and others. 
The 1992-94 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a terrible 
tragedy. One hundred thousand lives were lost and horrible 
crimes were committed, including the genocide in Srebrenica.
    The guilt for Srebrenica and other crimes rests with those 
who committed them, not with entire ethnic groups. The duty of 
today's leaders is to hold perpetrators accountable, 
acknowledge and honor the victims, and promote reconciliation.
    It is also to focus their energies on building a common 
democratic and prosperous future for all in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will focus on the safety and 
security of U.S. citizens as well as the security and well 
being of the United States mission in Sarajevo, its branch 
offices in Banja Luka and Mostar, and the employees of all 
three.
    This includes hiring, recruiting, developing a diverse 
group of American and local staff, and ensuring our diplomatic 
platforms are sufficiently robust to advance our interests.
    Madam Chair, I thank this committee and other members of 
Congress for your interest in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I 
appreciate your time, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Murphy follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Michael J. Murphy

    Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am 
honored by the confidence and trust the President and the Secretary of 
State have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with 
this Committee and others in Congress to advance the United States' 
interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    I want to recognize my wife, Kimberly, who devoted 30 years to 
public service, starting in the Senate and followed by a career in the 
Foreign Service. Without her love, patience, and support, I would not 
be sitting here today. I also want to thank my parents, John and 
Barbara Murphy, who died in 2019 and 2018 respectively, but who I am 
confident are watching over me now. They instilled in me the values 
that have guided my career: a strong work ethic, a devotion to public 
service, and a commitment to integrity.
    If confirmed, I look forward to returning to Sarajevo, where I 
served from 2006-2009. I found the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina 
welcoming and friendly, and I am eager to engage with them again. There 
has been strong bipartisan consensus throughout my career that a Europe 
whole, prosperous, and at peace is in our national interest. The United 
States' engagement in, and support for, Bosnia and Herzegovina are 
critical to accomplishing this goal, and our leadership there is 
essential.
    If confirmed, I will make it a priority to support implementation 
of the Dayton Peace Accords, subsequent state-level reforms, and most 
importantly, Bosnia and Herzegovina's sovereignty and territorial 
integrity. Twenty-six years of peace is a great achievement, but we 
cannot take it for granted. We must steadfastly support an independent, 
democratic, and multi-ethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina. We must support 
the Office of the High Representative and implementation of its 5+2 
agenda.
    If confirmed, I will also focus on the following:

    First, I will support Bosnia and Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic 
aspirations. I will work with our allies and partners to facilitate the 
reforms necessary for Bosnia and Herzegovina to move towards membership 
in the European Union and a deeper partnership with NATO. Euro-Atlantic 
integration is the surest path to the democratic, prosperous, and 
secure future that all of Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens seek and 
deserve.
    Second, I will support rule-of-law reforms, especially anti-
corruption activities. Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina damages 
U.S. national security by undermining the functionality and stability 
necessary for Dayton implementation, by putting at risk Bosnia and 
Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic integration, and by exposing Bosnia and 
Herzegovina to malign external influences.
    Third, I will support reforms to promote economic growth, bolster 
trade and investment with the United States, and create the prosperity 
necessary for citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina and their children to 
enjoy the opportunities that come from a thriving economy.
    Fourth, I will work to counter efforts by local and outside actors, 
especially Russia and the People's Republic of China, that threaten our 
interests and undermine Bosnia and Herzegovina's future. I am grateful 
for this Committee's leadership highlighting the challenges posed by 
malign actors and for providing tools and resources to push back 
against them.
    Fifth, I will support efforts to advance reconciliation among 
Bosnia and Herzegovina's constituent peoples and others. The 1992-1995 
war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a terrible tragedy. One hundred 
thousand lives were lost and horrible crimes were committed, including 
the genocide in Srebrenica. The guilt for Srebrenica and other crimes 
rests with those who committed them, not with entire ethnic groups. The 
duty of today's leaders is to hold perpetrators accountable, 
acknowledge and honor the victims, and promote reconciliation. It is 
also to focus their energies on building a common democratic and 
prosperous future for all in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will focus on the safety and security of 
U.S. citizens as well as the security and well-being of the United 
States' mission in Sarajevo, its branch offices in Banja Luka and 
Mostar, and the employees of all three. This includes recruiting, 
hiring, and developing a diverse group of American and local staff and 
ensuring our diplomatic platforms are sufficiently robust to advance 
U.S. interests.

    Madam Chair, I thank this committee and other members of Congress 
for your interest in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I appreciate your time, 
and I look forward to your questions.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Reynoso?

   STATEMENT OF HON. JULISSA REYNOSO PANTALEON OF NEW YORK, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
 THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN, AND TO 
   SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
        STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF ANDORRA

    Ambassador Reynoso. Madam Chair, the ranking member, and 
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be U.S. 
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain and Principality of Andorra.
    I am deeply honored to be considered by the Senate for this 
position and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken 
for the confidence they have placed in me.
    Let me especially thank Dr. Jill Biden. Dr. Biden is the 
reason I am here. She is one of the most remarkable people I 
have ever met, and she and the President honored me by giving 
me the opportunity to serve this country and this 
administration.
    If confirmed, I look forward to another opportunity to 
serve this great nation.
    I would like to recognize my family, friends, mentors, 
colleagues who have supported me over the years, many of them 
who are virtual at this time and in different parts of the 
world, primarily in New York City.
    There are too many to name, but here present with me is my 
mother, Rosario, and my sister, Jessica, and my son is 
presently in kindergarten.
    [Laughter.]
    Ambassador Reynoso. I will also like to extend my gratitude 
to my dear colleagues at the White House, especially those from 
the Office of the First Lady, who I am sure are eating popcorn 
and watching, and my colleagues at the General Policy Council. 
I want to especially thank my dear friend and brother, Anthony 
Bernal.
    Finally, I want to thank Secretary Clinton and Cheryl 
Mills, who, in 2009, gave me the opportunity to first serve at 
the U.S. Department of State as the Deputy Assistant Secretary 
of State and then as U.S. Ambassador to Uruguay.
    If confirmed, it would be my privilege to lead the U.S. 
mission to one of their strongest bilateral partners, where our 
talented interagency teams in Madrid and Barcelona work 
tirelessly to expand U.S.-Spanish cooperation in defense, law 
enforcement, commerce, and trade, science, education, and 
people-to-people exchanges.
    The relationship between the United States and Spain is 
strong. We share important values including a commitment to 
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Sound economic 
policies, investment in people, a desire to protect the planet 
from the impacts of climate change, a commitment to peacefully 
resolve disputes between nations, and respect for the 
multilateral system.
    If confirmed, I look forward to continue the productive 
partnership and transatlantic alliance between our two 
countries and will work diligently to advance those goals.
    Spain is a vital bilateral partner and a NATO ally whose 
government is already reenergizing transatlantic cooperation 
with the Biden administration as a host of next year's NATO 
Summit, the outstanding cooperation we have enjoyed with our 
Spanish hosts at Naval Station Rota and Moron Airbase, for 
nearly 70 years the tangible example of our strong partnership 
including Operation Allies Refuge and Operation Allies Welcome.
    In Afghanistan, over 30,000 Spanish military personnel 
served alongside Americans during the 20-year mission, and over 
a hundred Spaniards tragically lost their lives.
    Beyond our strong defense partnership, Spain enjoys a 
special relationship with Latin American nations and Latinos in 
the United States due to linguistic, cultural, and historic 
affinities.
    Spain and Latin American nations have a long and vibrant 
tradition of exchanges in training and law enforcement, 
defense, and other sectors.
    Spain and the United States share goals in protecting human 
rights and democracy throughout the hemisphere. The United 
States and Spain also share a deep economic relationship, 
trading over $36.9 billion in goods and services in 2020 alone.
    Spain is the tenth largest source of foreign direct 
investment in the United States, and the United States, in 
turn, is the largest source of foreign direct investment in 
Spain.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government 
of Spanish President Pedro Sanchez, civil society, and the 
private sector to build upon our already strong bilateral 
relations and expand the political, commercial, educational, 
and cultural ties between our two countries.
    If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering a 
relationship with the Principality of Andorra and working 
together with Andorra's head of government, Xavier Espot 
Zamora, to further our joint goals to support democracy, human 
rights, and financial transparency.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work closely with this body, 
with the members of this committee, to ensure your interests 
and concerns are addressed and we work together to advance our 
interests while strengthening our partnership with Spain and 
Andorra.
    Thank you for your time, members, and I am so happy to be 
here and happy to answer your questions--any questions you may 
have. Thanks again.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Reynoso follows:]


              Statement of Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon

    Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank 
you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain and the 
Principality of Andorra.
    I am deeply honored to be considered by the Senate for this 
position and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me. Let me specially thank Dr. Jill 
Biden. Dr. Biden is one of the most remarkable people I have ever met, 
and she and the President honored me by giving me the opportunity to 
serve this administration. If confirmed, I look forward to another 
opportunity to serve my country.
    I would like to recognize my family, friends, mentors, and 
colleagues who have supported me over the years. There are too many to 
name here, but I would like to thank my mother Rosario, my sister 
Jessica, and my son Lucas. I would also like to extend my gratitude to 
my colleagues at the White House, especially Anthony Bernal. Finally, I 
want to thank Secretary Clinton and Cheryl Mills, who in 2009 gave me 
the opportunity to first serve at the U.S. Department of State as a 
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and then as U.S. Ambassador to 
Uruguay.
    If confirmed, it would be my privilege to lead the U.S. Mission to 
one of our strongest bilateral partners, where our talented interagency 
teams in Madrid and Barcelona work tirelessly to expand U.S.-Spanish 
cooperation in defense, law enforcement, commerce and trade, science, 
education, and people-to-people exchanges.
    The relationship between the United States and Spain is strong. We 
share important values, including a commitment to democracy, human 
rights, and the rule of law; sound economic policies; investment in 
people; a desire to protect the planet from the impacts of climate 
change; a commitment to peacefully resolve disputes between nations; 
and respect for the multilateral system. If confirmed, I look forward 
to continuing the productive partnership and transatlantic alliance 
between our two countries and will work diligently to advance these 
goals.
    Spain is a vital bilateral partner and NATO Ally whose government 
is already reenergizing transatlantic cooperation with the Biden 
administration as host of the 2022 NATO Summit. The outstanding 
cooperation we have enjoyed with our Spanish hosts at Naval Station 
Rota and Moron Air Base for nearly 70 years is a tangible example of 
our strong partnership, including Operation Allies Refuge and Operation 
Allies Welcome. In Afghanistan, over 30,000 Spanish military personnel 
served alongside Americans during the 20-year mission, and over 100 
Spaniards lost their lives. Spain deploys roughly 3,000 troops overseas 
each year in NATO, EU, U.N., and national missions. It is a key partner 
in the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS and maintains a contingent 
deployed to Iraq.
    Beyond our strong defense partnership, Spain enjoys a special 
relationship with Latin American nations and Latinos in the United 
States due to linguistic, cultural, and historical affinities. Spain 
and Latin American nations have a long and vibrant tradition of 
exchanges and training in law enforcement, defense, and other sectors. 
Spain and the United States share goals in protecting human rights and 
democracy in the hemisphere, most notably in Venezuela, Cuba, and 
Nicaragua.
    The United States and Spain also share a deep economic 
relationship, trading over $36.9 billion in goods and services in 2020. 
Spain is the tenth largest source of foreign direct investment in the 
United States, creating over 90,000 jobs in the United States. The 
United States is the largest source of FDI in Spain, supporting more 
than 178,000 Spanish jobs.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of 
Spanish President Pedro Sanchez, civil society, and the private sector 
to build upon our already strong bilateral relations and expand the 
political, commercial, educational, and cultural ties between our two 
countries.
    If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our relationship 
with the Principality of Andorra and working together with Andorra's 
Head of Government Xavier Espot Zamora to further our joint goals to 
support democracy, human rights, and financial transparency.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work closely with this body to ensure 
your interests and concerns are addressed, and that we work together to 
advance U.S. interests while strengthening our partnerships with Spain 
and Andorra.
    Thank you for your time and consideration. I am happy to answer any 
questions you may have.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Mrs. Kennedy?

    STATEMENT OF VICTORIA REGGIE KENNEDY OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
    THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA

    Mrs. Kennedy. I am having--am I on? Thank you.
    Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, distinguished 
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you to 
be Ambassador to the Republic of Austria.
    I am grateful and humbled by President Biden's confidence 
in me. I thank Senator Markey for his generous introduction. I 
am delighted that my son, Curran, is here with me today, and it 
means the world to me to be joined by my dear friend, Senator 
Chris Dodd.
    My daughter, Caroline, and her husband, Alex, are watching 
from Germany, and my mother and other family members are 
viewing from various parts of the country.
    I am thinking today in a special way of my late husband, 
who revered this place, and of my late father, the first 
diplomat in our family, who was appointed by President Kennedy 
as Special Envoy to the Middle East in 1961.
    One of the countries my father visited as envoy was 
Lebanon, the land his parents left in 1920 in their early 20s 
to come to America. Forty-one years later, their youngest son 
landed in Beirut to find his parents' entire village at the 
airport to greet him. His grandmother was in that crowd and he 
met her for the first time as the representative of the 
President of the United States. What a moving testament to the 
American dream.
    I have five siblings, and all our lives were shaped by that 
sense of infinite possibility. I grew up in a small town, 
Crowley, Louisiana. I attended Catholic schools and then 
Newcomb College, followed by Tulane Law School. I clerked for a 
federal appellate judge and then began private law practice.
    I first traveled to Europe with my brother when we were 
college students, faithfully following a guidebook entitled 
``Europe on $5 to $10 a Day.'' That gives you an idea how long 
ago it was.
    But when we arrived in Vienna, we were overjoyed to find a 
letter from our parents with a little something extra in it and 
a note that read, ``So you can enjoy the music.'' How glorious 
it was to attend the opera in Vienna and hear a concert in 
Salzburg.
    From that time on, Austria was special to me. Of course, I 
could not have imagined then that I would be sitting here 
today. But I feel my background has prepared me well.
    As a lawyer in a global law firm, I have led diverse teams 
to resolve complex problems, working collaboratively toward a 
common goal. I am a trustee of the Kennedy Center, where I have 
chaired the Education Committee for more than a decade.
    I am president of the board of the Edward M. Kennedy 
Institute for the United States Senate, which focuses on the 
vital role of the Senate in our governance, fosters civil 
dialogue, and seeks to inspire new generations to engage in 
civic life. And I have been an active member of the business 
community in New England, serving on the boards of our Regional 
Business Council as well as the Chamber of Commerce.
    U.S.-Austrian relations are strong, based on our mutual 
interests and shared ideals. We have been friends for a long 
time, first establishing formal diplomatic ties in 1838, and we 
have just marked the 74th anniversary of the Marshall Plan with 
which in partnership with Austria has turned into an investment 
that is an economic success story that continues to pay 
dividends for both of our countries.
    Our bilateral economic ties are strong and growing. The 
United States is the second largest market for Austrian exports 
and bilateral trade is projected to be greater this year than 
last.
    Austria recorded the second fastest rate of growth in 
foreign direct investment in the United States in 2020 and that 
direct investment overall has resulted in the creation of tens 
of thousands of U.S. jobs.
    If confirmed, I am eager to strengthen our trade and 
investment relationship even further. Austria and the United 
States share many common values and perspectives, including 
support for human rights and the rule of law.
    Austria is a member of the global coalition to defeat ISIS 
and has contributed peacekeepers and trainers around the world.
    If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advance America's 
interests and values, and strengthen and deepen our already 
strong relationship with Austria across the full range of 
political, security, economic, and social issues that bind us 
together.
    Thank you very much. I look forward to answering your 
questions. It is an honor to appear before you today.
    [The prepared statement of Mrs. Kennedy follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Victoria Reggie Kennedy

    I'm honored to appear before you as the nominee to be Ambassador to 
the Republic of Austria. I am grateful and humbled by President Biden's 
confidence in me.
    I thank Senator Markey for his generous introduction. My son Curran 
is with me today. My daughter Caroline and her husband Alex are 
watching from Germany and my mother and other family members are 
viewing from various parts of the country. I'm thinking today, in a 
special way, of my late husband, who revered this place, and of my late 
father, the first diplomat in our family, appointed by President 
Kennedy as Special Envoy to the Middle East in 1961.
    One of the countries my father visited as Envoy was Lebanon, the 
land his parents left in 1920, in their early 20s, to come to America. 
Forty-one years later, their youngest son landed in Beirut to find his 
parents' entire village at the airport to greet him. His grandmother 
was in that crowd, and he met her for the first time, as the 
representative of the President of the United States. What a moving 
testament to the American dream.
    I have five siblings, and all our lives were shaped by that sense 
of infinite possibility. I grew up in a small town, Crowley, Louisiana. 
I attended Catholic schools and then Newcomb College, followed by 
Tulane Law School. I clerked for a federal appellate judge and then 
began private law practice.
    I first traveled to Europe, with my brother, when we were college 
students, faithfully following a guidebook entitled ``Europe on $5 to 
$10 a day.'' (That gives you an idea of how long ago it was.) But when 
we arrived in Vienna, we were overjoyed to find a letter from our 
parents with a little something extra and a note that read: ``So you 
can enjoy the music.'' How glorious it was to attend the opera in 
Vienna and hear a concert in Salzburg. From that time on, Austria was 
special to me. Of course, I couldn't have imagined then that I would be 
sitting here today.
    But I feel my background has prepared me well. As a lawyer in a 
global law firm, I have led diverse teams to resolve complex problems, 
working collaboratively toward a common goal. I'm a Trustee of the 
Kennedy Center, where I've chaired the Education Committee for more 
than a decade. I'm President of the Board of the Edward M. Kennedy 
Institute for the United States Senate, which focuses on the vital role 
of the Senate in our governance, fosters civil dialogue and seeks to 
inspire new generations to engage in civic life. And I've been an 
active member of the business community in New England, serving on the 
Boards of our regional business council as well as the chamber of 
commerce.
    U.S.-Austrian relations are strong, based on our mutual interests 
and shared ideals. We've been friends for a long time, first 
establishing formal diplomatic ties in 1838. And we've just marked the 
74th anniversary of the Marshall Plan, which helped rebuild Europe 
after World War II. Austria, in partnership with the United States, 
turned this investment into an economic success story that continues to 
pay dividends for both countries.
    Our bilateral economic ties are strong and growing. The United 
States is the second largest market for Austrian exports, and bilateral 
trade is projected to be greater this year than last. Austria recorded 
the second fastest rate of growth in foreign direct investment in the 
United States in 2020. Their direct investments overall have resulted 
in the creation of tens of thousands of U.S. jobs. If confirmed, I am 
eager to strengthen our trade and investment relationship even further.
    The United States and Austria share many common values and 
perspectives, including a support for human rights and the rule of law. 
Austria is a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS and has 
contributed peacekeepers and trainers around the world. Austria is also 
a valued partner in the Western Balkans, where it contributes nearly 
350 troops to NATO's KFOR mission for peace and stability in Kosovo, 
and nearly 300 troops to the EU's stabilization mission in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina.
    If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advance America's interests 
and values and strengthen and deepen our already strong relationship 
with Austria across the full range of political, security, economic and 
social issues that bind our nations together.
    Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today. 
I would be happy to answer any questions.


    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Before we begin the panel's questioning, I have some 
questions for each of the nominees that I am going to ask you 
to respond to either yes or no, and we will go down the line 
and ask that each of you verbally respond.
    First question, do you agree to appear before this 
committee and make officials from your office available to the 
committee and designated staff when invited?
    Mr. Hovenier?
    Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Mr. Murphy?
    Mr. Murphy. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Ms. Reynoso?
    Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Mrs. Kennedy?
    Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
    Mr. Murphy. Yes.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Mr. Hovenier?
    Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
    Mr. Murphy. Yes.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. And do you commit to promptly responding 
to requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
    Mr. Murphy. Yes.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you to all of our nominees for 
answering yes to all four questions. We will hold you to that, 
once confirmed.
    We are going to rotate questions as we normally do between 
the chair and ranking member, and then we will go to the other 
members who have arrived.
    Each member is going to have five minutes to question and 
we may do more than one round, depending upon how many senators 
show up.
    First of all, I am going to begin with you, Mr. Hovenier, 
as soon as I can find my question.
    I think this is, really, both for you and for Mr. Murphy 
because it speaks to what is happening in the Balkans, and 
Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina have long aspired for 
membership to the EU and NATO.
    But it is unlikely, I think, based on what I am seeing and 
what I am hearing from Europeans that membership is unlikely to 
be granted anytime soon.
    The question that I have is how do we keep those countries 
looking West? What kind of incentives can we provide to them to 
help them as they aspire to join the EU and look West so that 
they are not tempted by Russia and China?
    I will begin with you, Mr. Hovenier.
    Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question.
    In some respects, Kosovo is sui generis in the Balkans 
because since neither Russia nor China have recognized Kosovo 
as an independent state, while we still keep an eye on things, 
and if confirmed, this will be a very high priority of mine to 
keep an eye on efforts by Russia to exercise malign influence 
or by China in some ways, there is not the same national 
affinity as in some other parts of the Balkans towards some of 
that behavior.
    That said, the problem you raised is something that I think 
concerns all of us. As you are aware, the European Union will 
have a summit tomorrow, and if press reports can be believed 
they will reiterate and restate their commitment to 
enlargement, including the Western Balkans.
    I think in the short term our task is to continue to 
encourage the authorities of Kosovo and, if confirmed, this 
will be a priority of mine, to continue to do the reforms that 
are required so that they are ready for membership both in the 
EU and in NATO.
    The European Union has played a constructive role in many 
ways with regard to Kosovo, both through assistance. But you 
are right that this incentive of eventual membership has been a 
very important catalyst for reform and change and, if 
confirmed, one of my priorities will be to try to build further 
momentum and to work with our European Union partners to ensure 
that the prospect is real and that real reform is carried out 
consistent with their obligations, should they obtain 
membership either in the EU or in NATO.
    And on that one last thing, I would like to add and would 
be to encourage those EU member states who have not yet 
recognized Kosovo to think seriously about the implications of 
that, which would also be part of our diplomacy.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Yes, that would be very 
helpful.
    Mr. Murphy, really, the same question. I was in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina back in 2010 with then Senator George Voinovich, 
and one of the things we heard from the Bosnians was how 
important it would be to have some signal from NATO about the 
prospects there.
    And we came back and argued very strongly that Bosnia 
should at least get MAP--Membership Action Plan--to help them 
understand that that aspiration was possible in the future, 
should they continue with reforms.
    What do you think the most important aspects of reform are 
right now in Bosnia and Herzegovina so that they can continue 
to aspire to NATO and to the EU?
    Mr. Murphy. Let me start by emphasizing the importance of 
continued strong U.S. engagement and leadership in the Western 
Balkans and advising Herzegovina in particular.
    I think our presence, our engagement, is critically 
important to motivating and pressing the domestic parties in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina to do the right thing.
    Second, one of the things, if confirmed, that I will hammer 
home in my engagements publicly and privately is that the 
reforms associated with Euro-Atlantic integration, while it 
takes time to meet the EU requirements, have immediate benefits 
to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina now.
    That includes a more open and free democracy, a more open 
and free economy with greater opportunities for prosperity for 
all including the children of the citizens of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina, a better future for them. I would continue to 
stress those points, if confirmed.
    With regards to NATO particularly, I want to underscore 
that the United States strongly supports NATO's open door 
policy and the membership aspirations of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina.
    We are focused now on the benefits of deepening the 
partnership that exists between Bosnia and Herzegovina where 
there is a consensus within Bosnia and Herzegovina to pursue 
that partnership.
    The key challenge there and one I will make a priority, if 
confirmed, is to encourage the Government to press forward with 
its reform program and present it to the Alliance because that 
will serve as a catalyst to getting more allied engagement to 
support the reforms necessary for Bosnia to move forward.
    Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I am out of time, and 
I am going to go vote. But I am delighted that we are joined by 
the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator 
Menendez, and I am going to turn it over to him to--because I 
know he has some questions.
    The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you, Madam Chair, very 
much. Congratulations to all of you on your nominations, and I 
appreciate my colleague's indulgence.
    I would have had this panel before a full committee, but in 
order to get nominees out there we had the able work of Senator 
Shaheen doing it so because your assignments are incredibly 
important, which is why I do not always come to subcommittee 
hearings. But I want to come to this one because there is a 
couple of nominees here to places that I deeply care about.
    Ambassador Reynoso, let me start with you. It is good to 
see you again. I am concerned. Spain is an important ally. NATO 
ally, Rota Bay, the--all of the elements of our relationship is 
very important.
    But I am deeply concerned that the Spanish have not been 
particularly helpful, particularly in the Western Hemisphere. I 
am sure that they would not like us acting the way they are 
acting towards us if it was in their sphere of the world.
    And so I get deeply concerned that Spain has taken views 
that are outside of the democracy and human rights provisions 
that we would want to see of a NATO ally.
    I am deeply concerned when I see their actions as it 
relates to Cuba and their unwillingness to join us in our 
global declaration.
    It seems to me that the Spaniards are more--care more about 
their hotels and investments than they care about democracy and 
human rights there. It worries me to see what role the 
Spaniards are playing in Venezuela as well, which is a cancer 
in the Western Hemisphere.
    And I could go on about other places as well where the 
Spaniards have not been as forthcoming but, if anything, not 
only not forthcoming, they seem to be contrary to where we are 
at in our own hemisphere.
    If you are to be confirmed, would you tell me what you 
would do to try to get our Spanish friends more in line with 
democracy and human rights in this hemisphere?
    Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you, Senator. It is wonderful to 
see you again.
    And let me start by thanking you for your leadership in 
this space. Obviously, this is an issue that you care deeply 
about and so do I.
    Given my trajectory in Latin America and the Caribbean, I 
am quite familiar with the lackluster presence or politics and 
policy of Spain vis-a-vis some of these countries, primarily 
Cuba and Venezuela and Nicaragua, I should say as well.
    If confirmed, my objective will be to work bilaterally with 
Spain and, obviously, given their presence and their important 
role in the European Union vis-a-vis Latin America and the 
Caribbean, I will urge them to be much more vocal and much more 
transparent and to hold the same standard in terms of 
enforcement and accountability with respect to the human rights 
violations and the lack of liberty and transparency and 
accountability in places like Cuba and Venezuela that they hold 
with respect to other countries.
    Given their important leverage and their interests in these 
countries, primarily in Cuba, I think Spain can do a lot more 
and, frankly, sir, I look forward to working with you closely 
to make sure we can--you can help me inform those positions and 
ensure that Spain is doing more than it is doing currently.
    The Chairman. I hope this will be a robust part of your 
agenda upon confirmation. We have a lot of things with the 
Spaniards. You know, I used to chair the U.S.-Spain Council for 
years in developing closer ties politically and economically.
    But that does not mean that I am willing to turn a blind 
eye to their neglect in this hemisphere as it relates to human 
rights and democracy. That is something I care passionately 
about.
    I have two final questions to Mr. Hovenier. You know, we 
seem to put a lot of focus on Kosovo, but I am not quite sure 
that I find Serbia to be a particularly good partner in this 
process in terms of the efforts that are taking place, and we 
want both sides to engage.
    But how do you view--I know that is not--your assignment is 
not to go to Serbia. It is to go to Kosovo upon confirmation. 
But how do you view that reality?
    Mr. Hovenier. Like any other problem--thank you, sir, for 
the question--like any other problem in the Balkans, the 
problem is both multifaceted and requires work from both sides.
    If I am confirmed, one of my highest priorities would be to 
seek to advance Kosovo-Serbia normalization. My focus has, of 
course, been the things I will need to do as the confirmed 
ambassador of the United States to encourage the authorities of 
Kosovo to engage constructively and with urgency and creatively 
in that process.
    But I would agree with you that the authorities in Serbia 
equally require that sort of push and impetus, and I cannot 
dispute at all your assessment that the Serbian interlocutors 
have not always performed in that way in this process.
    The Chairman. I appreciate that, because sometimes we say 
we want both sides to act but sometimes it is clear that one 
side is not doing their just part, and I often feel the State 
Department takes this leverage nuanced approach when one side 
is very clearly not participating.
    And finally, Mrs. Kennedy, it is good to see you again.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Good to see you.
    The Chairman. I just want to say I hope that you will take 
seriously, and I am sure you will but I want to hear it from 
you, when individuals come with Havana syndrome at--we have had 
a rash of them in our embassy there and in our various 
international organizations there where our people are serving, 
that you will make this a very serious part of your mission.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Senator, thank you so much for your 
leadership on this issue and thank you very much for that 
question.
    As you know, my information is all public information at 
this point. I have not been read in specifically. But it is an 
issue I take very, very seriously.
    The health and well being of the staff and family members 
of the members of the embassy is something I take extremely 
seriously, and I do pledge to you that I will take extreme care 
and be sure that everyone who has been affected by this 
syndrome will get the care--if I am confirmed, will get the 
care and attention that they need, but more than that, that I 
will, if I am confirmed, pledge that I will urge that we get to 
the bottom of what is causing this and really push on that and 
see what we can do about trying to prevent further incidents of 
it.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I have other questions. I will 
submit them to the different nominees for the record. I 
understand Senator Johnson----
    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Let me start with the Mr. Hovenier. Again, enjoyed our 
meeting this afternoon and our discussion. I think we all 
recognize, as the chairman had indicated, that both sides share 
responsibility to make concessions to move forward in the 
region between Serbia and Kosovo.
    It is difficult to move on. There were--as I think you 
stated in testimony, there were atrocities on both sides. It is 
hard to just forgive and forget and that means we also 
discussed within the education systems that they are really not 
trying to instill a forgive and forget attitude.
    I thought it was the right approach when Ambassador Grenell 
and President Trump engaged and got the parties to agree, 
focusing on the area of agreement in terms of economic 
cooperation. I mean, it is the best way to move beyond and put 
the past behind everyone if you really can show the people of 
the region what happens if you put your disagreements aside and 
concentrate on greater opportunity, greater prosperity, for 
yourselves and your kids and your grandkids.
    But, Mr. Hovenier, can you just kind of speak to your basic 
approach when it comes to representing the U.S. to Kosovo and 
what we need--you know, what we are going to be looking for 
from Kosovo to be able to move forward?
    Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question.
    Yes, as we discussed, first, the Washington commitments 
were an important step in reducing tensions and played a very 
important role in moving closer towards the outcome we would 
like to see, and this administration, of course, validated 
those.
    And if I am confirmed, one of the things I hope to do, 
working with my colleague from Belgrade, is to see further 
implementation of that broad swath of commitments that were 
achieved in the last administration.
    More broadly, what I would like to see from Kosovo 
authorities, what the United States would like to see from 
Kosovo authorities, would be to engage actively, creatively, 
constructively, and with urgency in this EU-facilitated process 
to work towards a normalization of relations, which we believe 
should be centered in mutual recognition.
    An incident of just the last few weeks with regard to 
temporary license plates shows what can be done when the 
leaders come together and they have a real problem that needs 
to be resolved. They can find common ground and it can be 
resolved. This model can be applied to a range of different 
issues that divide the two sides right now.
    And as you point out, sir, this is very important. Without 
a normalization of relations, without mutual recognition, the 
region will be stymied.
    Senator Johnson. I always point out--I mean, focus on the 
areas of agreement. There is plenty of things to disagree on. 
We are also trying to point out that a negotiation is a give 
and take. Give and take.
    I think so often because we are an honest broker everybody 
wants the U.S. to get involved, but I always got the feeling 
they want us to get involved to take their side in things.
    And would you agree with me that we do need to be that 
honest broker and we need to press all sides to not only be 
willing to take but also to be able to give in those 
negotiations?
    Mr. Hovenier?
    Mr. Hovenier. Yes, sir. I agree with you completely.
    Senator Johnson. This is for the other three nominees. I 
think, universally, we are seeing throughout Europe, Eastern 
Europe, not only what Russia is doing but what China is doing.
    They have two totally different approaches. Russia just 
seems to destabilize just for, I guess, the sheer joy of 
destabilizing. China is far more focused and, I think, long-
term strategic in terms of investment.
    And I will just ask all the nominees. We will start with 
you, Mr. Murphy. What is your viewpoint of what it looks like 
in Bosnia and Herzegovina right now in terms of both Russia and 
China's influence?
    Mr. Murphy. Russia has a very different vision of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina than the United States. As I said earlier, we 
are for a democratic, prosperous, multi-ethnic Bosnia and 
Herzegovina that takes its place in the Euro-Atlantic family of 
nations.
    Russia is presenting the image of Bosnia and Herzegovina as 
a failed state. It is stoking ethno-nationalist tensions. It is 
facilitating and taking advantage of the seams provided for by 
corruption, all of which is problematic to the future of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina and also to our interests, because if we 
believe in a Europe whole, free, prosperous, and at peace, and 
that has been a bipartisan national security objective for my 
entire career, then we need to address that and push back 
against malign influence.
    The Chinese are taking a slightly different approach in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina. As you pointed out, Senator, they are 
looking at economic investments, particularly in critical 
infrastructure, places like roads, power plants, IT, 5G 
networks, things of that nature.
    And their game is a little bit, as you put it, more long 
term. Again, they are taking advantage of the seams and 
opportunities presented by corruption, which is one of the 
reasons, if confirmed, not only will we have to push back 
against malign influence from both actors but we have to be 
vigorous and aggressive in pursuing anti-corruption activities 
to close those seams to the malign outside actors who are 
seeking to destabilize the country.
    Senator Johnson. I would just ask the other two nominees to 
also answer, but I think Mr. Murphy has kind of laid out what 
they are doing.
    The question I would have for you then is what should be 
the U.S. response to their activities, Ambassador Reynoso?
    Ambassador Reynoso. With respect to Russia, Senator, 
obviously, there has been quite a bit of coverage of the 
allegations of disinformation with respect to the referendum in 
Spain, in particular.
    The United States--I mean, I know the embassy already is 
engaging with our counterparts to ensure that the Russian 
tactics of fracking and disinformation are being addressed and 
that the Spaniards have the capabilities to investigate and 
prevent this type of practice.
    More of that, more cooperation, more between our law 
enforcement and also our other agencies to ensure that we are 
working with one of--Spain, one of our key partners to prevent 
these types of tactics and practices, I think, will be key.
    With respect to China, Spain is one of the few countries 
that has not signed the Belt and Road Initiative MOU and is 
quite, in my view, cautious with respect to moving forward with 
China, irrespective of the fact that it is a significant 
economic player in Spain.
    We should continue to press allies, especially NATO allies 
like Spain, to ensure these engagements are limited and have a 
values-driven approach to engagement with countries like China.
    And I should say both with respect to Russia and China, 
Spain, within the EU, has been an important partner in pursuing 
and supporting sanctions against both countries, especially 
when it comes to human rights violations.
    Senator Johnson. Thank you.
    Mrs. Kennedy?
    Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. We want to be able to 
negotiate with China from a position of strength and we need a 
strong--we need strong relationships with our partners like 
Austria to be able to do that.
    And if I am confirmed, I will just continue to--I will 
continue to press Austria and work with them on that. I think 
it is a real global approach to it.
    With respect to Russia, countering malign influence is a 
top priority and that is an issue that I would also continue to 
raise. Austria is in a very interesting and unique position 
where it is geographically, where it is constitutionally, and 
where it is historically.
    It is a, by constitution, a neutral country but it is 
firmly entrenched in the EU and in transatlantic relationships, 
and that is something that we would continue to foster and 
encourage.
    But it also sees itself in a unique position as a place 
where it looks both East and West. It was the place where 
President Kennedy met Khrushchev. It is the place where 
President Carter met Brezhnev, and Austria is very proud of its 
ability to have those relationships where it can bring 
countries together in that way.
    It is important that we recognize that role of Austria 
and--but to continue to work and strengthen our transatlantic 
ties and work with Austria in that way.
    Senator Johnson. Thank you.
    Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I understand, Senator Kaine, 
you are next by agreement with Senator Van Hollen.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, and, actually, Senator Murphy has 
also deferred to me and I appreciate--I appreciate that, Madam 
Chair, and congratulations to the nominees. This is a very 
strong panel.
    Mrs. Kennedy, let me start with you. What a treat to see 
you in this way, and it is good that you are on this panel 
together with two other ambassadors serving in European nations 
in the Balkans where Austria has troops participating in 
peacekeeping missions. It is a good panel together.
    I wanted to follow up on what Senator Menendez asked you 
about the Havana syndrome reports and the obligation to try to 
keep people safe.
    And just for the record, because Senator Menendez sort of 
short formed it and I do want the public to be aware of this as 
well, on the 23rd of September the Washington Post reported 
that the CIA had removed its Vienna station chief due to 
concerns that he was not adequately addressing a recent spate 
of what the CIA characterizes as anomalous health incidents 
reported by U.S. intelligence and diplomatic personnel.
    These incidents are referred to by this committee and 
others as Havana syndrome. The chairwoman has been very active 
on this, as we all have. We have had a number of briefings 
about this over the course of the past few years, mostly 
classified.
    But according to the Post article, dozens of U.S. personnel 
in Vienna, including diplomats and intelligence officials as 
well as some of the children of U.S. employees, have reported 
symptoms, according to the current and former officials who 
spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive 
matter, and the reports are more significant in terms of the 
number and frequency in Vienna than any city other than Havana.
    I know this is going to be a huge concern for you, 
certainly, for embassy personnel and others who are stationed 
in Vienna. And so, again, if you would just talk about the 
priority that you would place upon being responsive to U.S. 
employees under your supervision, should you be confirmed.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. And first, I want to say 
how much I personally appreciate the involvement of the 
committee and interest in this issue because I think it is a 
very significant issue.
    If I am confirmed and am going to be in Vienna, I look 
forward to having the opportunity of addressing this issue and 
really delving into it in a very serious way.
    The health and safety of the personnel, their families, 
their children, is of paramount importance. Getting prompt 
attention to these incidents is in--and medical treatment is 
imperative, but also getting to the bottom of it and also 
seeing if there are ways to prevent it but pushing, taking it 
seriously, pushing and working with you all as well.
    And if I am confirmed, I look forward to communicating with 
you regularly about it and as well as with all of the people 
back here in Washington to see what we can do to get--try to 
get a resolution of this extremely serious matter.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. And I think I might speak 
in a bipartisan way for the whole committee to say we are not 
satisfied with the answers we are getting.
    We have been getting briefings about this for a number of 
years, and now we are talking about multiple cities, including 
cities in United States, including in Virginia, where people 
have been subject to these kinds of attacks.
    And with the most sophisticated intelligence operation in 
the world, I would have hoped that we might have had a better 
handle on this by October 2021 than we do. But your commitment 
to that, that will be heard well by embassy staff in Austria.
    Ambassador Reynoso, I would just like to congratulate you. 
I am just going to be very brief because you sort of answered 
my questions about the role of Spain and Latin America in 
response to Senator Menendez's questions.
    I am the chairman of the subcommittee overseeing the 
Western Hemisphere. I was, like Senator Menendez, honorary 
chair of the U.S.-Spain Council for five years, and I think the 
opportunities for Spain and the United States to work together 
on issues in Latin America are enormous.
    I am doing everything I can to convince this administration 
to put a higher priority on Latin America. I think the State 
Department sometimes operates as if there is an East-West axis 
in the world and not a North-South access.
    Your experience being an ambassador in the Americas and the 
work that you have done in the Americas, in my view, makes you 
uniquely well suited to be part of the--to be our ambassador in 
Spain.
    But I hope that I will be successful in getting the 
administration to give a higher priority to the Americas. But I 
have reason to believe--I do not need to be hopeful, I am 
confident--that should you be confirmed, you will make that 
relationship between the U.S.-Spain on Latin America matters a 
high priority. Your background suggests that you will and that 
gives me strong reason to support your nomination.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, and if you would like to just say 
anything about that, but you have already done a pretty good 
job.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Those were incredibly kind words, 
Senator. My trajectory as an immigrant and also as a person who 
has worked in the Americas, I am completely committed to 
ensuring that this country, our country, understands fully how 
important Latin America and the Caribbean is to our national 
security and our future.
    And if I am confirmed as the ambassador to Spain, I will 
just continue to work to flourish and empower those 
connections, sir, and I really look forward to working with you 
to make sure we do give it the importance it requires.
    Thank you.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. And with my thanks to my 
colleague, Senator Murphy, I yield back.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Thank you 
to all four of you for your willingness and your continued 
willingness to serve.
    Senator Dodd, good to see you back in the Foreign Relations 
Committee again. Thank you for your service to this committee 
and to our state.
    Ambassador Reynoso, I want to take--continue along the line 
of questioning begun by my colleague, Senator Kaine. In July, 
Spain declined to sign a U.S.-led statement on the repression 
of protests in Cuba, and instead, they decided to lead an EU 
statement that expressed concerns about the repression of the 
protests but predictably called for an easing of external 
restrictions in order to promote reforms in Cuba.
    You, obviously, have an enormous amount of experience here. 
You have seen firsthand the irritant that U.S.-Cuba policy has 
been both in our relations with countries in the Western 
Hemisphere but also occasionally with Spain.
    And so I might just ask you to talk a little bit more about 
Spain's policy towards Cuba and how U.S. policy towards Cuba 
affects our ability to work with Spain in the Western 
Hemisphere.
    I agree with Senator Kaine. This is an opportunity for us 
to integrate more broadly with Spain on Western Hemisphere 
policy. I worry, though, that Cuba stands in the way--U.S. 
policy towards Cuba stands in the way.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Make sure I get this right.
    Yes, Senator, as you know, Spain and Cuba have a history 
together. It was one of the last Spanish colonies in the 
Western Hemisphere and there are affinities that go beyond the 
political and economic, so the cultural and national 
connections as well.
    Spain's position, as far as I understand it, is that we 
share with the--Spain shares with the United States ideals of 
human rights and liberty as concepts. But in terms of tactics 
with respect to how they manage their affairs with Cuba, it has 
been--we have had important differences.
    It has been much more tolerant, if you will, of certain 
actions by the Government and encourages more robust dialogue 
than we have been willing to engage in.
    That said, in July, when there were important protests in 
Cuba, we and Secretary Blinken led an effort to have countries 
from--allies from throughout the world sign a statement and 
Spain refused. Did not do so, and went with the EU statement.
    I do think the fact that they helped issue a statement is 
something. It is important that they did collectively push the 
EU to issue a statement.
    My position is that we can be even more aligned because, 
optimally, our main objective is to see real reform in Cuba, 
both for the improvement of economic conditions of the Cuban 
people but also, obviously, the need for greater human rights.
    I think we share those values and those objectives. How we 
get there is something we have to work on. Given that, I think 
the rest of the hemisphere, frankly, sir, has so many economic 
issues and struggles at this time that Cuba may not be as 
relevant as it was 20, 30 years ago on the ideological front.
    I think, in that regard, Spain is an important partner for 
us because it is one of the most active for foreign governments 
in the region in terms of assistance and political relations 
and the like.
    I really, if confirmed, hope to work with Spain, make sure 
that Cuba and the Cuba situation is not a point of conflict 
with the rest of the region but a point of focus to push 
forward for greater aligned interests and, again, driven by our 
collective values.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you. I apologize. I want to get in--
thank you for that answer. I look forward to working with you. 
I want to get in one question to at least one of our nominees 
to the Balkans.
    I have been fortunate enough to work with both Senator 
Shaheen and Senator Johnson on U.S. policy towards the Balkans. 
No surprise that inside the Pandora Papers were a number of 
Balkan officials who had been, potentially, using public funds 
in order to enrich their own bank accounts.
    What is the importance of continuing a pathway to EU 
integration on our efforts to try to address what is still 
often far too rampant corruption in the Balkans with respect to 
Kosovo and Bosnia?
    It seems that as the dream of Europe disappears for some so 
is the pressure relieved on many of our partners there to 
continue to make anti-corruption reforms.
    Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question. I presume I 
should go first.
    What I would say is the pressure is not relieved and it 
should not be relieved. This is a critical part of our long-
term project of seeing these countries integrate into European 
and Euro-Atlantic institutions but also being the sorts of 
partners we want them to be.
    And if I am confirmed, an important element of our foreign 
assistance and our diplomatic engagement will be to partner 
with the Government of Kosovo and civil society to address 
corruption.
    This is a primary concern of the current Government of 
Kosovo as well. The prime minister was elected on a record, a 
campaign, to combat corruption, seeking to enable him but also 
empowering civil society to hold their government more 
accountable and to work to ensure greater transparency and good 
governance.
    We also hope that the incentive of integration in European 
institutions is not dead and we will continue to work as well 
as the administration with our European partners to keep that 
hope more alive than some suggest it is. Thank you.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you.
    Mr. Murphy. Senator, thank you for the question. Let me 
start by saying, if confirmed, rule of law reform and combating 
corruption would be among my top priorities. It damages the 
interests of the United States, the interests of the people and 
citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina in more ways than one, and 
Euro-Atlantic integration is one of those, as you have 
highlighted.
    I think that we have to be prepared to continue the 
programs that we put in place to tackle rule of law, to promote 
an open economy and create space for civic-minded democracy in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina, and if confirmed, I will continue to do 
that.
    In addition, if confirmed, I would support using the new 
sanctions authority that the President has recently enacted 
dealing with corruption to exact a price for those ethno-
nationalist politicians who are not prepared to address the 
reforms necessary or to behave in a way that is beneficial not 
just to U.S. interests but, of course, to the people of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. I think we have Senator Van Hollen on 
WebEx.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Chair and----
    Senator Shaheen. Senator, can I just--I do not think we can 
control sound at our end. But maybe you could turn the sound 
down a little bit at your end because it is very loud.
    Senator Van Hollen. Is that better?
    Senator Shaheen. Better. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. Sorry. I had wanted to get 
back in person, but congratulations to all of you.
    And to Mr. Hovenier, I just want to associate myself with 
the comments that Chairman Menendez made with respect to the 
important U.S. role in seeking to normalize relations between 
Kosovo and Serbia. Obviously, it has been a long road, but we 
need to keep at that work.
    Mrs. Kennedy, it is great to see you again. As you well 
know, the United States and Austria enjoy a long history of 
cultural and educational exchange programs.
    Every year, about 1,000 Austrians study at universities in 
the United States and some 2,700 Americans study in Austria 
through programs developed by Austrian and American educational 
institutions.
    I have a particular recent interest in this because my 
state of Maryland in 2020 signed an MOU between the U.S. Naval 
Academy and the Austrian Theresian Military Academy, which 
covers the exchange of Austrian cadets and U.S. Naval Academy 
midshipmen.
    The first cadets and midshipmen participate in this program 
beginning this fall, and I am hoping that as our ambassador you 
will help to cultivate and strengthen this relationship and 
other exchange programs.
    Can you just talk briefly to the significance of those 
people-to-people exchanges to continuing to maintain strong 
relations with Austria?
    Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you so much. It is good to see you, 
Senator.
    What a wonderful program that you have described and how 
important people-to-people exchanges are--I think I will look 
this way, I think it is a better idea--and how important these 
people-to-people exchanges are.
    Cultural exchanges help our countrymen understand Austria. 
They help Austrians understand our country, and they are really 
a vital part of our public diplomacy.
    Embassy Vienna is very--has been very devoted to this type 
of exchange program and I am thrilled about cultural exchanges. 
I am thrilled about entrepreneurial exchanges and business 
exchanges.
    I think there is no better way than actual hands-on 
exposure, learning from others, getting the real--that real 
kind of exposure.
    I am excited about it, and if I am confirmed I look forward 
to having people-to-people exchanges and perhaps even 
expanding. Thank you very much.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I look forward to working 
with you on that.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you. And if I am confirmed, Senator, I 
look forward to meeting some of those cadets. It would be 
fantastic.
    Senator Van Hollen. Terrific.
    Ambassador Reynoso, as you know, the United States and 
Spain have cooperated over the years on security issues in 
Africa. Moron Air Base in Spain is the permanent headquarters 
of a rotational U.S. expeditionary force with the primary 
mission of responding to emergency calls for security 
assistance to U.S. embassies and other U.S. operations in 
Africa, among other things.
    As you know, the French, who have had also a long-standing 
forces--long-standing forces in Africa have signaled that they 
intend to draw down their presence in the Sahel.
    Does that affect U.S. security interests in the region and 
how would it affect our operations in Spain, if at all?
    Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you for the question, Senator.
    Spain is, as you know, a critical ally and the fact that we 
have been working with Spain for so many years and that both 
the bases of Rota and Moron are used for our service people and 
their families who are located there but other allies also use 
those bases for operations in other parts of the world, in 
Africa in particular, says a lot about the strength of our 
relationship.
    Spain is committed and has been committed to working with 
sub-Saharan Africa and the Sahel region to ensure that there is 
security. I think, frankly, they have been investing 
significant resources and capabilities to train in sub-Saharan 
Africa.
    Our relationship with Spain is so strong that I believe we 
can continue using that relationship to increase our 
collaboration in sub-Saharan Africa and in the Sahel region in 
particular.
    I do not think that the French position at this moment will 
impact, obviously, our relationship with Spain in continuing 
the security collaboration, and if confirmed I will work with 
Spain to make sure that we continue to fortify our security and 
comprehensive operations and developing our work in sub-Saharan 
Africa to continue the growth of our security and support for 
those countries.
    I think it is a matter of continuing that support and 
strengthening those ties and increasing our work with them in 
sub-Saharan Africa.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    First, let me thank all four of our nominees for their 
willingness to serve our country and continuing to serve our 
country. We know that these are extremely challenging times and 
we thank you for making the sacrifice to serve our country and 
we also thank your families.
    Senator Dodd, it is really good to see you. Brings back the 
time in 2007 when I was first elected to the Senate and got 
appointed to this committee. You were one of the senior members 
and you helped me in my original years in the United States 
Senate and mentoring me on this committee. It is good to see 
you in this capacity here in the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee.
    And let me start, if I might, with Mrs. Kennedy. It is 
great to see you.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Good to see you.
    Senator Cardin. I was in Vienna in July. Been to Vienna 
many times. Austria is a very important country for the United 
States, a strategic partner, and we have already talked about 
the fact that it is nonaligned so, therefore, it presents some 
challenges to us at times in regards to its relationship with 
Russia.
    And, recently, we have seen that Austria has been 
supportive of the EU in regards to sanctions against Russia. 
But I think you are going to have a challenge in regards to our 
relationship of Austria as it relates to trying to show unity 
in Europe against the aggression of Russia.
    I think less so with China because I think there is more 
unity there. I just bring that to your attention.
    But I want to mention a second part that is unique about 
our mission in Vienna, and that is we have two other very 
important missions. We had the IAEA and we had the OSCE.
    I am the chair of U.S.-Helsinki Commission. We rely a great 
deal on our mission in Vienna in addition to our OSCE mission 
for the support in regards to the OSCE.
    I guess my comment is, yes, the bilateral, it is extremely 
important. We need to deal with unity in our quest against 
aggression of Russia. But we also are going to need cooperation 
and support between the three missions that we have and, quite 
frankly, the ambassador to Austria usually is the senior 
partner in that relationship.
    I would just ask you to recognize that all three of these 
missions are critically important and you can play a role in 
assisting the other two missions.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you so much, Senator. I appreciate 
that. It is good to see you and I am very much looking forward 
to working cooperatively with the Tri-Mission with the other 
two ambassadors and coordinating with them. That is something 
that, I think, would be very, very important, and if I am 
confirmed I look forward to that.
    Senator Cardin. Mr. Murphy, I enjoyed our conversation. It 
is interesting that Bosnia and Kosovo have a lot in common from 
the point of view they both have challenges of a strong central 
government representing all of the population, the geographical 
population, with the challenges in the northern part of Kosovo 
with the Serbian population and, of course, in Bosnia with the 
impact of Serbia population and the desire for autonomy.
    My question to both of you, we have talked about 
corruption. Both countries have real serious issues with 
corruption and we are going to work with you very closely on 
that.
    But in Bosnia, we need to work to constitutional reform. In 
Kosovo, we need to have a government that is respected all of 
the communities and has the confidence of all the communities 
and can provide services to all the communities rather than 
relying on Serbia to provide a lot of the services to the Serbs 
that are in Kosovo.
    What is your strategies to advance the unity of those two 
countries so they, ultimately, can make full integration into 
Europe and, hopefully, membership in organizations such as 
NATO?
    Mr. Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator, and I, too, 
enjoyed our conversation and I hope to welcome you and other 
members of the committee in Bosnia and Herzegovina if I am 
confirmed.
    I want to start by just stating up front, because you spoke 
about unity and territorial integrity, I want to--I think it is 
really important to state clearly that we are fully committed 
to sovereignty and territorial integrity in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina, and rhetoric and actions that put that at risk and 
put at risk Bosnia's Euro-Atlantic integration, something the 
citizens want and make clear that they want and the politicians 
claim to support is both counterproductive, self-defeating, and 
itself quite risky.
    Now, having said that, our immediate focus in the short 
term is on limited constitutional reform designed to increase 
the stability and functionality of the country, ensure greater 
equality for all citizens, and enhance democratic standards and 
meet a key target in Euro-Atlantic integration.
    This has to do with the European Court of Human Rights 
cases that found elements of the constitution discriminatory.
    In addition, we are also pressing for reforms in the rule 
of law area, in the economy, and others that are critical to 
the stability and functionality of the state and that would 
open up political space to more civic-minded parties and 
participation, and inject greater dynamism and energy into the 
economy, which would generate prosperity for more of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina's citizens.
    And if confirmed, I intend to support all of those 
activities and I also very much look forward to working closely 
with you and other members of the committee on these reforms, 
but also to discuss longer-term possibilities for additional 
reforms that are going to be required to advance Bosnia and 
Herzegovina along the path of Euro-Atlantic integration.
    Senator Cardin. Mr. Hovenier?
    Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question. May I first beg 
your indulgence to simply note that my career in government 
began as an intern at the Commission for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe? And so I am delighted to be able to----
    Senator Cardin. You should have put that first on your 
resume.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. Hovenier. I think you have pointed out exactly what the 
challenge is. Kosovo is an independent country and the 
authorities of Kosovo ought to govern their entire country, and 
the challenge is, of course, elements of the country that are 
either not interested in or, at times, the authorities in 
Kosovo find themselves actively subverted in exercising 
authority over their entire country. This needs to be done very 
carefully.
    The European Union-facilitated dialogue has made real 
progress with some of this, and there is a multi-ethnic police 
nationwide that exercises authority including in the north with 
customs service, judiciary.
    But there is still work to be done, particularly with 
municipal governments. And if I am confirmed, one of the 
challenges will be to work with authorities of Kosovo and for 
my colleagues in Belgrade to work with authorities in Serbia to 
move this EU-facilitated dialogue forward and further narrow 
the differences.
    We accept that Serbia has desires to support the Serbian 
community in Kosovo. That is reasonable. But it needs to be 
done in the constitutional framework and under the legal 
jurisdiction of Kosovo.
    One last thing I would say is another priority of mine 
would be to encourage the authorities of Kosovo to make 
abundantly clear that they are a multi-ethnic country and that 
all citizens, without regard to ethnicity, enjoy the same 
rights and privileges.
    The Ahtisaari plan, the constitution of Kosovo, the Kosovo 
legal framework, is actually quite good in this regard and 
there is a number of rights guaranteed in law for ethnic 
communities.
    Implementation has not always been what we would hope. But 
if I am confirmed, this will also be a big priority to help 
ensure that the ethnic communities in Kosovo, who have every 
right to be in their country and to exercise their rights as a 
citizen, feel safe in doing so.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I do not think 
we have anyone else waiting for a first round of questions.
    I do have several more questions that I would like to ask 
in a second round. Is there anyone else who has--Senator 
Johnson, Senator Cardin, do you have a second round that you 
would like to?
    [No response.]
    Senator Shaheen. I want to go back then to the questions 
about the directed energy attacks, the anomalous health 
incidents. I think, Mrs. Kennedy, you got a number of questions 
about that.
    What you did not get asked is whether or not you have been 
briefed by the attacks that have happened in Vienna.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Senator, I have--my information on the 
attacks is on an unclassified basis.
    Senator Shaheen. Okay. Can I ask each of the rest of you 
have you been briefed about anomalous health incidents and what 
to do if you are attacked or if any members, any employees who 
are working with you, were to be attacked?
    Ms. Reynoso?
    Ambassador Reynoso. I have been briefed, broadly, but I 
have not been given specific instructions as to what to do in 
case of an incident.
    Senator Shaheen. Mr. Murphy?
    Mr. Murphy. I am familiar with the communications that the 
department has provided to the field over the last several 
months about incidents and how they will respond to them and 
what is expected of us. But I have not received a classified 
briefing on incidents elsewhere in Europe.
    Senator Shaheen. And have you been told that, if confirmed, 
you will be briefed?
    Mr. Murphy. If confirmed, I will seek such a briefing.
    Senator Shaheen. Okay. How about you, Mr. Hovenier?
    Mr. Hovenier. Just as with regard to Mr. Murphy, I am aware 
of incidents, more broadly, and I am very aware of the guidance 
that has been provided out to all of our posts from the 
Department of State of what to do.
    And, of course, in my last job as the Deputy Chief of 
Mission in Ankara, paid very close attention to that guidance 
as to what we should do if an employee complained or if we felt 
an incident took place. But I have not been formally briefed at 
a classified level and, if confirmed, I would absolutely seek 
such a briefing before heading to post.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I assume both Mrs. Kennedy and 
Ms. Reynoso have the same response on requesting a briefing.
    Mrs. Kennedy. Absolutely. I will request a briefing. 
Absolutely.
    Ambassador Reynoso. Yes, Senator.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. My final question is for you, 
Ms. Reynoso, because there has been a lot of discussion in 
recent months about strategic autonomy on the continent of 
Europe, usually in the context of national security but not 
always.
    And I know that or at least it appears that different 
countries in Europe define that term differently. Can you 
discuss how--your perception of how Spain defines strategic 
autonomy?
    Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you for the question, Senator.
    As you know, Spain is quite active as a member of the 
European Union and also a NATO member. It is my understanding 
that, like anything else, these two institutions share a lot of 
members in common and also have quite a bit of values and goals 
in common.
    That said, with respect to security in particular, NATO is 
the fundamental and essential institution that we, as the 
United States, support going--in terms of our broad strategic 
relationship with Europe.
    And, obviously, for my purposes, the platform I will use to 
engage with Spain, especially in the short term, if confirmed, 
given its hosting of the NATO Summit next year, any movement in 
terms of creating other vehicles for security cooperation or 
security independence from the NATO platform that European 
members might take on such as Spain, obviously, will be helpful 
if, ultimately, it will lead to greater expenditure and defense 
and security support and spending overall in connection with 
their commitments and targets.
    However, my position will be to have NATO and make NATO be 
and use that platform in my relationship and my work in Spain, 
if confirmed, as the primary institution of security 
cooperation and support.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    With that, thank you very much to each of our nominees for 
your testimony today. I look forward to working with all of 
you, should you be confirmed.
    And for the information of all senators, the record of this 
hearing will remain open until close of business tomorrow, 
Wednesday, October 6th.
    To my colleagues on the committee, if you have any 
questions for the record please submit them on time to the 
nominees. I urge you to answer any questions expeditiously so 
that your nominations can be considered before the full 
committee when we hold a business meeting.
    With that, this hearing is adjourned. Thank you.


    [Whereupon, at 4:04 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Kosovo's special police recently began enforcing a 
regulation requiring Serbian vehicles to remove their license plates 
when entering Kosovo. Kosovo Serbs began blocking border crossings in 
response, and Serbian military jets and helicopters began flying near 
the border. An agreement has been reached to resolve the issue, but 
tensions remain high. How can the United States help lower the 
temperature and best support the EU-led normalization efforts? What 
will you do if confirmed to help advance the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to strongly support the EU-
facilitated Dialogue to normalize Kosovo-Serbia relations, including 
through direct engagement with Kosovo's senior leadership and in 
collaboration with my counterpart U.S. Chief of Mission in Belgrade. 
Reaching a comprehensive normalization deal between the parties remains 
the only way to unlock Kosovo and Serbia's Western-oriented futures. We 
believe normalization should be centred on mutual recognition. The 
United States is ready to help the parties in any way possible to reach 
an agreement that will establish fully normalized relations. We are 
actively and closely engaged with both sides and the EU to help the 
process.

    Question. Traffickers in Kosovo continue to force Kosovo citizens 
into sex trafficking and forced labor. Members of the Roma, Ashkali, 
and Egyptian communities are among the most vulnerable. How will you 
work with the Government of Kosovo to combat sex trafficking and forced 
labor, and protect vulnerable communities from these heinous practices?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage Kosovo authorities and 
civil society to address human trafficking issues. I will encourage the 
Government of Kosovo to: vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict 
traffickers, including complicit officials, and impose strong 
sentences; provide adequate and consistent funding for NGO-run 
shelters; designate specific prosecutors and judges to handle 
trafficking cases; and provide advanced training to judges, 
prosecutors, and law enforcement on trafficking investigations and 
prosecutions to ensure appropriate sentences for traffickers. I will 
encourage the Government to adopt a new Anti-trafficking National 
Strategy and Action Plan and will meet with vulnerable communities to 
hear directly from them.

    Question. Kosovo recently suspended the development of a gas 
pipeline partly financed by the Millennium Challenge Corporation. 
However, Kosovo continues to dependent on coal-fired plants for 95 
percent of its electricity. How will you encourage Kosovo to make the 
energy transition to gas and renewable energy sources, and help bolster 
its energy security?

    Answer. Energy security is essential for Kosovo's future economic 
growth and overall stability. If confirmed, I will encourage Kosovo to 
finalize and implement a comprehensive energy plan that outlines a 
transition away from coal toward greater energy diversification, 
including natural gas and renewables, while securing a stable supply of 
energy. It should be noted that while the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation is supportive of the gas pipeline, its assistance was to be 
focused on demand creation rather than pipeline financing. Although MCC 
will no longer move forward with gas investments, due to timeline 
constraints, I will ensure the whole interagency encourages Kosovo to 
achieve decarbonization by 2050.

    Question. Kosovo remains the only nation in Eastern Europe not 
allowed visa-free travel to European Union member states. The EU 
announced in 2018 that Kosovo met all requirements for visa 
liberalization. However, the EU has not made any progress towards 
Kosovo's integration. How will you engage the EU in regional formats on 
visa liberalization, and how will you approach dialogues regarding the 
possibility of EU accession?

    Answer. Like other Balkan countries, it is important that Kosovo 
has a credible, concrete perspective for eventual Euro-Atlantic 
integration, and that the EU follows through. This is why the United 
States supports EU visa liberalization for Kosovo citizens. It is 
disappointing that the EU has not yet established visa-free travel for 
Kosovo, notwithstanding recognitions by the European Commission and 
Parliament that Kosovo has met all requirements. I confirmed, I will 
engage with Washington colleagues and the U.S. Mission to the EU to 
develop and implement a strategy to advance visa liberalization for 
Kosovo and to promote EU accession as well as encourage the Government 
of Kosovo to redouble efforts to meet the criteria for integration.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Kosovo was 
identified as Tier 2 due to lack of prosecutions, implementing an anti-
trafficking framework, and identifying victims.

   How will you work with the host government to address these issues 
        if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage Kosovo authorities and 
civil society to address human trafficking issues. I will encourage the 
Government of Kosovo to: vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict 
traffickers, including complicit officials, and impose strong 
sentences; provide adequate and consistent funding for NGO-run 
shelters; designate specific prosecutors and judges to handle 
trafficking cases; and provide advanced training to judges, 
prosecutors, and law enforcement on trafficking investigations and 
prosecutions to ensure appropriate sentences for convicted traffickers. 
I will also encourage the Government to adopt a new Anti-trafficking 
National Strategy and Action Plan.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
religious freedom in Kosovo was identified as generally strained, 
compounded by the lack of legal framework provided under the Law of 
Religious Freedom. Despite this law's lofty goal of religious tolerance 
and freedom, it has prohibited some religious minorities from obtaining 
legal status and therefore, buying property, open bank accounts, access 
courts, and more.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Kosovo's constitution commits it to the principles of 
freedom of worship and religious pluralism. If confirmed, one of my top 
priorities will be to advance religious freedom in Kosovo through 
working with the Ambassador-at-Large, the Government of Kosovo, civil 
society organizations, and religious communities to enact a revised Law 
on Religious Freedom. Likewise, I will press the Government to uphold 
the rule of law and court decisions respecting the protected status of 
the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) with particular focus on the Special 
Protective Zones around Church heritage sites. I will call on Kosovo 
authorities to implement court decisions directing the registration of 
property to the Decani monastery.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Kosovo was identified as 
having significant human rights issues like undue restrictions on the 
press, including violence against journalists, significant government 
corruption, and attacks against minorities.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed I will continue to press the Government of 
Kosovo to address human rights challenges by improving relations 
between Kosovo's ethnic communities. I will also press the Government 
to ensure that authorities thoroughly investigate instances of violence 
and harassment against journalists and members of minority communities. 
My priority would be to reduce and prevent actions that harm relations 
between ethnic groups and contribute to cross-border tensions. Kosovo 
needs to do more to implement the laws it has in place, and to hold 
officials to account when they fail to do so.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Embassy to continue 
actively engaging with Kosovo civil society to address a variety of 
human rights issues, to identify new civil society partners and amplify 
civil society voices, and to work in helping to shape Kosovo as a 
multiethnic and democratic society that reflects and values human 
rights for all. I will use the tools at our disposal, including U.S. 
assistance, to bolster the capacity, skills, and reach of civil society 
organizations.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years due to COVID. Press reports in February indicated 
that Embassy Pristina sent a cable detailing extremely poor conditions 
at post, including long hours, an increase in staff mental health 
issues, and a rise in interpersonal conflicts, all while dealing with 
the threat of COVID among staff.

   What is your understanding of current morale throughout Mission 
        Kosovo?

    Answer. Kosovo was hard hit by the pandemic and registered the 
world's highest per capita death rate in August 2020. The COVID-19 
pandemic, as well as movement restrictions and strain on Kosovo's 
healthcare system, presented new challenges for the Embassy. My 
understanding is that Embassy morale has improved considerably in 
recent months, particularly since vaccines were administered, and that 
on October 6 the Mission established its workforce posture as ``least 
restrictive'' under the Department of State's COVID-19 Mitigation 
Process. If confirmed, I will continually seek ways to promote good 
morale at post.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kosovo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission 
and senior leadership team to continue promoting an atmosphere that 
nurtures healthy living and work-life balance and strengthens the 
community. Additionally, I will foster an environment in which our 
staff have sufficient resources and training and are empowered to do 
their jobs. I will encourage them to bring serious issues to the 
highest level. I will ensure that everyone in the mission understands 
that my highest priority is the safety and security of the team and 
their dependents, and I will promote training and professional 
development and ensure that all staff members are aware of the employee 
and family support resources that the USG offers to assist employees.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Kosovo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a 
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and 
transparent communications throughout the mission by sharing 
information, empower staff to fulfill their missions and potential, and 
seek ways to support and ensure the safety and community of the mission 
the community--for both American and local staff.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style is to establish a vision and set clear 
priorities, ensuring that all team members have the training and 
resources needed to accomplish their tasks and achieve their goals, and 
to then delegate to members of the team while establishing mechanisms 
to ensure accountability.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. While it is important for a leader to provide clear and 
candid feedback, that feedback should never take the form of berating a 
subordinate, either in public or private. I am committed to treating 
all members of any team I lead, or am a member of, with professionalism 
and respect.

    Question. What lessons did you learn from your tenure as DCM in 
Mission Turkey?

    Answer. I learned the importance of establishing a whole-of-mission 
and whole-of-government ethos. It is important that colleagues from 
other agencies can be confident that the Chief of Mission and Deputy 
Chief of Mission share their priorities just as they share Department 
of State priorities. Likewise, I learned the importance of frequent 
communication with the team and with Mission dependents, particularly 
in times of crisis and stress. Finally, while this was not a new 
lesson, I saw the importance of ensuring that my highest priority as a 
senior leader of a large Mission must be the safety and welfare of the 
entire Mission, including dependents; it is critical that this point be 
explicitly stated by the Chief of Mission and DCM and that it is backed 
up by actions.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. To be successful, the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) must be 
the Chief of Mission's final/principal advisor, alter ego, and partner 
in managing and leading the mission. If confirmed, I fully expect to 
have that kind of relationship with my DCM in Pristina.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission 
(DCM) to manage the day-to-day operations of the Mission, and to be 
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission 
management, should the DCM need to step in to lead. The DCM will also 
be responsible for the professional development of Mission personnel, 
and join me in advancing diversity, equity, and inclusion.

    Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with many 
U.S. Government agencies present?

    Answer. The Chief of Mission should establish a whole-of-government 
and whole-of-mission ethos and foster a team atmosphere. She/he should 
understand and provide support to the priorities of each U.S. 
Government agency present in the Mission and ensure that U.S. 
Government agency heads participate in Country Team and relevant 
Mission functional meetings and discussions, with frequent direct 
engagement with the Chief of Mission and Deputy Chief of Mission. The 
Chief of Mission should also ensure that each U.S. Government agency 
provides input in establishing the Mission's strategic goals and 
objectives and understands its role in advancing them. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with each U.S. Government agency.

    Question. In your experience, how important are interagency 
relationships within a post?

    Answer. Strong interagency relationships are essential to forging a 
common understanding of the mission's vision and goals. Collegial and 
productive relationships and information sharing are especially crucial 
during times of crisis.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency 
disagreement within Mission Kosovo?

    Answer. Strong interagency relationships are vitally important to 
the smooth functioning of a mission. Disagreements with process and 
policy are normal, and I welcome an open exchange of ideas. I will 
consider all viewpoints before taking final decisions and work with my 
team to arrive at common understandings.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes. I believe it is critical to provide employees with 
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances, as well as to 
collaborate with them on planning and developing performance metrics 
for the coming year. This encourages improvement and rewards success 
while building a stronger team. If confirmed, I will hold accountable 
those who have performance or conduct issues. This is what I have done 
throughout my career.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers. I will hold accountable those 
who have performance or conduct issues.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. In my experience, U.S. diplomats have gotten outside of our 
Embassy walls sufficiently to accomplish our mission, and if confirmed 
I will model the importance of getting outside of our Embassy. Access 
to, and engagement with, local contacts and the public is an important 
part of our work overseas. Throughout my career, I have participated in 
public outreach to all parts of society--from students to non-
governmental organizations to the media--and will continue to do so.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Embassy staff to spend time 
engaging with local populations and developing contacts. I will also 
lead by example to demonstrate to my team that it is important to 
engage with our local counterparts and to participate in public 
outreach to provide information about our goals in the country and to 
learn from our hosts about local conditions.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Kosovo?

    Answer. Kosovo has the youngest population in Europe, with 
approximately half of its two million residents under the age of 25 and 
70 percent younger than 35. While the United States remains immensely 
popular in Kosovo, young people who grew up after the Balkans conflict, 
while appreciative of American culture, often look to the EU, not the 
U.S., for higher education and work opportunities. Public Diplomacy 
efforts in Kosovo target three primary audiences: established 
influencers and opinion leaders, emerging decision makers, and youth. 
Kosovo has a vibrant and crowded media sector, although the financial 
sustainability of outlets often leaves them vulnerable to political and 
external pressures.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. The United States is immensely popular among Kosovans, and 
the media environment is vibrant in the Albanian language sector, with 
a healthy spectrum of differing views and information vital to any 
democracy. However, minority populations, such as Kosovo Serbs, do not 
have the same access to an array of Serbian language media due to 
language barriers, and, as a result, remain vulnerable to Russian 
disinformation, especially through Serbian-controlled outlets. Along 
with educational and economic prosperity focused programs, I will 
continue Public Diplomacy projects that support Kosovo-Serb and other 
minority communities, with the objective of enabling access to 
differing views and ideas.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on closely coordinating the 
efforts of Washington- and Pristina-based public diplomacy teams and 
support the strategic planning processes, such as the Public Diplomacy 
Implementation Plan, to ensure programmatic and message coordination 
between Post and Washington. I will ensure there is a unified approach 
to highlighting key messages and U.S. policies in Kosovo, and 
coordinate messages and information initiatives accordingly. The small 
size of the Kosovan media market and the great public interest in the 
U.S.-Kosovo relationship enable the mission to take advantage of the 
local traditional and social media platforms.

    Question. Do you believe that the U.N. Interim Administration 
Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) is fulfilling its mandate? Please explain 
your answer.

   Do you believe that UNMIK's mandate of ``promoting security, 
        stability, and respect for human rights'' is efficient in the 
        current political-social climate in Kosovo?

    Answer. The U.N. Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has long since fulfilled 
its original purpose and is no longer relevant. UNMIK continues to 
operate with a diminished role since Kosovo declared independence in 
2008. We continue to urge the U.N. Security Council to consider better 
ways to help Kosovo realize its full potential. Russia, as a permanent 
member of the U.N. Security Council, supports Serbian efforts to 
maintain UNMIK with its current mandate and staffing.

    Question. UNMIK has an approved budget of $44,192,100 for 353 total 
personnel, including civilians, experts, police, and U.N. volunteers. 
What are U.S. contributions to UNMIK?

    Answer. The United States is assessed at 27.89 percent of all 
Member States assessments, but the Department of State pays 25 percent 
due to a legislative cap. The U.S. share of that budget, capped at 25 
percent, is $11,048,025.

    Question. Will you commit to working with Congress, along with the 
A/S for International Organizations, to effectively measure our 
contributions against the effectiveness of the UNMIK mandate?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress along 
with the A/S for International Organizations, to effectively measure 
our contributions against the effectiveness of the UNMIK mandate.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. The Helsinki Commission has expressed concern about the 
plight of Roma in Kosovo, who not only face the same discrimination 
faced elsewhere in Europe but were targeted as alleged Serbian 
collaborators.

   As Ambassador, how would you propose to find solutions for improved 
        engagement with the Serbian community throughout Kosovo?

    Answer. Kosovo's constitution affords Kosovo Serbs and other 
minorities extensive rights and protections, but Kosovo still has 
substantial work to do to ensure full implementation of the legal 
rights afforded to minorities and to ensure Kosovo Serbs feel they have 
a stake in their country's future. If confirmed, I will engage in 
active outreach to the Kosovo Serb community, seeking to include Kosovo 
Government and civil society officials in that outreach. I will also 
use U.S. assistance programs to focus on increasing constructive inter-
ethnic cooperation, empowering all citizens to actively participate in 
government, ensuring equal access to services, and improving economic 
opportunities for minority citizens, particularly through youth.

    Question. In your view, how would you pursue improved relations 
with other minority leaders, including from the Romani community, and 
advocate for the security of their communities and their integration in 
Kosovo society?

    Answer. The Embassy has a strong record of engaging with minority 
communities and leaders across Kosovo, and, if confirmed, I will 
actively continue those efforts. Kosovo's legislative framework 
ensuring equal rights are afforded to members of minority groups is 
strong, but implementation is often weak. I will continue to encourage 
the Government of Kosovo to address human rights challenges within its 
borders and to uphold the rights of members of minority communities in 
line with Kosovo's constitution, laws, and international obligations. I 
will also call for Kosovo justice institutions to serve all citizens 
fairly, without prejudice, in accordance with the law, and to ensure 
that every resident has equal access to justice.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Kosovo has agreed to permit Afghan evacuees who fail to 
clear initial rounds of screening to be housed at Camp Bondsteel. This 
is a generous gesture by our ally in the midst of our strategic failure 
in Afghanistan. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of 
Kosovo to ensure that Afghan evacuees do not become a burden or 
security risk to Kosovo?

    Answer. Kosovo provided early and generous support by agreeing to 
host up to 2,000 at-risk Afghans in need of further processing before 
relocation to the United States. The decision to house Afghan refugees 
at Camp Bondsteel, at U.S. Government expense, minimizes the burden to 
Kosovo. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Kosovo Government in 
implementing the terms of our legal agreement.

    Question. What will become of Afghan evacuees that do not clear 
their initial screenings within the one year time frame Kosovo will 
permit the evacuees?

    Answer. An interagency team is working on the ground with the goal 
of clearing all Afghan evacuees at Camp Bondsteel for onward travel to 
the United States. Two plane loads of individuals and their 
accompanying family members have already successfully cleared and 
departed Kosovo. U.S.-affiliated Afghans who clear screening will be 
relocated to the United States as they clear. The United States will 
work with IOM and UNHCR to relocate to safe and willing third countries 
any individuals who do not clear screening processes before the one-
year period elapses.

    Question. If confirmed, what procedures will you put in place to 
ensure constant and careful communication with the Government of Kosovo 
regarding all Afghan evacuees?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's close 
coordination with the Government of Kosovo, including with the highest 
levels of the Government of Kosovo, regarding Afghan evacuees in the 
country under U.S. auspices. The generous arrangements provided by the 
Government of Kosovo are clear evidence of the pre-existing close 
communication between Kosovo officials and Embassy staff. If confirmed, 
I will continue to prioritize and enable close coordination between the 
Embassy and the Government of Kosovo on the political, consular, 
security, medical, and humanitarian aspects of this endeavor.

    Question. Last week we saw that NATO had to increase patrols on the 
Kosovo/Serbian border due a dispute over vehicle registration. While 
this is just one issue of many it hints at the continued strain between 
the two neighbors. What is your assessment of Serbian/Kosovo relations?

    Answer. Serbia/Kosovo relations remain strained and complex. Serbia 
remains unwilling to acknowledge the reality that Kosovo is an 
independent state; Kosovo maintains a deep distrust of Serbian 
motivations and intentions. Both sides have taken actions that have 
jeopardized the prospects of normalization of relations, which should 
be centered on mutual recognition. The recent agreement on license 
plate issues brokered by the EU with strong U.S. support demonstrates 
that when leaders in the region engage openly and constructively, they 
can find common ground benefitting all citizens. The United State 
considers the EU-facilitated Dialogue the best platform to resolve 
outstanding issues and to normalize relations centered on mutual 
recognition.

    Question. Do you see the current dispute escalating into anything 
further?

    Answer. Conditions at the border crossings are calm and traffic is 
flowing both ways smoothly. I understand that NATO KFOR troops' 
presence at the affected border crossings is temporary and limited to 
approximately two weeks.

    Question. How long do you see the NATO mission in Kosovo lasting?

    Answer. NATO's current presence in Kosovo provides strategic 
stability in the region and reduces tensions between Kosovo and Serbia. 
If confirmed, I will, together with senior USG officials, continue our 
robust support to the EU's efforts to achieve progress in the Dialogue 
it facilitates between Kosovo and Serbia. We see progress towards a 
comprehensive, verifiable normalization agreement as a precondition to 
any NATO departure.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Michael J. Murphy by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Bosnia was ranked 111th on Transparency International's 
Corruption Perceptions Index for 2020, a decrease of seven points since 
2012. What can the United States and its European allies do to help 
Bosnia and Herzegovina tackle corruption? How will you advance efforts 
to tackle corruption as ambassador?

    Answer. The administration has made clear that by countering 
corruption and demonstrating the advantages of transparent and 
accountable governance, we can secure a critical advantage for the 
United States and other democracies. If confirmed, I will work with our 
international and local partners to advocate for key anticorruption, 
election integrity, and rule of law reforms. I will also continue to 
leverage U.S. assistance programs to increase government transparency, 
strengthen civil society, support investigative journalism, and promote 
the effective investigation and prosecution of corruption. Finally, I 
will recommend use of U.S. sanctions tools, as appropriate, to advance 
these priorities.

    Question. Bosnia and Herzegovina will hold general elections in 
October 2020. The High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
Christian Schmidt, recently said that he supports electoral reform in 
advance of the elections. What reforms do you believe need to be 
prioritized? Should they be electoral or constitutional? How will you 
work with the High Representative, and counterparts in the Bosnian 
Government, to enact these reforms? How do you assess these reforms' 
likelihood of being adopted?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize limited constitutional 
reform as well as election law and election integrity reforms in Bosnia 
and Herzegovina (BiH). These reforms are necessary for BiH's 
integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions and to strengthen BiH's 
electoral processes. The United States remains steadfast in its support 
of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, and if 
confirmed, I will closely collaborate with High Representative Schmidt 
as well as U.S. allies and partners to promote BiH's stability and 
functionality. The United States welcomes OHR's focus on fulfillment of 
the 5+2 Agenda, as the agreed upon conditions for OHR closure.

    Question. The Republika Srpska parliament passed a law in July on 
the ``non-implementation'' of the High Representative's decision 
banning genocide denial. The law would send those who call the 
Republika Srpska ``genocidal'' to jail. How can the United States work 
to increase tolerance in Bosnian society, while also addressing 
important legacy issues?

    Answer. The United States does not condone efforts to deny 
historical facts with respect to crimes committed in the 1992-1995 
conflict, including the genocide in Srebrenica. A fact-based approach 
with respect to the past is essential to advancing reconciliation in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina. If confirmed, I will continue to promote 
transitional justice and reconciliation efforts and support local 
actors who work to promote human rights and mutual respect. I will 
engage with younger generations to ensure a more tolerant, equitable, 
and prosperous future for BiH.

    Question. In 2019, the EU identified fourteen priorities for Bosnia 
and Herzegovina to address relating to democracy, rule of law, 
fundamental rights, and public administration. Bosnia and Herzegovina 
established the Commission for Cooperation in NATO to help facilitate 
its Reform Program for 2021-2022. How do you assess progress made by 
Bosnia since the 2019 priorities were identified? How will you engage 
with the Bosnian Government on its Reform Program?

    Answer. The United States fully supports Bosnia and Herzegovina's 
(BiH) integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. The reforms outlined 
in the EU's 14 priorities and in BiH's Reform Program with NATO are 
necessary for BiH to progress towards membership in both institutions. 
While there has been some progress, there is much work to be done. If 
confirmed, I will work with BiH's leaders and the United States' 
international partners to advance the reforms outlined in the EU's 14 
priorities and BiH's Reform Program with NATO. Euro-Atlantic 
integration is the surest path to the democratic, prosperous, and 
secure future that all of BiH's citizens seek and deserve.

    Question. The mandates for the EU and NATO missions in the Bosnia 
will be up for reauthorization at the U.N. Security Council in 
November. Russia has already expressed displeasure with the appointment 
of Christian Schmidt as High Representative and could potentially veto 
the reauthorization. How will you work to ensure these critical 
missions are reauthorized and what will you do in the event of a 
Russian veto?

    Answer. The United States firmly supports EUFOR's Operation ALTHEA 
and NATO's presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). EUFOR plays an 
important role in maintaining security and stability in BiH. NATO's 
presence is equally vital. Instability in BiH is not in the interest of 
any part of the international community, including Russia. If 
confirmed, I will support the continuation of these important missions.

    Question. Having previously served in Bosnia and Herzegovina, you 
are quite familiar with the region's political dynamics. Are there any 
significant changes in the Balkans' political dynamics compared to when 
you were last posted to Sarajevo? How has Bosnia and Herzegovina's 
relations with its neighbors, Serbia and Croatia, changed over the past 
decade?

    Answer. The Western Balkans has made significant strides since 2009 
when I departed Sarajevo. Croatia joined the EU; Albania, Croatia, 
Montenegro, and North Macedonia joined NATO; and Greece and North 
Macedonia reached the historic Prespa Agreement. The U.S. has good 
relations with Croatia and Serbia. Their commitment to BiH's 
sovereignty and territorial integrity is essential to the entire 
region's stability and security. The biggest change since 2009 is that 
Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) play a more prominent 
and negative role in BiH and the Balkans. If confirmed, I will work to 
counter efforts by local and outside actors, especially Russia and the 
PRC, that threaten our interests and undermine BiH's future.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Michael J. Murphy by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2020 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bosnia was 
upgraded to Tier 2 due to overall increasing efforts to meet the 
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking especially during the COVID-
19 pandemic.

   How will you work with the Bosnian Government to address these 
        issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made commendable progress 
combating trafficking in persons; therefore, BiH was upgraded to Tier 2 
in the 2021 TIP Report. Nonetheless, there is more work to be done. If 
confirmed, I will press for more vigorous investigations, prosecutions, 
and convictions for this crime. I will urge local officials to increase 
resources, personnel, and training for law enforcement to investigate 
these crimes and institute screening procedures to identify trafficking 
victims within migrant flows. I will encourage BiH officials to 
standardize victim assistance throughout the country, and I will 
continue to support assistance for prosecutors and judges so that they 
focus on the needs of victims and understand the severity of 
trafficking when seeking and issuing sentences.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, the 
need for respect of religious freedom was underscored by the U.S. 
Embassy as well as between religious minorities and government 
officials. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster 
religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of International 
Religious Freedom to promote universal respect for freedom of religion 
and belief in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and ensure that the embassy 
and its branch offices recommend, develop, and implement policies to 
address any religiously-motivated abuses, harassment, and 
discrimination. Finally, if confirmed, I will continue to promote 
inter-religious dialogue and protections for religious minorities in 
BiH as well as encourage the country's religious communities to support 
reconciliation in BiH.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Bosnia was identified 
has having significant human rights issues, including a lack of 
independence of the judiciary, restrictions on free expression, the 
press, and the internet, violence against journalists, corruption, and 
more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will privately and publicly raise U.S. 
concerns about violence against journalists, corruption, and other 
human rights issues. I will work with governmental and non-governmental 
partners in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) to improve legal protections 
throughout BiH for free expression and public gatherings. I will 
continue assistance programs with local, cantonal, entity, and state-
level administrative, investigative, and justice officials to improve 
anti-corruption coordination and promote public accountability and 
transparency. Finally, if confirmed, I will continue to push for 
adoption and implementation of legislative reforms to improve judicial 
independence.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society organizations 
to improve the human rights situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) 
and advocate, privately and publicly, to advance human rights issues of 
concern in BiH. I will continue to support U.S. assistance programs and 
public engagement opportunities to increase the capacity of civil 
society organizations and amplify their voices, and work, on human 
rights issues.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Bosnia and Herzegovina 
(BiH)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize the well-being of my staff 
and listen to concerns they may have about the operating environment in 
Sarajevo, Banja Luka and Mostar, and where I have the authority and 
resources, I will work to put in place measures to address them.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission BiH?

    Answer. If confirmed, I want Americans and local staff under my 
leadership to feel heard, respected, and engaged; and I plan to set the 
tone by my example. I will maintain open and regular communication with 
the Employee Association, Community Liaison Office, and Locally 
Employed Staff Committee to discuss issues of concern at mission 
Sarajevo, including its branch offices in Banja Luka and Mostar. Where 
I have the authority and resources, I will work to put in place 
measures to address them.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission BiH?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will communicate clearly and regularly to 
all mission personnel U.S. foreign policy objectives in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina (BiH). I will empower American Direct hire employees from 
across the interagency and the mission's exceptional local staff to 
advance these objectives as well as to build and sustain the management 
platform required to support this work. If confirmed, I will expect 
collaboration across the mission, including Sarajevo, Banja Luka, and 
Mostar, and among all U.S. agencies present in BiH. I will expect 
members of the mission to pro-actively share information with one 
another.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I encourage clear, direct and open communication with me 
about policy, management and other issues. I believe strongly in 
empowering my team to advance foreign policy and management priorities, 
and I encourage my team to think creatively, pro-actively and ``outside 
the box'' to address challenges and resolve problems. I encourage team 
members to present their perspectives when discussing policy options, 
but to respect and execute decisions once they are made. I value 
diversity of perspectives, honesty, and, above all, integrity.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not believe it is acceptable nor constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private. Mutual respect in the 
work place is essential for building the cohesive team required to 
achieve U.S. policy goals.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as a DAS 
in EUR?

    Answer. My more than three years as Deputy Assistant Secretary 
(DAS) have underscored the importance of: 1) clearly defining strategic 
objectives and priorities; 2) empowering subordinates to accomplish 
organizational objectives; 3) forging strong, collaborative interagency 
relationships to develop and implement policy; and 4) devoting time and 
energy to recruiting, hiring, and developing a diverse staff. In 
addition, I have learned that integrity is the most important 
leadership and management value a leader can possess and must 
safeguard.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. I have great respect for the current Deputy Chief of 
Mission, Deborah Mennuti, with whom I have worked previously. If I am 
confirmed, I anticipate and look forward to a positive and productive 
working relationship with her.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy Chief of Mission 
(DCM) with day-to-day responsibility for mission operations. I will 
also expect the DCM to be fully engaged with, and informed on, all 
aspects of policy, so that the DCM is prepared to step into the role of 
Charge d'Affaires, when necessary, and ensure continuity of operations.

    Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with many 
U.S. Government agencies present?

    Answer. As in Washington, interagency communication and 
coordination at an overseas mission is critical to effective policy 
development and implementation. If confirmed, I will work to facilitate 
unity of purpose and vision as well as operational coordination among 
all agencies at post. I will build strong relationships with each 
member of the country team, who I will also expect to work cordially 
and collaboratively with one another. If confirmed, I will also tackle 
any difficult issues and challenges that may emerge within country 
team.

    Question. In your experience, how important are interagency 
relationships within a post?

    Answer. In my experience, strong interagency relationships are 
essential to effective policy development and implementation. If 
confirmed, I will expect members of my country team to work 
cooperatively and collaboratively to advance U.S. foreign policy 
objectives in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency 
disagreement within Mission BiH?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will expect members of my country team to 
work cooperatively and collaboratively to advance U.S. foreign policy 
objectives in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I will make use of internal 
interagency working groups and other fora to develop policy and ensure 
effective coordination of its implementation. If confirmed, I will 
encourage team members to present their perspectives when discussing 
policy options, but to respect and execute decisions once they are 
taken. If confirmed, I will also tackle any difficult issues and 
challenges that may emerge within country team.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. Yes, I believe that accurate, constructive feedback on 
performance is necessary to both encourage improvement and reward 
officers who excel in the performance of their duties.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will encourage all supervisors to 
provide clear and direct feedback to subordinates to improve 
performance and reward high achievers.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. In your 
experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls enough 
to accomplish fully their missions?


    Answer. Each overseas operating environment is unique. In my 
experience, U.S. diplomats excel at building the relationships 
necessary to advance U.S. foreign policy. During the more than 18 
months in which physical outreach has been limited by the global 
pandemic, our missions in Europe, including Sarajevo, have used 
technology and other creative means to build and nurture the 
relationships crucial to advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that the mission in Sarajevo and its branch 
offices in Banja Luka and Mostar actively engage with a full range of 
outside contacts to advance U.S interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to support the continued 
expansion of U.S. engagement across all populations in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina (BiH). Whether meeting with politicians, engaging young 
people on social media, or hosting civil society leaders, U.S. 
diplomats are always seeking new tools and avenues to advance U.S. 
interests. I will support my team in continuing to develop new 
connections in BiH.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in BiH? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is fertile ground for Public 
Diplomacy (PD) programs, and these programs are critical to advancing 
our foreign policy objectives in BiH. Students and professionals alike 
are eager to participate in our exchange programs, and the Public 
Diplomacy Section has a grants program that supports democracy, 
economic reform, and reconciliation. As with many other missions, our 
public diplomacy work is limited by the finite nature of our staffing 
and budgets. If confirmed, I will strongly support the work of the PD 
section and leverage public diplomacy resources to advance U.S. policy 
in BiH.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. U.S. foreign policy and national security goals are the 
same, whether in Washington or in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). If 
confirmed, I will ensure my public diplomacy team coordinates closely 
with Washington, develops a clear message regarding U.S. policy, and 
communicates it to all intended audiences in BiH, and that Washington 
does the same with U.S.-based audiences.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Michael J. Murphy by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. As you noted in your testimony, U.S. support to Bosnia 
and Herzegovina is critical to maintaining peace in the Balkans and 
moving the country towards a better future. How will you work with key 
members of the international community to push reforms that cement 
support for individual human rights, and bring Bosnia into compliance 
with the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights Court regarding 
Sejdic and Finci vs. Bosnia and Herzegovina?

    Answer. The United States welcomes efforts by Bosnia and 
Herzegovina's (BiH) leaders to increase the integrity and transparency 
of BiH's democratic processes and advance BiH on its Euro-Atlantic 
path. If confirmed, I will work with local political and civic leaders 
and key European partners, including the European Union, to encourage 
reforms that address decisions of BiH's Constitutional Court and the 
European Court of Human Rights. If confirmed, I will also support 
efforts to ensure BiH's electoral system meets international 
recommendations for electoral integrity, including those made by the 
OSCE and the Council of Europe.

    Question. China and Russia are working to increase their malign 
influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina daily. As you noted, they aim to 
keep the country in a state of paralysis to ease their ability to 
influence local actors. The COVID-19 pandemic has provided another 
opportunity for China and Russia to play politics with people's lives. 
In June, President Biden committed 500,000 Pfizer vaccines to Bosnia 
and Herzegovina based on extremely low availability in-country, and a 
continued spread of the virus. This commitment is critical in our 
global fight against COVID-19 in low- and middle-income nations, and 
reinforces our deep ties with the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
When will the administration deliver on this now months-long 
commitment, and will you continue to advocate for support if the county 
continues to lag compared to its neighbors in vaccine availability?

    Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina suffers from serious healthcare 
deficiencies across all levels of healthcare administration, which 
delayed and inhibited government response to COVID-19. If confirmed, I 
will work with local actors and international partners to support BiH 
efforts to combat COVID-19 and move out of the pandemic. If confirmed, 
I will also remain committed to coordinating within the administration 
to expedite delivery of any currently planned, or future, vaccine 
donations to BiH.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Michael J. Murphy by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The fragile stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina is 
threatened by growing Russian and Chinese manipulation in the country. 
China has over $2 billion in infrastructure projects in the country, 
most of it in opaque and likely corrupt deals. Russia is allied with 
leaders in Republika Srpska that are calling for secession from the 
country and challenging the legitimacy of the country's institutions. 
If confirmed, how will you confront Russian and Chinese manipulation 
and influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

    Answer. Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have very 
different visions than the United States for the future of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina (BiH). The United States believes that our interests, and 
the interests of BiH, are best served by building a common democratic 
and prosperous future for all BiH citizens based upon reconciliation, 
good governance, economic reform, and rule of law. Euro-Atlantic 
integration is the surest path to this future. If confirmed, I will 
continue a whole-of-government approach that leverages the full range 
of U.S. Government capabilities in supporting BiH on this path as well 
as to counter efforts by local and outside actors, especially Russia 
and the PRC, that threaten our interests and BiH's future.

    Question. How can the United States engage more with Republika 
Srpska and other sub-national states in support of the Dayton 
Agreement?

    Answer. The United States remains fully committed to the 
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Both 
the Republika Srpska and the Federation entities are fundamental 
elements of the internal political organization of BiH, which is, and 
must remain, one country. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with 
local political and civic leaders from across the country on a range of 
issues to advance full implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement and 
support the reforms necessary to build a common democratic and 
prosperous future for all citizens of BiH.

    Question. How do you assess Chinese economic influence in Bosnia 
and Herzegovina? What investment sources can the United States promote 
in the country as an alternative to China's opaque and onerous terms?

    Answer. Investment from the People's Republic of China (PRC) in BiH 
is growing and focuses on critical infrastructure such as 
telecommunications, energy, and transportation. The PRC's opaque 
business practices and lending mechanisms exploit corruption in BiH. If 
confirmed, I will continue to support economic and anti-corruption 
reforms that advance BiH's Euro-Atlantic integration and promote 
sustainable, transparent economic growth. If confirmed, I will also 
work with colleagues across the U.S. Government, the private sector, 
and the Western Balkans region to advance opportunities for U.S. 
businesses and investment consistent with the highest transparency, 
labor, digital, and green standards.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
      to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator Robert Menendez

Latin American Migration to Spain
    Question. Spain received the second largest number of asylum 
seekers in the European Union in 2020--at nearly 21 percent of the EU's 
total asylum applications. The top five nationalities included 
Venezuelan, Colombian, Honduran, Peruvian, and Nicaraguan. This year, 
conditions in Latin America have become more complex, with poverty and 
inequality on the rise, transnational criminal groups gaining strength, 
and dictatorships increasingly cracking down on populations in Cuba, 
Nicaragua, and Venezuela. Based on previous migration trends and an 
analysis of conditions in Latin America, it is a safe bet to assume 
that asylum applications from Latin Americans in Spain will continue to 
increase. If confirmed, how will you engage with Spain to align our 
humanitarian objectives in Latin America? How will you work to 
facilitate improved data sharing with Spain and an exchange of 
experiences on refugee and migration challenges?

    Answer. Latin America remains a priority for Spain's foreign 
policy. The United States and Spain are in broad agreement about 
promoting democracy, the rule of law, and economic prosperity in Latin 
America. Spain is one of our key partners in providing development 
assistance in the region, which supports U.S. Government efforts to 
tackle root causes of migration. Spain is also strongly committed to 
addressing the needs of those affected by the Maduro regime-caused 
humanitarian crisis and is a leader in providing assistance to 
countries in the region hosting millions of Venezuelans and others who 
have fled their homelands. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to 
coordinate with Spain on these efforts and work to expand existing 
cooperation.

Spain and Venezuela
    Question. Last month, Spanish authorities arrested the Maduro 
regime's former intelligence chief, Hugo Carvajal, and I hope that he 
will soon be extradited to the United States to face charges related to 
his role in drug trafficking. However, I am concerned that Spain may be 
playing a risky game when it comes to the political situation in 
Venezuela, including the Sanchez Government's repeated outreach to 
senior members of the Maduro regime at the expense of similar contacts 
with Venezuela's Interim Government. What steps will you take to ensure 
better alignment between the United States and Spain when it comes to 
Venezuela, in particular on the key issues of supporting new 
presidential elections in Venezuela and advancing accountability for 
the Maduro regime's crimes against humanity?

    Answer. The United States and Spain are largely aligned in seeking 
a democratic transition through free and fair elections in Venezuela. 
Both countries share an interest in ending the crisis caused by the 
Maduro regime. If confirmed, I will work with Spain to support the 
Venezuelan people and hold the Maduro regime accountable.

Spain, NATO & Afghanistan Evacuations
    Question. As a trusted member of NATO, Spain maintains troops in 
Iraq and stood with the United States and our allies in Afghanistan 
during the last two decades. In August, Spain evacuated over 2,200 of 
our Afghan partners and their families following the fall of Kabul. How 
do you assess Spain's efforts in Afghanistan? Please outline your 
priorities for our defense cooperation with Spain, including via NATO?

    Answer. Since the evacuation of our Afghan partners began in 
August, Spain has been a trusted and indispensable partner in the 
effort to evacuate at-risk individuals and their families from 
Afghanistan. Spain is a committed NATO ally and will host the 2022 NATO 
Summit, in celebration of the 40th Anniversary of Spain's entry into 
NATO. If confirmed, I would seek to expand existing cooperation on 
shared objectives with Spain.

Catalonia
    Question. Prime Minister Sanchez pardoned nine pro-independence 
leaders from Catalonia in June 2021. However, former Catalan President 
Carles Puigdemont was arrested in Sardinia a few weeks ago on a Spanish 
Supreme Court warrant. How does the Biden administration view the pro-
independence movement in Catalonia? How will you approach these issues, 
if confirmed?

    Answer. The United States supports a strong and united Spain.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
      to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator James E. Risch

Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Spain was 
identified as Tier 1 but it was noted that investigations, 
prosecutions, and convictions decreased.

   How will you work with the Spanish Government to address these 
        issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. During the COVID-19 pandemic, investigations, prosecutions, 
and convictions decreased worldwide. The isolation created by the 
pandemic also made it easier in some cases for traffickers to operate. 
We have a close working relationship with the Spanish on anti-
trafficking. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Spanish 
Government, our international law enforcement colleagues, and civil 
society partners, to shine a spotlight on these cases, and to push for 
greater action at all levels to ensure prevention efforts are 
effective, those who engage in trafficking in persons are brought to 
justice, and survivors receive the holistic assistance they need.

    Question. How can Spain be a model for other western European 
countries that are not Tier 1 but aspire to be?

    Answer. This year, Rocio Mora Nieto, a Spanish national, was chosen 
as one of the Department's TIP heroes--thanks to her work, and her 
mother's work before her, shelters for women victims of trafficking 
have been established and there has been continued work with the 
Government to ensure survivors have access to key services. This kind 
of partnership between government and civil society organizations is a 
model for other countries. Spain's toll-free assistance number, 
holistic support services for survivors, and significant sentences that 
are sufficient to deter traffickers, are also examples for other 
countries to follow.

International Religious Freedom
    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Spain 
was identified as having some issues of religious tolerance within 
various communities. Notably, there were a large number of religiously 
motivated hate crimes in 2020.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will incorporate these topics into the 
mission's broader efforts to promote interfaith tolerance and the 
safety of religious, racial, and ethnic minority communities in Spain 
and Andorra. I will encourage the Government at the national, state, 
regional, and local levels to take steps to improve protection for 
religious minority communities, places of worship, and other culturally 
meaningful sites, incorporating experience and expertise of those 
communities. I will direct my Country Team to support encounters with 
and within minority communities that promote tolerance and respect for 
religious freedom, to include community projects and interfaith 
coalitions. Finally, I will empower local voices to speak out against 
hate crimes.

Human Rights
    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Spain was identified as 
having no reported incidents of significant human rights abuses during 
the reporting period.

   Despite this positive news, how will you direct your embassy to 
        work with civil society organizations to continue to improve 
        the human rights situation on the ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct my entire team to continue 
working closely with the Spanish Government and civil society to 
promote fundamental freedoms and protect the rights of women and girls; 
LGBTQI+ individuals; people with disabilities; ethnic, racial, and 
religious minorities; and other marginalized communities.

Spain/Venezuela
    Question. Please describe your understanding of the extent of money 
laundering and corruption schemes in Spain involving Venezuelans who 
are both part of and connected to the Maduro regime.

    Answer. The United States has shared with our Spanish partners 
information about a number of individuals and their relatives who 
reside in Spain and who benefitted from money laundering and corruption 
schemes in Venezuela, many of them with connections to the Maduro 
regime. The administration continues to share, in real time, 
intelligence and evidence about such cases, in the hopes that this 
information can be used for investment screening and can lead to law 
enforcement actions, including indictments and property seizures.

    [Additional Response--10/18/2021]. The United States has shared 
with our Spanish partners information about a number of individuals and 
their relatives who reside in Spain and who benefitted from money 
laundering and corruption schemes in Venezuela, many of them with 
connections to the Maduro regime. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
efforts to share intelligence and evidence about such cases and 
encourage this information be used to support law enforcement actions, 
including indictments and property seizures. I will advocate for 
multilateral and bilateral pressure on Maduro, and all manners of 
accountability, and appropriate sanctions against Venezuelan officials 
credibly accused of corruption or human rights abuses.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. While I am not currently 
responsible for this issue and not involved in current policy 
formulation or implementation, nor privy to classified information on 
the subject, it is my understanding from public reporting that the 
United States has shared with our Spanish partners information about a 
number of individuals, Venezuelan and Spanish, and their relatives who 
reside in Spain, who benefitted from money laundering and corruption 
schemes in Venezuela. Many of these money laundering and corruption 
schemes implicate individuals with connections to the Maduro regime. I 
also understand that there are ongoing efforts to share intelligence 
and evidence about such cases and if confirmed I will work to encourage 
this information be used to support law enforcement actions, including 
indictments and property seizures. I will also advocate with the 
Government of Spain for multilateral and bilateral pressure on Maduro 
to allow for free and fair elections, as well as all manners of 
accountability, and appropriate law enforcement actions and sanctions 
against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption or human 
rights abuses.

    Question. In your view, does Spain share our objective of advancing 
a negotiated and peaceful solution to Venezuela's political, economic, 
and humanitarian crisis?

    Answer. Yes. Spain shares our overarching goal to support a 
peaceful democratic transition in Venezuela, through free and fair 
presidential and parliamentary elections, and to help the Venezuelan 
people rebuild their lives and their country. If confirmed, I will look 
for ways to strengthen our coordination with Spain to ensure we are 
making progress on our shared objectives in Venezuela.

    Question. On January 23, 2020, then-Minister of Transports, 
Mobility and Urban Agenda Jose Luis Abalos met with Maduro official 
Delcy Rodriguez for ninety minutes at the Barajas Airport in Madrid. 
Rodriguez has been sanctioned by the United States and is barred from 
entering Spanish and European territory per EU sanctions.

   Do you agree that robust enforcement of EU sanctions by Spain is 
        fundamental to achieve a negotiated and peaceful solution to 
        Venezuela's political, economic, and humanitarian crisis?

    Answer. I agree that robust enforcement of EU sanctions by Spain, 
and all EU members, is fundamental to a peaceful solution to the crisis 
in Venezuela. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Spanish 
Government to ensure we remain closely aligned on sanctions enforcement 
and that our actions are consistent with the message those sanctions 
are intended to send.

    Question. Do you commit to pushing Spain to enforce those 
sanctions?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will emphasize to Spanish officials, 
including together with EU representatives in Madrid, the importance of 
enforcing EU sanctions to promote accountability for those who engage 
in human rights abuses, corruption, and undermining democracy.

    Question. In February 2020, the US imposed sanctions on Rosneft 
Trading SA for their role in facilitating Venezuelan oil exports. If 
confirmed, what would be your message to Spanish companies, such as 
Repsol, on their current activities in Venezuela?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will highlight that our sanctions policy 
targets those who provide economic and material support to the Maduro 
regime. Our goal is a peaceful, stable, and democratic Venezuela 
through free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections. I will 
encourage Spanish companies operating in Venezuela to support efforts 
toward that goal.

    Question. Please explain how the United States could work more 
closely with the European Union--and specifically Spain--to increase 
economic pressure on Maduro.

    Answer. The United States should maintain multilateral pressure on 
the Maduro Government and its enablers, hold regime officials 
accountable for their illicit activities, implement appropriate 
sanctions against corrupt officials who undermine democracy or abuse 
human rights, and provide humanitarian assistance to alleviate the 
suffering of the Venezuelan people. Because sanctions policy is within 
EU competency, I will work with Spain, as a key member state focused on 
Venezuela, to drive EU sanctions policy to put pressure on the Maduro 
Government to allow for free and fair elections.

    [Additional Response--10/18/2021]. Nicolas Maduro's repression, 
corruption, and mismanagement have created one of the worst 
humanitarian crises in the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will 
ensure we use every tool available to the United States to hold the 
Maduro Government accountable. The United States must maintain 
multilateral and bilateral pressure on the Maduro regime and its 
enablers, hold regime officials accountable for their illicit 
activities, implement appropriate sanctions against corrupt officials 
who undermine democracy or abuse human rights, and provide humanitarian 
assistance to alleviate the suffering of the Venezuelan people. The 
United States and the EU agree that there must be a negotiated solution 
to the crisis precipitated by Maduro, and there must be free and fair 
presidential and parliamentary elections in Venezuela.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. While I am not currently 
responsible for this issue and have not had access to policy 
formulation or implementation in this regard, it is my view that close, 
open diplomatic relations with both the European Union and Spain are 
key to bringing greater economic pressure on the Maduro regime to 
change its antidemocratic behavior and ongoing human rights abuses. 
Nicolas Maduro's repression, corruption, and mismanagement have created 
one of the worst humanitarian crises in the Western Hemisphere. If 
confirmed, I will ensure we use every tool available to the United 
States to hold the Maduro Government accountable. In my view, these 
tools should include pursuit of criminal cases against regime actors 
where they have violated laws and concerted sanctions by the U.S., EU, 
and the U.N. against the regime and individuals in the regime. In my 
view, the United States must maintain concerted and coordinated 
multilateral and bilateral economic pressure on the Maduro regime and 
its enablers, including holding regime officials legally accountable 
for their illicit activities.

    Question. Please explain your views on the effectiveness of 
activating Title III of the 1996 Helms-Burton Act. Under what 
conditions would you advise the President to suspend its activation?

    Answer. I understand some provisions of the Helms-Burton Act have 
long been controversial, both with our international partners, and with 
some Americans who seek compensation for the Cuban Government's 
confiscation of their property. If confirmed, I will support the 
administration in carefully considering the best ways to support U.S. 
nationals' claims.

    [Additional Response--10/18/2021]. Americans who seek compensation 
for the Cuban Government's illegal confiscation of their property 
should be supported in their efforts to get justice. If confirmed, as 
U.S. Ambassador to Spain, I would defer to the administration on Cuba 
policy, but as a principal I believe U.S. citizens should be protected 
from illegal seizure of property wherever that might be.

    [Additional Response--10/28/2021]. While I am not currently 
responsible for the implementation of the Helms-Burton Act nor involved 
in policy deliberations about it, it is my view that the Act, properly 
understood and administered, can play a legitimate role in our foreign 
affairs policies in this area. I also understand the administration is 
carefully considering the best ways to support U.S. nationals' claims. 
If confirmed, I know this will be a challenging issue in my work with 
the Government of Spain and commit to defending the rights of U.S. 
persons and entities under the Act.

State Department Management
    Question. Mission Spain has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Spain?

    Answer. While the pandemic has taken a toll on all of us, my 
understanding is that morale at Mission Spain is generally high. 
Mission Spain has a very experienced and motivated team of Americans 
from across the interagency and excellent local staff working at 
Mission Spain. The entire team showed enormous flexibility during the 
worst of the pandemic. Mission personnel are now enjoying fairly normal 
living and working conditions as Spain's infection rates have dropped 
and Spain's vaccination rate is now among the highest in the world.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Spain?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue the good work of our 
current leadership team, including the development of a plan to 
maintain some of the workplace flexibilities introduced because of the 
pandemic. I will reach out to members of the team at all levels, 
including local staff, contractors, and the family members of all the 
U.S. Government agencies represented at the Mission to learn about 
their concerns.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Spain?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Country Team and seek 
their input to update the Integrated Country Strategy. I will share our 
mission and vision widely and frequently to the entire team. I will 
create opportunities for frequent messaging and dialogue through events 
targeting the entire community, such as Town Halls, awards/promotion 
ceremonies, community events, and other forms of active outreach.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My career is rooted in public service, and I have 
demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues of all backgrounds in a 
constructive manner. I regularly engage with members of my team and 
always seek to create a space for open dialogue and diversity of 
thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an environment of 
respect as Mission Spain carries out important work on behalf of the 
American people. I believe in setting high standards and leading by 
example. Our employees are our most important asset. I am dedicated to 
professional development and helping employees grow and advance.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. My career in public service includes previously serving as 
an ambassador. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is 
treated professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and 
secure, and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. My 
commitment will be to ensure we use our available resources as 
effectively as possible to advance our top policy priorities. I believe 
that all members of U.S. Mission Spain are one team working for the 
good of the U.S.-Spain and U.S.-Andorra relationships and the interests 
of the United States and the American people.

    Question. What lessons did you learn from your tenure as U.S. 
Ambassador to Uruguay?

    Answer. As U.S. Ambassador to Uruguay, I saw firsthand the 
importance of good communication and close coordination within the U.S. 
interagency. I learned to invest heavily in building and deepening our 
relationships both inside and outside the embassy. If confirmed, I will 
collaborate with my counterparts in the State Department, as well as 
other government agencies, to ensure Mission Spain successfully 
advances U.S. policies.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If yes, how do you intend to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be 
to meet the entire team at the Mission and work closely with the Deputy 
Chief of Mission, as well as at our Consulate General in Barcelona and 
in our consular agencies around Spain to ensure the smoothest of 
processes and transitions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission to advance U.S. priorities in Spain, including: protecting the 
safety and security of Americans, growing our economic relationship, 
and advancing shared political priorities. I expect to have a positive 
working relationship and to work together closely.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be 
to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Madrid and our Consulate in 
Barcelona, including the Deputy Chief of Mission. I will consult 
closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission on a range of issues and value 
the institutional knowledge provided.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Yes. In my experience with the Department, U.S. diplomats 
have done a remarkable job to get outside our embassy walls and advance 
U.S. objectives to accomplish our Mission by meeting local actors in 
diverse settings and environments. I will encourage the Embassy team to 
maximize opportunities to advance our interests with all sectors of the 
Spanish populace.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. U.S. diplomats in Spain face no restrictions on their 
movement or interactions with the local population. I will encourage 
them to take full advantage of this environment to advance our 
interests with all sectors of the Spanish populace.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Spain? What public 
        diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. Public diplomacy is a vital part of our mission. The 
Fulbright program in Spain is one of the largest in the world with 
hundreds of American and Spanish scholars and students benefiting every 
year. Spain also has over 140 different daily newspapers in 
circulation, and newswire EFE is one of the biggest media organizations 
in the world. These outlets are constantly seeking commentary and 
clarification from the U.S. Embassy. Other international players like 
Xinhua, Sputnik, and Russia Today also compete for influence in the 
Spanish media space, making media monitoring and skilled engagement to 
push back against disinformation even more important. Our digital 
engagement efforts are key to engaging Spain's current and future 
opinion leaders.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Unity of message is important in foreign policy, so when it 
comes to public messaging on policy issues, the Embassy should and does 
depend on guidance from Main State. However, it is up to the in-country 
team members to more robustly understand the local audiences and 
context, build key bilateral and multilateral partnerships, and 
effectively tailor Washington's messages for the local context. Embassy 
Madrid's public diplomacy team does that very well, and if I am 
confirmed, I'll make sure that we keep up that caliber of work.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator Tim Kaine

U.S. Citizen Detained in Spain
    Question. U.S. citizen and Virginia resident Victor John Stemberger 
has been incarcerated in Spain since July 2019 on drug trafficking 
charges. Mr. Stemberger and his family maintain that he knew nothing 
about the drugs and was in fact duped into acting as an unwitting 
courier for a West African cartel. The family has also noted that Mr. 
Stemberger suffered a medically-documented brain aneurysm in 2005 that 
greatly diminished his logic and decision-making abilities, for which a 
medical exert provided documentation at his trial. On July 30, 2020, a 
Spanish court found Mr. Stemberger guilty of drug smuggling and 
sentenced him to seven years in prison. The Spanish Supreme Court 
denied hearing his appeal on April 9, 2021. Given Mr. Stemberger's age 
(78) and prior health complications, as well as risks associated with 
COVID-19 for those over the age of 60, there is even greater urgency in 
having Mr. Stemberger return to the United States as soon as possible.

   My office has continued to push for his release with both U.S. 
        federal agencies and Spanish authorities. If confirmed, what 
        will you do as Ambassador to press for Mr. Stemberger's 
        expedited and safe return to his family in Virginia?

    Answer. There is no higher priority than the safety and welfare of 
U.S. citizens, and I know the U.S. Embassy in Madrid is tracking this 
case closely. If confirmed, I will urge Spain to consider all options 
in accordance with Spanish laws for letting Mr. Stemberger serve his 
sentence in his home in the United States. The embassy will continue 
providing support to him, his lawyers, and family members in their 
requests for appeals and release.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Spain has close historical ties with countries throughout 
Latin America. Unfortunately, we have seen this relationship abused by 
the authoritarian regimes in Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua. Leaders in 
these countries have reportedly hidden away some of their ill-gotten 
gains via the Spanish financial system to avoid U.S. sanctions. We have 
not seen Spanish leadership within the European Union to resolve these 
crises as we would have hoped. If confirmed, how would you engage with 
the Government of Spain to better coordinate in support of democracy, 
human rights, and transparency in Latin America?

    Answer. The United States and Spain are in broad agreement about 
promoting democracy, the rule of law, and economic prosperity in Latin 
America. Spain actively influences debates in the EU on Latin America 
and has led international efforts to provide assistance to countries in 
the region, including by hosting the millions of Venezuelans who have 
fled the crisis caused by the Maduro regime, as well as Cubans and 
Nicaraguans who have fled those repressive regimes. If confirmed, I 
will seek opportunities to expand our coordination with Spain on these 
efforts.

    Question. From your perspective, what is preventing greater U.S.-
Spanish coordination on Latin American policies? Given both of our 
country's deep strategic interests in the region, what steps could be 
taken to jointly take actions to hold despotic leaders in Latin America 
accountable through sanctions, travel restrictions, or other actions?

    Answer. Spanish officials assert that their policy objectives are 
the same as those of the United States, but they believe the best path 
to achieve economic and democratic reforms is through engagement and 
dialogue. Economic and commercial concerns are an important element of 
Spanish relations with the region. The U.S.-Spain bilateral 
relationship is an important building block for increasing cooperation 
on Latin America, and if confirmed, I will seek to expand our 
coordination with Spain on these efforts.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Austria has so far remained committed to EU sanctions 
against Russia for its illegal annexation of Crimea. However, Austria 
has close economic and energy ties with Russia. How do you assess the 
Austrian Government's continued commitment to these sanctions? How will 
you engage the Government to ensure its continued commitment?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to emphasize to the Austrian 
Government the importance of maintaining U.S.-EU unity on sanctions, 
emphasizing that any reduction of sanctions must be contingent on 
Russian actions--beginning with the withdrawal of its forces from 
eastern Ukraine, combined with the implementation of Russia's 
commitments under the Minsk agreements, and, finally, return of control 
of the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine.

    Question. Chancellor Kurz recently hosted leaders from the Western 
Balkans, expressing that the EU would only be complete once all Western 
Balkan countries have joined the bloc. How will you work with Austrian 
partners to highlight the benefits of EU enlargement, including its 
potential to combat Chinese influence in Europe?

    Answer. Austria supports U.S. goals for a stable, secure, and 
prosperous Western Balkans. Austria also supports the transformation of 
the Western Balkans into a zone of stability through the EU accession 
process. Steps toward accession advance our mutual interest in 
protecting democracy, stability, and the rule of law, while promoting 
prosperity and integration of the Western Balkans in transatlantic 
institutions. These steps and relationships would allow the aspirants 
to deal with the PRC from a position of strength.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2020 Trafficking in Persons Report, Austria was 
identified as Tier 1 but has room for improvement regarding convictions 
of more traffickers and remedying gaps in the referral process for 
potential victims.

   How will you work with the host government to address these issues 
        if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Austria continues to take trafficking in persons issues 
seriously and has been a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue 
with the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and 
Austrian authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise 
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of the Austrian 
Government. I will urge the Austrian Government to take further 
concrete actions to address the recommendations from this year's 
Trafficking in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage the 
Government of Austria to increase efforts to identify victims among 
vulnerable groups, ensure all victims have access to services, and 
increase efforts to identify victims of labor trafficking.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Austria was identified as having community issues regarding religious 
freedom. The U.S. Embassy during the reporting period did good work on 
the ground to support programs to combat Anti-Semitism and promote 
religious dialogue.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Austria takes religious freedom seriously and respects the 
rights and freedoms of its population. Austria's constitution provides 
for freedom of religion; other laws and policies contribute to the 
generally free practice of religion in Austria. There are, 
unfortunately, increasing reports of societal abuses or discrimination 
based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice, including an 
increase in anti-Semitic incidents in 2020. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working together with the Ambassador-at-Large, as well as 
the Department's Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, to 
bolster respect for the freedom of religion or belief and the rights of 
members of religious minority groups.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, significant human rights 
issues in Austria were identified as violence or threats of violence 
motivated by anti-Semitism.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The Austrian Government is dedicated to fighting anti-
Semitism and has been quick to condemn words and acts of anti-Semitism. 
The Government announced a strategy to combat anti-Semitism in January 
2021. There was an increase in anti-Semitic incidents in 2020, 
including violence targeting Austria's Jewish community and online hate 
and incitement. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately reiterate 
to the Government the importance of this issue and identify areas where 
the United States can cooperate with the Government and with Austria's 
Jewish community to combat anti-Semitism, working in coordination with 
U.S. Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs, 
and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in 
Vienna enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil society 
on human rights and democracy issues. Civil society has played an 
important role in promoting accountability of elected leaders, driving 
meaningful reform, supporting the rights of members of minority groups 
and access to justice for vulnerable communities, and strengthening 
independent media.?

    Question. Mission Austria has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Austria?

    Answer. Austria has enforced three strict national lockdowns. The 
American and local employees at Embassy Vienna have dealt with 
significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful for their 
service, despite the difficulties. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
meeting with and supporting Embassy employees, including the Deputy 
Chief of Mission, to understand the impact of the pandemic on the 
mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Austria?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission 
to ensure that we create an atmosphere in which our staff knows that 
they can bring serious issues to us and know that they are being heard 
at the highest level. I will do personal outreach to the staff when I 
arrive at Post and will ensure that everyone in the Mission understands 
that my highest priority is the safety and security of the team. If 
confirmed, I will promote training and professional development, and 
ensure that all staff members are aware of the employee and family 
support resources that the Department offers to assist employees.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Austria?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a 
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and 
transparent communications throughout the Mission by sharing 
information, and seek ways to support and ensure the safety and 
community of the Mission the community--both American and local staff. 
I will treat the team with respect and professionalism and give them 
the tools they need to do their jobs. I believe that all members of 
U.S. Embassy Vienna are one team working for the good of the U.S.-
Austria relationship and the interests of the United States and the 
American people, and, if confirmed, my goal will be to have everyone 
inspired to work in that direction.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have a collaborative management style. I believe in 
sharing information and empowering my team, being open to ideas and 
suggestions from throughout the mission, and providing clear guidance 
and decisions as needed to lead. I regularly engage with members of my 
team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue and diversity 
of thought.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously 
reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the 
needs of each mission. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we 
use our available resources as effectively as possible to advance our 
top policy priorities. If necessary, I would advocate for additional 
resources to carry out our mission.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador 
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Vienna and to 
schedule opportunities for regular coordination and planning of Embassy 
operations. I will also create opportunities for more informal meetings 
and events with members from across the Embassy community, so that I 
have a strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy 
morale.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I hope to establish a positive relationship 
where my Deputy Chief of Mission will be my trusted partner, 
confidante, and alter ego in managing and leading the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working 
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). The DCM must be 
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission 
management should the Deputy need to step in to lead. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with my DCM once I arrive in Vienna to 
collaboratively work through the best division of labor in managing the 
Mission.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
        access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would stress the importance of getting 
outside of our Embassy by example. Access to and engagement with local 
contacts and populations is an important part of our work overseas. If 
confirmed, I look forward to participating in public outreach to all 
parts of society, from students to non-governmental organizations to 
the media, and will encourage the diplomats of Embassy Vienna to do the 
same.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Austria? What 
        public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. In Austria, as has happened everywhere, COVID has affected 
in-person public diplomacy programming. Recently announced new travel 
rules, once implemented, should help alleviate increased skepticism 
about the perceived imbalance between measures that make travel to the 
United States very restrictive for Austrians. U.S. public diplomacy 
programming supports Mission goals through student and scholarly 
exchanges; media engagement; educational outreach; speaker series; 
support for culture and the arts; and entrepreneurship, bilateral trade 
and investment ties. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with the 
Austrian public to increase dialogue about a range of issues and 
support for our policies.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section 
to closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Vienna-based public 
diplomacy professionals to ensure that there is a unified approach to 
highlighting the key U.S. messages and policies in Austria and around 
the world. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on six different social 
media platforms: Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, LinkedIn, and 
Flickr to deliver tailored messages on U.S. foreign policy priorities, 
promote Embassy activities and events, provide information on security, 
voting, and other topics to U.S. citizens, and communicate with the 
Austrian public.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. As Ambassador to Austria, how would you respond to the 
September 23rd report in the Washington Post alleging that dozens of 
U.S. personnel, including diplomats, intelligence officials, and in 
some cases their children, have reported ``Havana Syndrome'' symptoms?

    Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top 
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. It is also an issue I 
take very seriously. If I am confirmed, the safety and well-being of 
Embassy personnel and their families will be my highest priority. If I 
receive information about individuals beings affected by these 
incidents, I will ensure that they get the immediate, prompt medical 
attention they deserve and need. I understand a major interagency 
effort currently is underway to investigate the cause of the incidents 
and how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will 
continue to urge investigation into the cause of the incidents and ways 
to prevent them.

    Question. What additional steps would you take to ensure the safety 
of your staff?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their 
family members who report a possible health incident will receive 
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will 
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees 
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington 
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these 
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been impacting 
these members of our Embassy team. I will also consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community. If confirmed, I will work with my team to review the current 
procedures and modify them in collaboration with Washington if 
necessary.

Austria and EU Integration
    Question. Some supporters of increased EU integration have 
criticized Chancellor Kurz for opposing proposals for migrants and 
refugees to be resettled across the EU, as well as proposals for more 
EU fiscal integration, including financial assistance to member states 
in economic difficulty.

   How would you characterize the Kurz Government's approach to the 
        EU?

    Answer. Austria is an active and committed member of the EU and 
regularly supports initiatives in the multilateral field, such as 
disarmament, strengthening human rights and the rights of minorities, 
and arms control and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. 
Austria has been a strong supporter of EU enlargement in the Western 
Balkans. However, within the EU, there is not always unanimity of 
position on every issue. If I am confirmed, I will continue to speak 
with officials in the Austrian Government about issues upon which we 
may differ but where we might be able to find some common ground.

    Question. As the Ambassador nominee to Austria, do you believe that 
Kurz's vision for the EU aligns with the Biden administration's goals 
in Europe?

    Answer. The President has emphasized the United States' continued 
commitment to the goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. While 
former Chancellor Kurz stepped down from his position on October 11, 
2021, I look forward to emphasizing this continued commitment with new 
Austrian Chancellor, Alexander Schallenberg.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Given its central location, Austria has long positioned 
itself as a builder of bridges between the east and the west. But I 
worry about Russia using that bridge for its own purposes. For 
instance, the Austrian firm OMV is one of the main companies financing 
the Nordstream 2 pipeline. Austria reportedly has worked to block 
robust EU sanctions in Belarus to protect some of its banks that have 
interests there and throughout Eastern Europe. Austria was one of the 
few EU countries that did not expel Russian diplomats in response to 
the poisoning of Sergei Skripal by Russian intelligence. What is the 
current relationship between Austria and Russia?

    Answer. The concept of neutrality has shaped Austria's relations 
since its adoption of a constitutional law in 1955, allowing it to host 
many Cold War-era U.S.-Russia meetings. Current attitudes toward 
Russia, including public support for U.S.-Russia talks on strategic 
stability and nuclear disarmament and calls for high-level EU-Russia 
dialogue, remain influenced by these events. Austria supports EU 
sanctions against Russia over the 2014 invasion of Ukraine, and the 
ongoing occupation of Crimea and conflict in Ukraine. Austria supported 
four rounds of EU sanctions related to Belarus. Austria has supported 
sanctions against Russia in response to the imprisonment of Alexei 
Navalny and the repression of peaceful protesters.

    Question. What are Russia's interests in Austria?

    Answer. Russians invested $25.9 billion in Austria in 2020, and 
Russia is the country's second-largest foreign investor. Most recent 
investments have been in real estate and gas storage infrastructure. 
Austrian banks established a strong presence in the Russian financial 
sector after the fall of the Berlin Wall, but with many banks 
consolidating their Eastern European portfolios, only Raiffeisen Bank 
International (RBI) remains active in Russia. The Russian market 
accounted for almost one third of RBI's total profits in 2020 ($858 
million).

    Question. If confirmed, how would you engage the Austrian 
Government to better respond to Russian actions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to emphasize to the Austrian 
Government the importance of maintaining U.S.-EU unity on sanctions, 
emphasizing that any reduction of sanctions must be contingent on 
Russian actions--beginning with the withdrawal of its forces from 
eastern Ukraine, combined with the implementation of Russia's 
commitments under the Minsk agreements, and, finally, return of control 
of the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                   WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2021 (a.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m., in 
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, Van Hollen, Risch, 
Johnson, Romney, Young, Barrasso, Cruz, Rounds, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senators Durbin and Hickenlooper.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominees for three important 
positions--Ambassadors to China, Japan, and Singapore. On the 
first panel, we will hear from Ambassador Nick Burns, to be 
Ambassador to China. I understand Senator Markey will introduce 
Ambassador Burns. So, I will turn to him at this time.
    Senator Markey?

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 
Member Risch.
    It is my absolute honor and pleasure to introduce our 
nominee today, Nicholas Burns, nominated to be the Ambassador 
of the United States to the People's Republic of China.
    Ambassador Burns is a cherished son of Massachusetts, a 
fellow Boston College alumnus, and a proud member of Red Sox 
Nation. I would also like to welcome Ambassador Burns' wife, 
Libby, who has joined us today.
    Name a diplomatic flashpoint of the last four decades, and 
there is a good chance that Ambassador Burns was either a 
witness or an active participant. In his exemplary career as a 
member of the Foreign Service, he served four U.S. Presidents. 
Among his assignments, he spent 5 years at the National 
Security Council, first as Director of Soviet Affairs under 
President George H.W. Bush and later as Senior Director for 
Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia Affairs under President Clinton.
    In those roles, Ambassador Burns helped shepherd the United 
States through the collapse of the Soviet Union and the 
establishment of new relationships with the former Soviet bloc 
countries. In 1997, he was named U.S. Ambassador to Greece, 
where he helped to expand our bilateral defense relationship 
and counterterrorism.
    In 2001, President George Bush selected him to serve as 
U.S. Ambassador to NATO. He took this post 1 month before the 
attacks of 9/11, just 1 month before 9/11, when the alliance 
invoked Article 5 for the first time in its history. He later 
served as Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, the 
highest-ranking Foreign Service officer in Foggy Bottom.
    Ambassador Burns has established a deep understanding of 
the United States' relationship with China and has been a 
returning visitor to China for more than three decades. As a 
junior officer, he first accompanied Secretary George Shultz in 
1988 and President Bush in 1989. He later accompanied Secretary 
Madeleine Albright to Hong Kong in June of 1997 for its 
handover from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of 
China.
    After his retirement from the Foreign Service, Ambassador 
Burns turned his attention to training the next generation of 
diplomats and security professionals at the Harvard Kennedy 
School. In short, there is no more qualified person than 
Ambassador Burns to serve in Beijing as our top diplomat.
    I am confident that Ambassador Burns will seek to engage 
Beijing where we must on the existential issues of the climate 
crisis and nuclear nonproliferation, on curbing the flow of 
synthetic opioids to our shores, and bringing North Korea to 
the negotiating table. But I am equally confident that he will 
speak out forcefully against the Chinese Government's abuses in 
Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and elsewhere.
    In Ambassador Burns, the men and women of the Foreign 
Service will have no greater champion. He has the experience, 
the knowledge, and the leadership skills for this critical post 
in a difficult, but crucial time in our relationship with the 
People's Republic of China.
    In a commencement speech at our alma mater, Boston College, 
in 2002, Ambassador Burns concluded in summing up the school's 
ethos. ``It is the core belief that how we lead our lives 
should not be just about and for ourselves, but about what we 
all can do, in the poet Tennyson's words, 'to seek a newer 
world' here on Earth.''
    We are honored that you have again decided to take this 
opportunity, Ambassador Burns, to once again seek that newer 
world here on Earth.
    I yield back, Mr. Chairman, and I urge the support of every 
committee member for this great Ambassador.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Markey, for that glowing 
introduction. We appreciate it. You are, of course, an 
important member of our committee. So, we look forward to you 
joining us on the regular dais when you are finished.
    Ambassador Burns, welcome to you and your wife. You are an 
outstanding public servant. As a career Foreign Service 
officer, we are grateful to you and your family for your 
willingness to serve our country again.
    As you know, if confirmed, you will have a monumental task 
before you. As I have said before, the China of 2021 is not the 
China of 1971 or even the China of 2011. China today is 
challenging the United States and destabilizing the 
international community across every dimension of power--
political, diplomatic, economic, military, and even cultural--
with an alternative and deeply disturbing model for global 
governance.
    I truly believe that China today, led by the Communist 
Party and propelled by Xi Jinping's hypernationalism, is unlike 
any challenge we have faced as a nation before. For decades, we 
failed to comprehensively address China's growing reach, from 
its predatory economic behavior and aggressive efforts to 
coerce its neighbors in the maritime domain, its dangerous 
flexing of military muscle against Taiwan, to the crushing of 
the religious and cultural autonomy of Tibet, and its campaign 
of genocide against the Uyghur people, as well as the 
imposition of a chilling system of digital authoritarianism to 
suppress and oppress its own people. China today is more active 
and more emboldened than ever before.
    There should be little doubt that the right basic framework 
for thinking about our relationship with China today is 
strategic competition. Not because that is necessarily what we 
want, but because of the choices Beijing is making. Therefore, 
if confirmed, you will need to be clear-eyed about Beijing's 
intentions and actions and play a key role in calibrating this 
administration's still-emerging policy and strategy regarding 
China.
    This committee has engaged extensively on China over the 
last several months, including passing the Strategic 
Competition Act with overwhelming bipartisan support. Enacting 
the bill is one critical step in ensuring a solid framework for 
White House and State Department efforts to address the 
challenge posed by China.
    I know you bring to this job a wealth of diplomatic 
experience and skill. So, we are very interested in hearing 
from you today about how you think of the challenge and the 
international--that the challenge that the international 
community faces from China and how you think we need to frame 
our strategy for success in this new era of strategic 
competition.
    I look forward to hearing your testimony. Let me turn to 
the ranking member for his opening comments.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I, like most members or many members of the committee, have 
known Nick for a long time. We first met in the early part of 
the last decade in Luxembourg when he was serving as the 
Ambassador to NATO.
    It is, I think, appropriate that Ambassador Burns was 
appointed to this position, which really demands a bipartisan 
approach, and, I think, Congress, notwithstanding our other 
emaciations on other issues, has certainly been--has taken a 
bipartisan approach to the challenges that China has presented 
to us and that we will face over the rest of the century, I 
believe.
    The position of Ambassador to China is one of the most 
important ambassadorial nominations we will consider in this 
committee. The People's Republic of China is leveraging its 
political, diplomatic, economic, military, technological, and 
ideological power to wage strategic competition against the 
United States. Chinese Communist Party policies and actions 
threaten U.S. interests and values, as well as allies and 
partners, on just about every continent, but particularly in 
the Indo-Pacific.
    While this challenge will persist for decades, the 
competition is here now, and we must act urgently. Advancing 
U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific region must be our number-
one foreign policy priority. If confirmed, Ambassador Burns, 
you will be on the front lines of this competition.
    There are a few priorities that form the foundation of the 
bipartisan Strategic Competition Act, led by Senator Menendez 
and myself, which passed through this committee earlier this 
year. First, China's growing military might is dramatically 
shifting the regional balance of power in the Indo-Pacific in 
its favor. We need to counter China's conventional and nuclear 
build-up that threatens our interests and our allies.
    Nowhere is China flexing this military might as much as it 
is in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan's President Tsai is right. ``If 
our Taiwan were to fall, the consequences would be catastrophic 
for regional peace and the democratic alliance system.'' It is 
imperative that we work actively to deter PRC's coercion and 
aggression towards Taiwan.
    Another issue that is not discussed as often, but must be, 
is China's pursuit of life sciences research with potential for 
weaponization, causing concern about potential violations of 
the Biological Weapons Convention. I have introduced 
legislation, the Biological Weapons Policy Act, that would give 
our country team in China a larger role in ensuring that 
biological research cooperation with China does not put us or 
the world at risk.
    Second, our diplomatic mission in China must be 
strengthened to address the economic and political facets of 
the competition at hand. That includes providing information to 
decision-makers in Washington on how the CCP seeks to exert 
undue political influence in our open society.
    On the economic front, we must ensure our economic corps in 
Mission China is up to the task of dealing with new challenges. 
China is rolling out laws and regulations to punish companies 
for complying with U.S. law, including our sanctions laws. The 
Chinese Government is also stamping out all free market 
activity by asserting control over its financial institutions 
and its technology companies.
    Another challenge where we need an active economic corps is 
addressing pressing supply chain vulnerabilities, especially in 
technology and healthcare. Of course, advancing human rights 
must continue to be a central priority in our China policy.
    Ambassador Burns, you face a tough environment. China has 
said it will not work with us on anything until the United 
States gives into the demands of its two lists. You and I 
discussed those lists yesterday, and some day, I hope to be 
able to see those lists. How the Biden administration plans to 
deal with that is not clear.
    In our diplomatic engagements, China has repeatedly shown a 
lack of interest in good faith discussions. Yet the 
administration continues to assert that China can be a partner 
on a variety of issues, notably climate. On Taiwan, I applaud 
recent defense sales, but we have also seen a lot of unclear 
messaging, including recent allusions to a Taiwan agreement.
    And despite China's massive and unconstrained nuclear 
build-up, the administration is considering, considering, a 
sole purpose nuclear declaratory policy that would put U.S. 
allies at immense risk and shake confidence in U.S. deterrence 
commitments. I know that our allies have communicated serious 
objections to the administration on this topic.
    So, far, the administration is refusing to share those 
communications with Congress. This issue is even more important 
given China's test this past weekend of a fractional orbital 
bombardment system carrying a hypersonic glide vehicle. Such a 
system would allow the PRC to completely circumvent U.S. early 
warning capabilities and increase the vulnerability of the 
continental U.S. to a nuclear attack.
    I look forward to hearing how you plan to address all of 
these challenges and to help us win this competition.
    With that, I yield back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    And with that, Ambassador, you are recognized. We ask you 
to summarize your statement in about 5 minutes or so. We will 
include your full statement for the record.
    And with that, the floor is yours.

STATEMENT OF HON. R. NICHOLAS BURNS OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
   UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

    Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. 
Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, thanks very 
much for the opportunity to be with you this morning.
    I am very grateful to President Biden for this nomination 
to be the next United States Ambassador to the People's 
Republic of China.
    I owe profound thanks to my wife of 40 years, Libby, who is 
with me today, seated just behind me. Together, we have served 
the U.S. Government overseas in Mauritania, West Africa, in 
Egypt, in Israel, in Greece, and at NATO in Belgium. And both 
of us are grateful to our three daughters, our son-in-law, and 
our grandchildren.
    If confirmed by the Senate, I look forward to returning to 
public service and a State Department where I have spent the 
bulk of my professional career. I worked for administrations of 
both parties, and I would be honored to lead our team at the 
U.S. Mission in China. That team is on the front lines of this 
complicated and consequential relationship that we have with 
China.
    I would like to explain our policy and the policy that I 
would like to support, if confirmed by the Senate. Secretary 
Tony Blinken said in March that the United States' relationship 
with the PRC is the biggest geopolitical test of the 21st 
century. We will compete and compete vigorously with the 
People's Republic where we should, including on jobs and the 
economy, on critical infrastructure, on emerging technologies.
    As President Biden has said, when the United States 
competes on a level playing field, there is no country on Earth 
that can match us. We will cooperate with the PRC where it is 
in our interest, including on climate change, counternarcotics, 
global health, and of course, on nonproliferation.
    The world cannot solve the climate crisis without the PRC 
doing more to reduce their emissions. It is to our benefit to 
maintain engagements between our peoples as well, including 
students, scholars, diplomats, and journalists, so long as 
America's laws are respected.
    Finally, and crucially, we will challenge Beijing where we 
must, including when it takes actions that run counter to 
American values and American interests, actions that might 
threaten the security of the United States or our allies and 
partners, or undermine the rules-based international order.
    The PRC seeks to become the most powerful country 
economically, politically, and militarily in the Indo-Pacific. 
We have to stand with our allies and our friends to uphold a 
free and open Indo-Pacific, including by maintaining America's 
commercial and military superiority in 21st century 
technologies. We also have to hold the PRC accountable for 
failing to play by the rules on trade and investment, including 
its theft of intellectual property, use of state subsidies, 
dumping of goods, and unfair labor practices. These hurt 
American workers, and they hurt American businesses.
    Beijing has been an aggressor against India along their 
long Himalayan border, against Vietnam, the Philippines, and 
others in the South China Sea, against Japan in the East China 
Sea, and Beijing has launched an intimidation campaign against 
Australia and, even more recently, Lithuania.
    The PRC's genocide in Xinjiang, its abuses in Tibet, its 
smothering of Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms, and its 
bullying of Taiwan are unjust and must stop. Beijing's recent 
actions against Taiwan are especially objectionable. The United 
States is right to continue its one China policy, but we are 
also right to support the peaceful resolution of disputes in 
this region and to oppose unilateral actions that undermine the 
status quo and undermine the stability of the region.
    The administration and Congress, together on a bipartisan 
basis, should help Taiwan to maintain a self-defense 
capability, and that is the language of Taiwan Relations Act of 
1979. The Biden administration as well is surely right to seek 
effective channels of communication with Beijing to manage this 
competition responsibly, to diminish the risk of an accidental 
conflict, and above all, to maintain the peace. The United 
States has to proceed from a position of strength and pursue 
intense diplomacy in all these matters.
    Beijing proclaims that the East is rising, and the West is 
in decline. I am confident in our own country. I believe that, 
together with our allies and our partners, we can prove them 
wrong. This will require very close alignment here in 
Washington between Congress and the executive branch. The 
bipartisan Senate passage of the Innovation and Competition Act 
earlier this year is a very wise investment in America's future 
and our ability to compete.
    And finally, Mr. Chairman, I say this, my final point. The 
People's Republic of China is not an Olympian power. It is a 
country of extraordinary strength, but it also has substantial 
weaknesses and challenges demographically, economically, 
politically.
    We should have confidence in our strengths, American 
strengths. Confidence in our business community, in our 
innovation community, in our universities, in our ability to 
attract the best students from around the world, confidence in 
our unmatched military and our first-rate Foreign Service and 
civil service. Confidence in our values that stand in brilliant 
opposition to China's authoritarian regime.
    We will succeed if we build this American strength around 
our diplomacy with the People's Republic of China. On that 
basis, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I am looking forward to 
working with you, the ranking member, and Republicans and 
Democrats on this committee. I have enjoyed my meetings over 
the last 3 weeks, and I hope together we can form an effective 
and strong policy towards China.
    Thank you very much.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Burns follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Nicholas Burns

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee, 
thank you for this opportunity.
    I am grateful to President Biden for this nomination to be the next 
Ambassador to the People's Republic of China.
    I owe profound thanks to my wife, Libby, who is here with me today. 
Together, we have served the U.S. Government overseas in Mauritania, 
Egypt, Israel, Greece, and Belgium. I am also grateful for the support 
of our three daughters, our son-in-law, and our grandchildren.
    If confirmed, I look forward to returning to public service and the 
State Department, where I have spent the bulk of my career in 
administrations of both parties. I would be honored to lead our team at 
the U.S. Mission in China, which is on the front lines of this 
complicated and consequential relationship.
    As Secretary Blinken said in March, the United States' relationship 
with the People's Republic of China is ``the biggest geopolitical test 
of the 21st century.''
    We will compete--and compete vigorously--with the PRC where we 
should, including on jobs and the economy, critical infrastructure, and 
emerging technologies. As President Biden has said, when the United 
States competes on a level playing field, ``there's no country on Earth 
. . . that can match us.''
    We will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest, 
including on climate change, counter- narcotics, global health, and 
nonproliferation. The world cannot solve the climate crisis unless the 
PRC does more to reduce their emissions. And it is to our benefit to 
maintain engagement between our people, including students, scholars, 
diplomats, and journalists--so long as America's laws are respected.
    Finally, and crucially, we will challenge the PRC where we must, 
including when Beijing takes actions that run counter to America's 
values and interests; threaten the security of the United States or our 
allies and partners; or undermine the rules-based international order.
    The PRC seeks to become the most powerful military, economic, and 
political actor in the Indo-Pacific. We must stand with our allies and 
partners to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific--including by 
maintaining America's commercial and military superiority in 21st 
century technologies.
    We also must hold the PRC accountable for failing to play by the 
rules on trade and investment, including its thefts of intellectual 
property, use of state subsidies, dumping of goods, and unfair labor 
practices. These actions harm American workers and businesses.
    Beijing has been an aggressor against India along their Himalayan 
border; against Vietnam, the Philippines, and others in the South China 
Sea; against Japan in the East China Sea; and has launched an 
intimidation campaign against Australia and Lithuania.
    The PRC's genocide in Xinjiang and abuses in Tibet, its smothering 
of Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms, and its bullying of Taiwan are 
unjust, and must stop.
    Beijing's recent actions against Taiwan are especially 
objectionable. The United States is right to continue to adhere to its 
one-China policy. We are also right to support the peaceful resolution 
of disputes, and to oppose unilateral actions that undermine the status 
quo and stability in the Indo-Pacific.
    The administration and Congress should help Taiwan ``to maintain a 
sufficient self-defense capability,'' as the Taiwan Relations Act 
clearly states.
    The Biden administration is right to seek effective channels of 
communication with Beijing to manage our competition responsibly, to 
diminish the risk of an accidental conflict and, above all, to maintain 
peace.
    The United States must proceed from a position of strength and 
pursue intense diplomacy--with the People's Republic of China, and with 
our allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and around the 
world. Our alliances and partnerships are a unique comparative 
advantage for the United States.
    As in all things, the United States will lead with our values--
democracy and free expression, free press and free enterprise, support 
for human rights and human dignity. These are at the center of the 
Biden administration's foreign policy.
    Beijing proclaims that the ``East is Rising and the West is in 
Decline.'' I am confident in our country, and believe that, together 
with our allies and partners, we will prove them wrong.
    That will require alignment in Washington. The bipartisan Senate 
passage of the Innovation and Competition Act earlier this year is a 
wise investment in America's future.
    Finally, it is important to keep our rivalry with Beijing in 
perspective.
    The PRC is not an Olympian power. While the PRC has many strengths, 
it also faces substantial demographic, economic, and political 
challenges.
    We should have confidence in our own strengths--our scientific and 
technological capacities, world-class universities and research 
institutions, our military power, our first-rate diplomatic corps 
across both the Foreign Service and civil service, and, especially, our 
values that stand in brilliant opposition to Beijing's actions. We will 
succeed if we build our diplomacy around these strengths and remain 
optimistic about America's future.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the members of the 
Senate to pursue such a strategy that will protect and advance American 
interests in our relationship with the PRC.
    Thank you.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
    We will start a round of 5 minutes. Before I start mine, 
let me ask some questions we ask for the committee as a whole. 
These are questions that speak to the importance that this 
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the 
executive branch that we expect and will be seeking from you. 
So, I ask you to provide just a simple ``yes'' or ``no'' answer 
to these questions.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff, when invited?
    Ambassador Burns. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and 
currently informed about the activities that will be under your 
purview?
    Ambassador Burns. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Ambassador Burns. Yes.
    The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    Ambassador Burns. Yes.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Well, let me start off. First of all, I think your 
statement encompasses many of the sentiments, concerns, and 
questions that members of the committee have, and so it was 
very encompassing of many of the issues I think we care about. 
And together, we have to work to make sure that Xi Jinping is 
wrong. That the West is not setting, but it will continue to 
shine.
    Now many experts emphasize the importance of U.S. 
collaboration and joint action with allies, partners, and 
multilateral organizations to address the challenges that China 
poses. However, collaboration can be harder in practice than in 
theory, particularly when countries have different views and 
competing interests.
    In what specific areas can you speak to that collaboration 
has been helpful in addressing the challenges that China poses? 
And in what areas and with which country do you see particular 
opportunities or constraints?
    Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, thank you. And I think this 
is the right question to ask about how we form a strategy that 
can be successful against the Chinese Government.
    The comparative advantage that we have versus China is that 
we have treaty allies. We have partners who deeply believe in 
us, and the Chinese really do not. And so, in the Indo-Pacific, 
I think President Biden has tried to emphasize the need for us 
to be very closely aligned with Japan, with South Korea, with 
Australia, our treaty allies, our defense partners, the 
Philippines and Thailand.
    As you know, and I think every administration since 
President Clinton has been working on this, we have a newfound 
security partner in India. That makes a great difference to 
have Indian-American interests aligned, as they clearly are, 
strategically in the Indo-Pacific. And President Biden, of 
course, has taken the QUAD idea--and I give credit to President 
Trump and Secretary Pompeo for reinvigorating the QUAD in 2019 
and 2020. But President Biden has held two head of government 
meetings of the QUAD, one virtual and one in person at the 
White House.
    President Biden's initiative for AUKUS, to deepen our 
strategic engagement with our great ally Australia and our ally 
the United Kingdom, could be transformational and I think has 
been widely praised to be such in the Indo-Pacific. So, as we 
confront China, whether it is on the military balance of power 
in the Indo-Pacific, whether it is the fight that we have to 
convince China, push China to play by the rules on trade, we 
have a coincidence of use with Japan, the European Union, the 
European allies on all these issues, and I think the President 
has focused on the Indo-Pacific, but he is also focusing on the 
European allies.
    And I have seen a change in the last 2 or 3 years in the 
attitudes of most European governments, now much more skeptical 
about China on 5G, on China's nefarious belt-and-road 
initiative influence in Eastern Europe. And so I do think this 
is a big part of the strategy that we need to continue to work 
on.
    The Chairman. Now let me turn to Taiwan. Given increasing 
aggression and threatening rhetoric from Beijing, some have 
called for an end to the policy of strategic ambiguity with 
regard to Taiwan. How do you think the United States can most 
effectively signal our resolve and deter Chinese aggression 
towards Taiwan?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. This is a 
central question these days, particularly after all the 
bullying and intimidation tactics of the Chinese towards 
Taiwan, the sending of 150 Chinese aircraft into the air 
identification zone of Taiwan just 10 days ago.
    My own view--and fortunately, this is backed up, I think, 
by both the Biden administration's and every other 
administration going back four decades--is that we have 
enormous latitude--Congress and the executive branch--under the 
Taiwan Relations Act to deepen our security assistance to 
Taiwan.
    The Taiwan Relations Act, written in January 1979, is 
remarkably modern for the strategic questions we are facing in 
2021. It says that we have an unofficial relationship with 
Taiwan, obviously, but we have a responsibility to help Taiwan 
achieve a self-defense capability through the provision of 
defense articles and services. So, in the last--since 2009, the 
Obama and the Trump and the Biden administrations have provided 
about $30 billion worth of assistance to Taiwan.
    Given what China has done, given China's, frankly, 
objectionable statements towards Taiwan, I think the Congress 
and the executive branch have every right to continue to deepen 
our security cooperation, to expand our arms provisions to 
Taiwan. That is the most important thing we can do.
    In addition to that, the Taiwan Relations Act also calls 
for the United States to provide the strongest possible 
deterrent in the Western Pacific, the language of 1979, or the 
Indian Ocean, as we would refer to it today. And in addition to 
that, as a third measure, we ought to be asking and we are 
asking our allies to show a real commitment to Taiwan. And we 
are seeing that from Japan and other allies.
    Finally, Mr. Chairman, we have got to be very clear about 
our criticism of China. And what the Chinese are trying to do 
to this very successful society on Taiwan, with its very 
healthy democracy, extraordinary performance in the 
coronavirus, is to simply intimidate them. And so we have all 
got to speak up and shine a light on those Chinese actions and 
Chinese rhetoric.
    That is essentially the policy of the last 40 years. I 
think that policy is the right one and the smart one for today.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let us pick up with 
Taiwan where you left off.
    How do you differentiate what happened in Hong Kong with 
Taiwan? In reading and listening to the Chinese, it seems to me 
that Taiwan is even more of an irritant to them than Hong Kong 
was. Fortunately, Taiwan has got the sea between themselves and 
China, but I really fear that we are going to see the same kind 
of pushing the envelope in Taiwan that gets it to a point where 
there is a crisis. What are your views on it?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, you are right to ask that 
question. I share your concern.
    As Senator Markey mentioned, I was State Department 
spokesperson. I accompanied Secretary Albright on June 30, 
1997, to the handover from the UK to the PRC on Hong Kong. And 
all of us remember, but I particularly remember from our 
meeting with the Chinese leadership that day the commitments 
they made to the people of Hong Kong and to the rest of us 
around the world. And the Chinese have gone back on every one 
of those commitments.
    So, if we link that to Taiwan, we obviously cannot trust 
China to meet the commitments it has made on the Taiwan issue. 
When Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, when 
administration after administration pursued a one China policy, 
we obviously did so on the presumption that there would be 
peace in the cross-strait relationship between Taiwan and 
China, and there is not much peace today. There is 
assertiveness and aggression.
    So, I do not think we can--we certainly cannot trust the 
Chinese on this issue. We have to be aware of their rhetoric, 
aware of it. And the rhetoric of its leader and many other 
Chinese leaders in recent months has been that they intend to 
take back Taiwan.
    Our responsibility is to make Taiwan a tough nut to crack, 
help it increase its asymmetric defenses through the Taiwan 
Relations Act. And other countries can do that as well. It is a 
central issue in the relationship now.
    Senator Risch. And I agree with that. The thing that I 
guess I am concerned about as much as anything, watching what 
they have been doing with their incursions into the air space 
reminds me a lot of Hong Kong. It is just pushing the envelope. 
It is a camel's nose in the tent, and it just gets worse and 
worse until it collapses. So, that is going to be something I 
think we are going to have to watch very closely.
    Let us talk about China's nuclear build-up. Do you agree 
that they are pursuing a massive nuclear build-up in China?
    Ambassador Burns. It certainly appears so, both in the 
western part of China, where their IC--the reports of the ICBM 
expansion and also with this novel delivery system that has 
been publicized of late.
    Senator Risch. One thing that is very concerning to me and 
I think other members of this committee is that there is this 
discussion within the administration of a sole purpose nuclear 
declaratory policy, which is, in essence, no first use. It is 
another way of saying no first use, but it is not as direct. 
But it is the exact same thing.
    I would hope you would become a spokesman within the 
administration about how damaging that that kind of a 
declaration would be, a sole purpose declaration. I am not sure 
if you are aware of this or not, but I can guarantee you that 
the allies, particularly the ones that are counting on us in 
the Indo-Pacific region, are very concerned about the 
declaration of sole purpose nuclear declaratory policy. What 
are your thoughts on that?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, I appreciated our conversation 
last evening about this in your office, and as I explained, I 
am a private citizen appearing before you as a nominee without 
access to the intelligence. I do not have a security clearance. 
So, I am very reluctant to speak specifically about the Nuclear 
Posture Review, which is underway.
    But I do know that President Biden has indicated clearly 
that he is going to support the strongest possible and the 
safest American nuclear deterrent, as every President has done 
since President Harry Truman, and that is obviously an 
obligation to the American people. I would also just add, 
Senator Risch--we also talked about this last week--I think the 
spotlight should be on China. They have said for decades, the 
Chinese Government, that they want to have a minimum nuclear 
deterrent. They are blasting past that definition, and they are 
rapidly engaged in a build-up of their nuclear arsenal, 
including the disturbing reports of the hypersonic technology.
    So, I think the spotlight has to be on the Government of 
China.
    Senator Risch. Well, I agree with that. You having the 
credentials that you have on a bipartisan basis and your deep 
knowledge of our allies, particularly ones that we have a 
defense posture with, I would hope you would be a spokesman 
within the administration regarding this. I am very concerned 
about it. A lot of people are concerned about it.
    And I understand that you have done an excellent job 
throughout your career of carrying water on both shoulders for 
administration from either party. I think that brings a 
tremendous amount of credibility to you, and I think your words 
in that regard would be very important as they proceed with the 
Nuclear Posture Review. I have no doubt they will be consulting 
with you, given the position you are in. So, I would urge that 
you communicate in the strongest terms to the administration 
the concern that our allies in the region have with this 
policy.
    Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns, first of all, let me thank you for your 
incredible career of public service. You have really advanced 
American values globally in every post that you have held, and 
I personally have appreciated your advice during very difficult 
times. So, thank you very much for your service to our country 
and your willingness to continue in this critical role as our 
Ambassador in China.
    There are so many issues that we need to talk about, and we 
have already mentioned a lot of our national security concerns. 
We know that China is belligerent in the China seas, making 
claims that are outrageous and affect international commerce 
and our national security. We know that they are trying to 
change the rules of engagement economically so that they 
determine the rules based upon a government-controlled economy 
rather than an open economy, which is against our national 
security interests. We know how belligerent they are against 
Taiwan, and the list goes on and on and on.
    But I want to devote my time to what President Biden has 
said that we are strongest when we conduct our foreign policy 
based upon our values. And China, in the recent decades, has 
just been moving in the wrong direction on universal human 
rights values, and we could go through the entire list, and it 
is a long list.
    So, I guess, my question to you is: how will you balance 
and strategize America's presence in China through your mission 
to advance universal values--of the respect for individuals' 
religious freedom, human rights, and basic beliefs that the 
universal community that believes in democracy looks to 
America's leadership as hope for the future?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you very much for that 
question, and thank you for your decades of service to those 
issues, and I am very well aware of that.
    I think you are right to suggest that as we think about our 
tools, our strengths, as we compete with China, it is our 
belief in human freedom and human rights and democracy and the 
rule of law and press freedoms that really stands in opposition 
to an authoritarian dictatorship in Beijing. And so if we can 
marshal those strengths--and President Biden and his 
administration believe this is at the center of their foreign 
policy--on Xinjiang, on Tibet, on Hong Kong, on the repression 
of the Chinese people, we cannot just do that sometimes. We 
cannot be silent if there are atrocities occurring or, in the 
case of Xinjiang, a genocide is occurring. We have to speak 
out.
    And you have seen the President, Secretary Blinken, and all 
of the officials been very forthright about that since January 
20 of this year. I think that will continue, and that will 
certainly be, if I am confirmed, a hallmark of what I try to 
do, speaking directly to the Chinese Government in Beijing.
    Senator Cardin. I would ask also that you inform this 
committee as to how we can give you a stronger hand in dealing 
on these issues. We have passed sanction regime laws that have 
been used against oppressors in China, individual sanctions 
such as Magnitsky as well as sectoral sanctions have been used, 
and I think they have their effect. I think they are extremely 
important.
    But we need to also think beyond that as to what we can do 
to give you what you need. The competitiveness bill that the 
chairman mentioned I think is going to be an extremely 
important part of our strategy again in standing up to China's 
oppression on the economic front. But we should also be looking 
at what we can do as a Congress to give you a stronger hand in 
China in dealing with these universal rights.
    So, I would welcome your advice as to what we can do to 
give you a stronger toolbox in dealing with these issues.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator. And I would just 
suggest a couple of things, and I have spoken to the chairman 
and other members of the committee in my individual meetings 
about them.
    First and foremost, when the coronavirus mercifully ends 
and when the restrictions on China--there is a 3-week 
quarantine in China for visitors--at some point end, I hope 
that Members of Congress from both parties will travel to 
China. And if I am confirmed, I would like to help you to do 
that. I think they need to hear directly from our legislative 
branch on these issues. These will be difficult conversations 
for you and for me with the Chinese leadership, but we have to 
have them.
    Secondly, I would encourage you, respectfully, to continue 
what you are doing, what this committee has done under the 
chairman's leadership and Senator Risch's leadership, on a 
bipartisan basis to speak out and legislate when necessary and 
to sanction when necessary.
    Third and finally, President Biden was right on the issue 
of Xinjiang and the Uyghurs and the other Turkic Muslim peoples 
when he coalesced with Canada, the European Union, and the 
United Kingdom in multinational sanctions against specific 
Chinese individuals responsible for carrying out the atrocities 
in Xinjiang. I think that can be helpful as well, to expand the 
universe of--expand our voice to work with other nations, 
perhaps through the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and your 
parliamentary exchanges with the Japanese, the Australians, and 
others.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Johnson?
    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns, thank you for your prior service and your 
willingness to serve in this capacity.
    I agree with you that if we act intelligently, the U.S. in 
concert with our allies in the West, we can compete with China. 
China, though, has advantages in terms of very long-term, very 
strategic thinking, authoritarian. They do not have the back-
and-forth of elections, that type of thing. So, they have 
utilized that long-term strategic thinking while the West 
literally has not done much to counter their infiltration to 
our institutions, their stealing of our intellectual property 
since their entry into the WTO.
    I would just like you to comment on how do we--how do we 
counter what they have done, and how do we do that effectively?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you. I think it is--I 
think it is a central question.
    We have to have a strategy to match China's strategy. I 
think that is beginning to develop over the last several years 
in the last three administrations--President Obama, President 
Trump, and President Biden.
    And as I said in my testimony, what distinguishes us and 
strengthens us is the fact that we have our alliance with Japan 
and our alliance with Australia and South Korea. And I have 
been involved in my past diplomatic career in intensive 
discussions with the Europeans. I think they are less united 
perhaps in the European Union right now, but I sense that the 
Europeans are shifting to understand the threat, a threat to 
them as well as to us and our Indo-Pacific allies.
    So, I think operating on an allied basis is the most 
important thing we can do. And sometimes that means we form 
institutions. So, the QUAD is an institution that both parties 
can be proud of. Republican and Democratic Presidents have 
supported the QUAD, and now President Biden is operationalizing 
it at the head of government level, which we had not done 
before.
    AUKUS, three countries coming together. We need to build 
the institutions that are permanent and that take this policy 
that we are discussing this morning into the 2030s because the 
competition with China will be multi-decade.
    Senator Johnson. Yes, I do want to address specifically 
their infiltration into our university systems, the Confucius 
institutes, their investment in things like medical journals. 
It really concerns me.
    There is so much we do not know, for example, about the 
coronavirus, so much we do not know about COVID. I really do--I 
really want to get your take on a real potential fault line 
when we start learning more, for example, about the origin 
theory. I mean, I do not know whether it was lab leak or 
whether it was natural origin. People are starting to look into 
that.
    Obviously, there was a cover-up here for 18 months, and it, 
as a result, gave China a really good head start at burying 
evidence. Back in March of 2020, you participated in a virtual 
event at Harvard's Kennedy Center, and you definitely were 
critical of China, saying that this was an army exercise. But 
at the same time, you were very critical of President Trump for 
calling it the ``Chinese virus'' and the ``Wuhan virus.'' You 
said that we all know that is wrong. We all know that is 
racist. We all know that is not true.
    I guess I am kind of wondering how did you know? We still 
do not know. How were you so positive that this was not a lab 
leak theory, and have you changed your mind? Have you seen 
other evidence that would at least open up your mind to that 
prospect? Because if it is determined that it probably was not 
natural origin and did leak from a lab in Wuhan, that will have 
very serious geopolitical repercussions between--in our 
relationship with China.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator. I want to agree with 
you briefly on the issue of students and exchanges.
    We ought to welcome Chinese students into the United 
States. But student visas are not a right. They have to be 
earned. Our laws have to be observed. There are some Chinese 
student applicants who have ties to the PLA, the People's 
Liberation Army, and China's intelligence services, and we 
should turn them down for visas. And we have to be clear about 
that.
    But we also have 375,000 students in our universities and 
secondary schools in your State and my State, at my university, 
and we are better off having them in this country to learn 
about our democracy.
    On the coronavirus, the problem here is with China. The 
Chinese Government withheld information very clearly from their 
own people and the rest of the world for about a month in late 
December and January of 2020. I have consistently criticized 
the Chinese Government for that, and they deserve to be 
criticized. And they have been stonewalling all of us around 
the world since January of 2020, including this week, when they 
refused to act to work with the World Health Organization's new 
investigative body to answer the question that you rightfully 
asked.
    Senator Johnson. But again, my question, are you still so 
certain that lab leak is off the table? Because you were very 
certain back then. You said it was, you know, we all know that 
is not true. Have you changed your thinking on that? Because I 
mean, it is important if you are going to be Ambassador to 
China that you have a more open mind on this than you exhibited 
back in March of 2020.
    Ambassador Burns. So, Senator, I spoke often about this 
issue of U.S.-China relations at that period of time, and I 
believe that that quote from the Kennedy School event was 
directed to President Trump's use of the term ``Wuhan virus,'' 
which I did not think would be effective with the Chinese 
Government or Chinese people or people around the world. It had 
nothing to do with the origins of the crisis, of the pandemic.
    My position has been all along, and continues this day, we 
need to investigate. We do not know where the--how this virus 
originated for sure. There are multiple theories, and the 
Chinese need to answer the questions.
    So, I have never been a proponent of either one of these 
two options. But I think, as President Biden has said, we need 
to push the Chinese to come clean about what happened.
    Senator Johnson. Okay, thanks for that clarification. I 
appreciate it. Thank you.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And Ambassador Burns, thank you for your willingness to 
continue to serve the United States.
    As I am sure you are aware, there have been reported cases 
of anomalous health incidents in China, also known as ``Havana 
syndrome'' cases. Have you been briefed on the reported cases 
in China?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, I do not have a security 
clearance. So, I have not been briefed in detail about what has 
happened to our mission personnel there, but I have had 
unclassified, open conversations with the State Department. And 
what I would say to you is my own view, just as a private 
citizen, is that this is real. It is happening to our diplomats 
and other Government personnel all around the world. And if 
confirmed, my obligation to you and, more particularly, to the 
men and women of our mission in China is to do everything under 
my power to protect them, working with the Secretary of State 
and all of our other officials.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much. I appreciate 
that. I hope you will also request from the State Department, 
once confirmed, that classified briefing that also includes how 
to encourage personnel to respond if they are affected and what 
to look for in terms of those attacks because, to date, there 
does not seem to be a consistent response and direction for 
personnel.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. You mentioned in your opening remarks and 
in the questioning about the increased Chinese influence in 
Eastern Europe and also Lithuania, which is one example of an 
Eastern European country that has taken a hard stance on China. 
In July, they actually became the first European country to 
allow a Taiwanese diplomatic presence using the island's name 
in the country.
    Can you talk about what you think the impact of Lithuania's 
stance is? We know it has produced a response from China, but 
will it have impact on other Eastern European countries and 
encourage them to take a hard look at what China is doing?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
    Lithuania has chosen its course, and every country has a 
right to define its relationship with Taiwan. And I am proud 
that the Biden administration has stood up for Lithuania. And 
you know, it is extraordinary. The Chinese Government has 
launched an intensive intimidation campaign, economic 
intimidation of Lithuania, and the Lithuanians have stood up 
and they have held their ground. They deserve our support, as 
Australia does. And Australia has been subjected to the same 
treatment.
    We have our own policy, the one China policy, which we 
should adhere to. Our unofficial relationship with Taiwan, 
which has served us well. Every other country should have a 
right to determine what they want to do, and they should not be 
bludgeoned and bullied by the Chinese leadership.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much. I could not 
agree more with that, and I think Lithuania deserves a lot of 
credit for a small country being willing to stand up in the way 
that they have.
    Earlier this month, NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg 
insisted that NATO must engage politically with China, but the 
alliance does not seem to see China as as much of a threat as 
they do Russia. Does China view NATO in the same way, and what 
do you think NATO's strategy should be towards China?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    It has been really interesting for me, as a former 
Ambassador to NATO, to see how high on the agenda China has 
become over the last couple of years during President Trump's 
time and now President Biden's time. And the focus is right. I 
mean, certainly, Russia is the immediate focus of the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization, and especially considering 
Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Poland right up on the front 
lines as we try to contain Russian power.
    But I think the NATO countries, led by a great Secretary 
General, Jens Stoltenberg, also understand China is--the belt-
and-road initiative is now in 16 countries in Eastern Europe. 
The Chinese are actively trying to separate countries in 
Eastern Europe from the European Union and NATO. And if you 
think about Chinese energy activities and military activities 
in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, which is part of the NATO 
littoral geography, and think about the interests of Germany 
and France, Italy, any of the NATO countries, they have got to 
be concerned by what is happening in Xinjiang Province and what 
has happened to Hong Kong, the threats against Taiwan, and the 
economic practices of China.
    My last point would be if we can coalesce with the European 
Union, the United States and Japan, on some of the economic 
issues, we are well more than 60 percent of GDP. It is real 
leverage. So, Europe has to be part of this strategy, and I 
credit the Secretary General. I credit Ambassador Kay Bailey 
Hutchison, who was our great American Ambassador under 
President Trump. She pushed this issue, and she was right to do 
that.
    Senator Shaheen. And do you think China has become 
concerned about NATO's increasing interest in what China is 
doing in Europe, or are they ignoring that?
    Ambassador Burns. I do not think they are ignoring it, 
Senator. I mean, the reason I used the term ``China is not an 
Olympian power'' in my statement, and I meant it specifically. 
They have enormous strengths. They have very few friends. They 
have no real allies.
    And think of the strategic advantage we have with our 29 
allies in Canada, the Europeans in NATO, and our multiple 
treaty allies in the Indo-Pacific. It is our comparative 
advantage, and I think President Biden has been working 
overtime with Secretary Blinken to reach out to the allies both 
in NATO and the Indo-Pacific to say we need to be working 
together strategically on China.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Let me just quickly echo Senator 
Shaheen's comments about Lithuania.
    Lithuania and how we respond to help it is a test for the 
West. Because when a country stands up against China and then 
faces the enormous economic consequences that China is creating 
against Lithuanian businesses by denying them supply chain 
opportunities, which is a wakeup call for the world, I think it 
is incredibly important that we stand by Lithuania extremely 
strongly.
    Senator Romney?
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I wish to associate myself with the comments of the 
chairman and the ranking member at the beginning of this 
hearing. It is good to see you, Ambassador, and very deeply 
appreciate your willingness to serve once again your country at 
a critical time.
    We all know China's ambition. They have described what it 
is. They seek to replace us as the global leader. The prospect 
of a global order led by China is one which is troubling for 
many reasons. We could see what that might look like based upon 
what they are doing even now, censoring their media, blacking 
out social media in their country, stealing intellectual 
property from us and from others, reneging on treaties and 
promises they made, repressing religion and people of faith, 
monitoring their own citizens and assigning social grades based 
upon their loyalty to the Chinese regime, the Communist regime, 
oppressing minorities of all kinds and, of course, committing 
genocide.
    We say that quickly, but genocide. Eliminating a people, 
enslaving a people, as they are--all these things suggest that 
a global order led by China would be something which the world 
could not possibly endure.
    There was probably a time a decade or so ago when, if you 
were the Ambassador to China, you could go in and pound your 
fist on the table, and they would take note and perhaps change 
course on some of the things we care most about because they 
were worried about their access to the U.S. market. Is that 
true today? Can we sort of tell China what to do, and do they 
respond? Or are we no longer in that position?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you, and I appreciated the 
conversation we had in your office 2 weeks ago about all these 
issues.
    I think our relationship is fundamentally different now 
than it was 10 years ago or 20 years ago. And I have spoken to 
most of the former American Ambassadors about this, and we are 
in an entirely new age where we have got to have channels of 
communication to work with the Chinese.
    First of all, we want to mitigate the danger of an 
accidental conflict. We want to maintain the peace, but we also 
want to have clear messaging, and I think multiple channels 
make sense. If confirmed, I will be on point for the country 
and the Government in Beijing talking directly to the Chinese. 
I think it is very important for Members to travel there, 
Members of Congress, and ultimately, most important for the 
President to have direct conversations, as he is seeking to do. 
He has had phone conversations with President Xi Jinping.
    But these are difficult conversations, and you have seen 
the aggressiveness of the Chinese officials. You have seen the 
nationalism. You have seen the warrior diplomacy. It is part of 
the fabric of what we are dealing with now.
    And my final point, Senator, would be to say we are a 
strong country. We should be confident of our values and our 
interests, and we can stand up to the Chinese, but our allies 
and partners can help to do that so that there is real weight 
and leverage. And I do think that is the focus.
    Senator Romney. What is your sense of the commitment of our 
allies to that effort? We have spoken already this morning 
about NATO and our friends and allies there. Perhaps Germany is 
not quite as committed as, let us say, Lithuania. But as you 
look at our allies, are we advancing in terms of our mutual 
efforts, or is there some retreat on the part of key allies?
    Ambassador Burns. I do not see retreat. Certainly, I think 
we are seeing a stiffening of the resolve of Japan, which is so 
important for us. Australia, rock solid on these issues. India, 
not an ally, not a treaty ally, but a strategic military 
partner in the Bay of Bengal and the Western Pacific. Very 
important for us.
    Europe is different. There are so many countries with 
different views. Of course, we are waiting for the formation of 
the German Government. So, we will have to wait and see what 
the Social Democrats and the Greens do, but I would note that 
the Greens were very critical of China during the recent 
campaign in Germany. And certainly, President Macron has spoken 
out about the dangers of China in the Indo-Pacific, and France 
is unique among the European powers because it is an Indo-
Pacific country as well.
    And so, I think, we have got to work both the North 
Atlantic Alliance, the European Union, but especially our Indo-
Pacific allies to be successful.
    Senator Romney. There are some who look at China and say it 
is a juggernaut. There is no way to slow it down. It is on a 
course that is unstoppable. Do you see it that way? Is there a 
way of dissuading China from a course as malevolent as what we 
are seeing today? Do they have some fundamental weaknesses that 
the rest of the world recognizes and can get them to divert 
from the course they are on?
    Ambassador Burns. It is certainly--yours is certainly a key 
analytical question, and none of us can deny the extraordinary 
growth in the power of China militarily, technologically, 
economically, and politically over the last 30 to 40 years. But 
we should not exaggerate that power. I said in my statement 
China has significant demographic challenges over the next few 
decades. It has angered nearly all the countries on its border 
by being overly aggressive and overly acquisitive.
    Think of the South China Sea and the outrageous attempts by 
the Chinese Government to run roughshod over the Law of the Sea 
Treaty and the legal obligations that China is ignoring. Think 
of the East China Sea and their attempt to intimidate, but they 
have not succeeded, our ally Japan, and think of Taiwan.
    And so I think the Chinese have, by being so aggressive, 
they have now stirred up a lot of opposition to them, and I 
think we ought not to exaggerate their strengths or 
underestimate the strengths of the United States. What we need 
is self-confidence that the United States is a strong country, 
and I do think our values are the strongest part of our 
strategy towards China.
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Ambassador.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member.
    Thank you, Ambassador Burns, for your willingness to 
continue your service overseas. You are the right nominee at 
the right moment for what is an absolutely critical 
relationship for the 21st century, and I think in your opening 
statement you laid out wisely the challenges that are before 
us.
    So, I am particularly pleased, given your deep experience 
in the Foreign Service, as Ambassador to Greece and to NATO, 
your work leading the Aspen Strategy Group, through which I 
have gotten to see your remarkable talents of both strategic 
insight and interpersonal diplomacy. And my thanks to Libby, to 
the support you have gotten from your spouse and your family 
across a long career in service.
    Just a few questions, if I might, because I know there are 
many others who have questions. But first, I think part of what 
you bring to this is an understanding of how to effectively 
deploy that key strategic advantage of allies and partners, and 
I think you correctly point out that China's greatest current 
global weakness is the absence of any real partners or allies.
    So, given your experience as Ambassador, first to Greece 
and then later to NATO, how do you envision the U.S.-Europe 
Transatlantic alliance responding to the strategic competition 
with China, the values competition? And how do you think you 
can best play a role in engaging our allies in the Indo-Pacific 
and in Europe?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you very much for those 
comments and for your question.
    In my entire diplomatic career, probably the lesson I 
learned most most vividly was 9/11, when I was a very new 
Ambassador. I was in my 12th day, and we were hit hard, 3,000 
people dead in the United States. And we could not reach the 
Pentagon, the White House, and the State Department because 
they had all been evacuated, but my phone started to ring at 
NATO headquarters, and it was the Canadian Ambassador, David 
Wright, and the German Ambassador, and the Italian and French 
Ambassadors. ``We are with you. We want to invoke Article 5.'' 
That is the bond.
    We invoked Article 5 the next day, and that is the bond we 
have in our allies. And it is based in part on strategic 
interests that we have in common, but it is fundamentally based 
on values and belief in democracy and human rights. And that is 
the coalition that we need to form vis-a-vis China.
    And I credit President Biden. When he came to office from 
his inaugural speech, to his first speech at the State 
Department, to his G7 and NATO and EU meetings--and you know 
this very well, Senator, because you are so close to him--he 
has been consistent in saying we are going to succeed most if 
we are with our allies. And Secretary Blinken has been working 
tirelessly on this.
    And I think it is going to be, frankly, most challenging 
perhaps in Europe. It is not the fault of the Europeans, but it 
is a big group of countries and a multiplicity of views. NATO 
is in one way the right institution for certain issues, and we 
are working those there, but the European Union on others.
    And I would just say, and we had a chance to talk about 
this this morning together, we need to be together on human 
rights. We need to stand up together, Europeans and Americans, 
on the Uyghur issue, on Tibet, on Hong Kong, and on Taiwan. And 
we need to be together on trade because both of us are victims 
of Chinese unfair trade practices.
    And think of the power of the EU, the U.S., perhaps Japan, 
working together. I think that is the part of the strategy that 
we have to operate.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
    I do think we are in an era where concerns about the 
digital world and the role of the individual in a digital age 
are also at the forefront. I am very concerned about the way in 
which China has developed and deployed the technology to 
surveil and to censor, to even control its own population and 
actions they have taken to export not just that technology, but 
that attitude to other countries around the world.
    How do you think we can best work with global partners to 
offer an alternative vision in which digital technologies serve 
democratic values and then to embed that in a common trade 
framework with the values partners you were just referencing?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    This is also a central question, and President Biden, from 
his inaugural speech on, has been talking about the need for 
democracies to recognize the threat from the authoritarian 
world. And that is principally the People's Republic of China 
and Russia and others around the world.
    And to see the pernicious use of--misuse of technology to 
repress their own citizens and then to try to export that 
technology in countries where there is a struggle between 
democratic, small ``d'' democratic forces and authoritarian 
forces, we have got to be operating all across the world to 
help the democratic forces and to help blunt this technological 
impact.
    I think it is a very important issue. I know the State 
Department and Secretary Blinken are seized by it.
    Senator Coons. Well, thank you, Mr. Ambassador. I look 
forward to supporting your nomination and working closely with 
you. I think better understanding China, better communicating 
with China about our risks and opportunities is an important 
and critical role, but also clearly advocating for America's 
interests and values is an essential role, and I think you will 
be an excellent Ambassador. I look forward to supporting your 
nomination.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Barrasso?
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns, welcome to the committee.
    The Chinese Communist Party cannot be trusted. The world 
has seen China's brutality, deception, illegal activities. We 
have seen China cover up, spread disinformation about the 
coronavirus. We have seen China destroy Hong Kong's autonomy. 
We have seen them engage in unlawful military activities in the 
South China Sea. We have seen China steal American intellectual 
property, commit terrible human rights abuses.
    Now these, to me, are actions of a dangerous and 
authoritarian regime. It is not a nation committed to the rule 
of law, to free markets, to protecting the rights of people. It 
is clear the United States and the international community must 
hold China accountable for its increasingly dangerous behavior.
    So, just recently, the CIA Director Bill Burns stated that 
China ``presents the greatest challenge to U.S. interests and 
to international order.'' He also announced the creation of a 
new China Mission Center to ``strengthen our collective work on 
the most important geopolitical threat that we face in the 21st 
century, which is an increasingly adversarial Chinese 
Government.''
    Do you concur and believe that China's increasingly 
adversarial government is the most important geopolitical 
threat that the United States faces in the 21st century?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    I agree with my longtime friend and Foreign Service 
colleague Director Bill Burns. I agree with the statement he 
made. I noticed it. I read his statement. He and I grew up in 
the first 10 years of our career where the end of the Cold War, 
when the Soviet Union was the greatest threat.
    There is no question in the 21st century, given Chinese 
power that we have talked about this morning, China is the 
greatest threat to the security of our country and of the 
democratic world.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
    I want to ask you about the U.S.-China Phase One agreement. 
Remember, January of 2020, the United States and China signed a 
Phase One trade agreement. China committed to buy $468 billion 
of U.S. goods, energy, agriculture, and services over a 2-year 
period of time. But they really do--China appears to be failing 
to comply to this agreement.
    Reports indicate that China's purchases have fallen far 
short for both 2020 and 2021. Do you believe China is committed 
to abiding by its promises under this agreement, and what are 
options available to us to ensure that China does fulfill the 
terms of the agreement?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    This is going to be a contentious issue, and it has been 
for a long time between our two countries. I think you know 
that the U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Katherine Tai, 
gave a speech here in Washington 2 1/2 weeks ago, and she was 
very forthright in saying--I will just summarize, which--her 
main point, saying that she would talk to her Chinese 
counterpart about that Phase One deal and about the performance 
of the Chinese Government in meeting or not meeting its 
commitments.
    And I think she was right to suggest that that has to be 
the first order of business on trade with China. And obviously, 
we in the United States need to make investments in our own 
economy to strengthen it, which the President and Congress are 
working on. And we have to overcome the ravages of COVID-19 
before we can probably get on to bigger initiatives, but I 
think she was right to start there. Hold China to account for 
what it promised President Trump, and I think most observers 
and experts would say they have not fulfilled their 
obligations.
    Senator Barrasso. In addition to goods and energy and 
agriculture products, there is also intellectual property 
obligations under this U.S.-China Phase One agreement. What 
steps can we take to ensure that China fully implements and 
complies with the intellectual property?
    Ambassador Burns. That is a key issue because it gets to 
the systemic violations of China's WTO commitments. I named 
some of them in my statement--intellectual property theft, 
dumping, state subsidies, unfair labor practices. So, when we 
talk to the Chinese about trade, part of it is our two-way $559 
billion trade relationship in goods and then more in services. 
Part of it is getting at these systemic problems that I think 
every recent President has wrestled the Chinese on.
    Senator Barrasso. For my final question, earlier this year, 
China and Iran signed a memorandum of understanding in which 
China would invest as much as $400 billion in Iran over the 
next 25 years. Last month, Iran was accepted as a member of the 
Shanghai Cooperation Organization. China has long been 
importing Iranian oil in contravention of the U.S. sanctions on 
Iran. Sanctioned Iranian airlines continue to fly to China.
    Not simply a matter of a few Chinese companies violating 
U.S. law, there is a lot going on here. It appears to be a 
strategic decision by the Chinese Government to allow these 
violations to take place. What is your assessment of the 
current relationship between China and Iran?
    Ambassador Burns. This is a very serious issue. As you 
portray it, and you are right, this is a closer relationship 
than China and Iran had, say, when I was the Iran negotiator 
for Secretary Condoleezza Rice, when China joined us in three 
U.N. Security Council sanctions resolutions Chapter 7 against 
the Iranians in 2006, '07, and '08. And now they have a closer 
relationship.
    I think what we ought to do and we will do, I am sure, 
under President Biden's administration, talk to the Chinese 
directly about this and, obviously, hold the Chinese to account 
to abide by every U.N. Security Council sanctions resolution 
that prohibits most of this activity.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Ambassador, thank you very much for your long service 
to the Nation, for your willingness to continue in a very 
difficult, but critical post.
    When the Obama administration negotiated the Paris Accords, 
it was critical that they secure commitments from the fastest-
growing economies, which happened to be the fastest-growing 
polluters, to make significant commitments. Of course, India 
and China are at the top of this list. We lost 4 years in 
holding both of those nations to their commitments, and so you 
and this administration are going to be making up for lost 
time.
    India is, arguably, in the neighborhood of being able to 
make their commitment in Paris. China is not. In fact, a recent 
report found that Chinese emissions in 2019 were so big that 
they were larger than that of the entire developed world as a 
whole.
    And so I would be interested to hear from you what you 
believe are the commitments that can be realistically made by 
the Chinese, especially in the short term as we get ready for 
COP26, and the extent to which our ability to pass significant 
climate legislation will enable you to be a more forceful 
interlocutor with the Chinese on questions of climate.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator. Another central 
question.
    And it does--this is a side of the relationship where we 
have to engage China and seek cooperation, if it is possible. 
And this makes this relationship so difficult because we are 
competing, and we are engaging at the same time.
    Climate is perhaps the signature issue on the cooperation 
side, and obviously, President Obama was able to work with 
President Xi Jinping back in 2015. That was positive. Former 
Secretary John Kerry is now working tirelessly on this issue. 
And China, as I understand China's current position, its 
emissions will not begin to diminish until 2030. And most 
climate experts, if not all, think that is not sustainable, 
that China needs to make a greater effort to diminish its 
carbon emissions before 2030.
    And also they say they will be carbon neutral by 2060. It 
has got to be well before that. Because you are right, China is 
by far the larger emitter of carbon in the world today, by a 
long mile past the United States and any other country. And so 
they have an obligation to the rest of us. Beginning at COP26 
and going on, this will be a major issue in our relationship.
    Senator Murphy. I want to ask you, second, about your 
assessment of the scope and breadth of Chinese diplomacy today. 
There was a sort of flurry of attention to a milestone in 2019, 
where China surpassed the United States with respect to the 
number of diplomatic posts it has around the world.
    I was in Ireland that same year, where there was an 
important telecommunications tender, and we were hearing 
stories about a surge of diplomats being sent to the embassy in 
Dublin. Meanwhile, we had one very nice and capable military 
attache, who was the beginning and end of our diplomatic team 
working on behalf of U.S. companies for this tender.
    It seems as if China is--has diplomatic reach in new places 
and has an ability to be flexible and nimble in a way that we 
do not. One of the things that I believe we should be engaging 
in is more subnational diplomacy, using our State leaders and 
our local leaders to engage all around the world on behalf of 
the United States, something that China does fairly well.
    Just a quick assessment from you as to the state of Chinese 
diplomatic efforts around the world, how it has changed over 
the past 5 or 10 years, and any recommendations that you might 
give to this committee as we seek to empower U.S. diplomacy to 
compete with China.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    The Chinese have sought to become the most active, in their 
minds, and most powerful diplomatic force in the world. For my 
entire career until a couple of years ago, the United States 
had more embassies and consulates in the world than any 
country. As of last autumn, China had 275 embassies and 
consulates, and the United States 273. Is it meaningful? Yes.
    It means we have to compete--we are competing militarily. 
We are competing economically. We have got to compete 
diplomatically. I can assure you we have an outstanding Foreign 
Service. I have gotten to know over the last couple of months 
the men and women of the China desk in our East Asia Bureau. 
They are superb experts, and we do need to make a commitment, 
as the President and Secretary Blinken are doing, to modernize, 
strengthen our Foreign Service and our civil service. That is 
part of our diplomatic power.
    And finally, Senator, I think you are right. Diplomacy is 
not just for people like me, State Department diplomats. We 
need multiple channels to create the coalitions and friendships 
that can limit China, and that can be State governors and 
legislatures and NGOs, subnational actors, as you call them.
    And I think we have got to have an all-country embrace of 
connecting with our allies to support our interests vis-a-vis 
China.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns, nice to have you here today. I would like 
to talk with you about China's strategy to dominate the 21st 
century.
    We just learned over the weekend that China has deployed 
for the first time what is known as the hypersonic glide 
missile. As the Financial Times reported, and I am going to 
quote, ``China tested a nuclear-capable hypersonic missile in 
August that circled the globe before speeding toward its 
target, demonstrating an advanced space capability that caught 
U.S. intelligence by surprise.''
    If China deploys hypersonic glide vehicles, this would 
enable China to circumvent U.S. ballistic missile defense and 
strike the U.S. homeland without warning.
    Ambassador Burns, this new military capability is deeply 
worrisome, but I believe the even bigger alarm is continued 
complacency about China, complacency that we still see far too 
much in the national security establishment here in America. We 
see this when China probes and menaces our democratic ally 
Taiwan, and the administration responds with silence or with 
presidential talk about a so-called Taiwan agreement that does 
not exist.
    Xi Jinping has made clear that the Chinese Communist Party 
has a plan for China to dominate the world diplomatically, 
economically, technologically, and militarily. Xi Jinping and 
the Chinese Communist Party want to achieve dominance and 
displace the United States by 2049, the 100-year anniversary of 
the founding of the People's Republic of China. And they are 
certainly locking in every advantage that they can along the 
way.
    President Trump awakened our Nation to the Chinese threat, 
and the Biden administration has inherited a very strong China 
strategy, one that I helped to craft and implement when I 
served as U.S. Ambassador to Japan. As part of the China 
strategy, the Trump administration also rightly determined that 
China is engaged in genocide and crimes against humanity with 
the Uyghur population and other Muslims that live in the 
Xinjiang Province.
    I worry that the Biden administration will try to strike 
some sort of naive grand bargain on climate or other issues 
with China that effectively might erase the strong position 
that we have with China today. Such a naive deal could 
significantly weaken our energy independence.
    Meanwhile, China will continue to burn more coal and emit 
more greenhouse gases than all of the developed world combined, 
with an unenforceable pledge to reduce their carbon footprint 
at some undetermined time in the future. Ambassador Burns, that 
is my view of what is at stake strategically, but let us focus 
on China's immediate threat with respect to Taiwan.
    It is clear that the Chinese Communist Party is stepping up 
its military posture in the Taiwan Strait. The world is 
alarmed, and Taiwan could be the first domino to fall in the 
Indo-Pacific. Ambassador, what is your view on the Taiwan 
issue, and should the United States revisit the issue of 
strategic ambiguity with respect to Taiwan?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you, and thank you for 
your service as a U.S. Ambassador to Japan.
    I agree with you that China is our strongest, I would say 
most dangerous, competitor in the world. President Biden has 
followed a very tough-minded policy against China. I counted up 
yesterday at least 15 sanctions or executive orders limiting 
the ability of the Chinese Government to be influential around 
the world or in our own society. So, I think there has been--
under President Obama, President Trump, now President Biden--an 
increasing emphasis on what we need to do to limit China, and 
President Biden's policies are very tough and very strong.
    On Taiwan, we need to do multiple things. We need to 
strength our commitment to Taiwan's security under the Taiwan 
Relations Act. The Biden administration proposed the sale of 
M109A6 Howitzers this past spring, a $750 million deal that 
would help the Taiwan authorities to defend themselves. There 
is substantial leverage in the Taiwan Relations Act available 
to the executive and legislative branches to continue to 
provide arms sales for defensive purposes, defense articles and 
services, to Taiwan.
    And maybe the most important thing we can do is maintain a 
strong American military deterrence in the Indo-Pacific. You 
were part of that as Ambassador. Our alliance with Japan, our 
alliance with the Republic of Korea, our alliance with 
Australia, the presence of our Navy and Air Force at Andersen 
Air Force Base in Guam, our rotational deployments. Of course, 
our deployments through the international waters of the South 
China Sea. This is all-encompassing strategy designed to 
support our side and to strengthen our ability to help Taiwan 
defend itself.
    Senator Hagerty. I agree with you on our military strategy 
and our posture. We need to maintain it. We need to strengthen 
it. I am interested still, though, in your view on whether we 
should revisit our posture of strategic ambiguity, how we talk 
about the Taiwan situation.
    Ambassador Burns. This is an important question. My own 
view is that we are better off and will be more effective in 
staying with the one China policy of the last four decades. We 
recognize the People's Republic of China as the sole legal 
Government of China, and yet we have unofficial relations with 
Taiwan, and we have under the Taiwan Relations Act the ability, 
in fact, the imperative of helping Taiwan to defend itself.
    Every President, Republican and Democrat, has followed that 
policy. In the face of the Chinese build-up--and they are more 
aggressive now--that is the best way for us to strengthen the 
ability of Taiwan to defend itself.
    Senator Hagerty. My time has come to a close. Thank you, 
Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine [presiding]. Absolutely. Ambassador Burns, I 
am sitting in while Senator Menendez votes, and it is my turn 
in the order.
    So, congratulations to you. You are a wonderful public 
servant.
    I am going to ask you a couple of questions about 
assumptions. So, pre-2000, China had to sort of make a case to 
the United States every year to be granted Most Favored Nation 
status, and it was an annual decision that the President would 
make. And China, that annual decision provided a forum for 
discussions about human rights issues and such.
    In 2000, Congress granted China permanent normal trade 
relation status, which paved their path to becoming a member of 
the WTO. So, we no longer have that annual determination and 
opportunity, and I think possibly we have lost some focus on 
some of the human rights and other issues for that reason.
    The decision was made because of a belief that if China was 
part of the WTO, they would conform themselves to global trade 
rules, and I think everyone, whatever their thought at the 
time, would say that China's behavior has been disappointing, 
that they have not done what we hoped. I am curious, do you 
think that was a mistake for us to grant China legal permanent 
trade relations in 2000?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    I was not involved in U.S.-China relations at that time. I 
was focused on Greece and NATO in those years. And of course, 
it is always perilous to be a Monday morning quarterback and 
sit in judgment of people I really admire. But personally, the 
assumptions that many made about China in those years turned 
out not to be accurate.
    China took advantage of its presence in the WTO as a so-
called developing country. China then did not meet its 
obligations under the WTO, and who suffered? American workers 
and American businesses. And you and I have met with a lot of 
American businesses who had their IP ripped off by the Chinese 
and made their business decisions very difficult.
    So, I do think at this point in 2021, I hope there will be 
bipartisan support for a very aggressive American policy to 
hold China to account. If you read Ambassador Tai's speech of 2 
1/2 weeks ago, Ambassador Katherine Tai's speech, the U.S. 
Trade Rep, she was very clear about her determination on behalf 
of the President to protect American workers and protect 
American businesses, and I think that has to be the focus of 
our efforts right now.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for that answer.
    Some of my Republican colleagues actually have filed a bill 
to undo the legal permanent trade relations that we accorded 
China 21 years ago. It might be hard to get the genie back in 
the bottle because supply chains and others have sort of 
reformed and recombined to reflect the new reality.
    But I think with the best of intentions, there were a lot 
of optimism and hopes about China--members of both parties, 
Presidents of both parties--that have proven to be wrong. And 
we have to be willing, as we were with the Competitiveness Act 
we recently passed, to lean much more forward in the 
relationship.
    There is another assumption, and you touched on it in your 
discussion. The United States has a wonderful network of 
allies, but China really does not. China really does not. And 
we see this again and again. I think it is a statement that is 
actually true.
    But here is something I worry about. When I see China and 
Russia doing joint naval exercises in the Straits of Japan, as 
they recently did, or other joint military exercises--they have 
done joint military exercises with Iran in the Persian Gulf--I 
start to worry a little bit about an assumption that we have 
long made in national security thinking that China and Russia 
will never be too cooperative. They seem to be combining 
frequently now.
    They are very different countries, but they both are 
authoritarian nations that do not respect democratic norms and 
institutions and actually believe democracy is a dying 
governmental model. How worried should the United States be 
about increasing cooperation between China and Russia, 
especially on military matters?
    Ambassador Burns. It is a very--it is a reality, and I 
think a lot of us maybe 10, 20 years ago would not have 
anticipated that China and Russia would begin to work together 
strategically, but they are. All the more reason why we need to 
deepen our own alliances and partnerships.
    I would say this, Senator, and this is just speculative. I 
spent 5 years of my career at the White House on Soviet and 
Russian affairs. My numbers may be a little bit off, but I 
think there are 6 or 7 million Russians living east of the Ural 
Mountains in that vast expanse, and there are 300 or 400 
million Chinese living below them. The Russians are going to 
have to worry long term about economic domination of Russia by 
China.
    And in response to what Senator Risch asked me, the 
Russians ought to be worried about a Chinese nuclear weapons 
build-up in the western part of China, about the hypersonic 
missile that Senator Hagerty--test that Senator Hagerty just 
raised, and the fact that China is completely unconstrained.
    Of the five permanent nuclear powers of the Security 
Council, it is the only one that refuses to be part of any arms 
control regime. We have been part of one for 60 years, since 
the Test Ban Treaty of 1963. And so, obviously, that has got to 
be a focus for all of us, I would say including the Russians, 
going forward.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you. I am over my time. I believe 
Senator Young by Webex is next up?
    Senator Young. Yes, Senator Kaine, Chairman, thank you so 
much.
    Yes, Mr. Burns, I am sorry I just hopped on, Ambassador, 
but congratulations on your nomination, and thank you for your 
years of distinguished service.
    This week, we have seen public reporting suggesting that 
China successfully tested a nuclear-capable hypersonic missile. 
Earlier this summer, we saw additional reporting indicating 
that China had dramatically increased the size and scope of its 
nuclear arsenal. These reports have evoked fears of a new cold 
war with China.
    These nuclear weapons concerns come amid rapidly escalating 
tensions over Taiwan. Our strategic competition, of course, is 
nothing new, but I am concerned with the growing risks of 
miscommunication or misinterpretation of our actions. In your 
view, sir, what is motivating these sorts of provocative 
actions from Beijing?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator Young, thank you, and thank you 
for your leadership on the strategic innovation bill that is so 
important to the future of our country.
    I think you are right to focus on this issue. Part of what 
we will need to do in the U.S.-China relationship is mitigate 
the possibility of an accidental conflict and to maintain the 
peace between our two countries and in the region. And that 
will require our military leadership, the civilian leadership 
of the Defense Department, the State Department, and the White 
House to have effective communication channels into the Chinese 
leadership.
    And of course, every administration has wanted to do this, 
has worked on it, but we need to work on it very intensively 
because, at all costs, we want to compete with China, but we do 
not want to find ourselves, in the words of my Harvard 
colleague Joe Nye, being ``sleepwalkers'' into a conflict with 
China. So, part of the job of an American Ambassador to China, 
if I am confirmed, will be to work with my colleagues in the 
U.S. Government to make sure we have those effective 
communications channels with the Chinese leadership.
    And finally, Senator, I would just say to you I completely 
agree with you. We should all be concerned by the nuclear 
build-up in China, and that has to be a concern for allied 
nations as well as the United States.
    Senator Young. Well, thank you. I wish you luck. If there 
is any way Congress can be constructive in helping open up 
those channels of communication, whether it is through visits 
to the country, expressing our collective desire to make sure 
that we are talking, we avoid any scenarios that our leadership 
and our peoples would regret, I am--enlist me in the cause, 
sir.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
    Senator Young. My State of Indiana, Ambassador, is the most 
manufacturing-intensive State in the United States, and our 
businesses rely on a diversified supply chain and market 
access. Over the years, China has used localization 
requirements, intellectual property theft, and forced transfer 
of data to hamstring our enterprises that are dependent on 
technology.
    I firmly believe the United States should advocate for 
integrity in digital trade provisions of our trade agreements. 
This includes holding bad actors accountable, especially 
Communist China. I am currently working on a resolution to 
solidify the U.S. commitment to high-standard digital trade 
principles.
    If confirmed, how will you address continued action by 
China that purposefully causes harm to American businesses, 
knowing that you will need to coordinate with Ambassador Tai on 
this?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
    In my opening statement, I focused on this issue of trade 
because of the enormous damage to your State and every other 
State, to our workers, and to our businesses. This is a high 
priority for the Biden administration, and obviously, if 
confirmed, I will be working very intensively on this issue 
with the White House, with the Commerce Department, the 
Treasury Department, and of course, principally with Ambassador 
Tai and her colleagues.
    Senator Young. Ambassador, accept my apologies if you 
discussed this in your opening statement, but could you just 
explain why actions like IP theft and data localization 
requirements are issues of national security, not just economic 
issues?
    Ambassador Burns. In thinking about this job, I have been 
consulting with a lot of experts on China across the country, 
and it has really been interesting to hear. But I think the 
great majority of them would say that the focal point, the most 
important part of our competition with China will be on 
economics and technology in the future.
    We are going to have a military competition for power, 
which we had with the Soviets in the old Cold War. What 
distinguishes our competition with China, which makes it unlike 
the old Cold War, is the fact that they seek dominance on 
technology, on AI and machine learning, quantum sciences, 
biotechnology. They seek to militarize those technologies.
    That may be the central focus of the competition. So, 
therefore, we in the executive branch and you in Congress need 
to unite on a bipartisan basis and be fundamentally focused on 
it.
    The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you.
    Senator Young. And I would say, Ambassador, thank you for 
bringing up my legislation. That is the purpose, to address 
this threat, technology threat, economic threat, that China 
poses to us, the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act. So, I 
hope that broadly bipartisan legislation passes before year's 
end.
    Thank you so much, sir.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you for your leadership.
    The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And congratulations, Mr. Ambassador. Thank you for your 
long service to this country, and to your family.
    Just picking up on some of the points Senator Young made, 
and I was pleased to hear you mention in your opening remarks 
the issue of China's systematic theft of intellectual property. 
That is why Senator Sasse and I teamed up, and we passed a 
bipartisan bill here in the Senate called Protecting American 
Intellectual Property Act. It is actually incorporated in the 
U.S. Innovation and Competition Act, which, as you know, passed 
the Senate and is pending in the House.
    And the whole idea is that U.S. companies that are 
victimized by intellectual property theft do not have just sole 
recourse in the United States courts. And so in those 
situations where we are not talking about garden-variety 
trademark violations, but in fact, systematic theft of U.S. 
strategic technology and other cutting-edge technologies, the 
U.S. Government would weigh in and be authorized to impose 
economic sanctions and penalties. This was a measure supported 
by the previous administration and I think also by the current 
administration.
    I want to flag that because I look forward to working with 
you as we get that through the congressional process because 
there has to be a price to pay. And when you are talking about 
the Chinese Government weighing in and being part of this 
theft, you cannot leave it simply to the court system to defend 
American companies.
    Similarly, I believe China has got to be paying a higher 
price for its malign actions and its violation of international 
agreements, and we have seen a gross violation of those 
agreements in the case of Hong Kong, where China has cracked 
down on democracy. Senator Toomey and I passed legislation last 
year called the Hong Kong Autonomy Act. It is in--part of the 
law now.
    This administration has used it to apply sanctions to 24 
individuals who were complicit in cracking down on democracy in 
Hong Kong. But we would like to see them identify some of the 
banks and financial institutions that are aiding and abetting 
that activity because the sanctions also apply to them.
    But my broader question here relates to how we raise the 
price China has got to pay for these malign actions. Yes, we 
have got to make sure we strengthen our own position, both at 
home and around the world, certainly with our allies, certainly 
provide Taiwan with more of the means to defend itself. But how 
can we raise the cost to China of the kind of actions they have 
taken in Hong Kong, and do you agree that they have felt the 
pain at all of international response, for example, in Hong 
Kong? Is there more we can be doing?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you very much, and thank 
you for authoring that legislation. I do think it was 
particularly effective to sanction specific individuals in Hong 
Kong who are responsible for the repression of the people of 
Hong Kong, and that is similar to the Biden administration 
sanctions on those individuals in Xinjiang Province who did the 
same.
    I do think that we are stronger if we can create global 
alliances on all of these issues. So, encouraging the European 
Union to be with us, not just in condemning human rights 
violations, but sanctioning. And that was the case, they were 
with us in sanctions on Xinjiang. And I think Hong Kong is 
particularly important.
    I mentioned earlier in the testimony I was with Secretary 
Albright in Hong Kong on the day of the handover, June 30, 
1997, and all of us with Secretary Albright remember the 
specific commitments China made, and it has reneged on all of 
them. So, this is not just a U.S. concern. It has to be a 
global concern.
    And I do think one of the changes President Biden has 
brought to our strategic policy towards China is to emphasize 
our allies and partners on this issue as well as the others 
that we have been talking about.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I think you have to 
have that multiplier effect in order to make these sanctions 
ultimately effective. If not reversing the actions that China 
has taken, letting them know that they will pay a higher price 
for similar actions going forward.
    Just in conclusion, you are obviously going to be our 
Ambassador to China and talking about these important issues 
between our two countries, but how important is it that we 
strengthen ourselves here at home, both in terms of modernizing 
our infrastructure and trying to address the depolarization 
that we face in this country?
    Ambassador Burns. It may be the most important thing we 
could do is to invest in our technological future, as the 
Senate is doing with your strategic innovation bill, which I 
very strongly--that the administration very strongly supported, 
and I do, too. And it is to prepare ourselves to strengthen--to 
have a clean energy future; strengthen our technology base; be 
funding, I would hope, our universities and research 
institutions because that is where the cutting-edge technology 
is happening.
    Supporting our businesses because they are the ones who 
make America powerful economically in large part. And so that 
strategy is probably the most important thing we can do to 
stand up to the China challenge over the next 20 to 30 years. I 
do think this is going to be a long-term challenge.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Rounds?
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns, first of all, let me just begin by saying 
thank you for the time that you spent with us last evening. It 
is appreciated, and I most certainly enjoyed the conversation.
    As you know, I sit on the Senate Armed Services Committee 
and its Strategic Forces Subcommittee. I would be very 
interested in your thoughts on China's nuclear stockpile and 
its expanding capabilities, specifically with regard to our 
challenge right now here within the discussions going on that 
some of our members think it is okay if we were to perhaps not 
modernize our own triad. In fact, they question whether anybody 
really cares whether we have a triad or not.
    China--and this is on an unclassified level--they have been 
increasing their stockpile. Some folks do not think that we 
need to be improving and upgrading and modernizing our own 
nuclear triad. I think China is aggressively growing their own, 
and I think this is a critical part of their foreign policy 
strategy, and I think it is one way in which the PRC in terms 
of their diplomatic efforts uses it as a hammer when they deal 
with other countries. Could you share a little bit about how 
you see that impacting your ability to negotiate with the PRC 
once you are there?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you, and thank you for the 
conversation we had in your office last evening.
    And as I explained to you, one of the curiosities of coming 
up for confirmation as a private citizen is that, quite 
properly, I do not have access to classified information. So, 
in this realm, and Senator Hagerty asked me about it as well, I 
am a little bit limited by not having that access. But I will 
say this.
    Based on the press reports, we should all be concerned by 
the build-up of China's nuclear forces in the western part of 
China. And then many Members have asked me about these press 
reports of these novel delivery systems, these hypersonic 
systems. What I think has to bother all of us is the attitude 
of the Chinese Government. They do not believe that they should 
be constrained in any way, shape, or form by arms control.
    The United States submits to that. Russia submits to that, 
at least did in the past. Our other nuclear allies--the United 
Kingdom and France--do. And so I think it is going to be very 
important.
    I know the Trump administration made an effort to do this 
and was right to do it, to push the Chinese to think about 
their obligations, and I think it is very important that we do 
that on a bipartisan basis. But certainly, these are troubling 
developments, and I said earlier, Senator, the Chinese have 
been saying for decades that they would like to have a minimum 
nuclear deterrence, and they seem to be quite rapidly moving 
away from that older policy of the Chinese Government.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    Let me just continue down that line a little bit. It is 
more than simply nuclear development. There is also the issue 
of artificial intelligence. They will be a key player with 
regard to the deployment of artificial intelligence not just in 
regard to national defense issues, but in all areas of 
technology. We have got before us the opportunity and I think 
the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence 
made major requests to Congress to fund artificial intelligence 
activity and opportunities, not real expensive, but clearly 
something that is not just the United States, but China is 
working on.
    Could you talk about the need for the United States to 
continue to take a very active role in the most technologically 
advanced fields, including artificial intelligence, in order to 
maintain our leadership role not just with regard to defense, 
but with regard to trade as well?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    Two years ago, I organized a meeting of the bipartisan 
Aspen Strategy Group. I am the Director of the group. And we 
focused over 3 days on this issue, and we had some of the best 
experts from the U.S. Government and the private sector, the 
tech companies come and talk to us. And they identified the 
same concern that you have, that China will be competing us for 
commercial superiority in AI and machine learning--and this is 
their stated 2025 policy--in quantum sciences and 
biotechnology.
    They are obviously going to try to militarize those 
technologies, and the United States cannot let ourselves be in 
an inferior position and have the Chinese leapfrog over us on 
these technologies 5 or 10 or 30 years from now. So, I think I 
agree wholeheartedly with you. We need to make strategic 
investments, and the Senate is doing that.
    And we need to continue to do that in this strength of the 
American economy, innovation, high tech, biotech because it is 
likely to be the central arena of competition between us with 
China. And if I am confirmed, it will be a central focus. It 
already is of the Biden administration, but I will be very 
focused on it.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir, and I look forward to 
supporting your nomination.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Merkley?
    Senator Merkley. Thank very much, Ambassador, for service 
over a long career.
    I wanted to start with recognizing you have noted that 
China is not an Olympian power, and that just catches my 
attention because the Olympics in China are just 4 months away 
in February. And as we discussed in my office, I am very 
concerned about the fact that the International Olympic 
Committee has placed the Olympics in a nation that is 
conducting genocide against its own people.
    And my preference would certainly have been for the Olympic 
Committee to say China had failed to follow its 2015 promises 
on human rights and that the Olympics were to be moved. That is 
not going to happen. The IOC has made that very clear.
    However, there are things that can be done to keep China 
from using the Olympics to gloss over its horrific human rights 
activities. For example, a diplomatic boycott. Another example 
would be fiercely defending the right of athletes to express 
themselves on what is going on in China while they are in China 
performing.
    What do you think is--what would you recommend to 
essentially try not to have China be able to use the Olympics 
as a way to create a cheerful facade over their horrific 
activities against minorities in their own country?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
    And I used the term ``Olympian'' not to refer, as you know, 
to the Olympics, but just to suggest that and if you think 
about ancient Greece, China is not all-powerful.
    Senator Merkley. No, understood.
    Ambassador Burns. On the question of the Olympic Games, the 
Winter Games to be held in Beijing, it looks like it is going 
to be the most unusual games ever. It looks like, if you look 
at the rules and regulations that the Chinese authorities have 
worked out with the International Olympic Committee, there will 
be really nobody there from around the world because the 
precautionary measures that people are being asked to take, and 
obviously given a pandemic, will make it almost impossible for 
spectators from Japan or the United States to be there. So, I 
think you will largely have a Chinese audience.
    I think you are right, and I enjoyed our conversation about 
this 3 days ago. We obviously want to make sure that the 
American athletes, if they are there, and other athletes are 
able to speak their minds, are able to have access to the media 
to say what they wish to say because they come from democratic 
countries. And I hope and trust that the International Olympic 
Committee will make that possible.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you, Ambassador. And I think fierce 
advocacy will be very valuable and in coordination with other 
nations.
    The Olympic Committee members say it is all about the 
athletes so we do not really want to bring up ``political 
issues'' like human rights. But what they have done is force 
the athletes to become unwilling or unwitting participants in 
this--well, this effort to put a very bright and happy face on 
China at the same time there are such tragic and horrific 
practices.
    One of the biggest factors is the treatment of the Uyghurs 
and essentially engaging millions in slavery, many high-tech 
practices, forced sterilization, forced birth control, forced 
labor that is slave labor, and in Hong Kong, where they have 
stripped the political rights. The Congressional Executive 
Commission on China held a hearing in which we heard advocate 
after advocate say this is a moment for the United States to 
grant P2 status to those who are trying--are particularly 
vulnerable in these two situations, both in Hong Kong and, if 
you will, among Xinjiang Province, the Uyghur community.
    This is status given to groups of special humanitarian 
concern. Individuals still have to establish their personal 
vulnerability within that group that allows them to apply from 
inside or outside the country and that it is the right fit. Is 
P2 status for those who are vulnerable in Hong Kong and in 
Xinjiang Province something that you would support?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
    What I would like to do is check with the State Department, 
because I am unsure of the answer to your question, and come 
back to you with an answer. Perhaps we can do that in written 
form, or I can--we can meet and talk about it.
    I do know that President Biden has allowed Hong Kong 
residents to stay in the United States on a lengthier basis 
than they normally would because of the fear of persecution 
should they go back, given what has happened in Hong Kong. But 
I am just not aware of what other measures the administration 
has taken or is planning, but I am happy to take that question 
for the record.

    [The response to Senator Merkley's question follows:]


    The United States Government is exploring migration policies that 
would best support Hong Kongers. The Department of State also remains 
focused on the humanitarian concerns of the Uyghur community by 
coordinating with UNHCR to ensure it can refer vulnerable Uyghurs to 
the United States Refugee Admissions Program for resettlement 
consideration without delay and to determine if there are other steps 
needed to ensure humanitarian access to resettlement.
    If confirmed, I will continue to support policies that show our 
unwavering support for the Uyghur community, as well as for people in 
Hong Kong, including humanitarian pathways to the United States.


    Senator Merkley. Yes, that status of deferred and forced 
departure has been granted to those from Hong Kong who are 
already in the country.
    Ambassador Burns. Right.
    Senator Merkley. It is an 18-month provision, has not been 
granted to Uyghurs. We had testimony from Uyghurs who have been 
here for 4 years because of their high vulnerability in return 
and have lost--their families have lost any formal status in 
our country, and they are awaiting action.
    I will just close with a comment. If the chair feels there 
is time to respond, fine, but I am over time. Which is that I 
would really love to see champions in our diplomatic team push 
for an official determination of genocide in Myanmar because 
the actions against the Rohingya fully justify it, just 
horrific activities. The hesitation amongst some in the State 
Department has been to be critical because there is a fledgling 
democracy, except there is no longer a fledgling democracy 
because the military conducted a military coup and put Aung San 
Suu Kyi under arrest.
    When we fail to call out genocide in Myanmar, it undermines 
the legitimacy of the strength of our position on genocide 
elsewhere, including Xinjiang Province. So, I am encouraging 
consistency in calling out such horrific human practices when 
they occur.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much. Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Burns, welcome. I have long believed China poses 
the single-greatest geopolitical threat to the United States 
for the next century. There are many domains on which we are 
standing up to China. One of the most important concerns 
Taiwan, and I worry that the threat to our Taiwanese allies is 
becoming acute.
    This week, the Chinese filled commercial ships with dozens 
of military tanks and practiced their amphibious landing 
capabilities in preparation for ``future battlefields.'' 
Earlier in the month, 149 Chinese aircraft made incursions into 
Taiwan's air defense zone over the span of just 4 days. U.S. 
commanders have publicly assessed that an invasion of Taiwan is 
``much closer to us than most think.''
    Meanwhile, Taiwan has been asking the United States to 
expedite the delivery of several squadrons of F-16s ordered in 
2019. I strongly believe we have to do more to get them what 
they need to defend themselves, and I want to ask you a couple 
of questions about that.
    Number one, how do you see the Chinese threat to Taiwan, 
and what should we be doing to deter that threat?
    Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
    It is a growing Chinese threat to Taiwan, attempts to bully 
and intimidate and to send these 149 aircraft into the air 
defense identification zone of Taiwan. And you combine that 
with the statements of the Chinese leadership, which are very 
aggressive and clear, we obviously have a self-interest and 
under the Taiwan Relations Act an obligation and commitment to 
help deepen our involvement in helping Taiwan to defend itself. 
And Congress and the executive branch--and we talked about this 
when we met in your office--have that authority and have that 
responsibility.
    On the F-16 issue, the Biden administration has come 
forward with advanced Howitzer sale of $750 million. I think a 
lot of experts believe that Taiwan needs a greater asymmetric 
defense capacity, needs to spend money on that to repel, as you 
say, an amphibious, the threat of an amphibious invasion or an 
airborne invasion, whatever the Chinese are thinking of. And I 
think that in the Taiwan Relations Act, it talks about the 
United States needing to make clear that its deterrent is in 
place, the power of our military, in the Indo-Pacific, and our 
allies, of course, have to be part of this.
    So, I think everyone here who has talked about Taiwan, and 
myself included, ought to be more concerned because the Chinese 
clearly are on a different path than they were 30 or 20 years 
ago.
    Senator Cruz. I think one of the most important steps we 
can and should take to stand with Taiwan is help prepare and 
equip them to defend themselves and to defend themselves 
effectively against a serious military incursion from China. I 
am intending to introduce legislation, the Taiwan Arms Act, 
that raises Taiwan's status for arms sales to that of our 
closest allies and partners.
    It is important, and I look forward to working with my 
colleagues on this committee and other committees to see that 
it expeditiously becomes law.
    But let me turn to another aspect. One part of the solution 
to ensuring that our Taiwan allies have what they need to 
defend themselves involve arms sales such as the legislation I 
am introducing, the Taiwan Arms Act. Another component of it, 
however, derives from our current policy of strategic ambiguity 
towards Taiwan and towards Taiwan status. And I am concerned 
that that longstanding policy--and it is a policy that has 
existed across Democrat and Republican administrations. I am 
concerned that it is undermining our efforts to bolster Taiwan.
    I have long advocated there is great virtue to clarity in 
foreign policy. The State Department is notorious for embracing 
lack of clarity, and strategic ambiguity seems to be one of the 
favorite tools of Foggy Bottom. In the context of China and 
Taiwan, the Chinese Communist Party I believe interprets 
ambiguity as weakness and as a signal that we are not committed 
to Taiwan's security.
    How do you assess our current efforts to deter China, and 
what do you think the role that strategic ambiguity has in 
those current efforts?
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
    My own view, and this is also the view, of course, and more 
importantly of the Biden administration, is that the smartest 
and effective way for us to help deter aggressive actions by 
Taiwan--by China, excuse me, across the Taiwan Strait will be 
to stay with the policy that has been in place, and that is the 
Taiwan Relations Act, the three joint statements of 1972, '79, 
and '82, and President Reagan's six assurances of 1982.
    They are time-tested. They allow under the Taiwan Relations 
Act the executive and Congress to do more, if you choose to do 
more, if both branches choose to do more to help Taiwan defend 
itself. Clearly, this is a different situation. You are right 
about that, but this is a policy that can succeed if we execute 
it consistently and with some strength.
    And as I said before, and I do not mean to repeat myself, 
but maybe the most important thing we could do is maintain the 
American military position in Japan, in the Republic of Korea, 
in that first island chain, but also out to our Andersen Air 
Force Base in Guam, and to be an effective deterrent to keep 
the peace. That is also part of the Taiwan Relations Act, that 
the United States has a role. Japan has a role.
    And I think under the banner or the umbrella of a one China 
policy, where we recognize the People's Republic as the sole 
legal Government of China that has been the policy since 1979, 
we also have this unofficial relationship with Taiwan, and we 
can exercise responsibilities within that context. And I think 
that is the smartest way to deter the Chinese from trying to 
exercise force, as opposed to keeping the peace and having a 
more respectful, long-term conversation with Taiwan.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much. Thank you.
    Thank you, Ambassador, for your answers to the questions 
that have been posed.
    The record for this particular part of the hearing will 
remain open until the close of business on Thursday, October 
21. Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted 
no later than Thursday. I would urge you, Ambassador, that upon 
receipt of questions for the record that you answer them as 
expeditiously and as fully as possible so that we can schedule 
your nomination for a business meeting.
    And with that and the thanks of the committee, you are 
excused at this time.
    Ambassador Burns. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    We have two nominations on the next panel, and we will ask 
those nominees to come forward.
    [Pause.]
    The Chairman. I would ask our nominees to take their seats. 
We have two nominations on this second panel. They are Rahm 
Emanuel to be the Ambassador to Japan and Mr. Jonathan Kaplan 
to be the Ambassador to Singapore.
    I understand that Senator Durbin and also Senator Hagerty 
will be introducing Mayor Emanuel today and that Senator 
Hickenlooper will be introducing Mr. Kaplan.
    So, I see Senator Durbin is here with us. Let me turn to 
Senator Durbin.

              STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD J. DURBIN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS

    Senator Durbin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 
Risch.
    It is an honor to have the opportunity to share a few words 
of introduction for Rahm Emanuel to be our next Ambassador to 
Japan. Yesterday, a few colleagues and I had a chance to speak 
with the new IAEA Director General, Mariano Grossi. I think 
several of you may have met with him as well.
    We talked about not only Iran's future and nuclear program, 
but also North Korea. It reminded me that Japan, one of our 
most important allies in Asia, is at the forefront of several 
key national security priorities for our Nation. Notably, the 
nuclear threat on and from the Korean peninsula, Chinese 
actions in the South China Sea, and regional economic pressure, 
the undermining of Hong Kong's democracy and threats against 
Taiwan.
    With the dawn of the AUKUS pact, America has signaled a 
national commitment to the Indo-Pacific region. We need to be 
certain that our allies and friends and partners like Japan 
have a clear understanding of our goals. That is why the 
appointment of a new Ambassador to Japan is timely and 
critical. Rahm Emanuel is the right person for that 
responsibility.
    I have known Rahm for more than 30 years. Perhaps his wife 
Amy is the only one in the room who has known him longer. I 
have worked with him in many capacities, his work as staff 
leader in the Clinton White House, as a member of the Illinois 
congressional delegation, when he became chief of staff to 
President Obama, and most closely when he was mayor of the city 
of Chicago. I can tell you what is obvious. He is bright, 
energetic, and focused.
    Any mayor who can cobble together a budget in the Chicago 
City Council is ready for major league diplomacy. He has 
repeatedly shown that he can build winning coalitions at every 
level, and he has delivered with a legacy that we still enjoy 
in the city of Chicago and State of Illinois. We can still see 
his good work today in the Chicago Public School System, 
transportation modernization, and in the game-changing projects 
like the Riverwalk in the city of Chicago.
    I understand Senator Hagerty is also going to introduce 
Rahm. I thank him for that, and he previously served as 
Ambassador to Japan and knows the challenges all too well.
    Quite simply, Rahm Emanuel's lifetime of public service has 
prepared him to speak for America on the global stage. As such, 
I hope this committee will look favorably on his nomination.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Durbin.
    I see Senator Hickenlooper is with us. So, let me turn to 
Senator Hickenlooper.

            STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN W. HICKENLOOPER,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO

    Senator Hickenlooper. Thank you, Chair and Ranking Member. 
Appreciate your time and effort on this committee.
    I am honored to join you today to introduce Jonathan 
Kaplan, President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Singapore.
    Mr. Kaplan--well, in politics, as you all know, you get to 
meet a number of remarkable people, and Mr. Kaplan is one of 
the more, if not one of the most, perhaps the most remarkable 
person I know. But before I go into some of the accolades on 
Mr. Kaplan, let me give a little context.
    Singapore is a crucial partner in an important region, 
Asia's largest recipient of U.S. foreign direct investment, a 
close ally in cooperation on security and defense. There is a 
truly dynamic trade relationship with Singapore, and they share 
our commitment to the rule of law. It is also a part of the 
world that has an enduring sense of possibility.
    Both of our countries are diverse, multicultural hubs of 
innovation. They are both grappling with the looming threat of 
climate change and the rise of China. So, much in common and a 
lot to learn from one another, and it is essential to have 
someone of great quality to steer this partnership at such a 
sensitive moment.
    And that leader we have in Jonathan Kaplan, who shares that 
enduring sense of possibility. He is a tested entrepreneur who 
understands the importance of bringing people together to 
achieve common goals to solve problems in the most effective 
and efficient ways possible.
    He is the chair of EducationSuperHighway, a nonprofit 
organization dedicated to bridging the digital divide in 
schools. Jon and his team built a bipartisan movement across 
all 50 States to bring high-speed Internet to over 99 percent 
of American schoolchildren.
    He worked with governors like me. In 2016, Colorado 
partnered with EducationSuperHighway on Kids Link Colorado and 
expanded quality, affordable broadband to schools across the 
State. It was a huge success, and these investments proved 
critical when learning went online during COVID.
    Jon has the mindset of an inventor and an innovator. As an 
inventor, he has the patents to prove it. He never accepts 
things as they always have been. He is always envisioning how 
they could be better and then bringing people together to 
create that future.
    Maybe you will remember the flip phone video, which he was 
behind and responsible for. His numerous business ventures have 
transformed how we use not just technology, but how we record 
video, as I said, how we play online games, and even how you 
get your lunch to go.
    He has extensive experience in the East Asian theater. He 
has traveled to over 75 countries around the world. He has 
worked especially closely with corporate and government 
officials in China, Japan, and South Korea. He has exactly the 
right perspective and exactly the right experience to represent 
the United States in Singapore, a country that embodies the 
same commitment to innovation and that same enduring sense of 
possibility for this vitally important partner at this vitally 
important time.
    It has been now almost 4 years since this post was last 
filled. It is critical that we act swiftly to confirm a U.S. 
Ambassador to Singapore and, hopefully, with a large majority, 
which sends a message in and of itself.
    So, I support Jon's nomination, and I hope this committee 
will do the same.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Hickenlooper.
    I see that Senator Hagerty has joined us as well and wants 
to join in introducing Senator--excuse me, Mayor Emanuel.

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez, 
Ranking Member Risch. I appreciate your holding this hearing.
    I want to thank you for allowing me to introduce the person 
I think will be the next U.S. Ambassador to Japan. It is a 
position that I hold very near and dear to my heart, having 
served as our most recent Ambassador to Japan from 2017 to 
2019.
    And I would like to say this. That representing one's own 
country is one of the greatest honors in the world. It really 
brings home the importance of the exceptional nation that the 
United States is, and it is an incredible honor that is being 
bestowed upon those of you that will serve our Nation as 
Ambassador. It is certainly an incredible honor that my family 
and I cherished, and I feel certain that you will, too.
    Today, I am here in a very different role. I am here as a 
member of the committee that oversaw my nomination. I am over 
here in a different seat to introduce the nominee to be our 
next Ambassador to Japan.
    While our political backgrounds could not be more different 
and I am sure there are many issues upon which we strongly 
disagree, but through our recent discussions it has become 
clear to me that Mayor Emanuel shares my unwavering conviction 
that the U.S.-Japan relationship is the cornerstone for peace 
and prosperity in the entire Indo-Pacific region. It is a 
region that has become even more dangerous day by day, and that 
makes the position of U.S. Ambassador to Japan all the more 
important for the United States. This is a position that has 
remained vacant for too long.
    When I served as U.S. Ambassador in Tokyo, my ability to 
directly engage in person with senior Japanese Government 
officials, with business leaders, and most importantly, the 
Japanese people helped to bring our strategic relationship with 
Japan to new heights. During my tenure, tensions in the region 
were remarkably high, with North Korea launching multiple 
ballistic missiles over Japan and Communist China threatening 
Japan's administration of the Senkaku Islands in the South 
China--in the East China Sea. The Japanese people and the world 
needed to hear directly from the U.S. Ambassador when those 
threats occurred, and they did.
    As the global security focus continues to shift toward the 
Indo-Pacific to counter Russia's aggression and the predatory 
actions of Communist China, the U.S.-Japan alliance must remain 
the cornerstone of peace, prosperity, and security in the 
region. And for this posture to hold, the U.S. Ambassador will 
need to play a critical role in advancing the relationship.
    Today, we have a great threat from Communist China toward 
our mutual friend Taiwan. This is a threat that requires a 
strong and unified response from both the U.S. and Japan. Mayor 
Emanuel understands this critical circumstance and has assured 
me that he will do everything in the immense power of the U.S. 
Ambassador to Japan to stand strong for Taiwan's freedom, for 
their democratic rule.
    Our next Ambassador to Japan must be prepared to continue a 
strong and clear-eyed stance for America's interest in the 
Indo-Pacific. He must stand for the strength of the U.S.-Japan 
alliance throughout the region while continuing to support and 
strengthen our military presence in Japan. This presence is the 
largest complement of U.S. military forces stationed anywhere 
in the world. Mayor Emanuel has committed to me that he will be 
that Ambassador.
    As a former Ambassador, I know that sometimes challenges 
occur from within the host nation. Japan has an outdated 
judicial system that places that nation at a constant 
competitive disadvantage. We have American citizens--today, a 
Tennessee citizen--who are caught in the Japanese judicial 
system, suffering from unfair and barbaric treatment in the so-
called hostage justice system of Japan. It is cruel, it is 
inhumane, and it is unjust.
    Mayor Emanuel has assured me that he will make addressing 
this sad and difficult situation a top priority if he is 
confirmed. This matters a great deal to me, and it matters to 
the people of Tennessee. We must stand for the human rights of 
U.S. citizens. And when our citizens are unjustly held, they 
must be returned home.
    The region and the world will need to hear that the 
commitment of the United States to defend Japan remains 
ironclad and unwavering. That was my message as Ambassador, and 
it is a message that I am confident Mayor Emanuel will deliver 
if he is confirmed.
    While the United States will remain the predominant global 
power for the foreseeable future, the emerging set of 
challenges in the Indo-Pacific region will require our friends 
to stand shoulder to shoulder with us, especially Japan. As I 
mentioned, Mayor Emanuel and I have had many long and 
productive conversations about this position, both the 
challenges of the position and the expectations. I welcome him 
today, and I intend to provide him with the bipartisan support 
that I was fortunate to receive from this committee during my 
U.S. Senate confirmation. A critical post like this deserves no 
less from a qualified and capable nominee.
    I once again congratulate Mayor Emanuel and his family. I 
welcome them here. And as I said at the beginning of my 
remarks, I hope this committee takes into consideration the 
importance of the position and the consequence for our national 
security if this post were allowed to remain vacant any longer.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. Thank you for 
your service to our Nation as our former Ambassador to Japan. 
We appreciate that service and your insights here on the 
committee, and we appreciate you lending your bipartisan vote--
voice Mayor Emanuel's nomination.
    Let us turn to the nominees. Mayor Emanuel, it is good to 
see you again. We welcome you and your family. And I want to 
note that your son Zach is with us, who is a U.S. Naval 
officer, and we appreciate his service to our country.
    I believe that you have the necessary knowledge and 
experience to represent us well in Japan. As you know, Japan is 
one of our four most important allies in the world. For over 70 
years, the U.S.-Japan partnership has played a vital role in 
ensuring peace, stability, and economic development in Asia and 
beyond. Our bilateral alliance serves as proof that two nations 
can overcome past differences and work together towards a 
better future.
    If confirmed, I trust that Mayor Emanuel's vast experience, 
both in public service and in the private sector, will serve 
him and our country well as he navigates the opportunities and 
complexities of the U.S.-Japan relationship and safeguarding 
our partnership, one that is grounded in common interests and 
common values. I will look forward to hearing from you about 
how you plan to approach Japan and the region as well and the 
type of Ambassador you hope to be.
    As you are aware, today is also the anniversary of the 
murder of Laquan McDonald. My heart goes out to his family on 
this day. I believe all of us share that sentiment. And just so 
many other victims and their families, as we work to deliver 
meaningful reforms to the black and brown communities who 
endure injustices every day. And certainly, we will give you an 
opportunity to speak to that in the course of this hearing.
    Mr. Kaplan, congratulations on your nomination. We welcome 
your family as well. Singapore, as I know you appreciate, is 
central for our engagement in Southeast Asia and with ASEAN, 
and success in Southeast Asia is central to our success in the 
Indo-Pacific and with our challenge with China.
    While the Biden administration has launched significant 
initiatives to bolster the broader regional architecture, 
including through AUKUS and the QUAD, I believe that more 
attention is needed in Southeast Asia, including on issues like 
regional trade engagement and economic statecraft. At the end 
of the day, how we integrate with the region's political 
economy is far more consequential than our military or security 
presence alone, and Singapore is, of course, a key regional 
trade and economic partner.
    I was encouraged by recent agreements with Singapore to 
support our common goals in addressing climate change, 
cybersecurity, and supply chain resilience. Overall, I believe 
we need to reinvigorate our diplomatic presence and outreach to 
Singapore, and I trust that you will be up to that task. I look 
forward to hearing your goals for how we can deepen this 
important diplomatic relationship even further.
    We recently--Senator Risch and I recently had the 
Singaporean foreign minister here, and he spoke about how he 
desires--he and Singapore desires to see our engagement. But 
when we have not had a confirmed Ambassador in Singapore for 
almost 5 years now, it is tough to have diplomatic engagement, 
which underscores the importance of getting you in place as 
soon as possible.
    With that, let me turn to the ranking member for his 
remarks.
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And thank you, both of you, to our nominees for your 
willingness to serve, and your families as well.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to Japan, our alliance with 
Japan is the bedrock of our ability to advance a free and open 
Indo-Pacific. Over the past decades, the U.S.-Japan alliance 
has become a critical example of how strong defense ties can 
bring about stability and prosperity.
    As we look forward to working with the new Japanese prime 
minister and his team, it is vital that we strengthen and 
sustain this critical alliance, especially in the face of 
growing regional threats. We have seen important steps in that 
direction, including the emphasis on cooperation with Japan, 
Australia, and India through the QUAD.
    The U.S. and Japan are also working together with other 
partners in the region to finance the construction of a 
reliable and secure undersea cable connecting Palau to the rest 
of the Indo-Pacific as well as bring electricity to Papua New 
Guinea. This is the foundation for future U.S.-Japan 
cooperation in advanced technology, supply chain 
diversification, global health, and other critical areas.
    On the security front, we must maintain and strengthen the 
credibility of U.S. extended deterrence commitments. I have 
said it before, and I will say it again now. A sole purpose 
nuclear declaratory policy or any perceived weakening of our 
extended deterrence is a betrayal of our alliance in the Indo-
Pacific, including Japan. We must ensure our system is equipped 
to provide advanced capabilities to our allies in the region. 
To achieve this, Japan must do its part and work with us on 
cybersecurity and technology security as committed during the 
Suga summit, or the Biden-Suga summit.
    However, certain parts of the State Department that come up 
with reasons not to provide these critical capabilities are a 
major impediment on this issue. If confirmed, you are--Mayor 
Emanuel, you are going to see the security environment we face 
firsthand, and I expect that you will encounter instincts and 
policies that would weaken our security ties with Japan. We 
should not tolerate those.
    On the nomination, Mr. Kaplan, to be Ambassador to 
Singapore, if confirmed, you will be our steward in one of our 
closest partners in Southeast Asia. Idahoans know just how 
important our security partnership with Singapore is. We are 
proud to host, and have for some time, Singaporean F-15 pilots 
and their families as they train at Mountain Home Air Force 
Base in Mountain Home, Idaho. We should all support expanding 
our security cooperation with Singapore, building on the 
memorandum of understanding renewed in 2019.
    On the economic side, I want to hear how you will apply 
your private sector background to growing economic cooperation 
with Singapore, including on supply chain issues. Singapore is 
an important trading partner for the State of Idaho.
    On the defense side, Singapore has made clear that while it 
seeks a close relationship with the United States, it also 
seeks to maintain cooperation with China, including through 
increased defense ties. Another critical task for our next 
Ambassador is to work with Singapore on the issues where China 
seeks to exert pressure or undue influence in the country.
    And along with the chairman, I want to underscore the 
meeting that we had that was, I think, a very significant and 
forward-looking meeting we had with the people from Singapore. 
I look forward to hearing your thoughts on all of those issues. 
With that, I yield back, Mr. chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    We will turn to our nominees. We ask you to summarize your 
statements in about 5 minutes. Your full statements will be 
included in the record, without objection.
    And we will recognize Mayor Emanuel first.

  STATEMENT OF HON. RAHM EMANUEL OF ILLINOIS, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
                   STATES OF AMERICA TO JAPAN

    Mr. Emanuel. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 
as President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States 
Ambassador to Japan. I appreciate the confidence that President 
Biden has placed in me, and I am grateful for the consideration 
of this distinguished committee.
    Over 23 years in public service, there has been one 
constant in my life--Amy, my wife of 27 years. Six elections, 
two White House appointments, and one nomination later, she is 
the reason I am here today. Amy is living proof of the timeless 
truth that behind every successful person is an astonished 
spouse.
    Together, we have raised three great children. Zach 
graduated from UCLA and is serving as an intelligence officer 
in the United States Navy. Ilana, a Brown graduate, joined a 
cable news network, and Leah is a junior at Princeton.
    This post has been held by distinguished Americans--Vice 
President Walter Mondale, Speaker Tom Foley, Senator Majority 
Leaders Howard Baker, Mike Mansfield, and Ambassador Caroline 
Kennedy. This long list also includes a member of this 
committee, Senator Hagerty. I want to thank him for his words 
and his comments earlier. If confirmed, I will continue the 
example he and his predecessors set and ensure America's 
interests in the region remain paramount.
    An Ambassador is only as effective as the civil and Foreign 
Service professionals and U.S. armed forces who surround them. 
In Japan, these Americans have advanced our Nation's ideals 
without an appointed Ambassador for 2 years. I want to take 
this opportunity to thank them for their patriotism and 
professionalism to our mission in Japan, and I hope soon to 
serve our country alongside them.
    We are at a critical juncture in our foreign policy, in 
American foreign policy in this region. What we build in 
partnership with Japan over the next 3 years will determine 
America's posture for the next 30. The challenges and 
opportunities we face underscore the imperative of 
strengthening our bonds with our closest ally, Japan.
    For more than 60 years, the partnership between the United 
States and Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and 
prosperity in a free and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance 
advances our shared interests and shared values. If confirmed, 
my top priority will be to deepen these ties while we confront 
our common challenges.
    China aims to conquer through division. America's strategy 
is security through unity. That regional unity is built on the 
shoulders of the U.S.-Japan alliance. If confirmed, I will draw 
on my two and a half decades of public service. As senior 
adviser to President Clinton and chief of staff to President 
Obama, I served as a trusted adviser on domestic and national 
security issues.
    As mayor, my administration made it a priority to bring the 
world to Chicago and Chicago to the world. During my tenure, 
Chicago led the Nation in corporate relocations and foreign 
direct investment for 7 consecutive years. I also presided over 
the most active sister city organizations in America.
    As mayor, I traveled to Japan to meet with public and 
private sector leaders and signed the Japan-Chicago Partnership 
Agreement with the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and 
eight additional ministries, marking the first time the 
Japanese Government entered into a formal agreement with a 
North American city.
    In addition, the Governor of Tokyo signed the Chicago 
Climate Charter, a first-of-its-kind municipal agreement. This 
trip laid the groundwork for deepening Chicago and Japan 
relations, including corporate relocations by two preeminent 
Japanese companies, DMG Mori and Beam Suntory, and many 
cultural exchange initiatives.
    Two people inspired me to enter public service nearly 30 
years ago. My mother, Marsha Emanuel, has spent her entire life 
serving others as a nurse, social worker, and a leader of CORE, 
the Congress On Racial Equality, in Chicago, where she was 
instrumental in the integration of Chicago's beaches and 
housing in the early '60s.
    This past October 3 marked the 2-year anniversary of my 
father's passing. Dr. Benjamin Emanuel immigrated to this 
country in 1953 with just $13 in his pocket after fighting in 
Israel's War of Independence. He campaigned for national 
healthcare during the early '60s and quit the AMA over its 
opposition.
    He then sued the City of Chicago for lead in household 
paint and started a pediatrics practice based on one rule. No 
child was rejected because their parents could not pay. Through 
his years, he built his practice into one of the largest in 
Chicago.
    If confirmed, this will be the first professional pursuit I 
will undertake without my best friend, my father, by my side. 
The drive and values I have come from my parents, who always 
loved and supported me, even though I did not become a doctor 
like my older brother.
    For my mother and father, America was a place of 
possibility. In his wallet, my father carried a picture of the 
boat that brought him to the United States. That photo 
represents what he instilled in me and my two brothers, the 
beacon of hope, possibility, and endless opportunity this 
country is to the world.
    I wish he were here today. First, while my mother is proud, 
he would be shocked and amazed that I am sitting here. And 
second, it would reaffirm his belief in that special place we 
all love, America.
    And the final thing I have to say is the first thing I want 
to do, work closely with this committee and the Congress as a 
whole to ensure that we work seamlessly across the aisle, 
across the Capitol, and across the Pacific to advance America's 
interests in the vital Indo-Pacific region.
    I would like to thank this committee for your consideration 
of my nomination. If confirmed, I intend to work with you to 
promote our economic prosperity, strengthen our national 
security, and ensure our democratic values remain paramount to 
the U.S.-Japan alliance.
    Under your leadership, Mr. Chairman, working with the 
ranking member, Senator Risch, this committee has continued its 
proud bipartisan tradition of putting country ahead of party. 
That is a mission and a mandate I proudly share.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Emanuel follows:]


                Prepared Statement by Hon. Rahm Emanuel

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee: 
It is an honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to 
serve as the United States Ambassador to Japan. I appreciate the 
confidence that President Biden has placed in me, and I am grateful for 
the consideration of this distinguished committee.
    Over 23 years in public service, there has been one constant: Amy, 
my wife of 27 years. Six elections, two White House appointments, and 
one nomination later, she is the reason I am here today. Amy is living 
proof of the timeless truth that behind every successful person is an 
astonished spouse.
    Together, we've raised three great children. Zach graduated from 
UCLA and is serving as an Intelligence Officer in the Navy. Ilana, a 
Brown graduate, joined a cable news network. Leah is a junior at 
Princeton.
    This post has been held by distinguished Americans--Vice President 
Walter Mondale, Speaker Tom Foley, Senate Majority Leaders Mike 
Mansfield and Howard Baker, and Ambassador Caroline Kennedy. This long 
list also includes a member of this committee--Senator Hagerty. If 
confirmed, I will continue the example he and his predecessors set, and 
ensure America's interests in the region remain paramount.
    An Ambassador is only as effective as the Civil and Foreign Service 
Professionals, and U.S. Armed Forces who surround them. In Japan, these 
Americans have advanced our nation's ideals without an appointed 
Ambassador for two years. I want to take this opportunity to thank them 
for their patriotism and professionalism to our Mission in Japan, and I 
hope to soon serve our country alongside them.
    We are at a critical juncture in American foreign policy in this 
region. What we build in partnership with Japan over the next three 
years will determine America's posture for the next 30. The challenges 
and opportunities we face underscore the imperative of strengthening 
our bonds with our closest ally, Japan.
    For more than 60 years, the partnership between the United States 
and Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in a free 
and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance advances our shared interests and 
shared values. If confirmed, my top priority will be to deepen these 
ties while we confront our common challenges.
    China aims to conquer through division. America's strategy is 
security through unity. That regional unity is built on the U.S.-Japan 
alliance.
    If confirmed, I will draw on my two-and-a-half decades of public 
service. As Senior Advisor to President Clinton and Chief of Staff to 
President Obama, I served as a trusted advisor on major domestic and 
national security issues.
    As Mayor, my administration made it a priority to bring the world 
to Chicago, and Chicago to the world. During my tenure, Chicago led the 
nation in corporate relocations and foreign direct investment for seven 
consecutive years. I also presided over the most active sister cities 
organization in America.
    As Mayor, I traveled to Japan to meet with public and private 
sector leaders and signed The Japan-Chicago Partnership Agreement with 
the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the eight additional 
ministries, marking the first time the Japanese Government entered into 
a formal agreement with a North American city. In addition, the 
Governor of Tokyo signed the Chicago Climate Charter--a first-of-its-
kind municipal agreement. This trip laid the groundwork for deepening 
Chicago and Japan relations, including corporate relocations by two 
preeminent Japanese companies--DMG Mori and Beam Suntory--and many 
cultural exchange initiatives.
    Two people inspired me to enter public service nearly 30 years ago. 
My mother, Marsha Emanuel, has spent her entire life serving others as 
a nurse, a social worker, and head of CORE--the Congress of Racial 
Equality--in Chicago, where she was instrumental in the integration of 
Chicago's beaches and housing in the early 1960s.
    October 3rd marked the two-year anniversary of my father's passing. 
Dr. Benjamin Emanuel immigrated to this country in 1953 with just $13 
in his pocket after fighting in Israel's War of Independence. He 
campaigned for national health care during the early 1960s and quit the 
American Medical Association in protest over its opposition. He then 
sued the City of Chicago for lead in household paint and started a 
pediatric practice based on one rule: No child was rejected because 
their parents could not pay. Through his years, he built his practice 
into one of the largest in Chicago.
    If confirmed, this will be the first professional pursuit I will 
undertake without my best friend--my father--by my side. The drive and 
values I have come from my parents, who always loved and supported me--
even though I didn't become a doctor like my older brother.
    For my father and mother, America was a place of possibility. In 
his wallet, my father carried a picture of the boat that brought him to 
the United States. That photo represents what he instilled in me and my 
two brothers: the beacon of hope, opportunity, and endless possibility 
this great country is to the world.
    I wish he was here today. First, while my mother is proud, he would 
be shocked and amazed that I was sitting here. Second, it would 
reaffirm his belief in that special place we love--America.
    The final thing I have to say is the first thing I want to do: work 
closely with this committee and the Congress as a whole to ensure that 
we work seamlessly, across the aisle, across the Capitol, and across 
the Pacific, to advance America's interests in the vital Indo-Pacific 
region.
    I would like to thank this committee for your consideration of my 
nomination. If confirmed, I intend to work with you to promote our 
economic prosperity, strengthen our national security, and ensure our 
democratic values remain paramount through the U.S.-Japan alliance. 
Under your leadership, Mr. Chairman, working with Ranking Member 
Senator Risch, this committee has continued its proud bipartisan 
tradition of putting country ahead of party. That is a mission and a 
mandate I proudly share.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Mayor.
    Mr. Kaplan?

 STATEMENT OF JONATHAN ERIC KAPLAN OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
         STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE

    Mr. Kaplan. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
distinguished members of the committee, I am proud and honored 
to be asked to serve our country as the Ambassador to the 
Republic of Singapore, and it is my privilege to appear here 
before you today.
    I would like to begin my remarks by thanking President 
Biden and Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence in 
me. I am also grateful to share this day with my friends, 
family, and especially my daughter, Samantha.
    Finally, I would like to thank Senator Hickenlooper for his 
words of introduction and to the hard-working professionals at 
the State Department and the White House for their steadfast 
support of my nomination throughout this process.
    Vice President Harris noted during her August visit to 
Singapore our world is embarking on a new era, one with many 
new challenges and exciting new opportunities. Our partnership 
with Singapore is critically important to strengthen our 
relationship and defend our positions within the Indo-Pacific 
region. For 55 years, U.S.-Singapore diplomacy has fostered a 
strong friendship, a mutual respect, and a steadfast commitment 
to one another.
    The United States and Singapore's enduring partnership is 
based on mutual economic interests, robust security and defense 
cooperation, and strong people-to-people ties. Our two 
countries are close partners in support of a rules-based 
economy and unwavering security throughout the region.
    Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, Singapore is a 
vital economic partner to the United States. More than 5,400 
U.S. companies are registered in the city-state, and these 
businesses provide responsible, sustainable investment for the 
region and directly support more than 215,000 American jobs 
here at home.
    In 2003, the United States and Singapore signed a free 
trade agreement, our first bilateral goods and services 
agreement with any Asian country and the cornerstone of a now 
$90 billion trade partnership. The United States is the largest 
foreign investor in Singapore with more than $270 billion in 
direct investments, making Singapore the largest recipient of 
U.S. investment in the Indo-Pacific.
    If confirmed, I plan to strengthen our bilateral trade 
relationship, advance an economic agenda that promotes a shared 
prosperity, further secure our economic resiliency and access 
to supply, and work closely with Singapore to tackle the 
climate crisis.
    Singapore is a critical partner in enabling strong U.S. 
security presence in the region. It is Southeast Asia's largest 
purchaser of U.S. military equipment, with more than $20 
billion invested in both direct commercial sales and foreign 
military sales over the past decade.
    Singapore's agreement to purchase the F-35B aircraft 
highlights the historically close relationship between our air 
forces and exemplifies our close security cooperation. The 
cornerstone of this partnership is the 1990 U.S.-Singapore 
Memorandum of Understanding, which governs our presence in 
Singapore and allows for the rotational deployment of both U.S. 
littoral combat ships and Navy P-8s. If confirmed, I look 
forward to the opportunity to strengthen our security 
cooperation and defend a rules-based international order, which 
has supported peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.
    The United States and Singapore have also benefitted from a 
strong law enforcement and home security partnership. This work 
strengthens the security of our citizens, our companies, and 
our nations by combatting the difficult challenges of 
commercial crime, terrorism, cybercrime, and illicit trade. 
Personal relationships are the foundation of a strong and 
secure Indo-Pacific region. U.S.-Singapore people-to-people 
ties are robust, and Singaporeans are active participants in 
U.S. educational and exchange programs.
    Prior to the pandemic, more than 4,000 Singaporeans were 
studying in the United States, and more than 1,000 Americans 
studied in Singapore. In fact, more than half of Singapore's 
cabinet ministers have studied in the United States, including 
the current prime minister, who studied at Harvard.
    The United States and Singapore have also bonded together 
through our third-country training program. For more than 10 
years, the program has provided technical assistance and 
educational opportunities to over 1,500 ASEAN officials, 
drawing on the depth and breadth of the U.S.-Singaporean 
friendship and our expertise.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this 
committee to advance the United States interests in Singapore, 
to create an even stronger set of relationships between our two 
countries, and to help further a secure and rules-based Indo-
Pacific region overall.
    Mr. Chairman, members of this committee, I thank you for 
the opportunity to appear here today, and I look forward to any 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Kaplan follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Jonathan Eric Kaplan

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members 
of the committee, I am proud and honored to be asked to serve our 
country as the Ambassador to Singapore and it is a privilege to appear 
before you today.
    I'd like to begin my remarks by thanking President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence in me. I'm also 
grateful to share this day with my friends, family, and especially with 
my daughter, Samantha. Finally, I'd like to thank Senator Hickenlooper 
for his words of introduction and to the hardworking professionals at 
the State Department and the White House for their steadfast support of 
my nomination throughout this process.
    Over the past several decades, I have had the pleasure to visit 
more than 75 countries, 22 of them within Asia. I've been a successful 
executive, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. I've built diverse teams 
with common purpose and have led large organizations through difficult 
times and within challenging environments.
    As Vice President Harris noted during her August visit to 
Singapore, our world is embarking on a new era--one with many new 
challenges and exciting new opportunities. Our partnership with 
Singapore is critically important to strengthen our relationships and 
defend our positions within the Indo-Pacific region. U.S.-Singapore 
diplomacy has fostered a strong friendship, a mutual respect, and a 
steadfast commitment to one another.
    For 55 years, the United States and Singapore have forged an 
enduring partnership based on our mutual economic interests, robust 
security and defense cooperation, and strong people-to-people ties. Our 
two countries are close partners in support of a rules-based economy 
and unwavering security throughout the region.
    Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, Singapore is a vital 
economic partner for the United States. More than 5,400 U.S. companies 
are registered in the city-state, and these businesses provide 
responsible, sustainable investment for the region and directly support 
more than 215,000 American jobs here at home. In 2003, the United 
States and Singapore signed a Free Trade Agreement, our first bilateral 
goods and services agreement with an Asian country, and the cornerstone 
of a now more than $90 billion trade partnership.
    The United States is the largest foreign investor in Singapore, 
with more than $270 billion in direct investments and making Singapore 
the largest recipient of U.S. investment in the Indo-Pacific. If 
confirmed, I plan to strengthen our bilateral trade relationship, 
advance an economic agenda that promotes a shared prosperity, further 
secure economic resiliency and our access to supply, and work with 
Singapore to tackle the climate crisis.
    Singapore is a critical partner in enabling a strong U.S. security 
presence in the region. It is Southeast Asia's largest purchaser of 
U.S. military equipment, with more than $20 billion invested in both 
direct commercial sales and foreign military sales over the past 
decade. Singapore's agreement to purchase the F-35B aircraft highlights 
the historically close relationship between our air forces and 
exemplifies our close partnership. The cornerstone of our security 
cooperation is the 1990 U.S-Singapore Memorandum of Understanding, 
which governs our presence in Singapore and allows for the rotational 
deployment of both U.S. littoral combat ships and Navy P-8s. If 
confirmed, I will look for opportunities to strengthen our security 
partnership and defend the rules-based international order, which has 
supported peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific
    The United States and Singapore have also benefited from a robust 
law enforcement and homeland security partnership that strengthens the 
security of our citizens, our companies, and our nations by combating 
the complex challenges of commercial crime, terrorism, cybercrime, 
border security, and illicit trade.
    Personal relationships are a foundation of a strong and secure 
Indo-Pacific region. U.S.-Singapore people-to-people ties are robust, 
and Singaporeans are active participants in U.S. educational and 
exchange programs. Prior to the pandemic, more than 4,000 Singaporeans 
were studying in U.S. universities, while more than 1,000 Americans 
studied in Singapore. In addition, more than 350 Singaporeans 
participated in other cultural and educational exchanges in the United 
States in 2019, most notably through the Fulbright Program, the Young 
Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, and the Southeast Asia Youth 
Leadership Program. More than half of Singapore's cabinet ministers 
have studied in the United States, including the current Prime Minister 
who studied at Harvard University. Over the past decade, the United 
States and Singapore have partnered together through the Third Country 
Training Program to provide technical assistance and educational 
opportunities for over 1,500 ASEAN officials, drawing on the depth and 
breadth of U.S. and Singaporean friendship and expertise.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this Committee 
to advance the U.S. interests in Singapore, to create even stronger 
relationships between our two countries, and help to further a secure 
and rules-based Indo-Pacific region overall.
    Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear here today, and I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you both.
    We will start a round of 5-minute questions. Before I 
recognize myself for that, let me ask some questions that are 
on behalf of the committee as a whole. They speak to the 
importance that this committee places on responsiveness by all 
officials in the executive branch and that we expect and will 
be seeking from you. So, I would ask each of you to provide a 
``yes'' or ``no'' answer to the following questions.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff, when invited?
    Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
    Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keeping the committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
    Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
    Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
    The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
    Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
    The Chairman. Thank you. The nominees have both responded 
``yes'' to all those questions.
    Well, let me start off. Mayor Emanuel, I want to talk to 
you about our previous nominee. We were talking about China a 
lot, and Japan is going to play a big role in that. Given the 
realities of our new era of strategic competition with China, 
what do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance needs to concentrate 
and act upon to be capable to meet the new and emerging 
regional challenges? In essence, how do we get them to be all 
in?
    Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the question.
    As we discussed yesterday, I think the world has learned a 
lot in COVID. We exposed some of our vulnerabilities, and I 
think China has been exposed for their venality. You can ask 
that of India. You can ask that of the people leaving Hong 
Kong. You can ask that of what has happened now to Australia in 
that area, and you can also see it by how Philippines have 
reacted to what has happened to their fish fleet out and in 
their border.
    The region is desperate for America's leadership, and that 
was seen recently with AUKUS. The entire strategy in the 
region, when we repeat the words ``Indo-Pacific,'' that 
actually was an architectural frame first deposited by former 
Prime Minister Abe. And we have all adopted it, which means 
that our ally sees their vision as one that we have adopted and 
will advance.
    Every effort we make in bringing our allies together not 
only militarily or strategically, but also with economic 
integration, also with cultural and political, is built on the 
shoulders of a U.S.-Japan relationship. And to me, the way we 
confront China, their entire strategy, as I think everybody can 
see, is to literally make sure that all roads--it is a one-way 
road to Beijing's benefit.
    And the countries in that area know that. They are 
desperate for America all in, and Australia showed they are 
ready to bet long on America. That is also true of Japan, our 
longest, deepest ally in the region. And what we must do is 
make that a cornerstone of both military efforts, strategic 
efforts.
    And I would conclude on this one point. The recent prime 
minister gave a speech and said that they are going to raise 
their budget in defense spending above 1 percent, which has 
been the norm. That means for the first time--I know that 
Senator Hagerty must have been lobbying on that constantly--it 
is happening.
    Making sure that they do the type of weapons acquisitions 
that are interoperable with us, but also part of our strategic 
blueprint and frame makes that a key opportunity. Because I 
think now not just in the region, but in this particular 
friendship and partnership, it is at an inflection point. As I 
said in my remarks, and I want to echo it again, what we do 
over the next 3 years will determine our presence, our vision 
for the next 30 in the region.
    The Chairman. Let me turn to Japan in terms of the context 
of being one of the world's leading technology industries, 
especially in fundamental technologies like semiconductor 
components. How do we facilitate greater cooperation between 
the United States and Japan on tech and innovation, and how do 
we make steps to better integrate those efforts with a regional 
strategy more broadly?
    Mr. Emanuel. Well, Mr. Chairman, I see this as a unique 
opportunity. Whether it is on intellectual property, whether it 
is on infrastructure investment, whether it is on supply chain, 
we have a partner that is begging for America's continued 
investment window. When Australia, by way of example, bet long 
on the United States, China's reaction was to say we want to 
end TPP. That was an attempt to say we are going to be the 
dominant player.
    Everything we do has to send one message, one signal. It is 
a good bet to bet long on the United States. And Japan has a 
huge partnership, whether it is in the pharmaceutical space, 
the IP in general, infrastructure, supply chain, to be that 
partner. And you can see that already by President Biden and 
his partnership is not only in the QUAD, the two meetings they 
have had, but also in his discussions with individual or with 
the Japanese prime minister.
    The issue of supply chain, the issue of microchips is key 
to that strategy, and I think Japan is ready for the type of 
next stage in U.S.-Japan relationships. And that as we make 
these investments, it is an opportunity to actually start to, 
as I would say, tighten the economic integration of the largest 
and the third-largest economy. When those two are tight, it is 
a very, very strong force.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Lastly, as I noted earlier, I would like to give you an 
opportunity to address the committee concerning Laquan 
McDonald. So, take a moment to do so.
    Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the 
opportunity to address the question.
    Seven years ago, a young man had his life taken on the 
streets of the city of Chicago. He had all the promise ahead of 
him, and a police officer took his life, killed him. I said 
then I am the mayor, and I am responsible and accountable for 
fixing this so this never happens again.
    And to be honest, there is not a day or a week that has 
gone by in the last 7 years I have not thought about this and 
thought about the ``what ifs'' and the changes and what could 
have been. And I think we all know that over the last 10 years, 
there is not a city in this country, regardless of size, that 
has not dealt with the gulf between police activities and the 
oversight and accountability that is necessary, and Chicago is 
no different.
    As soon as events happened, IPRA, the oversight authority, 
is on the scene. Shortly after that, the State's attorney 
opened an investigation, and not too far from then, the U.S. 
attorney and the FBI opened an investigation. And you have 
three ongoing investigations happening simultaneously of that 
night and events thereof.
    As you know, there is a longstanding protocol and practice 
that nothing is released in the middle of an investigation for 
fear of either prejudicing a witness or endangering the 
prosecution. That was the practice longstanding not just in 
Chicago, but across the country.
    And as recently as May 2 of this year, the New York Times 
wrote a story saying--or reported a story that there is no 
uniform standard or policy for the release of police video. It 
does not exist today, and it did not exist back in 2014 and 
2015, except for the policy that had been place about the 
integrity of an investigation. And you do not want to prejudice 
a witness. You do not want to prevent a prosecution because of 
premature release of video or any prima facie evidence.
    Now that view and that principle runs headlong into another 
very important value, and that is the deep suspicion, distrust, 
and skepticism that exists in the community about the 
authorities investigating the authorities and getting to the 
bottom of what happened. And the longer an investigation goes 
on, the greater the distrust and the greater the skepticism 
about what is really happening here, that it is not about 
finding out what happened and getting to the bottom of it, but 
this is a whitewash and a cover-up.
    And you have this kind of tension to conflict between the 
integrity of an investigation, so you do not harm it, and the 
deep, well-deserved, and well-earned distrust by the community 
in the authorities. Now I see in that--and this is my view--
that the last person you want to make a unilateral decision 
about the release of a video while the FBI and the U.S. 
attorney, the State's attorney, and IPRA are investigating is a 
politician. It should be made by professionals.
    The moment a politician unilaterally makes a decision in 
the middle of an investigation, you politicize that 
investigation and, more importantly, you may have endangered 
the prosecution in bringing somebody to justice.
    Second, I would say in the first term of my tenure, I made 
a number of changes that dealt with oversight accountability, 
and it is clear to me those changes were inadequate to the 
level of distrust. They were, on the best, marginal. I thought 
I was addressing the issue, and I clearly missed the level of 
distrust and skepticism that existed, and that is on me.
    In addition, I would say, third, the point of afterwards, 
there was a number of inquiries both by the inspector general, 
a special prosecutor, all looked at what happened and the 
events afterwards, and nobody suggested or concluded that 
anybody in my office or I, myself, did anything improper.
    Now this committee is in the possession of a lot of letters 
of support, from the leadership of the Black Caucus in Chicago 
to the leadership in the House, Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker; 
Majority Leader Hoyer; Whip Clyburn; the chairmen of the two 
committees, Greg Meeks, your sister committee in the House; 
Chairman Adam Schiff.
    You also have letters from the Chamber of Commerce and the 
Chicago Federation of Labor and Building Trades. All speak to 
my professional capacities. You also have a letter from Pastor 
Marvin Hunter. He is a reverend on the West Side of the city of 
Chicago. And the reason that is relevant is he speaks to my 
person and my character, not just my professional abilities. 
And he is Laquan McDonald's great uncle.
    We have prayed together over the last couple of years, 
gotten to know each other. Gotten to talk about if we had a 
magic wand how we would fix what is broken in our criminal 
justice system. Talked about current events. We have even 
argued about the Cubs and the Sox.
    But most importantly, we have gotten to find a common 
understanding, and I am appreciative of his support for my 
nomination, as I am of the other leaders in Chicago and the 
leaders here in the House that I served with. And I am 
appreciative of what they have said.
    That all being said, Mr. Chairman, it does not take away 
from the fact that a grave tragedy occurred 7 years ago to this 
day on the streets of the city of Chicago, and that tragedy 
sits with me, as it has every day and every week for the last 7 
years.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    And you mentioned letters in the possession of the 
committee. All of those letters will be included in the record, 
including Mr. McDonald's relative.


    [The information referred to above is located at the end of 
this hearing transcript.]


    The Chairman. Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Hagerty has an important engagement and has asked 
me to yield to him.
    The Chairman. Happy to have you defer to Senator Hagerty. 
Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Ranking Member Risch 
and Chairman Menendez. I will have to confess that that 
important engagement is my ninth grade daughter's parent-
teacher conference that is coming up, and I appreciate your 
accommodating me to take care of that.
    The Chairman. That is a super important engagement.
    Senator Hagerty. Indeed, sir. Thank you.
    Mayor Emanuel, I would like to talk about the relationship 
between the United States and Japan. As you know, we have a 
critically important economic relationship with Japan. In fact, 
Japan is the number-one investor in my home State of Tennessee, 
more than all the other nations combined, in fact. That has 
been a vital and critical relationship with my home State.
    But today, there exists a real impediment to that 
relationship. It has to do with the case of a U.S. citizen, a 
Tennessee citizen named Greg Kelly, and it is in our Nation's 
interest to resolve this situation quickly.
    I would like to go through the facts. Greg Kelly of 
Tennessee was arrested in Tokyo, Japan, on November 19, 2018. 
Greg, a lawyer at Nissan, was charged by a Tokyo prosecutor 
with conspiring to underreport Carlos Ghosn's compensation as a 
Nissan director. Greg's defense attorneys plan to present their 
closing arguments next Wednesday, October 27, 35 months after 
Greg was deceived into leaving his home in Tennessee and he was 
arrested in Japan.
    Let me underscore that. It has been 35 months to get to 
this point where his defense attorneys are actually able to 
close their case. For reasons that defy logic, a verdict is not 
expected until March of next year, 18 months after the trial 
began and more than 3 1/2 years after Greg's trial--after Greg 
was first detained.
    Here is the injustice. Impartial Japanese expert observers, 
including private corporate lawyer Keiko Ohara, have said that 
this matter should have been handled internally, not in a 
courtroom. Media reports indicate even Prime Minister Shinzo 
Abe held this view. Former Japanese prosecutor Nobuo Gohara and 
criminal accounting specialist Yuji Hosono have publicly stated 
Japan's judicial system has violated Greg's human rights and 
that there was no reason to arrest him because there was no 
criminal violation.
    Mr. Kelly's lawyers believe the evidence introduced at his 
trial made abundantly clear that no crime was committed. In 
reality, this was a coup by those within Nissan management who 
resisted further integration into the parent Renault, and they 
were willing to do anything to take down someone standing in 
their way.
    I have conveyed this concern directly to the cabinet level 
in Japan. I have let them know that America is the largest 
investor in Japan, that American executives see this as an 
issue that rightfully should have been resolved in a corporate 
boardroom, not in a prosecutor's office. This is a terrible 
message to send to the rest of the world.
    It is bad for Japan's brand, and it is devastating to any 
American that happens to get caught in this system. With this 
type of justice system, I fear that American executives will 
start thinking twice about doing business in Japan.
    So, here is the duty. Our embassy has a responsibility to 
protect U.S. citizens, to protect Mr. Kelly from this 
injustice. Mayor Emanuel, if you are confirmed as Ambassador, 
will you make it matter of top priority to see that Mr. Kelly's 
name is cleared and he is returned to the United States as soon 
as possible?
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator Hagerty, as you know, we have talked 
about this. The good news is there is Japanese media here. So, 
I want them to hear exactly, if I am fortunate to have the 
support of this committee. I have already started to inquire 
about this, and I want a report on my desk. You and I both know 
that if you start asking that, that goes from here to up here 
as a top priority.
    Number two, this is a constituent. I was a former 
congressman. I am going to not treat this as a piece of 
business as being an Ambassador. I am going to treat this as 
would a former congressman approach when a constituent is in 
trouble and underscore what I think is an important point right 
now. Number-one responsibility of an embassy and an Ambassador 
is to make sure of the safety and ensure the safety of a U.S. 
citizen on foreign soil.
    You have my word. As I said to you privately, I am saying 
it publicly. Again, I am not confirmed, and I wish I--hope I do 
get the confidence of this committee. But I know that the 
Japanese media is here. So, they can hear it directly.
    This is not just another piece of business to be checked 
off. I am going to be approaching this subject as a former U.S. 
congressman who knows what it means when you have a constituent 
at heart.
    Senator Hagerty. Well, thank you very much. I intend to 
support your confirmation, and I appreciate your taking on this 
matter of critical interest to Tennesseans and to my 
constituent, but also a matter of critical national interest 
for our two nations.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator, I have had a ninth grader, a 9-year-
old on my watch, three of them. You get the medical slip right 
now. I would get over there.
    Thank you.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And let me thank both of our nominees for their willingness 
to serve our Nation in critically important positions.
    Mr. Kaplan, later today I am going to be chairing a hearing 
of the U.S.-Helsinki Commission on the freedom of the media. We 
will have the OSCE representative Ribeiro, who is the 
representative for the freedom of the media. I mention that 
because when people think of Singapore, and I have been to 
Singapore, you know its economic power, and you know what it 
means as a strategic location in the shipping lanes. You 
recognize the importance of this economic partnership that the 
United States has with Singapore, including the free trade 
agreement.
    But there is another part of Singapore. It is a rigid 
country. It is ranked by Reporters without Borders as 160th out 
of 180 in its annual World Press Freedom Index behind its 
neighbors such as Cambodia and Myanmar.
    So, my question to you, President Biden has made it clear 
that our foreign policy is going to be wrapped in our values, 
and freedom of the media is critically important for any 
democratic state. How will you make this a priority, that the 
safety of reporters and the freedom of the media will have a 
voice in our mission in Singapore?
    Mr. Kaplan. Thank you very much for that question, Senator.
    You know, for 55 years, the United States and Singapore 
have been incredible partners. We have been partners on 
counterproliferation. We have been partners on maritime 
security. We have been, as you said so eloquently, incredible 
trading partners and economic partners.
    And when it comes to fundamental freedoms, especially 
freedom of the press, which is an incredibly important topic 
for us as a country for sure, you know, I think this is an area 
where, if I am confirmed, we are going to have to engage with 
the Singapore Government. The nice thing is friends are able to 
talk about difficult topics. They may not want to change. We 
are going to want them to change, but we are going to have a 
dialogue.
    This is an area of fundamental freedoms. This is a topic of 
importance for the administration, and this is a priority for 
me.
    Senator Cardin. Will you make your office available for 
those in Singapore who need a voice in regards to the freedom 
of the media?
    Mr. Kaplan. Absolutely.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Mr. Kaplan. Again, globally, this is an important issue. It 
is not just an issue that is personally important to me, but is 
important to the United States and to the administration 
overall.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Mayor Emanuel, it is good to see you. Thank you for your 
willingness to continue to get involved in helping our 
communities. You have taken on some tough assignments, from the 
chief of staff of a President to being a congressman dealing 
with the day-to-day activities of keeping the constituents 
happy to being a mayor of Chicago.
    I want to talk about one issue in regards to our 
relationship with Japan. We can talk about a lot of different 
issues. We have already talked about some of the military 
aspects.
    We have 50,000 troops stationed in Japan. We are in a 
process of negotiating the special measures agreement that will 
deal with a transition--you already mentioned the 1 percent, 
but the transition to the post World War II concept of Japan 
being a strategic partner of the Western powers in dealing with 
protecting democracy.
    So, I just really want to get your thoughts as to how you 
will be engaged with our committee, with Congress, and 
certainly with the Defense Department and the White House as we 
talk about Japan's modernization of its military capacity and 
commitment and how that will affect U.S. military presence in 
Japan and the current arrangements that we have between our two 
countries?
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
    As we have talked before, Japan today willing to go from 1 
percent to 2 percent is a sea change in thinking. It is a 
reflection that they know they have a greater role to play and 
they have greater threats. Not just the percentage of a number, 
but what that number would reflect. What are they looking at 
buying. What are they looking at adding. That is essential for 
their security and also essential for our partnership and that 
effort.
    I do think not just in that 2 percent and that strategy, I 
do not think it gets lost on all of us that they were the first 
country to articulate the idea of a free and open Indo-Pacific. 
That has now become the nomenclature and the term that we use, 
they use, and our other allies do.
    And it is also a bulwark that it makes sure that China 
hears that this is a part of the world that we are going to 
stay in, that our ally, our number-one ally in the region is 
now upping its game in a way that could not happen before. If 
you look over the span of the last 60 years, Japan has moved 
forward each time in taking a more critical and a more, for 
lack of a better way of saying it, forward-leaning effort.
    But I would like to also stress the military hardware is 
one thing. It is just a component when you link up the United 
States and Japan. It is also the opportunity to seek climate 
change investments, infrastructure investments, IP protection, 
IP investments. Those are not challenges. Those are 
opportunities.
    And so, when we do that together not only do we send a 
signal to China, but more importantly, we send a signal about 
America. We are strong because of our allies and our unity.
    China has one strategy, a one-way road to Beijing's 
benefit, and everybody in that region--most importantly, 
Japan--know that a United States doubling down on its 
commitments in the Indo-Pacific area makes them more secure, 
makes the region more safe and open. And it is a values-based 
system, not based on one country's proclivity. And anything 
that challenges that must be met with the united force of all 
of our allies and friends in the region.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mayor Emanuel, you and I have talked about this, but I want 
to underscore again this particular subject. As you know, our 
extended nuclear deterrence underpins U.S. security 
architecture in the Indo-Pacific, and of course, a part of that 
is strategic ambiguity. You maybe heard our discussions a bit 
about consideration at least of U.S. adopting a sole purpose 
statement, as opposed to strategic ambiguity.
    I would urge that when you go to the Indo-Pacific and you 
hear not only from Japan, but from all of our partners there, 
their concerns about this, I hope you will convey that in the 
strongest terms to the current administration. Can I get your 
thoughts on that?
    Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Ranking Member Risch.
    It is a good question, and I would--as I said to you 
privately, you and I know that the last time there was a review 
of our posture in the region, there was no country--and not 
just in the region, internationally, around the world--no 
country was greater consulted and whose views were greater 
considered as we enunciated our policy than Japan. While I am 
not privy to those conversations today, I would be shocked that 
it was not following that pattern, that Japan's security 
interests are paramount to the articulation and vision as we 
look to the policy.
    And I will just say nothing about the current events, 
whether that is what is happening in North Korea, what China 
just did over the last 2 weeks vis-a-vis Taiwan or with the 
hypersonic, has given anybody any sense that as we review this 
policy, it has to be done in consultation with our allies and 
friends in the area. And none more important than Japan.
    And so when I articulate it, but it is not me, it is 
President Biden who has said everything we do there is built on 
the shoulders of the U.S.-Japan friendship, that is where the 
rubber hits the road exactly on that area.
    Senator Risch. Well, I am glad to hear that. And with your 
experience, I have no doubt that you are able to deliver tough 
messages sometimes when people do not want to hear it. So, I 
will be----
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator, Mr. Ranking Member, I think it can be 
said, a moment of self-awareness, nobody has ever walked out of 
a meeting saying, ``I wonder where Rahm stands on this?'' So, 
you have my assurance.
    Senator Risch. That is comforting. Thank you so much for 
that.
    Mr. Kaplan, I really am impressed with the fact that the 
administration has seen fit to appoint someone with your 
qualifications from the private sector, a capitalist, if you 
would, to Singapore. Our trade relationship with Singapore, I 
think, is not very much appreciated by most Americans, and your 
appointment there I think will help underscore that.
    In Idaho, they are one of our important trade partners. We 
have enjoyed a great relationship with them, and of course, 
they have the troops stationed there that are in constant 
training. So, appreciate you doing that. I hope that you will 
take into consideration how important they are as a trading 
partner and continue to encourage that. It is a great benefit 
both ways.
    So, thank you much.
    Mr. Kaplan. I look forward to it. Thank you, sir.
    Senator Risch. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to 
both of the nominees.
    Mr. Kaplan, your background of work in Asia makes you 
uniquely suited for this position, and Mr. Mayor, it is good to 
see you here. The Japan-U.S. relationship requires that an 
Ambassador go to Japan and the Japanese understand this is 
somebody who is very close to the President, that they really 
want to see an Ambassador who has a direct line to the 
President. And you do, and I believe that is the reason you 
have been chosen.
    I appreciate you sharing at length about Mr. McDonald 
because what a tragedy. And I was a mayor, and every day in 
cities, beautiful things happen, and tragic things happen. And 
that is the case in any city, and you cannot be a mayor, 
especially of a city like Chicago, without picking up some scar 
tissue on the way.
    But your description of what you learned along the way, the 
levels of distrust that some in communities feel toward people 
in power, toward politicians, toward police, I had to learn and 
then relearn those lessons often in my time as the mayor of a 
majority African-American city. And I am sure, since Chicago is 
a much bigger city than Richmond, Virginia, those lessons were 
challenging and painful for you during your entire tenure, but 
you served in an admirable way.
    I want to just ask you one question that really it is maybe 
a little bit about Japan's domestic politics, which Ambassadors 
do not get involved in. But you pointed out accurately that the 
U.S. network of alliances in the Indo-Pacific is incredibly 
important as we think about the China threat. And there is no 
alliance that is more important than the U.S.-Japan alliance.
    I am very excited that numerous Presidents now have 
invested in this notion of the QUAD and that--and President 
Biden is really operationalizing it beyond strategic dialogue 
to do vaccine diplomacy and other things. But as I look at the 
QUAD, there is an obvious omission, and that is South Korea.
    South Korea should be in that, and yet the challenges 
between Japan and South Korea have been of longstanding--you 
know, longstanding historical challenges. What might you be 
able to do as an Ambassador to Japan to help encourage closer 
and closer relationships between these two nations that are 
such great allies of the United States and have so much in 
common in terms of the threats that they face in the region?
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator Kaine, thank you for the question.
    I think that Japan, I mean, to be--Japan has a new prime 
minister, and there is a new election. That will also be true 
in the spring of the coming year in South Korea. I think we are 
both familiar, having run for office, what that does.
    As a general principle, and this has been articulated by 
the President, and I have heard him in different situations in 
the prior--when I wore a different hat than mayor, but as a 
chief of staff. I think as it relates to this as a general kind 
of 10,000 feet, you never want the 20th century to rob us of 
the opportunities of the 21st century.
    Not that those are not heartfelt and serious, and they are. 
So, it is, one, keeping people focused on the future and our 
commonality, not what divides us. And the United States and our 
Ambassador both from the United States here, but also in South 
Korea can play an important role in facilitating that focus on 
the future rather than any tensions that legitimately exist 
about the past.
    And that said, and I am aware like you of politics, which 
is not a bad word, is nobody at this point, you do not want to 
embarrass or shame any one of the two parties publicly. So, the 
goal would be to keep the private conversations moving forward 
so there is no sense in a public way that they have been from 
their own respective roles and responsibilities to their 
publics are not cornered from the opportunity to make the most 
of the 21st century.
    What Japan faces, South Korea, the United States, I see 
the--what people refer to as either climate change, 
infrastructure, IP protection, investments in the supply chain, 
those are not challenges. They are tremendous opportunities for 
greater integration, greater advancements of our cooperation, 
and strengthening a rules-based system that all three share.
    So, from the challenges, make them opportunities for 
greater cooperation between the three parties. Two, focus on 
the 21st century opportunities, not the challenges of the 20th 
century, and do not let the 20th century rob us of what we can 
build together, the three. And third, do not do anything that 
surprises people in public so they have the opportunity to be, 
for lack of another way of saying it, to lean forward in a 
collaborative and productive way.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for that.
    And Mr. Kaplan, I am going to be very proud to support your 
nomination. I am just going to ask you a question about press 
freedom, the same question that Senator Cardin asked. There is 
so much right in the U.S.-Singapore relationship. The low 
ranking of Singapore on global press indices is a continuing 
challenge, and I will look forward to--I am confident you will 
be confirmed, and I will look forward to working with you on 
this.
    Mr. Kaplan. If I am confirmed, I will obviously look 
forward to working with you.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. Thanks, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    And Mayor Emanuel and Mr. Kaplan, I very much look forward 
to our exchange today and appreciate the testimony you have 
already provided. And let me also thank your families for 
supporting you. To Amy and to Zach, who I had the opportunity 
to meet in person but had spoken to before, and to Ilana and 
other family members, Leah, who are watching. And thank you, 
Mayor, for sharing your personal story and journey and what 
that has brought to you in your decades of public service.
    And to Mr. Kaplan and your daughter, Samantha, and other 
members of your life who are with us today, it is wonderful to 
have both of you in front of us and to have this chance to 
interact with you about these two important positions that have 
been vacant for too long with two absolutely vital Indo-Pacific 
partners for the United States.
    I am, as I think you both know, the chair of the 
Appropriations Subcommittee responsible for our foreign 
assistance. Japan is also a major donor in development 
assistance in the region, and one of the reasons I worked with 
a number of my colleagues to help create the Development 
Finance Corporation was so that we had a new and more modern 
tool, more capable of partnering with JBIC and ADB, the Asian 
Development Bank and Japanese investment entity.
    How do you believe, Mr. Mayor, that we can use the DFC to 
more closely partner with Japan's development entities, and how 
do you think partnering with our regional allies, whether it is 
Australia or Japan, South Korea, others, in development finance 
that might actually create a new chapter in providing 
alternatives that are more transparent, that are more 
sustainable for the development of the region?
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator Coons, thank you for that question.
    I do want to take one second and personally, as I have 
privately, thank you publicly. When you were on a CODEL to 
Korea, you personally called Zach to check in on him. In a high 
order, you made one Jewish grandmother and mother very happy, 
and that is a very tall order. So, I want to thank you, 
Senator, for doing that personally.
    On a serious note, in the process of talking to a lot of 
people, one, I did not realize that Japan is an actually larger 
investor in infrastructure around the region than China. We 
hear a lot about belt and roads, about the China plan. Japan is 
actually by about a number of about 75 billion in U.S. dollars 
bigger than China in the region. That is a big asset with our 
ally.
    Second, on top of it, if you do polling among the public in 
the region, Japan is the most popular country. Again, a big 
asset in our partnership.
    Third, as I have repeated--as I said earlier and I want to 
repeat, the architecture from Prime Minister Abe lives on and 
is now adopted by all, which is a free and open Indo-Pacific.
    I think making these investments in infrastructure, our 
creative financing, our strategy to make an opportunity both 
for these type of economic opportunities that would exist and 
infrastructure that is linked in with the United States and 
Japan. And two, because we will do it in a way that is open, 
based on a rules-based system, it will stand in direct contrast 
to the violations of China's belt and roads that does not meet 
the standards of OECD standards.
    And I think that opportunity for us to talk to future 
countries that may be looking at the United States or Japan and 
say here are the way we are going to do this so you do not 
become debt dependent like often happens with China. That is a 
key opportunity with an ally, a popular ally who shares the 
same values and commitment to a rules-based system. That is 
something that we want to harness to our strategic overall 
interests in the region.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Let us talk a little bit more, if we can, about the modern 
digital economy and ways in which trade and better integration 
with Singapore, with Japan, with the region would actually 
serve our interests. The digital trade agreement between the 
United States and Japan that we concluded in 2019 could be a 
useful starting point.
    Singapore has been a leader in creating digital trade 
agreements with its trading partners, and USTR Katherine Tai 
recently met with her Singaporean counterpart, and they 
expressed an intent to work together on digital trade. I would 
be interested in hearing from both of you, if I can, how we 
could advance work with Japan and with Singapore to set rules 
and standards for the digital economy that can serve as a model 
for the region, model for the world, and help provide a more 
attractive alternative to digital authoritarianism.
    Mr. Emanuel. Do you want to go first?
    Mr. Kaplan. Sure. Thank you so much for that question.
    I think, as I said, since 2003, we have enjoyed an 
incredible free trade agreement with Singapore, and the $90 
billion that is passing between our borders is a critical 
component to the economic success of really the region and of 
both countries. And I think as the world moves digital, I think 
it is going to be incredibly important for me, if I am 
confirmed, to make sure that Singapore understands this, make 
sure that we are involved in these discussions, make sure that 
as Japan and other countries in the Indo-Pacific region start 
to develop these agreements that the United States is right 
there front and center.
    Mr. Emanuel. I want to echo my friend. Ambassador-to-be, 
hopefully, Kaplan has said we talked about this in our 
training, and I would just say, again, if I have the 
opportunity to be confirmed, work alongside. A digital writing 
of the rules is exactly what we want to be doing by saying this 
is a rules-based system, not based on one country's own self-
interest, but what stands the test of time for all the 
countries in the party.
    And as somebody who has been a student of our politics, 
talking about it this way, approaching the digital piece of the 
economy, the writing of rules gets us away from the kind of 
what I would call hunger games of our politics the moment you 
say the word ``trade'' or the moment you talk about that. But 
dealing with writing the rules goes to the strength of a 
partnership based on a values-based, rules-based system rather 
than going and dealing with I think the weaker part of our 
politics.
    And I think that would advance our interests in the region, 
and it is very clear that the Ambassador to the USTR for the 
United States, she has made that clear as well.
    Senator Coons. Well, thank you both. Mr. Mayor, you have 
demonstrated your diplomatic skill with the breadth of who 
introduced you today. You were both introduced by wonderful 
colleagues. I look forward to visiting Japan and Singapore in 
the future and to working with you in your roles.
    Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. I understand Senator Van Hollen is with us 
virtually?
    Senator Van Hollen. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And congratulations to both of these nominees. I wanted to 
get back in person, but the scheduling prevented that.
    So, to Congressman Emanuel, good to see you back on Capitol 
Hill. I want to ask you about the North Korean threat because, 
as you know, just a few days ago, North Korea launched a 
ballistic missile into the waters off of Japan. This has been 
part of a pattern over many, many years as North Korea has also 
strengthened its nuclear weapons capacity.
    Japanese Prime Minister Kishida said in response to the 
most recent launch, ``We cannot overlook North Korea's recent 
development in missile technology and must work with them and 
the threat--work to address the threat in the region.''
    So, a number of years ago, Senator Toomey and I worked 
together. The Congress passed something called the BRINK Act, 
the Otto Warmbier BRINK Act. And it requires the executive 
branch to impose secondary sanctions on financial institutions 
that are helping North Korea escape the sanctions regime. I 
think we need to do a better job at making sure that we are 
imposing those sanctions because it seems to be a pretty leaky 
sanctions regime right now.
    But given the interest that Japan and, of course, South 
Korea have in addressing the ongoing threat of North Korea, 
what should this administration be doing, the Biden 
administration be doing, and what will you do, if confirmed as 
our Ambassador to Japan, to help address this threat?
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator Van Hollen, thank you for the 
question.
    I would like to note since we usually--since we were in the 
first--our classes together when we got elected to Congress, we 
talk to each other by first name, but Senator Van Hollen. Look, 
I think North Korea's recent actions in just the past month, a 
number of tests of new missiles and new offensive weapons, has 
alerted Japan and South Korea to the collaboration and 
cooperation that is essential with the United States of having 
a common front. And my intention is to work as a representative 
for the United States Government and doing everything to 
facilitate, as I think I said to an earlier question, that we 
make sure that we deal with 21st century issues as allies and 
partners and not let the 20th century rob or mug that 
opportunity.
    This is a serious challenge as it relates to security, and 
it is security related to both South Korea and Japan. And 
therefore, it is a security concern for the United States. And 
it will be one of the top priorities I will have is to work on 
that collaboration and understanding so there is a united front 
with the United States, Japan, and South Korea.
    And I will be put--you know, obviously, this is much 
higher, if I was to be confirmed, than my pay grade, but I will 
be putting my oar in the water to pull alongside and make sure 
that the objectives laid out by the Secretary of State, the 
President of the United States, as we confront this common 
challenge is make sure that it is executed upon and that it 
stays front and center.
    Senator Van Hollen. No, I appreciate that. Look, I think 
the new administration, the Biden administration is still sort 
of framing its approach to North Korea. But I think this most 
recent missile test underscores the importance of determining 
exactly what approach we are going to take and, obviously, 
working closely with our allies Japan and South Korea and 
others.
    Speaking about security arrangements and allies, the QUAD 
has become an increasingly important sort of structure for 
addressing security and economic and other issues in the Indo-
Pacific region. Can you talk a little bit about how you 
envision working with Japan to strengthen the QUAD partnership?
    Mr. Emanuel. I mean, you are exactly right, and I would 
say, if you could, we could hold the QUAD up, and what the 
President is doing is taking something that was a bipartisan 
concept started in prior administrations and really has 
evolved, including under President Trump and prior to that 
President Obama, and President Biden has put some real meat on 
the bones, and it is not an accident. That is, the QUAD, both 
virtually and in person, is the only entity that he has met 
with now twice in his short tenure as President.
    And all the parties--India on its own border, Australia 
with the recent change in the nuclear sub, nuclear-powered sub 
acquisition, and then Japan with its own recent budget on its 
defense investment--know that the partnership here is an 
essential one for the strategic interests as we--all the 
parties confront a threat both by China and any threat 
strategically or militarily.
    And so I see the QUAD as the President has enunciated, as 
the backbone of both economic and security interests in the 
region of the United States and working with our closest allies 
who have the same sense that this is an important--for now a 
very, very important tool for America's foreign policy in the 
area in strategic interests being articulated and acted upon.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, and Mr. Chairman, 
thank you. And my best to Amy and the family, and I look 
forward to supporting your nomination.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Merkley?
    Senator Merkley. Oh, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    And thank you both. Extensive records of public service. 
And Mayor, there is no question, as members of the Senate have 
pointed out, you have an extensive depth and breadth of public 
service that brings a tremendous amount of knowledge to serving 
the United States, when confirmed.
    But I feel it is important to explore one piece that you 
have made reference to. We received on the committee a letter 
from a dozen aldermen, State representatives, State senators, a 
county commissioner, asking we take a close look at the 
question of systemic racism and how the role of city leaders 
working closely with police departments sustains inequities.
    And certainly in my home State, we have wrestled with this. 
My largest city, Portland, has a predominantly white police 
force. It has a record of shootings and shootings of members of 
the minority community, black and Hispanic citizens, that has 
been a very contentious issue.
    And Chicago had this as well. 2010 to 2015, police fired 
528 cases. They hit citizens 262 times. They fatally shot 92 
individuals. Of those who were hit, 94 percent were members of 
minority communities, Asian, black, or Hispanic.
    When you and I met--and I appreciated your comments and 
thoughts--you said kind of the big mistake you made was that 
you took at full faith an evaluation from a group of police 
officers that the shooting of Laquan McDonald was a ``good 
shooting,'' a term that apparently the police use. That group 
of officers that rendered that, was that an official police 
review board?
    Mr. Emanuel. We said, Senator--and I thank you for the 
question--and I think there are two parts. So, I would like to 
address both, if I could?
    Senator Merkley. But please do not eat up all my time.
    Mr. Emanuel. Oh, no, I will not.
    Senator Merkley. I know that is a great tactic, but I 
really wanted to get to the heart of this, and I just want to 
understand since that is the key thing that you said was a 
mistake. I want to understand was an official police board that 
rendered that evaluation?
    Mr. Emanuel. No, no. The police leadership the next morning 
after a police-involved shooting reviews a shooting.
    Senator Merkley. It was the morning after?
    Mr. Emanuel. Right. Yes, yes. Right.
    Senator Merkley. So, you had conveyed to me that that kind 
of shaped your thinking up through the eventual release the 
following--a year later, and then your public commentary in 
November of 2015.
    My understanding is that the mother of Laquan McDonald 
learned about the nature of the shooting when she was called by 
the funeral house who said to her, ``Do you realize your son 
was shot multiple times? That his body is riddled with 
bullets.'' She did not know apparently at that point. That 
information had not been shared with her.
    And then her attorney subpoenaed records in November of 
2014, and when the attorney subpoenaed records, did that 
trigger the conversation that filled you in? I know you have 
said you never saw the videos, but filled you in on the fact 
that this was an unusual case where a child had been shot 16 
times?
    Mr. Emanuel. As I said in the answer to Chairman Menendez, 
there is an investigation going on by three entities--the U.S. 
attorney, the State's attorney, IPRA. They were the ones 
dealing with this, and as I believe, you do not want a 
politician to make a unilateral decision while those 
investigations are going on because it would violate a 
sacrosanct protocol and principle of ensuring that nothing is 
out prior to an investigation being wrapped up.
    Senator Merkley. Yes, Mayor, but that was not my question. 
My question was when her attorneys sought the evidence from the 
city, is that when you learned about the nature of what had 
happened from the city attorney or from the police or----
    Mr. Emanuel. As I said, when the video became public is 
when I learned what happened and the consequence and what 
happened that night.
    Senator Merkley. Okay. So, in December, the family viewed 
the tapes, and the city required that they enter into a 
nondisclose agreement. That is a pretty significant decision. 
You are saying you had no idea of the circumstances of the 
shooting? No one had told you that a child had been shot 16 
times or that the child was lying on the ground, that a 
revolver was reloaded? You had no idea in December when the 
family reviewed the tapes?
    Mr. Emanuel. Senator, is that situation, the family 
approached the city about a settlement. An NDA is a standard 
practice at that time, and also the public information, as you 
know, when the city council is asked to work with the family, 
come up with the resources for the compensation, all the 
members of the city council heard that, and it passed 50 to 0. 
So, that was the kind of description that was in the public 
domain when it was voted on.
    Senator Merkley. Yes. Of course, I did not ask about the 
NDA. I asked if at that point you were briefed on the details 
of the shooting?
    Mr. Emanuel. Oh, I am sorry. The details were in the public 
domain when the corporation counsel briefed the aldermen.
    Senator Merkley. So, in February and March, the city 
reached out proactively. Please, Chairman, can I finish a few 
questions here?
    The Chairman. I do not know about a few questions, but this 
has been explored, and it is now almost 2 minutes over. So, I 
will give you another minute.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I will submit questions for the record so that you can 
address these things. But I think that in this time of national 
reckoning with the challenge of Black Lives Matter, when 
aldermen and State representatives and State senators say this 
was an issue that there was close cooperation during your time 
as mayor between the mayor's office to essentially discourage 
the release of information and to not develop significant 
reforms, which I know that you have a story to tell about the 
reforms. And I will submit questions for the record so you can 
tell that story.
    I think it is important for this committee to actually 
weigh this. And so thank you for meeting with me before. Thank 
you for addressing this now.
    But just to clarify, because all these things happened--the 
family requested the video. The city attorney reached out 
proactively before there was a lawsuit to ask for a settlement. 
The settlement was approved in a less than 1 minute meeting 
with no public discussion. It seems hard to believe that all 
those things happened, and yet you were never briefed on the 
details of the situation when you were leading the city.
    Mr. Emanuel. Since you brought up the aldermanic letters, 
as you will see also here, the leadership of the Black Caucus 
has signed a letter in support of my nomination. Those are the 
members that worked with me. That does not take away from the 
fact, as I have said before, and I want to repeat because I 
think it is important, all those are not technicalities.
    This is a tragedy that happened, as you know, as you have 
made reference to what is going on in Portland. And as I said, 
no city of any size has not confronted the gulf and the gap 
that exists between police practices and the oversight and 
accountability. I made efforts of them. They missed the mark 
because they totally missed how deep that distrust is and, as 
in the reverend or the pastor's letter, how broken the system 
is that we all relied on.
    Senator Merkley. Yes, and I did note that----
    The Chairman. The chair--the chair would just say to my 
distinguished colleague I have allowed you to go 4 minutes over 
the 5 minutes. So, I think that questions for the record would 
be appropriate.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Kaplan, before we adjourn this hearing, I do not want 
you to think you are not the object of my affection for the 
position you are going to have. So, let me ask you, Singapore 
along with other countries in the region face a time of 
increasing geopolitical uncertainty with China's growing 
assertiveness in the Pacific. What is your assessment of how 
Singapore's thinking on China has evolved in recent years?
    How do we influence Singapore's approach towards both 
confronting and competing with China in a way that aligns it 
more with our values, which I believe they generally share, 
versus the values that China is promoting?
    Mr. Kaplan. Thank you very much for that question.
    The U.S. must engage with China from a position of 
strength, and strength comes from our partnerships and our 
partnerships within the region. We have talked about this 
throughout this hearing, and I believe that Singapore is a 
tremendously strong partner of the United States. They are 
involved in our F-35 program. We have naval operations that we 
do with them. As the ranking member mentioned, we train their 
air force.
    So, if I am confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work 
with the Government, continuing to come up with ways for us to 
support a partnership that addresses these threats that China 
continues to bring upon not just the United States, but the 
world overall.
    The Chairman. Enduring support for ASEAN is critical to the 
United States posture in the Indo-Pacific and central to the 
engagement with our partnership with Singapore. When the 
foreign minister was here, we had a significant conversation 
about ASEAN.
    What steps would you take to help Singapore in bolstering 
ASEAN centrality in the Asia-Pacific region?
    Mr. Kaplan. Well, I think the President and the Secretary 
of State want to have a multifaceted approach to the region. 
They have AUKUS. We have QUAD. And of course, we have ASEAN. 
And Singapore is a founding member of ASEAN. The United States 
has always been a firm supporter of ASEAN. The Secretary and 
the President have reaffirmed their commitment to ASEAN.
    And again, if confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
Government, working with industry, working with Singapore to 
ensure that everyone knows that we are behind ASEAN. Singapore 
remains an important part of ASEAN, and ASEAN will play a 
critical role in the safety and security of the region.
    The Chairman. And finally, Mayor Emanuel, I want to just go 
back to Japan very quickly, but importantly. We need--and I 
said this to leaders from both countries who have come to visit 
us here in Washington. We need Japan and South Korea to 
understand that their unity along with us is critical to deal 
with the regional security questions and certainly with North 
Korea.
    And I think, in my 30 years of doing foreign policy between 
the House and the Senate, this is not one of the best moments I 
have seen between the two countries. I hope you will use, upon 
confirmation, your efforts to try to get the Japanese from 
their side and then we will get our person in South Korea to do 
the same to find some common ground.
    There are historical issues. I understand that. But the 
security of both nations and its people should supersede their 
common interests in that regard. Is that something we can count 
on you to try to do?
    Mr. Emanuel. A hundred percent, Mr. Chairman. And I would 
just, in the remaining minutes here, say this is, no doubt 
there has been highs and lows in the relationship between Japan 
and South Korea. I think that given what North Korea has done 
and is doing, what China has done and is doing, makes this an 
opportunity in an organizing way to have both parties try--
meaning the United States, Japan, and South Korea--to now focus 
on what is not a theoretical threat, but a reality, as the 
recent test just the other day by North Korea has shown. That 
this is not theoretical, given the sub test that was just--
submarine test that was just done.
    So, that, to me, underscores there is a level of urgency 
for all parties to now find the common ground, focus on the 
future, focus on what binds us together, and not allow tensions 
of the past and disagreements to actually in any way endanger, 
and I do think--endanger the relationship.
    I would close with one other thought. China, Russia, North 
Korea are trying to find cracks and fissures in the alliances 
between the United States and Japan, the United States and 
South Korea, the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Our 
job, as a facilitator, is to create the bonds of unity that we 
speak with one voice, one interest, and one imperative. This is 
one of, if not the highest priority to find that unity so we 
can confront the attempt by China and North Korea to divide us.
    The Chairman. Finally, as in all relationships, the 
question of press freedom of Singapore was raised earlier. In 
this case, more than 475 U.S. children have been kidnapped in 
Japan, and the U.S. has named Japan a top three worst offender 
of international parental child abduction. There has been no 
significant improvement between since Japan acceded to the 
Hague Convention on the civil aspects of international child 
abduction in 2014.
    So, when you are confirmed, I hope that you will make one 
of your priorities to get the Japanese Government to understand 
that when you enter into an international convention and when 
American children are involved, we certainly expect you to live 
up to your obligations under the convention.
    Mr. Emanuel. And Mr. Chairman, I would underscore at this 
point, if I was fortunate to get the committee and the full 
Senate's support to be confirmed, your word is your bond. If 
you signed into an agreement to be trusted as a partner and 
ally, you must uphold the principle of that agreement.
    The Chairman. All right. This record for this hearing will 
remain open until the close of business tomorrow, Thursday, 
October 21. To members of the committee, please ensure that 
questions for the record are submitted no later than Thursday.
    To our nominees, I would just urge you upon receipt--
inevitably, there will be questions for the record--that you 
answer them expeditiously and fully so that then we can 
consider your nominations before the committee for a business 
meeting.
    And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.
    Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Kaplan. Thank you.


    [Whereupon, at 1:37 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. As you know, the U.S.-China Phase One Agreement requires 
China to change several of its regulations concerning intellectual 
property protection. However, many of the ways that China undermines 
intellectual property protections are through informal coercion or 
outright theft.

   If confirmed, how will you help to ensure that China fully 
        implements and complies with the intellectual property 
        requirements in the U.S.-China Phase One Agreement?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that we closely monitor the 
PRC's implementation of its IP commitments under the Phase One 
Agreement. Along with our interagency partners, we will hold the PRC 
accountable using the full range of tools we have and develop new ones 
in order to defend U.S. economic interests from the PRC's harmful 
policies and practices. As we enforce the terms of the Phase One 
Agreement, I will also work with allies and partners and press Beijing 
bilaterally to address our concerns with the PRC's unfair, non-market 
practices that distort competition by propping up PRC state-owned 
enterprises and limit market access, and its coercive and predatory 
practices in trade and technology.

    Question. The Chinese Government has not provided sufficient 
details regarding how it intends to comply with several of the 
intellectual property obligations contained in the U.S.-China Phase One 
Agreement, including those related to biopharmaceutical innovation.

   If confirmed, how will you help to ensure that China complies with 
        its intellectual property obligations under the U.S.-China 
        Phase One Agreement?

    Answer. The IP Chapter of the Phase One Agreement identified 133 
IP-related commitments that the PRC must take action on, including 
related to biopharmaceutic innovation. If confirmed, I will ensure that 
we closely monitor the PRC's implementation of all its IP commitments 
under the Agreement. Along with our interagency partners, we will hold 
the PRC accountable using the full range of those tools we have and 
develop new ones in order to defend U.S. economic interests from the 
PRC's harmful policies and practices.

    Question. As Ambassador, will you commit to making the case of Kai 
Li and his return back to his family a priority?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for the immediate and 
unconditional release of all those wrongfully or arbitrarily detained, 
and for the immediate lifting of travel restrictions for those subject 
to coercive exit bans in the PRC. I will work closely with the Special 
Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and the Bureau of Consular 
Affairs to resolve the case of Kai Li and the cases of other U.S. 
citizens wrongfully detained or subject to coercive exit bans by the 
PRC.
    The use of human beings as bargaining leverage is unacceptable, has 
been condemned by the global community, and is inconsistent with 
China's international human rights commitments.

USICA
    Question. As you know, earlier this year, the Senate passed a 
sweeping China competitiveness legislation that included this 
committee's Strategic Competition Act. This legislation puts core 
American values and human rights at the heart of our foreign policy, 
replenishes sources of our national strength here at home, supports our 
alliances and stability, and prioritizes fair economic competition. 
What are your thoughts on the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act?

    Answer. I strongly support the Senate's passage of the Innovation 
and Competition Act and the leadership of the Foreign Relations 
Committee on this vital issue. This bill will strengthen the ability of 
the United States to compete with China in the decades ahead. As 
Secretary Blinken has made clear--our domestic renewal and our strength 
in the world are completely entwined. A key component of the policy is 
revitalization of our democracy and economy here at home. This also 
requires we invest in American workers, companies and technologies to 
outcompete the PRC.

    Question. What should the United States be doing to deter and 
respond to such aggression in the digital space?

    Answer. All instruments of national power are available to respond 
to malicious cyber activity, including diplomatic, information, 
military, economic, financial, intelligence, law enforcement, and 
public attribution capabilities. We collaborate with our like-minded 
partners to uphold our shared vision for a cyberspace that allows all 
to prosper and to hold accountable those that would use it to cause 
harm and sow instability.
    Shared concerns regarding the PRC's malicious cyber activities are 
bringing countries around the world together to call out those 
activities, promote network defense and cybersecurity, and act to 
disrupt threats to our economies and national security. We cannot 
protect against malicious cyber activity on our own. Our allies and 
partners are a tremendous source of strength, and our collective 
approach to cyber threat information sharing, defense, and mitigation 
helps hold countries like the PRC to account.
    We have raised our concerns about specific incidents, including the 
Microsoft Exchange hacks, as well as the PRC's broader malicious cyber 
activity with senior PRC Government officials, making clear that the 
PRC's actions threaten security, confidence, and stability in 
cyberspace. The United States and our allies and partners are not 
ruling out further actions to hold the PRC accountable.

    Question. How can the United States strengthen its cooperation with 
like-minded countries to promote collective norms and values 
surrounding cyberspace and other emerging technologies?

    Answer. The United States takes a whole-of-government approach to 
combating malicious cyber activities. As part of that effort, the 
Department has achieved international consensus on the elements that 
make up a framework of responsible state behavior and is building a 
robust coalition of likeminded states who are willing to hold 
irresponsible states accountable when they transgress the framework, 
including through the imposition of consequences when appropriate. In 
July 2021, 38 countries joined the United States in calling out the 
PRC's role in the Microsoft Exchange hacks.
    In addition, the Department is also ramping up its coordination of 
U.S. interagency efforts to develop policies and processes to respond 
quickly to destructive, disruptive or otherwise destabilizing cyber 
incidents. The Department also works to promote cybersecurity due 
diligence globally and to strengthen transnational cooperation in the 
fight against cybercrime.

    Question. How should the United States evaluate critical supply 
chains and protect itself from chokehold vulnerabilities and security 
risks? If confirmed, as Ambassador, what would you see as your role in 
China?

    Answer. More secure and resilient supply chains are essential to 
our national security, our economic security, and our technological 
leadership. The administration's efforts to diversify supply chains, 
support increased trade between like-minded partners, and encourage 
best practices to screen potentially threatening investments will help 
to build resilience and reduce the impact of PRC coercion. The COVID-19 
pandemic has exposed vulnerabilities in our global supply chains for 
critical products, including medical equipment, supplies, and 
semiconductors. If confirmed, I will support the administration's 
efforts to build diverse, secure, and resilient supply chains for the 
future.

    Question. In addition to export control measures, what other 
actions do you believe the United States should take to limit the 
Chinese Government's access to technologies that enhance its military 
capabilities and facilitate repression in Xinjiang and Hong Kong?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage the full breadth of 
authorities available to us to protect our economic and national 
security interests, and support enhanced investment screening efforts. 
I will support the Biden-Harris administration efforts to ensure the 
PRC cannot exploit U.S. capital markets to support the PRC's national 
strategy of military-civil fusion and PLA military modernization and 
the use of PRC surveillance technology in human rights abuse. If 
confirmed, I would also work with our allies and partners to encourage 
and strengthen national security-focused investment screening 
mechanisms to mitigate the risks of concerning third-country 
investments, including from PRC-backed companies making third country 
investments.

    Question. Do you see opportunities for technology collaboration 
with China? How would you propose the United States pursue these 
opportunities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue cooperation with the PRC where 
it is in our interest, and in consultation with the Congress, our 
allies and partners, and other stakeholders.

South China Sea
    Question. I welcomed the Trump administration's clarification of 
our legal position on China's unlawful claims in the South China Sea. 
But as you know, international law is not self-enforcing, and having 
now taken this position, it is critical that we make our legal position 
a reality, not just a rhetoric.

   How would you, if confirmed, intend to implement this approach? And 
        how would you plan to work with partners and allies to forge 
        unified approach to the South China Sea?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has reaffirmed the July 
2020 policy statement on the U.S. position on maritime claims in the 
South China Sea and regularly consults with partners and allies to 
support international law in this crucial waterway. We have made clear 
that we stand with Southeast Asian claimant states in resisting PRC 
coercion. The administration is committed to upholding a free and open 
South China Sea. As a result of U.S. efforts with allies and partners 
in Asia and beyond, we have seen a greater willingness by countries to 
underscore the importance of making and pursuing maritime claims in 
accordance with international law.

    Question. How can the United States--working with our partners in 
the international community--be effective in supporting the people of 
Hong Kong? If confirmed, what role would you expect to play as 
Ambassador?

    Answer. The United States must stand with the international 
community on Hong Kong. We must create global partnerships on this 
issue in both condemning human rights violations and abuses as well as 
considering responsive actions including sanctions. This is not just a 
U.S. concern, but a global concern. If confirmed, I will continue 
President Biden's policy of emphasizing the role of our allies and 
partners on Hong Kong, as well as other areas of human rights concern 
in the PRC.

Hostage Diplomacy
    Question. I am relieved about the release of Michael Kovrig and 
Michael Spavor, however, I am disturbed by implications of ``hostage 
diplomacy'' in an apparent trade for Meng, which may incentivize China 
to continue this type of troubling behavior.

   Do you share this assessment? As Ambassador, how will you approach 
        any similar cases that may arise?

    Answer. The Department of Justice said it reached the decision to 
offer a deferred prosecution agreement with Ms. Meng based on the facts 
and the law, and an assessment of litigation risk.
    If confirmed, I intend to raise individual cases with the PRC 
Government and insist that U.S. citizens wrongfully or arbitrarily 
detained be released, that coercive exit bans be lifted, and that the 
PRC refrain from using such measures in the future.

Human Rights
    Question.  The Chinese Government is openly hostile to universal 
human rights and democratic values. We have seen this over and over 
again, including in its continuous abuses in Tibet and of the Uyghur 
population in Xinjiang.

   If confirmed, what will you do to defend fundamental human rights 
        in China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to promote accountability for 
People's Republic of China (PRC) officials responsible for genocide and 
crimes against humanity in Xinjiang and other human rights abuses in 
Tibet and elsewhere in the PRC. I will also support efforts to protect 
human rights in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic minorities.
    If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote 
accountability for those responsible to end abuses, to include but not 
limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: visa 
restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and financial 
sanctions.
    I will also commit to meet regularly with members of civil society 
and to raise specific cases of arbitrary detention or human rights 
violations directly with the PRC Government.

International Organizations and Standard Setting Bodies
    Question. The Chinese Government has demonstrated an increasingly 
malign presence and willingness to abuse their positions in 
international organizations and standard setting bodies.

   If confirmed, as Ambassador, what would you do to address these 
        issues in China?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) seeks to advance its 
national agenda in a manner that often undermines the independence, 
impartiality, and transparency, of international organizations. Through 
partnerships, we have had some success at defending against these 
attempts and upholding the rules-based international order. In China I 
will seek to broaden these partnerships to shore up international 
resolve. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to ensure 
that international organizations operating in China, including those 
affiliated with the U.N. system, remain aligned with U.N. principles 
and values, including relating to human rights, and do not 
inappropriately promote PRC policies to third countries. If confirmed, 
I will also confront PRC hypocrisy as it rhetorically espouses ``true 
multilateralism'' while coercing countries to support its unilateral 
objectives in international organizations.

    Question. If confirmed, do you think you will be able to support 
Special Envoy Kerry by diffusing China's conflation of issues with 
climate, and create some space for progress on working to enhance 
China's climate ambition?

    Answer. Yes. The United States is engaged in stiff competition with 
the PRC, but also has an interest in working together on vital 
transnational challenges, such as climate. We reject the linkage of 
action on climate to other issues in the bilateral relationship, and we 
have made this clear to the PRC. We are taking action on climate 
because it is an existential crisis, and we discuss this with the PRC 
because that is what responsible nations do--and that is what we have 
done with other countries around the world to raise the global 
ambition. As two large nations, we both have responsibilities, and that 
is why we are engaging and exploring areas where our interests align. 
The Biden administration is right to seek effective channels of 
communication with Beijing, in order to manage this competition 
responsibly. Climate is one of several transnational issues where our 
interests align, and former Secretary of State John Kerry works 
tirelessly on this issue. The PRC is by far the largest emitter of 
carbon in the world today. The world cannot solve the climate crisis 
without the PRC doing substantially more to reduce its emissions at the 
pace and magnitude required to limit global temperature rise to 1.5 
degrees Celsius as the science requires.

Nury Turkel
    Question. Nury Turkel serves as the Vice-Chair of the United States 
Commission on International Religious Freedom, appointed by House 
Speaker Pelosi. For decades, he has shed light on the PRC's atrocities 
against the Uyghur community and advocated for political dissidents and 
refugees. Because of Turkel's human rights work and now serving in on a 
U.S. Government commission, the PRC has engaged in a campaign of 
harassment against his family members-specifically his ailing parents. 
Despite Turkel's efforts to reunite with his ailing parents in the past 
12 years, Chinese security will not let them leave China to be with 
their two US citizen sons and five grandchildren born in the US. I 
understand that Deputy Secretary Sherman raised Turkel's case during 
her trip to China in July. However, we are not aware of any concrete 
follow-up related to Turkel's parents' passports. Further delay may 
signal to the Chinese Government that the U.S. Government is not 
serious about securing the elderly Turkels departure from China.

   Can you commit to reviewing and prioritizing the Turkels' case; 
        including sharing with us any specific, concrete steps that the 
        Biden administration is considering taking next?

    Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China 
(PRC)'s mistreatment of Mr. Turkel's parents, to include blocking them 
from leaving China. If confirmed, I will advocate vigorously on their 
behalf with the PRC Government and work to secure their reunification 
with Mr. Turkel and with their other children and grandchildren.

    Question. How would you navigate the situation if the Chinese 
Government insists on passing the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law in Hong 
Kong, and American and other international firms are forced to decide 
whether to comply with Chinese law or US law?

    Answer. Hong Kong's success as an international business hub has 
been built on a transparent regulatory framework and adherence to the 
rule of law. This law, if imposed, will further undermine the 
transparency that has been the bedrock of Hong Kong's business 
environment. Failure to comply with U.S. sanctions can result in civil 
and criminal penalties under U.S. law. If confirmed, I will advocate 
for U.S. businesses operating in Hong Kong, provide these companies 
with my best advice on Hong Kong's operating environment, and will 
advise companies with questions about their sanctions compliance 
obligations to contact OFAC.

    Question. What is your assessment of how the U.S. Government should 
respond to the potential passage of Article 23 legislation in Hong Kong 
which will further increase the potential penalties for foreign NGOs 
and pro-democracy activists in the city?

    Answer. I am very concerned by the potential passage of Article 23 
legislation. When attempts were made to introduce this legislation in 
2003, Hong Kongers made clear that they did not agree with the 
legislation, which would severely curb their rights and freedoms. I was 
with Secretary Albright in Hong Kong on the day of the handover in 
1997. I clearly remember the specific commitments Beijing made, which 
it has failed to meet. The PRC's actions have undermined Hong Kong's 
``high degree of autonomy'' and Hong Kongers' rights and freedoms 
protected under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. If confirmed, I 
will work with the administration to support people in Hong Kong and 
will continue to stand up for the human rights and freedoms they are 
guaranteed.

    Question. Taking into account the current Evergrande crisis, what 
is your view of Blackrock's recent call for investors to triple their 
equity holdings in China? How would you navigate a situation where 
there was a sudden string of property firms defaulting and American 
investors were caught in the middle? What would you say to the 
financial executives who will be lobbying you to increase and deepen 
ties between US and Chinese financial markets? Is this in our 
interests? What steps should the United States take to protect the 
international financial system from CCP digital surveillance that 
undermines human rights and freedoms?

    Answer. There are significant concerns regarding the lack of 
transparency in the PRC financial market and the recent series of 
politically-driven regulatory actions. If confirmed, I will continue to 
monitor these risks from the field and will work to raise awareness for 
U.S. and global investors, in support of efforts by the Treasury 
Department and other economic agencies.
    Beijing's recent actions to strengthen political control over 
financial markets--and the broader economy and society--are drawing 
international attention to the risks of doing business in an economy 
that is required to operate at the behest of an autocratic regime, even 
when this is at odds with market principles.
    The United States must continue to demonstrate the strength of our 
own financial system, including the value of transparency, openness, 
rule of law, and respect for privacy. If confirmed, I intend to work 
closely with the American business community to help remove barriers to 
its success in China.

    Question. Further to this issue, billions of USD is currently 
invested in Chinese technology firms with ties to the Xinjiang 
surveillance state, as well as in Chinese state-owned banks which fund 
firms with ties to the PLA. Can this be justified in the era of 
ethical--or ESG investing?

    Answer. Certain transactions with PRC firms can create exposure to 
a range of risks. These risks include sanctions, human rights abuses, 
threats posed by the PRC national strategy of military-civil fusion, 
thefts of intellectual property, and other threats to U.S. national 
security and technological competitiveness. The President took an 
important step in issuing Executive Order 14032 on June 3, 2021, 
``Addressing the Threat from Securities Investments That Finance 
Certain Companies of the People's Republic of China.'' If confirmed, I 
will work to ensure that the U.S. business community and other U.S. 
parties, such as state and local governments, are aware of these risks, 
including those outlined in the Xinjiang Supply Chain Business Advisory 
and applicable U.S. laws, and will encourage them to conduct heightened 
human rights due diligence on their investments in high-risk markets in 
line with the U.N. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and 
OECD Guidelines on Multinational Enterprises. If confirmed, I will also 
work with allies and partners on these issues.

    Question. In the Spring of this year, H&M faced a major boycott of 
its goods in China because it refused to source Xinjiang cotton. Do you 
agree that something is wrong when firms which take the moral stance 
are punished while those who continue to source cotton farmed by 
slaves' benefit? Do you agree that the time has come to level the 
playing field, correct the market inefficiency which encourages the use 
of slave labor, and that the best and easiest way of doing this would 
be to introduce a ban on cotton from Xinjiang, similar to that proposed 
in the United States?

    Answer. As a matter of law and policy, the United States is opposed 
to forced labor. At the June 2021 G7 Summit in Cornwall, United 
Kingdom, the world's leading democracies stood united against forced 
labor, including in Xinjiang, and committed to ensure global supply 
chains are free from the use of forced labor. USTR Katherine Tai and 
the other G7 trade ministers said in their October 22 statement they 
are seriously working to identify areas for strengthened cooperation 
and will continue working together to protect individuals from forced 
labor, to ensure that global supply chains are free from the use of 
forced labor, and those who perpetrate forced labor are held 
accountable. The Department is working across multiple bureaus and the 
interagency to end forced labor and hold those accountable who 
knowingly contribute to these human rights abuses in our global supply 
chains. If confirmed, I will support and advocate for the end of forced 
labor and elimination of human rights abuses in our global supply 
chains.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the anomalous health incidents that 
have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family members. 
Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of one's 
health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing 
of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, 
the health, safety, and security of Mission China staff, their family 
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest 
priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need. If confirmed, 
I commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO in Mission China 
during my first working day at the embassy to discuss past reported 
anomalous health incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the 
safety of Mission China staff and ensure that all protocols regarding 
anomalous health incidents are being followed appropriately.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO in Mission China during my first working day at the embassy to 
discuss past reported anomalous health incidents so that I am most 
prepared to protect the safety of Mission China staff and ensure that 
all protocols regarding anomalous health incidents are being followed 
appropriately.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Please describe, in detail, what U.S. policy towards 
China should be.

    Answer. The U.S.-China relationship is the most consequential and 
complex bilateral diplomatic relationship in the world. How we manage 
this relationship will be the biggest geopolitical test that the United 
States faces in the 21st century. We will compete vigorously with China 
where we should, including on jobs, the economy, on critical 
infrastructure, and on emerging technologies. We will cooperate with 
China in areas that are in our national interest, including climate 
change, counter-narcotics, global health security, and 
nonproliferation. Finally, we will challenge the PRC in areas we must, 
including when it takes actions that are contrary to American values 
and interests and that threaten American national security and the 
security of our partners and allies or undermine the rules-based 
international order, including on human rights.

    Question. What are the top 2 to 3 issues in U.S.-China relations?

    Answer. I highlighted the top issues on the U.S.-China agenda in my 
October 20 testimony to the Foreign Relations Committee. If confirmed, 
I look forward to regular consultations with committee members and 
staff.
    We will compete vigorously with the PRC where we should, including 
on jobs and the economy, critical infrastructure, and emerging 
technologies. As President Biden has said, when the United States 
competes on a level playing field, ``there's no country on Earth . . . 
that can match us.''
    We will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest, 
including on climate change, counternarcotics, global health, and 
nonproliferation. The world cannot solve the climate crisis unless the 
PRC does more to reduce their emissions. And it is to our benefit to 
maintain engagement between our people, including students, scholars, 
diplomats, and journalists so long as America's laws are respected.
    Finally, and crucially, we will challenge the PRC where we must, 
including when Beijing takes actions that run counter to America's 
values and interests; threaten the security of the United States or our 
allies and partners; or undermine the rules-based international order.

    Question. What do you think are the strengths and weaknesses of the 
Indo-Pacific strategy declassified at the end of the Trump 
administration? Which parts would you continue, if confirmed?

    Answer. I welcome the bipartisanship that has shaped and 
characterized our engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and if confirmed I 
look forward to continuing these efforts. As Vice President Harris 
stated during her August 24 speech in Singapore, the United States will 
continue to pursue a free and open Indo-Pacific that promotes our 
interests and those of our allies and partners. Our alliances and 
partnerships are a unique advantage for the United States. If 
confirmed, I will work to continue strengthening our treaty alliances, 
particularly with Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, 
Thailand, and Australia. If confirmed, I will work multilaterally, 
through longstanding institutions, like ASEAN and APEC, which remain 
central to the region's architecture. I will also work with new, 
results-oriented groups, like the Quad.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I welcome the bipartisanship that 
has shaped and characterized our engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and 
the Biden administration has continued to focus on allies and partners. 
If confirmed I look forward to continuing these efforts. As Vice 
President Harris stated during her August 24 speech in Singapore, the 
United States will continue to pursue a free and open Indo-Pacific that 
promotes our interests and those of our allies and partners. Our 
alliances and partnerships are a unique advantage for the United 
States. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our treaty alliances, 
particularly with Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, 
Thailand, and Australia. If confirmed, I will work multilaterally, 
through longstanding institutions, like ASEAN and APEC, which remain 
central to the region's architecture. I will also work with new, 
results-oriented groups, like the Quad.

    Question. Do you agree the U.S. and China are in a strategic 
competition that encompasses military, economic, technological, 
political, and ideological competition?

    Answer. Yes, the Biden-Harris administration has based its policy 
on a sober assessment of strategic competition. We will continue to 
strengthen our own competitive hand to out-compete the PRC and work 
closely with our allies and partners on our shared vision. We are 
approaching Beijing from a position of strength and engaging in robust 
diplomatic, economic, technological, and military competition. That 
said, we should also cooperate with Beijing when our interests align.

    Question. The Chinese Government has doubled down on its ``all or 
nothing'' negotiating strategy, demanding the U.S. meet its ``two 
list'' criteria--most of which are fundamentally incompatible with U.S. 
policy and national interests--before China is willing to cooperate 
with the U.S. on key issues. How should the U.S. engage--and how will 
you do so in your role if confirmed--with its counterparts if the 
Chinese Government refuses to cooperate without us meeting their list 
of demands?

    Answer. The U.S. is not beholden to any list of demands from the 
PRC Government. We reject the linkage of action on transnational 
challenges, such as climate, to other issues in the bilateral 
relationship. Strategic competition, however, does not, and should not, 
preclude working with the PRC when it is in the U.S. national interest. 
If confirmed, I will make clear to my PRC counterparts that we will 
welcome the PRC Government's cooperation on issues where our interests 
align and where the PRC has a global responsibility to act such as the 
climate crisis, global health security, strategic stability, counter-
narcotics, and nonproliferation, while being clear-eyed about the 
challenges that our relationship with the PRC poses, and will work with 
the interagency and our allies to overcome those challenges.

    Question. Do you think the Foreign Service is prepared to execute 
sustained competition with China? Are there any changes or reforms that 
need to be made to ensure our diplomatic corps is better positioned to 
advance these goals? What are some ideas you have in this vein that can 
be executed in Mission China?

    Answer. Yes. The Foreign Service is prepared to execute sustained 
competition with the People's Republic of China (PRC), as it has with 
strategic competitors in generations past. As part of this effort, the 
Department is realigning resources and personnel and developing nimble 
new organizational structures and strategic approaches. The Department 
also continues to benefit from Congressional funding to support this 
new effort, such as the Counter China Influence Fund (CCIF).
    All of our foreign posts have dedicated ``China Watchers''--
reporting or public diplomacy officers covering the PRC as part of 
their portfolio. These China Watchers collaborate with interagency 
colleagues to monitor and counter PRC problematic behaviors in State's 
global network of posts and missions, under the strategic direction of 
Chiefs of Mission. In 2019, the Department established the Regional 
China Officers (RCOs) program, which has recently expanded to 19 
officers. RCOs help assess and respond to problematic PRC behavior at 
the sub-regional, regional, and global levels, in coordination with 
posts' ``China Watchers'' and leadership.
    Mission China also continues to work tirelessly and under 
increasingly difficult conditions to engage the PRC on several 
important challenges and matters of shared interest, and to provide the 
best possible reporting back to Washington. To enhance our 
effectiveness in achieving these diplomatic efforts, Mission China 
continues to require support for the facilities and personnel 
appropriate to match the PRC's rapidly expanding resources and 
capabilities.

    Question. Do you commit to messaging to China the dangers and risks 
of its destabilizing actions against Taiwan?

    Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris Administration has repeatedly 
underscored to the People's Republic of China (PRC) that the PRC's 
actions are destabilizing, risk miscalculations, and undermine regional 
peace and stability. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to emphasize 
those points to Beijing and to undertaking efforts to shine a light on 
those PRC actions and PRC rhetoric.

    Question. What should we be doing now to deter China from 
aggressive and destabilizing action in the Taiwan Strait?

    Answer. This is a priority for the Biden-Harris Administration, 
which continues to take steps to strengthen deterrence in the Western 
Pacific. First, we have continued to make available to Taiwan the 
defense articles and services necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a 
sufficient self-defense capability, consistent with the Taiwan 
Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy. In doing so, we are in 
particular focused on helping Taiwan implement an asymmetric defense 
strategy that best aligns Taiwan's resources and advantages against the 
threat posed by the PRC. Second, we are building international support 
for the maintenance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and for 
Taiwan, as the joint statements between President Biden and former 
Prime Minister Suga and President Moon respectively as well as the G7 
Leaders Communique, Joint AUSMIN statement, and increasing unilateral 
messaging from other allies and partners illustrates. Third, we are 
supporting Taiwan beyond our security cooperation to demonstrate the 
strength of our partnership, push back on the PRC's destabilizing 
pressure tactics, and elevate Taiwan's contributions to the 
international community--we have donated COVID vaccines to Taiwan, 
restarted Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) talks, and 
advocated for Taiwan's membership or meaningful participation in 
international organizations.

    Question. Do you commit that, in your role, you will always pursue 
policies that enable the Taiwan people to choose their own future?

    Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I would continue to support a 
peaceful resolution of cross-strait issues, consistent with the wishes 
and best interests of the people of Taiwan. I would urge Beijing to 
cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure against Taiwan, 
and instead engage in meaningful dialogue with Taiwan. I will support 
the longstanding U.S. policy to assist Taiwan in maintaining maintain a 
sufficient self-defense capability, consistent with the Taiwan 
Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy.

    Question. What are your views on exercising economic, financial, 
and other tools to limit China's ability to benefit from Hong Kong as a 
financial center--both to impose costs for violating a treaty and to 
deter action against Taiwan? That would a bit more than some individual 
visa sanctions.

    Answer. I think it was particularly effective to sanction specific 
individuals in Hong Kong who are responsible for the repression of the 
people of Hong Kong. If confirmed, I will continue to consider all 
available policy tools to impose costs on Beijing for its actions in 
Hong Kong, including sanctions and highlighting unacceptable PRC 
behavior through joint messaging with partners and allies.

    Question. The PLA has established its first overseas military base 
in Djibouti, and the U.S. is concerned about PLA presence at Ream in 
Cambodia. How would you address this issue, if confirmed?

    Answer. Strategic competition, including military competition, with 
the PRC will remain a major feature of the bilateral relationship for 
the foreseeable future. The U.S. Government is closely watching the 
PLA's activities in Djibouti. I have serious concerns about the PRC's 
military presence and construction of facilities at Ream Naval Base on 
the Gulf of Thailand. Maintaining an independent and balanced foreign 
policy is in the best interests of the Cambodian people. If confirmed, 
I will make this a priority issue.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Strategic competition, including 
military competition, with the PRC will remain a major feature of the 
bilateral relationship for the foreseeable future. The U.S. Government 
is closely watching the PLA's activities in Djibouti. I have serious 
concerns about the PRC's military presence and construction of 
facilities at Ream Naval Base on the Gulf of Thailand. Maintaining an 
independent and balanced foreign policy is in the best interests of the 
Cambodian people. If confirmed, I will make this a priority issue. If 
confirmed, I am open to providing more information about this issue and 
the administration's policy to respond to PRC overseas basing during a 
closed briefing after I have had the opportunity to consult on the 
specifics with the Department of State, Department of Defense, and 
National Security Council.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advocate for or take 
steps to restore China programs under Mutual Education and Cultural 
Exchange Act without prior and meaningful congressional consultation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's goal of 
working with this Committee and Congress to ensure this Administration 
meets the China challenge. I commit to prior and meaningful 
consultations with Congress on this issue.

    Question. Do you support the designation of certain PRC entities 
under the Foreign Missions Act?

    Answer. Organizations in the United States that are wholly owned or 
effectively controlled by a foreign government ought to operate 
transparently and in accordance with U.S. laws. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the Office of Foreign Missions to advance that 
goal.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. It is my understanding that the 
Foreign Missions Act (FMA) permits the Secretary to treat certain types 
of non-diplomatic organizations as ``foreign missions'' for FMA 
purposes. It is also my understanding that the issue of whether any 
particular organization is eligible and should be treated as a foreign 
mission under the FMA requires a fact-specific review. As a general 
matter, organizations in the United States that are wholly owned or 
effectively controlled by a foreign government ought to operate 
transparently and in accordance with U.S. laws. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the Office of Foreign Missions to advance that 
goal.

    Question. What are your views on the issue of undue influence 
actors in the PRC in U.S. universities?

    Answer. This is a major concern and high priority for the U.S. 
Government. A clear understanding of the organizations and entities 
Beijing uses to attempt to influence U.S. society is important. They 
must be held to the same standard as all organizations operating in the 
United States. Of particular concern are activities that lack 
transparency and attempt to hide or downplay their affiliations and 
objectives.
    If confirmed, I will continue to promote transparency on the topic 
to relevant stakeholders within the United States, including state and 
local governments, universities, and business associations, as 
appropriate.

    Question. Do you think there should be greater scrutiny of foreign 
donations and contracts between U.S. universities and donors from 
countries that do share our interests, such as China and Russia? If so, 
how can Mission China contribute to that goal?

    Answer. I am supportive of measures to ensure that donations and 
contracts between U.S. universities and foreign entities benefit the 
United States and are not subject to undue foreign influence, including 
by the Government of the People's Republic of China. If confirmed, I 
will encourage Mission China to support the State Department's efforts 
to educate and inform educational institutions about their possible 
exposure to undue foreign influence through such arrangements.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I am supportive of measures to 
ensure that donations and contracts between U.S. universities and 
foreign entities benefit the United States and are not subject to undue 
foreign influence, including by the Government of the People's Republic 
of China. If confirmed, I will also ensure Mission China supports the 
State Department's efforts to educate and inform educational 
institutions about their possible exposure to undue foreign influence 
through such arrangements.

    Question. If confirmed, will you highlight corrupt Chinese 
practices, including by government officials and PRC companies 
operating in the domestic and foreign markets?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will push back on corrupt or coercive 
political and economic practices that damage our interests and those of 
our partners, including control over resources, predatory lending 
practices, and the abusive use of new security technology.

    Question. In your view, what are the implications of China being 
able to pressure and punish U.S. persons and companies into accepting 
or at least not pushing back on the political positions of the Chinese 
Government, even when those positions undermine the fundamental 
political principles and values of the United States? What can and 
should private sector actors be doing to address this issue? What is 
the proper role of the U.S. Government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to 
consider the risks of doing business with the PRC. I will also stress 
the importance for U.S. companies to ensure they avoid complicity with 
forced labor in the PRC, adhere to U.S. sanctions, and align their 
activities with the high standards of responsible business conduct we 
expect from U.S. firms. While we are not asking U.S. companies to 
advocate actively for our foreign policy, we expect them to take 
positions that align with American values and U.S. law. If confirmed, I 
will work to help U.S. companies to build resilience against PRC 
efforts to coerce them to take positions at odds with human rights, the 
rule of law, and responsible business conduct.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. U.S. companies face a difficult 
balancing act in China. Many, from large multinationals to smaller 
firms operating in the U.S. heartland, have longstanding business 
relationships and operations in the PRC, whether in manufacturing or 
sourcing their goods and inputs for Chinese and global markets, or 
selling to Chinese consumers.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to consider 
the risks of doing business with the PRC. I will also stress the 
importance for U.S. companies to ensure they avoid complicity with 
forced labor in the PRC, adhere to U.S. sanctions, and align their 
activities with the high standards of responsible business conduct we 
expect from U.S. firms. While we are not asking U.S. companies to 
advocate actively for our foreign policy, we should expect them to take 
positions that align with American values, their own corporate values, 
and the expectations of their shareholders. If confirmed, I will work 
to help U.S. companies to build resilience against PRC efforts to 
coerce them to take positions at odds with human rights, the rule of 
law, and responsible business conduct. 
    In instances where American corporations are publicly or privately 
coerced by the PRC to take actions that violate their corporate values 
or are punished for taking corporate positions that run counter to the 
PRC's false political or human rights narratives, I will, if confirmed, 
work to provide them with all available U.S. Government support. I also 
commit to working with like-minded partners to discourage companies 
from third countries from backfilling commercial opportunities when 
American companies stand their ground against the PRC or must refrain 
from pursuing opportunities due to their compliance with U.S. 
sanctions. Effective resistance to PRC coercion is most successful when 
we stand together with our partners and allies to encourage the 
business community to do what is right in China. 

    Question. In your view, what are the goals of ``One Belt, One 
Road''?

    Answer. The Belt and Road Initiative uses projects spread across 
125 countries to create new markets for Chinese exports, new sources of 
energy and other raw materials for the PRC's factories and power 
plants, and new avenues for rewriting international rules and standards 
to serve Beijing's own interests.
    Unlike the United States and most G20 countries, PRC state-backed 
lending disregards international standards and best practices that 
stress transparency, sustainability, and quality. Beijing's state banks 
generally do not consider debt sustainability risks in the borrowing 
country, conceal or obfuscate the amount and terms of the country's 
loans, and discourage borrowing countries from reporting through 
borrower non-disclosure arrangements. Instead of fair competition, the 
PRC channels billions of dollars in government subsidies to its 
exporters and civil engineering companies, allowing it to unfairly 
undercut its global competitors. BRI projects also often fail to 
implement international labor standards and environmental and social 
safeguards.
    If confirmed, I will promote development that emphasizes democratic 
governance, social and economic safeguards, transparency, and 
sustainable financing. I will work with our allies and partners to 
shine a spotlight on how the PRC's opaque loans and investments 
threaten fiscal stability and good governance while contributing to 
developing countries' unsustainable debt loads.

    Question. The Trump Administration undertook a major push to keep 
products from China's Huawei out of 5G networks in countries across the 
world, especially in allied nations in Europe. Multiple countries have 
chosen to exclude Huawei from their emerging 5G networks, including the 
United Kingdom, Czech Republic, Poland, Sweden, Estonia, Romania, 
Denmark, and Latvia.

   How will you address the issue of keeping 5G networks clean from 
        Chinese equipment and the consequent security hazards?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration views 5G security as a top 
priority because the stakes for securing these networks could not be 
higher. The United States advocates for a vibrant digital economy 
worldwide that enables all citizens to benefit from the promise of 5G 
and future telecommunications networks. At fora such as the Quad, the 
U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, the G7, and at the upcoming Third 
annual Prague 5G Security Conference, and in our bilateral 
relationships, the Department actively promotes 5G network security and 
vendor diversity, in partnership with the interagency, as part of that 
approach.

    Question. The Trump Administration undertook a major push to keep 
products from China's Huawei out of 5G networks in countries across the 
world, especially in allied nations in Europe. Multiple countries have 
chosen to exclude Huawei from their emerging 5G networks, including the 
United Kingdom, Czech Republic, Poland, Sweden, Estonia, Romania, 
Denmark, and Latvia.

   Looking beyond 5G, what other emerging technologies do you think 
        would create risks for the United States and its allies if we 
        have an undue reliance on untrusted vendors? Are there areas 
        you will prioritize, and how so?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris Administration views emerging 
technologies, infrastructure, and energy as critical to the U.S. future 
national security and economic prosperity. Advanced and future 
telecommunications technologies--5G, 6G, and beyond--as well as the 
semiconductors and microchips that are integral to those and so many 
other technologies, are high priorities. So too is the responsible 
stewardship of trustworthy artificial intelligence (AI) that is 
developed and used in line with democratic values and respect for human 
rights. Supercomputing, cloud computing, data storage, and quantum 
information technologies are already changing the way we live--a trend 
that will only increase. Advanced energy--from renewable energy and 
storage to microreactors and fusion energy--will power these 
technologies. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners, 
companies, universities, and civil society organizations that promote 
democratic values and share a commitment to design and deploy 
technology for the benefit of all people.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken, 
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests 
for the sake of an agreement with or promises from China on climate 
change?

    Answer. I reject the linkage of action on climate to other issues 
in the bilateral relationship. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has 
noted, climate is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the 
U.S.-PRC relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests. 
We will compete, and compete vigorously, with the PRC where we should, 
and we will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest, 
including on climate change. The PRC is by far the largest emitter of 
carbon in the world today. The world cannot solve the climate crisis 
without the PRC doing substantially more to reduce their emissions at 
the pace and magnitude required to limit global temperature rise to 1.5 
degrees Celsius, as the science requires. This is a major issue for the 
entire world, as well as in our relationship. At the end of the day, 
this Administration will look at what Beijing does--not what it says it 
will or will not do--to determine whether the PRC is serious about 
climate action.

    Question. Do you commit that you yourself will not take any steps 
to trade other U.S. interests for the sake of an agreement with or 
promises from China on climate change?

    Answer. Yes, I commit that I will not take steps to trade other 
U.S. interests for the sake of an agreement or promises from the PRC on 
climate change.

    Question. To the best of your understanding, does Mr. Kerry have 
authority to be involved in any other issues in our China policy, other 
than climate?

    Answer. No. As Special Presidential Envoy for Climate, former 
Secretary of State John Kerry's role is to lead U.S diplomatic efforts 
worldwide to reassert U.S. climate leadership and raise global ambition 
to meet the daunting climate challenge. His climate diplomacy work is 
closely coordinated with other U.S. diplomatic efforts.

    Question. If Mr. Kerry begins playing a major role in non-climate 
aspects of the U.S.-China relationship, what will you do to remedy 
that?

    Answer. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate (SPEC) Kerry has not 
done so. His role is to lead the U.S. diplomatic efforts worldwide to 
reassert U.S. climate leadership and raise global ambition to meet the 
challenge. His climate diplomacy work will continue to be closely 
coordinated with other U.S. diplomatic efforts. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working closely with SPEC Kerry on pushing the PRC to take 
stronger and faster climate action. I have very high regard for John 
Kerry and his experience and effectiveness as a negotiator.

    Question. Mr. Kerry and Secretary of Commerce Raimondo have both 
said that if we cooperate with China on climate and commercial ties, it 
will help us to cooperate in other areas. Do you agree with that 
assessment?

    Answer. I agree with the administration's competitive approach to 
the PRC. I believe we should continue to strengthen our own competitive 
hand vis-a-vis the PRC. This does not preclude cooperation in areas 
where our interests align, such as climate. If confirmed, I will pursue 
cooperation with the PRC where it is in our interest, and in 
consultation with the Congress, our allies and partners, and other 
stakeholders.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I agree with the administration's 
competitive approach to the PRC. The United States will compete 
vigorously with the PRC where we should, and we will cooperate with the 
PRC where it is in our interest.
    I believe we should continue to strengthen our own competitive hand 
vis-a-vis the PRC. This does not preclude us from raising areas where 
we have concern with the PRC's actions nor from cooperating in areas 
where our interests may align, such as climate. If confirmed, I will 
pursue cooperation with the PRC where it is in our interest, and in 
consultation with the Congress, our allies and partners, and other 
stakeholders.

    Question. Mr. Kerry stated in a Bloomberg interview on September 22 
in response to a question about ``how one trades off climate against 
human rights'' (the interviewer's exact words): ``Well life is always 
full of tough choices in the relationship between nations. Even as 
there were egregious human rights issues [with the Soviet Union], which 
Ronald Reagan called them out on, we had to find a way forward to make 
the world safer and protect our countries and act in our interests. We 
can and must do the same thing now. Yes, we have issues.but first and 
foremost, this planet must be protected.''

   Do you agree that climate should come ``first and foremost'' in the 
        U.S.-China relationship?

    Answer. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a 
critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China 
relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests. This 
administration will compete, and compete vigorously, with the PRC where 
we should, and we will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our 
interest. Climate is perhaps the signature issue on the cooperation 
side. The United States is committed to working with the international 
community and the PRC on climate as an urgent issue, and I hope Beijing 
will engage with us on the same basis.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. As Special Presidential Envoy 
Kerry has noted, climate is a critical standalone issue, and other 
aspects of the U.S.-China relationship will not be traded for separate 
U.S. interests. This administration will compete, and compete 
vigorously, with the PRC where we should, and we will cooperate with 
the PRC where it is in our interest.
    The administration has consistently said climate change is an area 
where our interests align, and has regularly raised with the PRC the 
importance of taking bold actions to address the climate crisis. There 
is simply no way to solve the climate crisis without the significant 
emission reductions from the country that today leads the world with 
28% of global emissions.
    The United States is committed to working with the international 
community and the PRC on climate as an urgent issue, and I hope Beijing 
will engage with us on the same basis.

    Question. Do you think there is a ``tough choice'' between 
promoting human rights in China and coming to an agreement on climate?

    Answer. No, as Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate 
is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China 
relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests. We will 
compete, and compete vigorously, with the PRC where we should, and we 
will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest, including on 
climate change. Human rights will remain a major priority issue on the 
U.S. agenda with China.

    Question. In various publications, you've written we need China to 
``mitigate environmental catastrophe or engineer a stable, global 
economy,'' or cooperate with China on ``transnational threats'' such as 
``combatting piracy and drug and crime cartels and responding to 
pandemics of the future.'' You've also written that we share interests 
with China and Russia on ``climate change, terrorism, Iran, and North 
Korea'' and ``proliferation.'' Are there other issues where you have a 
similar view? What do you think China is willing to do in each of these 
issue areas?

    Answer. I am clear-eyed about the challenges that our relationship 
with the PRC poses and, if confirmed, will work with the interagency 
and our allies to overcome them. Strategic competition does not, and 
should not, preclude working with the PRC when it is in the U.S. 
national interest to do so. In fact, we will welcome the PRC 
Government's cooperation on issues such as the climate crisis, global 
health security, strategic stability, counter-narcotics, and 
nonproliferation when our interests align.
    We actively seek the PRC's cooperation in efforts to constrain 
Iran's nuclear program, as it has no interest in seeing Iran develop a 
nuclear weapon and the profoundly destabilizing impact that would have 
in a region upon which China depends for its oil imports.
    On climate issues, the PRC is by far the largest emitter of carbon 
in the world today. The world cannot solve the climate crisis without 
the PRC doing substantially more to reduce their emissions at the pace 
and magnitude required to limit global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees 
Celsius, as the science requires. This is a major issue for the entire 
world, as well as in our relationship. At the end of the day, this 
Administration will look at what Beijing does--not what it says it will 
or will not do--to determine whether the PRC is serious about climate 
action.

    Question. The Chinese Communist Party is cracking down against 
financial institutions, technology companies, and individual wealth 
accumulation. What is your assessment of the future of China's economy, 
and what risks do these regulatory changes present to U.S. businesses 
in China or with supply chains in China?

    Answer. The PRC's increasingly intrusive business regulations, 
political demands, and national security laws are contributing to a 
deteriorating investment climate and rising political risk for 
companies. If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to 
consider the risks of doing business with the PRC. I will make every 
effort to help U.S. businesses to succeed in China.

    Question. How will you strengthen the economic corps in Mission 
China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the Mission China 
economic corps has the resources and support they need to advance a 
foreign policy for the middle class, to ensure American businesses are 
positioned to compete and win on a global stage, and to confront the 
PRC's economic abuses.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2011]. If confirmed, I will work to 
ensure the Mission China economic corps has the resources and support 
they need to advance a foreign policy for the middle class, to ensure 
American businesses are positioned to compete and win on a global 
stage, and to confront the PRC's economic abuses. If confirmed, I will 
ask my Country Team to assess ways in which the economic corps could be 
strengthened, and if needed, work with State Department colleagues and 
Congress to identify corresponding resources.

    Question. What will you ask the economic corps in Mission China to 
prioritize? Please be specific.

    Answer. We must hold the PRC accountable for failing to play by the 
rules on trade and investment, including its theft of intellectual 
property, use of state subsidies, dumping of goods, and unfair labor 
practices. These actions harm American workers and businesses. The best 
way to meet this challenge is to form common cause with U.S. allies and 
partners to confront the PRC's anti-competitive, market distorting, and 
coercive behaviors. If confirmed, I will also work to create a level 
playing field for U.S. businesses, coordinating with Congress and 
interagency partners, including the Office of the U.S. Trade 
Representative, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of 
Commerce, and the Department of Agriculture, along with partners and 
allies to develop policies that counter the PRC's abusive and unfair 
economic practices.

    Question. In particular, how would you, if confirmed, and the 
economic corps at Mission China help deal with the PRC's growing use of 
laws and regulations to pressure foreign companies not to comply with 
U.S. laws, including our sanctions laws?

    Answer. President Biden is firmly committed to taking on the 
challenge of the PRC's abusive and unfair practices. The best way to 
meet this challenge is to work alongside U.S. allies and partners to 
confront the PRC's anti-competitive, market distorting, and coercive 
behaviors. If confirmed, I will work to create a level playing field 
for U.S. businesses, coordinating with Congress and interagency 
partners, including the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, the 
Department of the Treasury, the Department of Commerce, and the 
Department of Agriculture to develop policies that counter the PRC's 
abusive and unfair economic practices and hold Beijing accountable when 
it employs them.
    The administration should not be deterred from taking actions to 
hold Beijing accountable for human rights violations, the erosion of 
Hong Kong autonomy, and other problematic behavior. If confirmed, I 
will work to help American businesses to succeed, while also 
encouraging the business community to consider the risks of doing 
business with the PRC. If confirmed, I will also support and encourage 
U.S. businesses to respect human rights in line with the U.N. Guiding 
Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for 
Multinational Enterprises.

    Question. Do you agree on the need to move certain supply chains 
out of China?

    Answer. I fully support the Biden-Harris administration's effort to 
realize resilient, diverse, and secure supply chains to ensure our 
economic prosperity and national security, including by encouraging 
American companies to diversify their People's Republic of China (PRC) 
sourcing and supply chains to create more resilient supply chains that 
can reduce vulnerabilities to economic coercion and other PRC actions. 
Chief among our concerns are the PRC's use of state-led, non-market 
interventions, to capture large portions of value chains in sectors 
crucial to U.S. national and economic security. Our approach must also 
reflect other vulnerabilities, such as pandemics and other biological 
threats, climate shocks and extreme weather events, and cyber and 
terrorist attacks. The PRC has used its dominance of critical sectors 
as economic leverage to advance its own geopolitical agenda, including 
numerous cases of economic coercion against trading partners who do not 
fully support Beijing's policies. If confirmed, I would support U.S. 
efforts to diversify critical supply chains beyond China to avoid the 
unacceptable risk that the United States could be placed in a similar 
situation.

    Question. Do you agree with the need to reduce our reliance on 
China overall in terms of supply chains? If so, what sectors or items 
would fall into either of these categories for you?

    Answer. I fully support the Biden-Harris administration's effort to 
reduce U.S. reliance on the PRC for critical supply chains. Chief among 
these are the critical sectors noted in Executive Order (E.O.) 14001 on 
public health supply chains and E.O. 14017 on America's Supply Chains, 
which identified semiconductors and advanced packaging, high-capacity 
batteries, critical minerals, pharmaceuticals, and active 
pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs), and supplies necessary for 
responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. The Administration's efforts to 
review supply chains related to six industrial bases--for defense, 
energy, transportation, information, and communication technology 
(ICT), public health, and agriculture and food--may yet identify 
additional critical sectors of concern with respect to the PRC's 
current or prospective dominance that may merit further action.
    Moreover, American companies must ensure that their PRC supply 
chains are free of forced labor, including those for silica-based 
products, and those for cotton and tomatoes produced in Xinjiang. As 
President Biden made clear at the G7 Summit, the United States will not 
tolerate forced labor in our supply chains.

    Question. What will you do to help U.S. companies achieve either of 
the goals of reducing reliance on China in terms of supply chains and 
moving certain supply chains out of China, and to withstand costs 
imposed by the PRC Government of doing so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. companies to 
reduce our reliance on the PRC for critical supply chains. This 
includes actively engaging with industry and other key stakeholders, 
including labor and civil society, to fully understand the complex 
nature of supply chains that originate in the PRC as well as the risks 
and vulnerabilities that they pose. I will also work within the 
Administration to use the full extent of our trade, commercial and 
diplomatic tools to support U.S. firms' efforts to diversify, as 
appropriate, their PRC-based critical supply chains and sourcing 
activities. I will also vigorously defend the interests of U.S. 
companies if PRC authorities punish them for actions taken to support 
resilient supply chains in the U.S. national interest.

    Question. The Biden Administration updated a Trump-era executive 
order addressing the threat of securities investments by Chinese 
companies linked to the People's Liberation Army. The Trump 
Administration formed the ICTS process to protect against untrusted 
information communications technology and services in U.S. supply 
chains. The SEC is taking a stronger stance on Chinese companies not 
abiding by accounting and auditing standards. There is greater 
attention on the presence of PRC companies listed in capital markets 
that also work with the Chinese military or are potentially complicit 
in human rights abuses. The State Department can play a role in 
providing valuable information to support some of these processes. It 
can also advocate inside the interagency for rigorous enforcement of 
these tools.

   Do you commit to making this a priority?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my interagency colleagues to 
hold PRC firms to the same audit compliance standards that apply to 
other companies around the world as a requirement for listing in U.S. 
financial markets. I would also work with our allies and partners to 
encourage and strengthen national security-focused investment screening 
mechanisms to mitigate the risks of concerning third-country 
investments, including from PRC-backed companies making third country 
investments. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris 
Administration efforts to ensure the PRC cannot exploit U.S. capital 
markets to support PLA military modernization and the use of PRC 
surveillance technology in human rights abuse.

    Question. If so, what steps will you take to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage the full breadth of 
authorities available to us to protect our economic and national 
security interests, and support enhanced investment screening efforts. 
I would confront unfair and inappropriate trade practices--including 
intellectual property theft for commercial and military enhancement and 
coercive economic practices, use of state subsidies, dumping of goods, 
and unfair labor practices.

    Question. You supported TPP. Would you advocate inside the 
administration for the U.S. joining CPTPP, especially now that China 
has made a bid for it?

    Answer. Trade policy in the Indo-Pacific is a key part of the 
Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better. The 
administration's approach to trade is focused on supporting American 
working families, defending our values, and protecting the long-term 
prosperity and security of the United States. As President Biden has 
said, the United States is focused on making investments in U.S. 
workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements, 
including in the Indo-Pacific. The United States is working with allies 
and partners in the Indo-Pacific region to identify ways to address 
specific trade issues such as infrastructure, the digital economy, and 
energy.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed, I will faithfully 
represent the administration's trade policies. The administration's 
approach to trade is focused on supporting American working families, 
defending our values, and protecting the long-term prosperity and 
security of the United States. As President Biden has said, the United 
States is focused on making investments in U.S. workers and U.S. 
competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements, including in the 
Indo-Pacific. Ambassador Tai has stated, ``We will create durable trade 
policy that benefits a broad range of stakeholders by rebuilding trust 
with our workers and aligning our domestic and foreign policies.''

    Question. PRC military modernization and expansion is dramatically 
shifting the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. Do you commit to 
ensuring the U.S. does not weaken its defense posture in the Indo-
Pacific, or take any measures that would lessen our security 
commitments to our allies and partners in the region?

    Answer. The Peoples Republic of China's (PRC) military build-up and 
coercive activities highlight Beijing's increasing comfort with 
employing military forces to achieve its foreign policy objectives. The 
United States and its allies and partners will continue to make every 
effort to strengthen our ability to deter and defend against 
aggression, and the administration has been clear that our security 
commitments to our allies and partners will remain strong and credible.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Yes. The Peoples Republic of 
China's (PRC) military build-up and coercive activities highlight 
Beijing's increasing comfort with employing military forces to achieve 
its foreign policy objectives. The United States and its allies and 
partners will continue to make every effort to strengthen our ability 
to deter and defend against aggression, and the administration has been 
clear that our security commitments to our allies and partners will 
remain strong and credible.

    Question. What do you think is motivating China's massive nuclear 
build-up?

    Answer. China's build-up highlights why the administration will 
pursue strategic stability measures to reduce the dangers from the 
PRC's growing nuclear arsenal. These efforts will be paired with 
actions to bolster deterrence in the region. Because Beijing is the 
least transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapons states, accurate 
assessments of its nuclear intentions are difficult. I defer to the 
Intelligence Community for a specific assessment of the factors driving 
the PRC's rapid nuclear build-up.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. China's build-up highlights why 
the administration will pursue strategic stability measures to reduce 
the dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal. These efforts will 
be paired with actions to bolster deterrence in the region. Because 
Beijing is the least transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapons 
states, accurate assessments of its nuclear intentions are difficult. I 
defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific assessment of the 
factors driving the PRC's rapid nuclear build-up. If confirmed, I 
commit to brief you and your staff after I have had the opportunity to 
consult within the administration.

    Question. In light of China's nuclear build-up, do you think it is 
the right decision for the United States to adopt a `sole purpose 
doctrine' or a `no first use' policy, based on information that's in 
open source?

    Answer. I understand the concerns expressed among some allies and 
partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding potential U.S. 
adoption of a no-first-use or sole purpose policy. In the face of the 
PRC's rapid nuclear build-up, the Administration will ensure our 
strategic deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective and that our 
extended deterrence commitments to our allies and partners remain 
strong and credible, while also taking steps to reduce the role of 
nuclear weapons in U.S. national security strategy. The ongoing 
analysis within the Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review 
will inform the Administration's approach to nuclear posture and 
policy. I do not want to get ahead of that process.

    Question. Do you believe that unilateral U.S. nuclear reductions 
would enable the United States to negotiate with Russia and China from 
a position of strength?

    Answer. I would never support unilateral reductions that endanger 
U.S. security or weaken U.S. negotiating leverage. The U.S. should 
maintain a modern, credible and effective nuclear deterrent.

    Question. What do you think would incentivize China to engage in 
arms control discussions?

    Answer. The Administration hopes that Beijing will come to see that 
arms control is in its own security interest, as such measures would 
contribute to reducing the risk of military crises and would manage the 
threat of destabilizing arms races. U.S. allies and partners will be 
key to success in these efforts. If confirmed, I commit to consulting 
with Congress at an appropriate time on potential measures to be 
pursued with Beijing.

    Question. If we are not able to commence discussions on arms 
control with China, what should the U.S. be doing instead to address 
various arms controls issues we have with China?

    Answer. Given the PRC's rapid military expansion, the United States 
and its allies and partners need to strengthen their ability to deter 
and defend against aggression. Beijing's nuclear build-up highlights 
that there is a need for crisis communication, risk reduction, and 
strategic stability. These efforts will be paired with actions to 
bolster deterrence in the region.

    Question. Do you think the United States should cooperate with 
countries where we have concerns about compliance with the Biological 
Weapons Convention on biotechnology, pathogen research, and other 
categories of biological research that could be weaponized or serve a 
dual-use function?

    Answer. It is my view that the United States should not cooperate 
with countries of compliance concern on specific biological research 
where we believe there is significant potential that information, 
technology, or material we provide could be used for nefarious 
purposes. In this vein, I strongly support oversight of life sciences 
dual use research of concern. It is important, however, to continue 
dialogue with those countries to clarify and resolve compliance 
concerns. Further, if certain countries have the only access to certain 
pathogens, then the United States must find a way to ensure that public 
health experts can continue their necessary collaborative work to be 
able to protect us from naturally occurring outbreaks and accidents, 
while minimizing risks to our national security.

    Question. Would you work to limit cooperation with the PRC on 
biotechnology, and to increase scrutiny of any such cooperation?

    Answer. The United States has oversight policies and regulations 
for federally funded research. These policies require careful 
consideration of risks and benefits of proposed research, and where 
appropriate, measures to mitigate those risks. Policy development is 
led by the National Security Council and by the White House Office of 
Science and Technology Policy and decisions about the funding of 
specific research proposals are made by the responsible funding agency. 
If confirmed, I will work closely with the ISN and AVC Bureaus on 
issues concerning the PRC to ensure that policy development considers 
both our international obligations and the international implications 
of policy choices.

    Question. Do you commit to prioritizing engagement with industry, 
academia, the health research community, and other stakeholders outside 
traditional national security circles on the United States' compliance 
concerns with respect to the Biological Weapons Convention? If so, what 
three steps will you take to make good on this commitment, should you 
be confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with the AVC Bureau 
to engage those outside traditional national security circles (e.g., 
industry, academia, the health research community) and with 
international counterparts about United States' concerns regarding 
other countries' compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention. The 
State Department plans to engage those outside (and inside) traditional 
national security circles in the run up to the BWC Review Conference 
and during the BWC Review Conference itself through bilateral 
engagements and briefings, NGO roundtables, workshops, and public 
outreach events.

    Question. Do you think the U.S. Government should be funding 
research with China on pathogens, viruses, and toxins? If so, do you 
think the State Department should have a role in reviewing whether such 
proposals are in the national security interests of the United States?

    Answer. It is my view that the United States should not cooperate 
with countries of compliance concern on specific biological research 
where we believe there is significant potential that information, 
technology, or material we provide could be used for nefarious 
purposes. It is important, however, to continue dialogue with those 
countries to clarify and resolve compliance concerns. Further, if the 
PRC has the only access to certain pathogens, the United States must 
find a way to ensure that public health experts can continue their 
necessary collaborative work to be able to protect us from naturally 
occurring outbreaks, while minimizing our national security risks.
    The United States has federal funding and oversight for research 
that might pose safety or security risks and require additional 
oversight by Departments that fund such research. These policies 
establish a high bar for funding based on a careful assessment of risks 
and benefits and require steps to mitigate any risks. The AVC Bureau 
would be consulted if the proposed cooperation raised any potential 
issues related to compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention.

    Question. What is your assessment of the strategic threat China 
presents in the Arctic?

    Answer. China is pursuing greater influence in the Arctic, seeking 
to leverage investments in scientific research and critical 
infrastructure to secure footholds and extend its soft power across the 
region. We coordinate closely with allies and partners in the Arctic on 
the protection of critical infrastructure and to keep Arctic states at 
the forefront of governance in the region

    Question. According to the 2019 National Drug Threat Assessment, 
fentanyl and other highly potent synthetic opioids continue to be the 
most lethal category of illicit substances in the United States. The 
2020 DEA report on fentanyl flows to the United States highlights that 
China remains the primary source of fentanyl and fentanyl-related 
substances trafficked into the United States, increasingly through 
Mexico. Mexican transnational criminal organizations are producing 
increased quantities of fentanyl and cartels such as the Sinaloa and 
the New Generation Jalisco cartel are the primary trafficking groups 
responsible for smuggling fentanyl into the United States from Mexico.

   Please explain your understanding of the actions and steps the 
        Chinese Government needs to take to reduce, and eventually 
        eliminate, the transshipment of fentanyl precursor chemicals to 
        Mexico.

    Answer. The PRC is the primary source for precursor chemicals used 
to manufacture fentanyl, opioids, methamphetamine, and other synthetic 
drugs globally. Addressing this challenge is an Administration 
priority. If confirmed, I will support this priority and coordinate 
closely with interagency partners to raise this issue through bilateral 
channels and multilaterally with allies and partners. If confirmed, I 
will press the PRC to take a number of actions that could reduce the 
transshipment of fentanyl precursor chemicals, including the 
investigation and prosecution of the use of false documents and 
shipping labels, implementation of ``know your customer'' regulations.
    Diminishing shipments of fentanyl precursors from the PRC to Latin 
American transnational criminal organizations to stop flows to the 
United States will require tangible working-level with Beijing and 
cooperation with allies and partners, including in Congress. If 
confirmed, I also will work with interagency partners to utilize all 
available tools to promote accountability for illicit actors involved 
in the fentanyl supply chain. I look forward to close continued 
consultation and cooperation with Congress on this issue.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of U.S. concerns with 
Chinese malign behavior in the Western Hemisphere.

    Answer. The Secretary called our competition with the PRC a 
defining challenge for the 21st century. The PRC represents a serious 
challenge to U.S. interests in the region, with its growing security 
ties and opaque infrastructure investments that undermine transparency 
and sovereignty. The Department does not oppose Beijing's engagement 
and investment throughout the region. The Department, however, echoes 
the long-standing calls from Latin American capitals that PRC actions 
respect local laws and interests, particularly regarding the human 
rights of all, including workers, and protections for the environment.

    Question. Do you agree with these concerns?

    Answer. The Department seeks to strengthen the Western Hemisphere 
as a coalition of resilient democracies that champions our shared 
values. The Department does this by working with allies and partners, 
with a sustained commitment in virtually every dimension of our 
bilateral and multilateral relationships. As Secretary Blinken has made 
clear, we do not seek to force our partners to choose between the 
United States and the PRC. We offer a partnership that works in our 
interests and those of our partners, undergirded by our shared values 
of democratic governance; respect for human rights; entrepreneurship; 
transparency; inclusive economic growth; environmental stewardship; and 
diversity, equality, and inclusion.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend to 
diminish Chinese malign influence in the Western Hemisphere region?

    Answer. I support the Administration's efforts to build on our 
shared values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We 
welcome our allies and partners' expertise and resources to support the 
region's COVID-19 response, entrepreneurship, and sustainable 
infrastructure. We support high-standard investment in infrastructure 
and transparent economic development that creates jobs essential for 
regional pandemic recovery. We employ a diverse range of tools to 
strengthen regional prosperity, security, and democracy, from 
diplomatic engagement to technical exchanges, public diplomacy and 
targeted foreign assistance, and partnership with the private sector 
and civil society.

    Question. Please describe your views about Chinese illegal, 
unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing in the waters of the Western 
Hemisphere?

    Answer. IUU fishing by foreign vessels in our Western Hemisphere 
waters, particularly by PRC-flagged and PRC-associated vessels, raises 
serious concerns. The Department works with the interagency community, 
including U.S. Coast Guard, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric 
Administration, and the U.S. Agency of International Development, to 
improve diplomatic and enforcement tools and to promote respect for 
maritime sovereignty and international standards in environmental and 
labor practices. IUU fishing activities negatively affect coastal 
countries in South America, Central America, and the Caribbean, whose 
coastal communities rely on fishery resources. The actions of a large, 
primarily PRC-flagged fishing fleet that targets squid in the high seas 
outside of South American exclusive economic zones have raised 
substantial concerns. Analysts have linked this fleet to IUU fishing 
activities in the past, and its behaviors, such as vessels turning off 
identification systems for periods of time, have raised questions about 
the fleet's activities. Analysts have most frequently cited PRC-
associated vessels as engaging in IUU fishing activities in other 
countries' jurisdictions. PRC-associated vessels around the world also 
engage in other concerning behavior--including overfishing, using 
forced labor, operating in disputed waters accompanied by the Chinese 
Coast Guard, and reinforcing unlawful maritime claims in the South 
China Sea.

    Question. Please explain how you would convey U.S. concerns about 
IUU fishing in the Western Hemisphere to the Chinese Government.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would recommend continuing to raise our 
concerns about IUU fishing in the Western Hemisphere to the PRC in 
bilateral meetings, as well as through public statements and 
cooperation with like-minded coastal, fishing, and market states. IUU 
fishing remains a growing global concern. The Department urges the PRC 
to operate transparently about its fishing activities, enforce its own 
stated ``zero-tolerance'' policy regarding IUU fishing, and fulfill its 
flag state responsibilities to monitor and control its fleet.

    Question. Please describe your concerns about the objectives of 
Chinese military engagement throughout Latin America.

    Answer. The United States must maintain its substantial edge in 
military cooperation and sales to the hemisphere. The PRC's growing 
military engagement with the hemisphere remains limited but is growing 
and requires close attention.

    Question. Please describe your concerns about the purpose of the 
so-called space station and the threat it presents to national 
security.

    Answer. We have publicly discussed our concerns regarding the 
People's Liberation Army's efforts to develop bases around the world. 
Those concerns apply to the ground station in Argentina that support's 
the PRC's space operations. We would be happy to provide you with more 
detail about our national security concerns about that particular 
facility in a closed session.

    Question. Chinese companies such as ZTE and Huawei have made 
significant inroads in Latin America. Chinese surveillance system 
providers have updated security and telecommunications infrastructure 
in countries like Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela, among others, 
and have sought to export Chinese surveillance techniques and equipment 
throughout the region.

   Please describe the threat Chinese surveillance systems present to 
        the safety and security of citizens in these countries.

    Answer. The Chinese Communist Party seeks to obtain sensitive 
personal data around the world. The PRC could compel PRC-linked 
companies to provide access to data, facilities, and equipment to 
security and intelligence services, potentially including those 
companies that export communications equipment and services around the 
world, including in the Western Hemisphere. The financing of ``safe 
cities'' in the region, often through the sales of surveillance 
technology, is not altruism--it is potentially unimpeded access to bulk 
surveillance data and the export of the tools of authoritarianism.

    Question. Chinese companies such as ZTE and Huawei have made 
significant inroads in Latin America. Chinese surveillance system 
providers have updated security and telecommunications infrastructure 
in countries like Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela, among others, 
and have sought to export Chinese surveillance techniques and equipment 
throughout the region.

   How does the proliferation of Chinese telecommunications 
        infrastructure in Latin America threaten U.S. national security 
        interest?

    Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about the dangers of 
installing networks that can be manipulated, disrupted, or controlled 
by governments that have no regard for privacy or human rights. In the 
PRC, where vendors are beholden to the whims of the PRC, this control 
is spelled out explicitly in the Chinese National Intelligence Law: 
``Any organization and citizen shall, in accordance with the law, 
support, provide assistance, and cooperate in national intelligence 
work, and guard the secrecy of any national intelligence work they are 
aware of.'' There can be no trust when a company lacks meaningful 
judicial recourse to challenge government overreach. These vendors 
could provide the PRC the capability and opportunity to disrupt or 
weaponize critical applications and infrastructure.
    These concerns are not hypothetical--we have all seen news reports 
of the PRC attempting to coerce countries by withholding COVID-19 
vaccines or threatening economic or trade retaliation if they do not 
allow Huawei access to their markets.

    Question. What is your assessment of the human rights situation in 
China?

    Answer. Human rights and democracy are at the core of U.S. foreign 
policy. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing genocide and 
crimes against humanity, including sexual violence, against members of 
ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including Uyghurs, 
who are predominantly Muslim. The PRC continues a government policy of 
widespread forced labor, including through the continued mass arbitrary 
detention of more than one million Uyghurs, and members of other Muslim 
minority groups in Xinjiang. The PRC Government is repressing Tibetans' 
distinct language, religion, and culture. It is eroding Hong Kong's 
autonomy and democratic institutions and processes. The PRC continues 
to detain lawyers and other human rights defenders and to curtail the 
freedoms of expression, religion and belief, and movement throughout 
the country. The United States has called on the PRC to respect the 
human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to adhere to its obligations 
with regard to Hong Kong.
    If confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for those 
responsible for PRC human rights violations and abuses and support 
efforts to protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and 
ethnic minorities.

    Question. What additional tools are available to the United States 
Government to incentivize the Chinese Government to improve its human 
rights record?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to 
promote accountability for those responsible to end abuses, to include 
but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: 
visa restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and 
financial sanctions.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed, I will consider all 
appropriate tools to promote accountability for those responsible to 
end abuses, to include but not limited to, actions already implemented 
by the U.S. government: visa restrictions, import restrictions, export 
restrictions, and financial sanctions.
    In consultation with the White House and within the State 
Department, I will actively consider additional tools to incentivize 
the PRC government to improve its human rights record.

    Question. Do you commit to implementing laws passed in the 116th 
Congress on both Hong Kong and Xinjiang?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you commit that you will prioritize investigating 
forced labor issues in China to inform broader interagency efforts such 
as sanctions and issuance of withhold release orders?

    Answer. Human rights and democracy are at the core of U.S. foreign 
policy. If confirmed, I will ensure that the PRC is held accountable 
for its human rights abuses and support efforts to protect human rights 
in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic minorities.

    [Additional Response]. Human rights and democracy are at the core 
of U.S. foreign policy. The sanctions against two PRC nationals for 
their role in serious human rights abuses in Xinjiang, and the release 
of an updated business advisory pointing to growing evidence of the use 
of forced labor in Xinjiang demonstrate the administration's continuing 
commitment to human rights. If confirmed, I will implement the 
administration's priorities, ensure that the PRC is held accountable 
for its human rights abuses, including forced labor, and support 
efforts to protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and 
ethnic minorities. 

    Question. Do you commit to prioritizing this issue even if it 
endangers U.S. climate goals with China?

    Answer. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a 
critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China 
relationship will not be traded for U.S. interests.

    Question. Do you commit to contributing to ensuring that U.S. 
Government financing does not touch--in any way, shape, or form--any 
entity in China that engages in forced labor?

    Answer. Forced labor and human rights abuses in the PRC span 
multiple sectors and regions, and PRC officials continue to obstruct 
international efforts to identify and monitor these abuses. If 
confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris Administration's steadfast 
commitment to combat forced labor.

    Question. Should the Development Finance Corporation invest in 
solar projects that source equipment from China until the United States 
has a fuller understanding of how prevalent forced labor is in solar 
panel and other related supply chains in China?

    Answer. Forced labor and human rights abuses in the PRC span 
multiple sectors and regions, and PRC officials continue to obstruct 
international efforts to identify and monitor these abuses. Addressing 
this will require work with allies and partners, as well as a whole-of-
government effort to diversify solar supply chains away from the PRC 
and end their dominance of the sector. If confirmed, I will work to 
support the Biden-Harris Administration in its steadfast commitment to 
combat forced labor while promoting the global clean-energy transition 
with secure, diversified supply chains.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Forced labor and human rights 
abuses in the PRC span multiple sectors and regions, and PRC officials 
continue to obstruct international efforts to identify and monitor 
these abuses. The world's largest producers of silicon metal and 
polysilicon have known ties to forced labor programs in Xinjiang, which 
could taint global solar supply chains and other industries that rely 
on silicon metal and products, such as electronics, automobiles, and 
shampoos, deodorants, and skincare. DFC is exploring opportunities in 
the solar sector to support geographical diversification of the supply 
chain as well as technologies that may not have the same reliance on 
traditional solar panels. In the meantime, I believe we must carefully 
scrutinize PRC sourcing of each solar project that comes before the 
board on a case-by-case basis. Addressing this will require work with 
allies and partners. If confirmed, I will work to support the Biden-
Harris administration in its steadfast commitment to combat forced 
labor while promoting the global clean-energy transition with secure, 
diversified supply chains. 

    Question. Do you believe Beijing should have the honor of hosting 
the 2022 Olympics while it is conducting ongoing human rights abuses, 
including crackdowns on nearly all types of civil liberties, a genocide 
against the Uyghur minority, and obliterating Hong Kong's autonomy at 
the expense of thousands of protestors?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will closely review the issue of China 
hosting the Winter Olympics in 2022, particularly in light of its 
abhorrent human rights record and genocide and crimes against humanity 
in Xinjiang.
    The administration will consult closely with Congress, allies and 
partners to define our common concerns and establish a shared approach 
to the PRC in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing Games.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Developing a position on the 
Beijing Winter Olympics is important. If confirmed, I will closely 
review the issue of China hosting the Winter Olympics in 2022, 
particularly in light of its abhorrent human rights record and genocide 
and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.
    Further, if confirmed, I will consult closely with Congress, 
allies, and partners to define our common concerns and establish a 
shared approach to the PRC in advance of the 2022 Beijing Games.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with the American 
Olympic Committee to ensure the safety of our athletes while in Beijing 
or while trying to exit China after the 2022 Olympics?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Olympic Committee 
to help ensure the safety of American athletes in Beijing. I am deeply 
concerned by the PRC's continued use of arbitrary or wrongful 
detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit bans on foreign citizens. 
As a former Consular Officer serving in Egypt, I understand protecting 
U.S. citizens overseas is a fundamental obligation of the U.S. 
Government.
    The use of human beings as bargaining leverage is unacceptable, has 
been condemned by the global community, and is inconsistent with 
China's international human rights commitments. If confirmed, I will 
raise arbitrary or wrongful detentions and coercive exit bans at every 
opportunity. I will also call on Beijing to end arbitrary travel 
restrictions imposed on U.S. citizens and other foreigners in China.

    Question. Do you believe that the United States Government should 
execute a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Olympic Games to be held in 
Beijing? Please explain your answer.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders 
in developing our approach in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing 
Games.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I agree that developing an 
appropriate U.S. Government posture for the Beijing Winter Olympics is 
important, and I will participate in these discussions in consultation 
with the White House and Department of State, if I am confirmed. If 
confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders on our approach 
in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing Games.

    Question. The recent deal between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 
and the Canadian Government to engage in hostage diplomacy was a win 
for the CCP. How do you intend to keep Americans safe when traveling 
within China?

    Answer. The use of human beings as bargaining leverage is 
unacceptable, has been condemned by the global community, and is 
inconsistent with China's international human rights commitments.
    I am deeply concerned by the PRC's continued use of arbitrary or 
wrongful detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit bans on foreign 
citizens. As a former Consular Officer serving in Egypt, I understand 
protecting U.S. citizens overseas is a fundamental obligation of the 
U.S. Government. If confirmed, I will raise arbitrary or wrongful 
detentions and coercive exit bans at every opportunity. I will also 
call on Beijing to end arbitrary travel restrictions imposed on U.S. 
citizens and other foreigners in China.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to pursuing release for all 
Americans who are being held as hostages or are detained on political 
grounds with a robust engagement within the interagency to secure their 
immediate release?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC's continued use of 
arbitrary or wrongful detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit 
bans on foreign citizens. Protecting U.S. citizens overseas is the U.S. 
Government's highest priority.
    If confirmed, I will raise arbitrary or wrongful detentions and 
coercive exit bans at every opportunity and pursue the release of all 
Americans imprisoned. I will also call on Beijing to end arbitrary 
travel restrictions imposed on U.S. citizens and other foreigners in 
China.

    Question. The CCP has detained millions of Uyghurs and put them 
into internment camps with little to no hope of escape or reuniting 
with their loved ones. This includes family members of American 
citizens, especially as retribution for speaking out about the 
atrocities committed against their community and families. If 
confirmed, do you commit to raising these cases directly with the CCP?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising individual cases with the 
PRC Government directly, including cases of family members of U.S. 
citizens affected by these atrocities and other human rights defenders.
    If confirmed, I will work with likeminded partners and the 
international community in calling on the PRC to end atrocities in 
Xinjiang, immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily 
detained, abolish internment camps, and end forced labor. I will also 
continue pressing for the international community to protect those from 
Xinjiang who seek asylum and to resist PRC pressure to forcibly return 
these asylum-seekers back to the PRC.

    Question. China is ranked #177 out of #180 on Reporters Without 
Border's (RSF) 2020 Press Freedom Index, indicating one of the most 
restrictive and oppressive environments for journalism in the world. 
What is your assessment of freedom of the press in China, and if 
confirmed, do you commit to working with civil society on bolstering 
press freedom in country?

    Answer. Unfortunately, the pandemic has provided a pretext for 
repressive governments to intensify pressure on independent media. The 
hostile environment that media now face in these countries means that 
freedom of expression is even more crucial in alerting the public to 
abuses and corruption and in countering dangerous misinformation and 
disinformation.
    I am deeply concerned with the increasingly harsh surveillance, 
harassment, and intimidation of U.S. and other foreign journalists in 
the People's Republic of China (PRC). The PRC Government's harsh 
rhetoric, promoted through official state media, toward any news it 
perceives to be critical of PRC policies, has provoked negative public 
sentiment leading to tense, in-person confrontations and harassment, 
including online verbal abuse and death threats of journalists simply 
doing their jobs. We have called on the PRC Government to release 
citizen journalists arrested and detained for their work covering the 
pandemic.
    If confirmed, I will continue to call on PRC officials to ensure 
that journalists remain safe and are able to report freely.

    Question. According to RSF, China jailed the most journalists 
globally in 2021, totaling more than 115 persons. If confirmed, what 
actions are available to you to advocate for the release of these 
journalists?

    Answer. Many foreign journalists say they face the toughest 
conditions reporting in the PRC since 1989. I also know the number of 
U.S. reporters in the PRC right now is roughly half what it was just 
two years ago. The United States draws on a range of diplomatic tools 
to advocate for press freedom online and offline, and to protect 
journalists and media workers worldwide. In her July 26 meetings with 
PRC officials in Tianjin, Deputy Secretary Sherman specifically raised 
the importance of media access, freedom from harassment, and press 
freedom for journalists working in the PRC. If confirmed, I will 
continue to call on PRC officials to ensure that journalists remain 
safe and able to report freely.

    Question. Does the definition of human rights include the right to 
``safe, clean, healthy, and sustainable environment?'' why or why not?

    Answer. The United States recognizes that climate change and 
environmental degradation can affect the enjoyment of human rights. A 
``right'' to a clean environment has no agreed definition in 
international law. In our view, trying to define a right detracts from 
the important work of ensuring that States have strong environmental 
laws and enforcement.
    If confirmed, I will continue to support the rights of all 
individuals to freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, and 
expression, which includes the freedom to seek, receive, and impart 
information. These rights protect environmental defenders, facilitate 
public awareness of environmental information, and contribute to good 
environmental policy making.

    Question. Last year, Beijing implemented the ``National Security 
Law'' in Hong Kong, which effectively put Hong Kong's legal system and 
law enforcement under Beijing's control and severely undermined China's 
international treaty obligations to respect Hong Kong's autonomy and 
the rights protected in the Basic Law.

   How will the Biden administration address these violations of 
        international law?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to consider 
all policy tools available, including sanctions, highlighting 
unacceptable PRC behavior through joint messaging with partners and 
allies, and exploring ways to support Hong Kongers that fear 
persecution.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The Biden-Harris administration 
will continue to consider all policy tools available to address 
Beijing's failure to meet its commitments, including sanctions of 
individuals involved in the implementation of the National Security Law 
or other actions that have reduced Hong Kong's autonomy, highlighting 
the National Security Law and other unacceptable PRC actions through 
joint messaging with partners and allies, and exploring ways to support 
Hong Kongers that fear persecution.

    Question. Will you commit to continue imposing costs on Beijing for 
its oppressive actions in Hong Kong?

    Answer. The Department will consider all available policy tools to 
impose costs on Beijing for its actions in Hong Kong, including 
responsive policies such as sanctions.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Yes. Since the implementation of 
the National Security Law, the United States has sanctioned 42 Hong 
Kong or PRC nationals. If confirmed, I will work with the Department to 
continue considering all available policy tools to impose costs on 
Beijing for its oppressive actions in Hong Kong, including responsive 
policies such as sanctions.

    Question. Do you believe that our government has effectively taken 
measures to counter Beijing's actions in Hong Kong? Please explain your 
answer.

    Answer. The Department of State, often in concert with the 
Departments of the Treasury, Homeland Security, and Commerce, as well 
as the White House, has undertaken a number of actions to counter 
Beijing's escalatory actions in Hong Kong, including issuing the Hong 
Kong Business Advisory warning of emerging risks, sanctioning senior 
PRC and Hong Kong officials, authorizing Deferred Enforced Departure 
for Hong Kongers in the United States, and pursuing sustained joint 
messaging with likeminded allies and partners. If confirmed, I will 
continue to pursue policies that hold Beijing to account for its 
unacceptable actions to undermine Hong Kong's autonomy and stifle the 
democratic freedoms of people there.

    Question. Various countries globally have forcibly returned Uyghurs 
to China at the request of the CCP. What actions can you take, 
specifically within the interagency, to end this practice?

    Answer. I am clear-eyed about the challenges that our relationship 
with the PRC poses and, if confirmed, will work with the interagency 
and our allies to overcome them.
    If confirmed, I will work with likeminded partners and the 
international community in calling on the PRC to end atrocities in 
Xinjiang, immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily 
detained, abolish internment camps, and end forced labor. I will also 
continue to press other governments to protect those subjected to PRC 
atrocities, harassment, and surveillance, including those seeking 
asylum. I will also work within the interagency to ensure we leverage 
all possible tools to combat PRC Government transnational repression 
and will work with civil society to identify perpetrators of these 
abuses that expand well beyond the PRC's borders.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I am clear-eyed about the 
challenges that our relationship with the PRC poses and, if confirmed, 
will work with the interagency and our allies to overcome them.If 
confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to urge third 
countries to act to avoid complicity in the PRC's human rights 
violations and abuses committed against Uyghurs and other ethnic and 
religious minorities from Xinjiang, including by providing protection 
to and preventing the forcible return of individuals seeking to flee 
the PRC's repressive policies. I will also work within the interagency 
to ensure we leverage all possible tools to combat PRC government 
transnational repression and will work with civil society to identify 
perpetrators of these abuses that expand well beyond the PRC's borders. 


    Question. The Chinese Government continues to ``Sinicize'' 
religions, which the Congressional Executive Commission on China 
describes as ``a campaign that aims to bring religion in China under 
closer official control and into conformity with officially sanctioned 
interpretations of Chinese culture.'' These policies affect Christians, 
Muslims, Han Buddhists, Taoists, and many others. What can the Biden 
Administration do to support freedom of religious practice for the 
people of China, free from interference and enforced conformity?

    Answer. I share your concerns regarding the ongoing deterioration 
of freedom of religion or belief in the PRC. The PRC demonstrates 
blatant disregard for freedom of religion or belief and exercises 
extreme hostility toward members of all religious and spiritual 
communities, particularly Muslim Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists, 
Protestants, Catholics, and Falun Gong.
    If confirmed, I will speak out consistently with allies and 
partners to condemn these abuses against members of minority religious 
groups, and I will consider all appropriate tools to promote 
accountability for those responsible and to deter future abuses. I will 
also continue to press the PRC to uphold its international commitments 
with respect to freedom of religion or belief for all individuals and 
call on the international community to condemn with a united voice the 
PRC's genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.

    Question. Various bureaus within the State Department have been 
developing programs with civil society to bolster internet freedom in 
China. How can you, if confirmed, assist with this endeavor?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will remain committed to the principle that 
people everywhere should enjoy the human rights online that are 
inherent to their dignity offline.
    For over a decade, the U.S. Department of State has funded programs 
to advance Internet freedom globally-and especially in Internet-
repressive environments such as the People's Republic of China, where 
governments and other actors actively restrict the right of individuals 
to be free from arbitrary violations of their privacy and deny 
fundamental freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and association 
online.
    These programs support research to identify the greatest threats to 
Internet freedom, seek to secure and safeguard protections for human 
rights online under the rule of law through policy advocacy, support 
essential digital security capacity-building and emergency response 
services for civil society organizations and members of at-risk and 
vulnerable populations, and support the development, localization, 
deployment, and operation of anti-censorship circumvention tools that 
allow unrestricted access to the open, interoperable, reliable, and 
secure Internet.

    Question. Do you believe that internet shutdowns are a threat to 
human rights?

    Answer. In May, Secretary Blinken condemned the use of partial or 
complete government-imposed Internet shutdowns, among other tactics, to 
prevent the exercise of freedom of expression online. I believe that in 
addition to restricting the exercise of human rights, Internet 
shutdowns disrupt access to essential services such as healthcare and 
emergency services, and negatively affect the economy. If confirmed, I 
will raise U.S. concerns bilaterally and will support the U.S. 
Government's continued participation in multilateral fora that raise 
awareness, such as the G7 and the President's Summit for Democracy 
process, and our efforts in multi-stakeholder coalitions to address 
Internet shutdowns such as the Freedom Online Coalition, where I 
understand the United States plays a leadership role.

    Question. Big Tech companies like Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn, and 
others have been forced to cease or significantly scale back their 
operations in China due to the CCP's encroaching demands on free 
speech. Most of these companies are American and inherently want to 
provide access for free speech and dialogue online.

   How will you engage with the Chinese Government on this particular 
        issue?

    Answer. Beijing's use of propaganda and disinformation overseas 
through its state-owned media platforms to undermine and interfere in 
democracies, while restricting freedoms of the press and speech in 
China, is a serious concern for the U.S. and our allies. If confirmed, 
I will work with like-minded allies and partners to define an 
affirmative, rights-respecting vision for the global information space, 
build resilience against these threats, and expose the PRC's activity. 
I will also raise these areas of concern directly with the PRC 
Government.

    Question. How will you engage with American companies on free 
speech and human rights issues?

    Answer. Defending freedom of expression in the global information 
space is a priority concern for me. Beijing's use of propaganda and 
disinformation overseas through its state-owned media platforms to 
undermine and interfere in democracies, while restricting freedoms of 
the press and speech in China, is a serious concern for the United 
States and our allies. The PRC continues to target its own citizens, as 
well as the people of the United States and countries around the world, 
through well-resourced state-run media operations.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to consider 
the risks of doing business with the PRC and ensure they are aware of 
Beijing's disinformation and propaganda efforts. If confirmed, I will 
also support and encourage U.S. businesses to respect human rights in 
line with the U.N. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and 
the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
    If confirmed, I will support efforts of the Global Engagement 
Center (GEC) and other bureaus in the Department to counter PRC 
coercive and corrupting information activities and boost understanding 
of the tactics, techniques and procedures the PRC uses to advance its 
interests in the information space.

    Question. In my China-Europe report released last year, I laid out 
a strategy to combat malign Chinese influence at and within the United 
Nations. Are you familiar with this report and its recommendations? 
What are your views on these recommendations?

    Answer. The United States and Europe share interests in ensuring 
that qualified and independent candidates are selected to lead the 
U.N., its specialized agencies, and related organizations; reforming 
key institutions to be more effective, accountable, and transparent; 
and using our combined influence to protect the values, principles, and 
institutions that have built and kept the peace, fostered sustainable 
development, and promoted respect for human rights for more than 75 
years. If confirmed, I would consistently engage allies and partners at 
senior levels on our multilateral priorities, expanding outreach beyond 
European countries and the European Union to include allies and 
emerging partners in other regions.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I am familiar with the report and 
its recommendations. I agree that the United States and Europe, working 
together with other developed and developing countries, should build 
upon existing efforts and strengthen transparency, accountability, and 
good governance throughout the U.N. system. I also agree with the 
report's recommendations that the United States and its partners share 
interests in ensuring that qualified and independent candidates are 
selected to lead the UN, its specialized agencies, and related 
organizations; reforming key institutions to be more effective, 
accountable, and transparent; and using our combined influence to 
protect the values, principles, and institutions that have built and 
kept the peace, fostered sustainable development, and promoted respect 
for human rights for more than 75 years. If confirmed, I will engage 
allies and partners at senior levels on our multilateral priorities, 
expanding outreach beyond European countries and the European Union to 
include allies and emerging partners in other regions. If confirmed, I 
would also appreciate the opportunity to continue consultations with 
you and your staff on these matters. 

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with the U.S. 
Ambassador to the United Nations, the Assistant Secretary for 
International Organizations, and the Secretary to combatting this 
malign influence at every opportunity?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Ambassador to 
the United Nations, the Assistant Secretary for International 
Organizations, and the Secretary to defend and strengthen the rules-
based international order. The Bureau of International Organization 
Affairs has established a new office focused in part on advancing this 
effort, including opposing efforts by the PRC to reshape the 
international system. If confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of 
International Organization Affairs to address the PRC's harmful efforts 
both within China and in international organizations.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engaging with Congress and 
my office about campaigns to elect qualified, independent candidates to 
important posts like Doreen Bogdan-Martin to lead the International 
Telecommunication Union (ITU)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to ensure appointment 
and election of qualified, independent candidates to leadership 
positions in the U.N. system, including the U.S.-nominated candidate 
for Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication Union, Ms. 
Doreen Bogdan-Martin. U.S. candidates are critical to ensuring the U.N. 
operates effectively and in line with its foundational principles and 
values. They bring strong technical and policy skills that enhance the 
performance and outcomes within the U.N. system, which, in turn, 
bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good governance.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with your interagency 
partners as you push back on CCP goals in the International 
Organization space?

    Answer. The United States' Mission to China can provide critical 
support to Department and interagency efforts to strengthen and defend 
the rules-based international order, including through international 
organizations. This includes analyzing how the PRC seeks to reshape 
international values and principles or to use international 
organizations to advance its unilateral priorities, such as the Belt 
and Road Initiative. If confirmed, I will work with interagency 
partners based in Beijing as well as through interagency processes to 
assist in the development and implementation of strategies to address 
these challenges.

    Question. In March 2020, the Peace Corps evacuated nearly 7,000 
volunteers across the globe, including from China. The Peace Corps in 
China had already been slated to close and the Peace Corps was in the 
process of phasing out new cohorts of volunteers. Do you believe that 
the Peace Corps should have a mission in China? Please explain your 
answer.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders 
in determining whether to resume Peace Corps operations.

    Question. The Dalai Lama is the most important spiritual leader of 
Tibet and self-selection of its next leader should be paramount to you, 
if confirmed. In 2011, Chinese leadership asserted that only China 
should be able to select the next Dalai Lama and no recognition should 
be given to any other succession candidate.

   Who do you believe should select the next Dalai Lama?

    Answer. The matter of the Dalai Lama's succession should strictly 
be left to Tibetan Buddhists to decide in accordance with their faith, 
beliefs, and traditions. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting 
Tibetans' religious freedom, including their ability to select, 
educate, and venerate their religious leaders, like the Dalai Lama and 
the Panchen Lama, according to their own beliefs and without government 
interference.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to engaging directly with 
the Chinese on this religious freedom and human rights issue?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting 
human rights, democratic values at the center of our foreign policy and 
to standing up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. If 
confirmed, I will always be willing to speak out on behalf of our 
values and the rights of the people of China. Also, if confirmed, I 
plan to work with the Office of the U.S. Special Coordinator for 
Tibetan Issues, and will press Beijing to return to direct dialogue 
with the Dalai Lama or his representatives, without preconditions, to 
achieve meaningful autonomy and religious freedom for Tibetans.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to publicly disavowing 
Chinese meddling of the selection of the next Dalai Lama?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to promoting respect for the 
religious freedom of all Tibetans globally and to taking all 
appropriate measures to promote accountability for PRC Government 
officials who attempt to interfere in the Dalai Lama's succession, 
consistent with the Tibetan Policy and Support Act of 2020.

    Question. The Vatican recently extended an agreement with the 
Chinese Government that establishes a process for appointing bishops in 
China. Under the Agreement, bishops in China are in communion with Rome 
but also approved by the Chinese Government. The details of this 
agreement have never been made public. Despite the agreement, Catholic 
bishops not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association 
continue to face persecution.

   Will you, if confirmed as Ambassador, raise this issue with your 
        counterparts?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would urge PRC officials to uphold the 
PRC's international commitments with respect to the right to freedom of 
religion or belief for all individuals in China, including Catholics.

    Question. In your testimony before this committee, you mentioned 
the necessity of working with the United States' treaty allies like 
Japan, South Korea, and Australia.

   What role, if any, do you believe that NATO and its member allies 
        should play in standing up to China's wide variety of abuses, 
        assertiveness, and aggression?

    Answer. The revitalization and modernization of U.S. alliances is a 
central pillar of President Biden's strategy to reinforce the rules-
based international order. NATO's partnerships with U.S. treaty allies 
in the region should foster inter-theater strategic alignment, 
including on the PRC, and NATO's Asia-Pacific Four format for 
consultation with it partners in the region is a novel forum for 
collaboration.
    In June, NATO Allies pointed out the challenges the PRC poses to 
our values and collective security. Cooperation with our Transatlantic 
Allies is essential to maintain peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific 
and enrich the fabric and resilience of the international order.

    Question. How do you plan to leverage your NATO experience to best 
represent U.S. interests in the PRC?

    Answer. China has very few friends and no real allies. Our 29 NATO 
allies in Canada and Europe, and our multiple treaty allies in the 
Indo-Pacific are our comparative advantage. I understand that President 
Biden has been working with Secretary Blinken to reach out to allies, 
both in NATO and the Indo-Pacific, to emphasize the need to work 
together strategically on China. If confirmed, I will use my NATO 
experience working with these same partners and allies to promote 
security, stability and the rules-based international order, to meet 
the challenge posed to U.S. interests by the PRC.

    Question. Do you believe that Freedom of Navigation Operations 
conducted in the South China Sea by NATO members like France are useful 
to the United States' goals in the region? Why or why not?

    Answer. I believe that Freedom of Navigation Operations conducted 
by France and other NATO allies are supportive of U.S. goals in the 
region. The United States believes that all nations-whether they are 
NATO members or not-enjoy as a matter of international law the freedoms 
of navigation, overflight and other lawful uses of the sea. The 
exercise of those freedoms ought to be routine and not elicit 
particular notice or attention. That said, in the context of the South 
China Sea, a country's exercise of those rights and freedoms can also 
be a strong symbol of support for the rights enjoyed by all states 
under the international law of the sea.

    Question. What capabilities, either military or diplomatic, would 
you advise NATO allies to strengthen in order to better stand up 
against China's abuses, assertiveness, and aggression?

    Answer. The PRC is a full-spectrum, long term, systemic threat, and 
the most significant geopolitical test of the 21st century for the 
international order. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, NATO Heads of State 
and Government declared that the PRC's ``stated ambitions and assertive 
behavior present systemic challenges to the rules-based international 
order and to areas relevant to Alliance security.'' If confirmed, I 
will continue this Administration's work with allies to prepare NATO 
for the challenges the PRC poses, including from its rapidly expanding 
nuclear arsenal, opaque military modernization, military-civil fusion 
strategy, investments in critical infrastructure that can threaten 
Allies' resilience, and cyberspace threats.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly engaging with 
your counterpart, the U.S. Ambassador to NATO?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage regularly with my counterpart, 
the U.S. Ambassador to NATO, to work together strategically to advance 
our and our Allies' readiness to counter the challenges the PRC poses 
to our values and collective security.

    Question. How do you believe China views the NATO alliance?

    Answer. The NATO alliance is a comparative advantage for all NATO 
members, and the PRC recognizes that. In June, the PRC Mission to the 
EU denounced a NATO statement that declared the PRC a ``security 
challenge'' as a ``slander on China's peaceful development, a 
misjudgment of the international situation and (NATO's) own role.'' If 
confirmed, I will draw from my NATO experience to reach out to our NATO 
allies and other partners to promote security, stability, and the 
rules-based international order that PRC continues to challenge. The 
persistent strength of NATO signals to Beijing that members stand 
together to safeguard the security of members and their surrounding 
regions.

    Question. What is your understanding of the way that Germany, a 
leader in the European Union, views the PRC and its business interests 
in the PRC?

    Answer. In line with the EU, Germany sees the PRC as a partner, 
economic competitor, and systemic rival. The German government has 
maintained an uneasy balance in protecting German firms' access to the 
PRC market while increasingly criticizing Beijing's crackdowns in Hong 
Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet. A leader in shaping a more assertive China 
policy in the EU, including pushing for an EU-level investment-
screening mechanism, Germany has increasingly countered the threats the 
PRC's aggressive actions pose to the rules-based international order. 
If confirmed, I will work to find a strategic alignment with Germany so 
that we can both successfully manage our relationships with the PRC.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. In line with the EU, Germany sees 
the PRC as a partner, economic competitor, and systemic rival. The 
German government has maintained an uneasy balance in protecting German 
firms' access to the PRC market while increasingly criticizing 
Beijing's crackdowns in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet. A leader in 
shaping a more assertive China policy in the EU, including pushing for 
an EU-level investment-screening mechanism, Germany has increasingly 
countered the threats the PRC's aggressive actions pose to the rules-
based international order. If confirmed, I will encourage Germany to 
continue working closely with the United States to advance our shared 
interest in countering the malign influence of the PRC.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with Embassy 
Berlin to decrease China's influence in Germany?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Embassy in Berlin 
and German counterparts in Beijing to deepen U.S.-German cooperation to 
further increase the scrutiny of China's influence in Europe. Germany's 
September 2020 Indo-Pacific policy guidelines outline plans to expand 
defense cooperation and call for more economic transparency, 
sustainability, and fair competition. As the United States finalizes 
its own national Indo-Pacific Strategy, we will seek to identify 
opportunities to bolster the United States' and Germany's strategic and 
security ties with Indo-Pacific partners; diversify and strengthen our 
countries' economic ties with the region; and jointly tackle global 
challenges like climate change and protection of universal human 
rights.

    Question. How do you believe China views its relationship with 
Russia?

    Answer. I understand that China and Russia cooperate in certain 
areas, touting their relationship as a ``comprehensive strategic 
partnership,'' but remain competitors in others. If confirmed, I would 
work to stop Beijing and Moscow from undermining U.S. leadership and 
reshaping the rules-based international order, particularly in the 
defense, democracy, and human rights realms. The partnership is still 
one of convenience and transaction, and the PRC appears to view it as 
such.

    Question. What benefits do you believe China gets from its 
seemingly growing relationship with Russia?

    Answer. Russia and China share certain common goals, including 
undermining the United States' global leadership role and subverting 
the international rules-based order to advance their own interests. 
Russia's aggression in foreign affairs can be both an asset and a 
liability to the PRC, depending on the situation. They have supported 
each other's efforts in international fora to advance ideology and 
policy of mutual interest, including jointly blocking the appointment 
of candidates for senior U.N. positions. The two countries have also 
repeatedly threatened to veto UNSC resolutions and block Presidential 
Statements and other products to keep them from being tabled and have 
stymied other discussions, including on the Venezuelan presidency 
crisis. Given the alignment of their interests in the multilateral 
realm, Russia and China are likely to remain in lockstep.

    Question. What, in your opinion, is the most concerning aspect of 
the China-Russia relationship?

    Answer. President Biden, from his inaugural speech on, has 
discussed the need for democracies to recognize the threat from the 
authoritarian world, including Russia and China. In addition to their 
concerning and aggressive joint military exercises, I am concerned 
about their mutual misuse of technology to repress their own citizens 
and continued joint efforts to export that technology to states 
struggling to maintain a democratic governance system.

    Question. In 2020, the United States--European Union China Dialogue 
was initiated. Do you believe that this collaboration has thus far 
proven useful to the United States?

    Answer. The dialogue appears to be facilitating an increased 
convergence in understanding between the United States and the EU of 
the challenges the PRC poses to our shared values, prosperity, and the 
rules-based international order. I welcome the joint public statements 
made since the dialogue's launch identifying the PRC as a systemic 
rival and competitor; concerns about Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong; 
the risks of PRC economic coercion; and the importance of Taiwan's 
meaningful participation in international organizations. If confirmed, 
I will work with the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and colleagues in 
Washington and Brussels to carry out joint and coordinated actions with 
the EU, including through this dialogue.

    Question. In 2020, the United States--European Union China Dialogue 
was initiated. What elements does the Dialogue not address that you 
believe it should?

    Answer. I do not have any knowledge of the non-public specifics of 
the dialogue, including meetings that may have taken place or topics 
that have been discussed since the first high-level meeting in May 
2021. The public messaging from the United States and EU around this 
dialogue has been positive and appears to outline a strong basis for 
cooperation, including on important issues such as Taiwan, human 
rights, disinformation, and cooperation with the PRC on areas of shared 
concern. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with EU counterparts 
to ensure this dialogue is a forum not only to exchange views but also 
to identify concrete areas for U.S.-EU cooperation and implement them.

    Question. In 2020, the United States--European Union China Dialogue 
was initiated. How do you believe China thinks about this Dialogue?

    Answer. At the first U.S.-EU Dialogue on China in May, the two 
sides underscored the shared U.S.-EU interest in strengthening the 
rules-based international order and pledged further close cooperation 
in support of democratic values, global and regional stability, and 
human rights. The two sides reiterated that the United States' and EU's 
relations with China are multifaceted and comprise elements of 
cooperation, competition, and systemic rivalry. They also discussed 
pursuing constructive engagement with China on issues such as climate 
change and non-proliferation, and on certain regional issues.
    The U.S.-EU Dialogue on China signals to Beijing the intent of the 
United States and the EU to work together and coordinate our approaches 
to China on issues including security, economics, human rights, and 
strengthening the rules-based international order.

    Question. The Belt and Road is planned to cut straight through 
Central Asia to reach Europe by land. Central Asian nations have 
strived to maintain a balance among the increasing influences of the 
West, the Middle East, Russia, and China. Now, China has been making 
inroads by funding infrastructure projects and embedding itself in 
their economies.

   Does the fall of Afghanistan and a decline in U.S. leadership in 
        the region leave C5 countries vulnerable to outsized Chinese 
        influence?

    Answer. Following the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan, 
U.S. leadership and engagement in Central Asia remain strong and 
growing. Russia and China remain involved in the region for historical 
and geographic reasons. Three ministerial-level C5+1 diplomatic 
platform meetings in 2021 led by Secretary Blinken, Homeland Security 
Advisor to the President Sherwood-Randall, and Special Presidential 
Envoy for Climate Kerry, demonstrate U.S. commitment and involvement in 
the region and the meetings' outcomes reflect success advancing U.S. 
national security interests.

    [Additional Response11/8/2021]. China has influence with C5 
countries due to its geographic proximity and strong economic ties. To 
support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of 
Central Asian states, U.S. leadership in Central Asia has increased 
during this Administration. More senior-level engagements, including 
through the C5+1, increased programming, and shared security interests 
have elevated our regional and bilateral relationships and counters the 
growth of Chinese government influence. 

    Question. How can the U.S. best compete with Chinese targeted 
investment and infrastructure embedment in Central Asia?

    Answer. The U.S. Central Asia Strategy represents a clear-eyed 
vision for advancing U.S. values and interests in Central Asia, 
including enabling an environment for business in Central Asia that is 
transparent, open, fair, attractive to U.S. businesses, and supportive 
of broader development goals. The United States is working with each 
Central Asian country to undertake the reforms needed to attract more 
quality foreign investment, including from U.S. businesses.

    Question. Mission China has been under enormous stress over the 
last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission China?

    Answer. I am advised that Mission China faces a very challenging 
work environment due to rigid quarantine restrictions and additional 
travel and other restrictions put in place by Chinese authorities. 
These realities have a major impact on morale. I take morale very 
seriously and will work hard, if confirmed, to improve it and the 
quality of life and work environment for all our personnel.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission China?

    Answer. I will make morale at Mission China an immediate priority, 
if confirmed. Based on my prior experience as a Chief of Mission, I 
know how important it is that we listen to all our personnel, respond 
quickly to their concerns and seek to improve conditions of work and 
daily life for them and for their families. As in my past leadership 
roles, I will seek to meet each employee in my first weeks in Beijing 
at the embassy. I will seek to travel to each of our Consulate Generals 
in my first months as Ambassador to meet our employees in Shanghai, 
Guangzhou, Wuhan and Shenyang. If confirmed, one of the issues that 
will be at the top of my management agenda will be supporting any 
personnel affected by health incidents. Finally, I will advocate 
personally for our mission employees with the State Department and 
other cabinet agencies in Washington on issues that affect morale.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission China?

    Answer. One of the keys to our diplomatic success in China will be 
a unified mission based on the President's instructions to me and 
overall U.S. policy toward China. I will lead regular country team 
meetings and visit each of our embassy offices to listen to the ideas 
of my colleagues and to ensure that all understand our policy 
objectives in China.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. As Ambassador to Greece and NATO, as Under Secretary of 
State and during my time at Harvard University, I have taken my 
management and leadership responsibilities seriously and treated them 
as very high priorities. My practice has been to meet frequently with 
my colleagues, to communicate openly, to invite ideas and constructive 
criticism and to help each employee to succeed in his or her 
responsibilities. If confirmed as Ambassador to the PRC, it will be my 
responsibility to ensure the President's guidance, instructions and 
policy priorities are being carried out faithfully and effectively by 
Mission China.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. I believe it is always more productive and effective to 
deliver feedback or criticism in a constructive, respectful and helpful 
manner.

    Question. What lessons did you learn from your prior tenures as a 
chief of mission?

    Answer. I learned many lessons about mission management and 
leadership. I learned to listen carefully to mission colleagues about 
policy issues and to invite alternative views and constructive 
criticism so that we avoided group think and challenged our working 
assumptions. I also learned the effectiveness of delegating 
responsibility when that is possible. While the Ambassador must lead on 
priority issues, our mission colleagues respond well to the delegation 
of responsibility. In particular, it is important for the training and 
formation of mid-level and junior officers that they be given real 
responsibilities in their areas of competence. Finally, I learned how 
important it is to have a close-knit country team, to meet with the 
team regularly and to form a sense of collegiality on policy and 
administrative issues.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes. Mission employees deserve honest, constructive 
feedback on their work. This can have a major, positive impact on 
morale.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. This will be a priority for my management of the 
mission.
    It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts abroad to 
meet with local actors, including host government officials, non-
government organizations, and everyday citizens.

    Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Based on my prior experience in the Foreign Service, it 
depends on local and national conditions, the security and terrorist 
threats and whether or not the host government is friendly and takes 
its responsibility seriously to provide external security for the 
embassy and its employees. It also depends on mission leadership. I 
believe it is important that our mission officers get outside of the 
embassy as frequently as possible and to travel in the country. This is 
essential for them to be successful in their work. Protecting mission 
personnel from terrorist and criminal threats is also a fundamental 
responsibility for mission management. If confirmed, I will take that 
responsibility seriously and be attentive to the need to protect all 
our employees.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. I agree that we should insist on reciprocal treatment to 
that afforded to PRC diplomats in our own country. If confirmed, I will 
work with other mission leaders to facilitate the work of our employees 
and to encourage them to be in contact with Chinese citizens in all 
regions of the country.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in China?

    Answer. The operating environment for United States public 
diplomacy in the PRC is challenging. Yet, our public diplomacy programs 
are critical to the U.S. Government's ability to engage with current 
and future government and civil society leaders. Exchange programs 
provide authentic first-hand experiences of the United States and its 
people. Exchange experiences can lead participants to a more nuanced 
understanding of U.S. policy objectives, and demonstrate the benefits 
to political, economic, and social life of a diverse, engaged civil 
society.
    Exchanges that involve athletes, musicians, and other artists show 
the dynamism of American culture that thrives in our free society. They 
advance conversations on American values that lead to positive change 
in important areas such as human rights.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
in China?

    Answer. PRC authorities restrict the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
engage with university faculty and students. Despite the strong 
interest in, and expressed need for, English to contribute to China's 
development, Mission China educational programs also face increasing 
challenges reaching Chinese secondary school students.
    Despite these difficulties, Mission China continues to reach out to 
contacts in the academic and think tank communities to discuss how they 
can work together to convene important conversations on topics of 
common concern.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Effective public diplomacy must be strategic. We must 
survey the global terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive 
advantages in meeting threats and challenges.
    Every Mission's Public Affairs Section undertakes an annual 
strategic planning process to align public diplomacy activity to 
foreign policy goals. If confirmed, I will ensure our strategic 
planning takes into account both local conditions and Main State 
priorities and guidance.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. It will be a high priority for me as Chief of Mission. 
As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of our 
employees and their family members as my top priority. If confirmed, I 
will energetically support the Department's established reporting and 
care protocols for possible anomalous health incidents.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission China personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will tackle this issue on my first day 
as Ambassador in Beijing, meet with employees to discuss it, invite 
their views and remind them that every report will be handled with 
sensitivity and the utmost discretion, consistent with appropriate 
regulations and protocols. Communication that is clear, complete, 
concise, and timely is a central part of leadership and management. I 
believe that a well-informed workforce is a more effective one. If 
confirmed, I will use the Mission's weekly Country Team meetings, 
regular meetings with top managers, established procedures for notices 
and policies, and town hall meetings to convey our mission and vision 
and to give all information needed to enable our success.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Tim Kaine

    Question. Dr. Gulshan Abbas, a medical doctor who spent her career 
caring for patients in Xinjiang and whose family resides in Virginia, 
has been unjustly detained by the Government of China since September 
2018. Dr. Abbas is being held due to her daughter Rushan Abbas' 
advocacy on behalf of the Uyghur community in China. Ms. Rushan Abbas 
is a former journalist for Radio Free Asia and U.S. Government 
translator.
    If confirmed, how would you push China to end its unjust detention 
of Uyghurs, especially the continued detention of individuals with 
family members in the United States?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to 
promote accountability for those responsible and deter future abuses, 
to include but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. 
Government: visa restrictions, import restrictions, export 
restrictions, financial sanctions. If confirmed, I will advocate for 
the release of Dr. Abbas and other detained individuals with family 
members in the United States.

    Question. China is utilizing transnational repression--like family 
intimidation and detention--to silence dissent among diasporas and 
exiles aboard. As Ambassador, how would you confront China over the use 
of these tactics?

    Answer. The United States opposes People's Republic of China (PRC) 
efforts to repress its citizens outside of the PRC and continues to 
provide support for Uyghurs and dissidents and coordinate with allies 
and partners to speak out against such actions and to provide 
protection to targeted individuals. If confirmed, I would call on PRC 
authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, including 
freedom of religion or belief, consistent with the PRC's international 
obligations and commitments, within its borders and outside of them.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. As you know, there is bipartisan consensus on the need to 
address the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) human rights abuses and 
genocide against Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang. My and 
Senator Merkley's Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act would go a long 
way to end the financial incentives for the CCP's oppression of the 
Uyghurs. However, there are recent concerns that certain figures in the 
Biden administration would prefer this legislation not get enacted, 
because they believe it is acceptable to sacrifice America's commitment 
to human rights in order to extract empty promises from the CCP to 
address climate change.

   Are you aware that there are voices inside the Biden administration 
        lobbying against the bipartisan Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention 
        Act?

    Answer. As a nominee, I am not yet part of the President's 
administration and cannot speak to the validity of these claims. If 
confirmed, I remain committed to working with the administration to 
address forced labor practices in Xinjiang and elsewhere in the PRC. I 
will also work closely with you and other Members of Congress on this 
important issue.

    Question. What are your views on this legislation? Do you support 
its passage?

    Answer. I am aware of the legislation and, if confirmed, will plan 
to work with the administration to address forced labor practices in 
Xinjiang and elsewhere in the PRC. If confirmed, I also plan to work 
with you and Members of this Committee to address forced labor 
practices in China, and will follow all U.S. laws as they pertain to 
this issue.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you approach those in the 
administration who would rather the United States give up its support 
for Uyghurs, Tibetans, and Chinese victims of the CCP's human rights 
abuses in hopes that the CCP will support global efforts to reduce 
carbon emissions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate vigorously to promote 
accountability for the PRC's human rights abuses and support efforts to 
protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic 
minorities. I will not advise that the United States sacrifice vital 
U.S. interests for PRC promises on climate change. As Special 
Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a critical standalone 
issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-PRC relationship will not be 
traded for separate U.S. interests.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly advocate for the 
basic rights and fundamental freedoms of all Uyghurs, Tibetans, Hong 
Kongers and Chinese in your interactions with senior Chinese officials?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate vigorously to promote 
accountability for the PRC's human rights abuses and support efforts to 
protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic 
minorities.
    Human rights and democracy are at the core of U.S. foreign policy. 
I agree with the Biden-Harris administration's position that the PRC is 
committing genocide and crimes against humanity against members of 
ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including Uyghurs, 
who are predominantly Muslim. It is repressing Tibetans' distinct 
language, religion, and culture. It is eroding Hong Kong's autonomy and 
democratic institutions and processes. The United States has called on 
the PRC to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to 
adhere to its obligations with regard to Hong Kong.

    Question. If so, what does this support look like in actionable 
terms?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to 
promote accountability for those responsible to end abuses, to include 
but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: 
visa restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and 
financial sanctions.

    Question. Do you believe that it is possible to rule out the use of 
forced labor for producing solar panels in China?

    Answer. Forced labor and human rights abuses are widespread in the 
PRC, including in sectors other than the solar industry. If confirmed, 
I will support and amplify the administration's ongoing efforts to 
ensure that suppliers in the solar industry and other industries that 
use forced labor are unable to import goods into the U.S. market and 
promote accountability for human rights abuses.

    Question. If so, how can this be done in an environment in which 
PRC authorities do not permit companies to conduct proper due 
diligence?

    Answer. I support U.S. Government efforts, such as the Xinjiang 
Supply Chain Business Advisory, to highlight the risks for U.S. 
businesses with supply chain and investment links to Xinjiang and other 
locations in the People's Republic of China where entities are 
complicit in forced labor and other human rights abuses. If confirmed, 
I will continue efforts to make clear that U.S. businesses and 
individuals that do not exit supply chains, ventures, and/or 
investments connected to Xinjiang run a risk of violating U.S. law.

    Question. In your opinion, can climate targets and human rights be 
treated on different tracks when negotiating with Chinese officials?

    Answer. Support for human rights and human dignity go hand-in-hand 
with climate progress. If confirmed, I will advocate for both issues to 
remain at the forefront of American foreign policy.

    Question. If confirmed, how do plan to press the CCP to stop its 
oppression of the Uyghurs and other groups forced to work in renewable 
energy supply chains?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of the Department, 
in coordination with the interagency, to promote accountability for the 
PRC's human rights record in Xinjiang. I will support the 
administration's efforts to impose costs on Beijing's use of forced 
labor, signaling to the renewable energy industry the imperative to 
diversify and clean up its supply chain. I will work with like-minded 
partners and the international community to call on the PRC to end 
genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, immediately and 
unconditionally release all those arbitrarily detained, abolish 
internment camps, and end forced labor. I will also urge the 
international community to protect those from Xinjiang who seek asylum 
and to resist PRC pressure to forcibly return these asylum-seekers back 
to the PRC. We will continue utilizing public messaging, diplomacy, and 
other foreign policy tools to bring attention to the PRC's poor human 
rights record in Xinjiang.

    Question. Do you commit to bringing up human rights cases--
including all of those identified by the CECC--in your discussions with 
PRC officials?

    Answer. The United States has utilized public messaging, diplomacy, 
and other foreign policy tools to bring attention to the PRC's poor 
human rights record in Xinjiang and elsewhere. If confirmed, I will 
raise directly with PRC officials specific human rights cases to 
promote accountability.

    Question. Do you commit to prioritizing seeking the release of 
prisoners who are the family of American citizens and legal permanent 
residents?

    Answer. If confirmed, this will be a major priority for me. I 
commit to raise directly and vigorously the need for the PRC to release 
prisoners who are the family of American citizens and legal permanent 
residents. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the Special 
Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and the Bureau of Consular 
Affairs to resolve the cases of U.S. citizens wrongfully detained or 
subject to coercive exit bans by the PRC. I also commit to keeping you 
and interested members informed, in concert with my colleagues and in 
accordance with applicable privacy concerns.
    I am deeply concerned by the PRC's continued use of arbitrary or 
wrongful detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit bans on foreign 
citizens. Protecting U.S. citizens overseas is the U.S. Government's 
highest priority.

    Question. I noticed that since 2011 you have served as a Director 
for Entegris, Inc. According to its website, Entegris has operated in 
China for more than 25 years, and has offices in Shanghai, Beijing, 
Xi'an, Xiamen, and Wuhan. I understand that Entegris produces inputs 
for use in the electronics and technology industry. I've called out 
this administration for failing to fully confront the CCP's injecting 
of forced labor into global supply chains, notably for the solar and 
apparel industries. Last week, we learned that Special Envoy for the 
Climate John Kerry holds large investments in Chinese companies 
determined by the previous administration to be complicit in the 
surveillance, detention, and repression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Knowing 
this, you can understand why I'm concerned by your ten-year tenure on 
the board of a company that operates in China's technology sector.

   Could you explain why you thought it was in the best interests of 
        the United States to support a U.S. company that sells key 
        products needed for semiconductor fabrication to China?

    Answer. I am proud of my service on the Board of Directors of 
Entegris, Inc. since 2011. Entegris is a successful firm headquartered 
in the United States with significant manufacturing and Research and 
Development operations in Texas, Colorado, Minnesota, Massachusetts, 
California, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and six other states. A majority 
of the firm's roughly 6,600 employees are located in the United States 
and the firm expects to have hired approximately 1,000 additional 
employees in the United States this year.
    Entegris produces products and solutions used by the global 
semiconductor ecosystem, as well as other high-technology industries, 
including life sciences. For example, Entegris developed a unique high-
purity bag used for the cold storage of biologics. This bag has been 
critical to the Covid-19 global vaccination campaign.
    Entegris sells its products and solutions to many markets around 
the world, including China, in full compliance with all applicable 
laws. Entegris has never transferred any manufacturing to China.

    Question. Are you aware of the CCP's goal to become independent of 
foreign semiconductor manufacturing and to eventually dominate the 
global industry?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has invested heavily 
in its semiconductor industry to build indigenous capabilities and has 
ambitions to develop the most advanced chips that can support military 
applications. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to 
strengthen diverse, resilient, and secure supply chains that will 
maintain U.S. technological advantage over strategic competitors such 
as the PRC and create good jobs for U.S. citizens in the semiconductor 
field.

    Question. Do you understand the tremendous risks to our national 
security that would result if the CCP were to succeed in this endeavor?

    Answer. The United States is engaged in strategic competition with 
the People's Republic of China (PRC), and technology is the central 
domain of that competition. The PRC's objectives are to undercut U.S. 
longstanding technological advantage and to displace the United States 
as the global leader in cutting edge research and development, and the 
technologies and industries of the future. The national security and 
economic consequences of allowing that to happen are simply 
unacceptable. It is a critical U.S. interest to make sure we protect 
the technology and intellectual property that is produced in this 
country and that, if used to advance the PRC's military modernization, 
could undermine our security.

    Question. Are you confident that Entegris' supply chains in China 
are free of inputs produced through the forced labor of Uyghurs and 
other groups?

    Answer. Yes. I consulted with the company, and can confirm the 
following information. Entegris performs regular reviews of its supply 
chain to ensure that its inputs are not produced through the forced 
labor of Uyghurs and other groups. Entegris does not source material 
from regions identified for using the forced labor of Uyghurs and other 
groups and, to Entegris' knowledge, none of the suppliers utilized by 
Entegris use the forced labor of Uyghurs and other groups. Furthermore, 
Entegris has maintained a supply chain that does not have significant 
reliance on operations in China. For the first three quarters of 2021, 
less than 3 percent of Entegris' overall supply spending was for goods 
exported from China.

    Question. Do you believe that your ten-year history with Entegris 
has created biases that will shape your decisions and influence U.S. 
policy towards China?

    Answer. No. If confirmed, I will take an oath of office to support 
and defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign and domestic, 
and will swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same, 
and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office. 
I will serve the United States with professional excellence, the 
highest standards of ethical conduct, and diplomatic discretion and 
effectiveness.

    Question. Specifically, will you commit to making decisions in the 
best interests of the United States, even if those decisions stand to 
significantly reduce the profitability of Entegris' operations in 
China?

    Answer. If confirmed by the Senate as U.S. Ambassador to China, I 
will always act in the best interest of the United States. If 
confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris administration's commitment 
to use of the full array of tools necessary to counter the PRC's 
abusive economic practices and hold Beijing accountable.

    Question. If confirmed, will you resign immediately from Entegris' 
Board of Directors and divest yourself from the company?

    Answer. If confirmed by the Senate, I will resign from the board of 
Entegris and divest all my stock holdings as soon as practicable but no 
later than 90 days after confirmation. The ethics agreement I entered 
into with the State Department's Designated Agency Ethics Official was 
provided to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific actions will you take to 
press the PRC authorities to allow a credible international forensic 
investigation of the Wuhan Institute of Virology and other labs in 
question?

    Answer. Reaching any conclusive assessment on the COVID-19 virus's 
origin would likely require cooperation from Beijing, yet the PRC 
continues to hinder the global investigation, resist information-
sharing, and shift blame elsewhere throughout the world. If confirmed, 
I support using the tools that could have the greatest chance of 
getting to the goal of the PRC Government's cooperation to an 
international inquiry. I would not cease to keep up the pressure on 
this issue, in conjunction with partners in the international 
community. If confirmed, I will also continue working with likeminded 
partners around the world to press the PRC Government to participate in 
a full, transparent, evidence-based, expert-led study into the origins 
of COVID-19 and to provide access to all relevant complete, original 
data and samples.

    Question. U.S. federal agencies funded risky research at the Wuhan 
Institute of Virology that could have contributed to the outbreak of 
SARS-CoV-2. Until we can get to the bottom of what exactly caused the 
pandemic, what will you do, if confirmed, to prevent U.S. funding and 
collaboration for risky lines of research involving human pathogens and 
potential pathogens?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic, regardless of its origins, 
underscores the need to prevent, detect, and address emerging threats 
to global health security--whether naturally occurring, accidental, or 
deliberate. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the 
Department, interagency, and intelligence community to ensure 
appropriate oversight of life sciences research collaborations with 
China.

    Question. More generally, what would you do as Ambassador to ensure 
that the United States does not unintentionally contribute to research 
in the PRC that has dual-use applications, or the potential to enable 
the PRC to develop a technological edge over the United States in 
emerging fields?

    Answer. Whether in life sciences or other sectors, we need to be 
vigilant against transactions that could potentially facilitate the 
transfer of sensitive technologies to the PRC that could threaten our 
national security. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the 
Department, interagency, and intelligence community to work to ensure 
appropriate oversight of life sciences research collaborations with 
China.

    Question. If confirmed, what are your plans for CCP leaders to 
understand that the United States is serious about its ``rock-solid'' 
commitment to Taiwan, and will respond forcefully to any acts of 
aggression or coercion aimed at Taiwan?

    Answer. I would continue to reinforce to PRC leaders that the 
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to upholding the 
principles of the Taiwan Relations Act, namely: that the United States 
will continue to assist Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense 
capability; that the United States would regard any effort to determine 
the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means a threat to the peace 
and security of the Western Pacific and of grave concern to the United 
States; and that the United States will maintain the capacity to resist 
any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize 
the security, or the social or economic system, of the people of 
Taiwan.

    Question. U.S. policy toward Taiwan differs in many important 
respects from the PRC's ``one-China principle.'' If confirmed, do you 
commit to articulating those key differences and resisting PRC efforts 
to conflate our policy with theirs?

    Answer. Our one China policy, which is guided by the Taiwan 
Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances, has 
fostered peace and prosperity in the region for over 40 years. We will 
continue to note publicly that our policy differs from the PRC's ``one 
China principle.''

    Question. Specifically, will you oppose all suggestions that the 
United States must recognize Taiwan as a part of the PRC?

    Answer. Consistent with our one China policy, we do not take a 
position on the ultimate status of Taiwan--we acknowledge the PRC's 
position on this, but we do not accept it. We will continue to make 
clear that we support a peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues, 
consistent with the wishes and best interests of the people of Taiwan.

    Question. Will you instead insist that Taiwan's status remains 
unresolved, and that a PRC resort to force to resolve Taiwan's status 
will be met with a robust counter response from the United States and 
our allies and partners?

    Answer. The United States has a long abiding interest in 
maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. The United States 
will continue to make available to Taiwan the defense articles and 
services necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
defense capability that is commensurate with the growing PRC threat. We 
also will continue to deepen our security relationship with Taiwan in 
line with the one China policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations 
Act, the three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances. And we will 
continue to underscore to the PRC that any effort to determine the 
future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means is a threat to the peace 
and security of the Western Pacific and of grave concern to the United 
States.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to counter the CCP's 
propaganda about the ``superiority'' of its totalitarian system, and to 
promote Taiwan instead as a model of how democracy can flourish in a 
Chinese speaking society?

    Answer. Taiwan is a leading democracy and critical economic and 
security partner. Working with allies and partners, we have highlighted 
Taiwan's successful democratic processes as well as its importance to 
the global community. The international community has increasingly 
expressed its concern over the PRC's coercive and aggressive behavior 
toward Taiwan.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
    Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The reported use of Cambodia's Ream Naval Base on the 
Gulf of Thailand by the People's Republic of China (PRC) is 
inconsistent with Cambodia's status of neutrality under the Paris Peace 
Agreements, which the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia later 
defined, in part, as: ``not permit(ting) any foreign military base on 
its territory.'' When confirmed, will you pledge to report regularly 
with the Committee on the People's Republic of China's (PRC) activities 
at the Ream Naval Base and all those related to its Belt and Road 
Initiative?

    Answer. Yes, I pledge to do so. I am concerned about PRC activity 
in the region, including the PRC's military presence and construction 
of facilities at Ream Naval Base. The State Department has raised these 
concerns at the highest levels of the Cambodian government. The 
Government of Cambodia has not been fully transparent about the intent, 
nature, and scope of this project nor the role the PRC military is 
playing in its construction, raising concerns about the intended use of 
the naval facility. I agree with the administration's concerns that the 
erosion of multiparty democracy in Cambodia has exacerbated this 
situation.

    Question. The PRC has thus far been unwilling to engage with the 
United States on substantive discussions on nuclear weapons policy and 
doctrine. As Ambassador, how will you specifically encourage Beijing to 
engage on these issues? What motivation is behind efforts by the PRC to 
increase the role of nuclear weapons in its military strategy?

    Answer. President Biden has indicated clearly that he is going to 
support the strongest possible and the safest American nuclear 
deterrent, as every president has done, since President Harry Truman. 
The administration will pursue strategic risk management measures to 
reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing 
nuclear arsenal. These efforts will be paired with actions to bolster 
deterrence in the region. The administration is developing and 
evaluating specific proposals to be pursued with the PRC. Beijing's 
larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a broader PRC military build-up 
and its increasingly assertive and threatening behavior to U.S. allies 
and partners. Precisely because Beijing is the least transparent member 
of the P5 nuclear weapons states, accurate assessments of its nuclear 
trajectory and intentions are difficult.

    Question. We must find ways to lower tensions and avoid 
miscalculation in the Taiwan Strait to avoid an inadvertent conflict. 
In your experience, what role can Track 1.5 dialogues--those that 
include a mix of government and non-government officials--play in 
reducing mistrust between countries? As Ambassador, will you commit 
that the State Department will actively promote such dialogues on 
regional stability issues in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Yes. The administration seeks to minimize the risk of 
miscalculations on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and dialogue is a 
means to do that. If confirmed, I will speak directly to the PRC 
Government about the importance of a stable and peaceful dialogue 
across the Taiwan Strait free from coercion.

    Question. President Biden and President Xi Jinping are due to hold 
a virtual summit in December 2021. If confirmed by that date, will you 
commit to advocate that negotiating nuclear risk reduction measures 
with the PRC will be a focal point of that summit?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Biden administration to 
seek effective channels of communication with Beijing to manage 
competition responsibly, to diminish the risk of an accidental 
conflict, and above all, to maintain the peace. The United States has 
to proceed from a position of strength and pursue intense diplomacy in 
all these matters. The administration will pursue crisis 
communications, risk reduction, and strategic stability measures to 
reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing 
nuclear arsenal. The administration hopes that Beijing will come to see 
that reducing nuclear risks is in its security interest and the 
administration has raised these issues with the PRC, making very clear 
the U.S. interest in substantively engaging with China.

    Question. In your testimony, you signaled your support for the 
longstanding U.S. ``One China'' policy and for a robust unofficial U.S. 
relationship with Taiwan consistent with our commitments under the 1979 
Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). The TRA makes it U.S. policy: ``to preserve 
and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and 
other relations between the people of the United States and the people 
on Taiwan, as well as the people on the China mainland and all other 
peoples of the Western Pacific area.'' Is it your assessment that 
creating a fellowship program with Taiwan--modeled on the Mansfield 
Fellowship with Japan--would strengthen implementation of this 
provision of TRA and expand U.S. Government employee's knowledge of the 
Indo Pacific region?

    Answer. Taiwan is a leading democracy, an important economic and 
security partner, and force for good in the world. If confirmed, I will 
support the Department's longstanding efforts and will work with 
Congress to deepen our people-to-people ties and enhance our ability to 
learn from each other and work on issues of common concern. If 
confirmed, I will be happy to discuss the Fellowship proposal with you.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. China and Iran struck a deal earlier this year which 
resulted in a $400 million commitment by the Chinese to invest in 
Iran's oil and gas sector, in addition to a military cooperation 
component. While U.S. sanctions on Iranian oil exports are still on the 
books, enforcement has faded to insignificance. According to an August 
report by the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), Iran's 
crude oil production fell to an almost 40-year low in 2020. This 
decline in production was triggered in 2018, when President Trump 
pulled the U.S. out of the JCPOA, and reimposed sanctions on Iran. 
Today, China receives half of all Iran's crude and condensate exports.

   What do you assess is going wrong with sanctions enforcement?

    Answer. The United States has been engaged with JCPOA participants, 
including China, in an effort to achieve a mutual return to compliance 
with JCPOA commitments with Iran. Current Iran-related sanctions remain 
in effect.
    China has long been importing Iranian oil, and the administration 
will continue to oppose Iranian sanctions evasion efforts, including 
those involving Chinese entities.
    The administration will continue to raise this issue directly with 
the Chinese as part of its dialogue on Iran policy and I agree that, in 
general, this is a more effective path forward to address our concerns.
    I agree with the administration that while strategic competition 
defines many aspects of our relationship with China, multilateral 
cooperation to constrain Iran's nuclear program is vital, as the world 
has no interest in seeing Iran develop a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, 
I will engage vigorously with China to discourage them from taking 
steps vis-a-vis Iran that threaten our interests.

    Question. Please assess the benefits that China gets from such 
sanctions-busting.

    Answer. The U.S. opposes China's decision to permit some of its 
companies to import oil from Iran in contravention of U.S. sanctions. 
While strategic competition defines many aspects of our relationship 
with China, multilateral cooperation to constrain Iran's nuclear 
program is very much in its interest, as it has no desire to see Iran 
develop a nuclear weapon and the profoundly destabilizing impact that 
would have in a region upon which China depends for its oil imports.
    The President is committed to ensuring as broad a multilateral 
coalition as possible to address Iran's nuclear program and 
destabilizing activities. That will mean seeking to work with China, 
which has close ties to Iran, and some of whose small independent 
refiners continue to transact with Iran notwithstanding U.S. sanctions. 
China's large state-owned oil companies have avoided purchasing Iranian 
oil because they place greater weight on the risk of exposure to U.S. 
sanctions due to their global business.
    If confirmed, I will engage vigorously with China to discourage 
them from taking steps vis-a-vis Iran that threaten our interests.

Uyghur Human Rights Case
    Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) and Chinese 
Communist Party (CCP) engage in sustained, systematic, and granular 
intimidation of dissidents in China and abroad. That harassment 
includes the abuse and imprisonment of dissidents' family members.
    Nury Turkel is a Uyghur-American lawyer and leading critic of the 
PRC's atrocities against, and genocide of, the Uyghurs. In addition to 
testimony, op-eds, speeches, and other activities he currently serves 
as the Vice Chair of the United States Commission on International 
Religious Freedom.
    The PRC is engaged in a campaign of intimidation to silence Turkel 
by targeting his family members. They refuse to let his ailing parents 
leave China and be reunited with him.
    This campaign directly harms U.S. citizens: his parents have two 
sons who are U.S. citizens and five U.S.-born grandchildren, who 
they've never met. Additionally, the campaign is an effort to interfere 
in American internal affairs and exercise leverage over U.S. policy on 
religious freedom.
    U.S. officials have reportedly raised Turkel's case with the 
Chinese, but there has been no sustained follow-up and the Chinese are 
apparently under the impression the inquiries were pro-forma.

   What leverage does the U.S. have to mitigate the harassment and 
        intimidation of family members of Chinese dissidents, 
        especially American citizens?

    Answer. The United States opposes PRC efforts to repress its 
citizens or their family members, whether inside or outside of China. 
If confirmed, I will continue administration efforts to provide support 
for Uyghurs and other human rights defenders and coordinate with allies 
and partners to speak out against such actions and to provide 
protection to targeted individuals. If confirmed, I also commit to 
raising individual cases with my PRC Government counterparts.

    Question. Can you commit to conveying to the Chinese that the 
United States expects and demands they allow Turkel's parents to be 
reunited with their American citizen children and grandchildren?

    Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China 
(PRC)'s mistreatment of Mr. Turkel's parents, to include blocking them 
from leaving China. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly on their 
behalf with the PRC government and work to secure their reunification 
with Mr. Turkel and with their other children and grandchildren.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. As Ambassador, will you be prepared to work with the 
organizing committee to find ways to alleviate the financial harm 
shouldered to U.S. companies in this regard, including Jet Set Sports?

    Answer. Regarding Jet Set Sports (JSS), I understand that neither 
the U.S. Government nor the Government of Japan is a party to the 
commercial contract between the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the 
Olympic and Paralympic Games and JSS. If confirmed, I will encourage 
both parties to seek an amicable resolution in accordance with the 
terms of their agreement.

    Question. What do you plan to do to encourage the Japanese to 
continue and expand their reconciliation program for former American 
POWs of Japan and their families that began in 2010?

    Answer. The Japanese-American POW Friendship Program has signaled 
an important step in our bilateral relationship and is giving both 
Japan and the United States an opportunity to remember and learn from 
the U.S. POW World War II experience and to reflect on our past, 
present, and future. We have come far since the dark days of the 
Pacific campaign to today's world where the U.S.-Japan Alliance had its 
50th Anniversary; this program is yet another important chapter in our 
shared history.

    Question. What opportunities and what challenges do you see for the 
Quad's resurgence in the region, and in our foreign policy?

    Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance has served as the cornerstone of 
peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and across the 
world for more than six decades, and it has never been stronger. The 
American and Japanese people share deeply rooted values of defending 
freedom, championing economic and social opportunity and inclusion, and 
respecting human rights, and the rule of law. We welcome Japan's 
expanding position as a leader not just in the Indo-Pacific but 
globally. Its founding role in creating the Quad was an example of this 
leadership. If confirmed, I would work with Japan to take advantage of 
the Quad forum to support the rule of law, freedom of navigation and 
overflight, solutions to the climate crisis, peaceful resolution of 
disputes, democratic values, and territorial integrity in the Indo-
Pacific and beyond.

    Question. If you're confirmed as Ambassador to Japan, what role do 
you anticipate playing as it relates to the Quad?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support Japanese leadership in the 
Quad and work with Quad counterparts and other likeminded nations to 
better coordinate and advance our common goals of prosperity, security, 
and freedom in the Indo-Pacific. The Embassy Tokyo team is expanding 
joint engagement with partners such as Australia and the UK, and I 
would seek to continue partner-focused outreach.

    Question. Where do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance needs to 
concentrate, and act, to be capable to meet new and emergent regional 
challenges?

    Answer. In an increasingly challenging security environment, the 
United States and Japan will continue to closely coordinate on how to 
effectively deter and, if necessary, respond to growing threats to the 
U.S.-Japan Alliance and regional security in the Indo-Pacific region. 
If confirmed, I would work with Japan to promote greater mutual 
investment in defense and improve our forces' interoperability to 
ensure our alliance is able to adapt quickly to a changing security 
landscape with the necessary capabilities and military readiness. Japan 
is in a position to play an even greater role on regional security 
issues by supporting and encouraging closer cooperation with other 
like-minded partners.

    Question. What specific steps would you take as ambassador to help 
improve relations between Tokyo and Seoul?

    Answer. A robust and effective trilateral relationship between and 
among the United States, the ROK, and Japan is critical for our shared 
security and common interests. If confirmed, I would work to strengthen 
the relationship with our key allies, Japan, and the ROK, both 
trilaterally and bilaterally.

    Question. What role should Japan play in facilitating nuclear and 
missile diplomacy with North Korea?

    Answer. We have worked hand-in-hand with Japan and the ROK on the 
security challenges related to the DPRK, including through Deputy 
Secretary Sherman's bilateral and trilateral discussions with her South 
Korean and Japanese counterparts, as well as discussions between 
Special Representative for the DPRK Sung Kim and his counterparts. 
Japan is and will continue to be a key player on this and all security 
issues in the region.

    Question. Has there been any indication from North Korea that it 
will attempt to address the Japanese abductions issue?

    Answer. I understand that Prime Minister Kishida is prepared to 
meet with the DPRK leader Kim Jong Un without preconditions and remains 
committed to the immediate resolution of the abductions issue. We hope 
the DPRK will respond positively. As President Biden and former Prime 
Minister Suga reaffirmed in their April 2021 Joint Leaders' statement, 
the United States is committed to the immediate resolution of the 
abductions issues.

    Question. What are the economic and strategic implications for the 
United States of not participating in these initiatives and how can the 
United States ensure that its economic priorities are shaping regional 
trade rules?

    Answer. We are looking at a range of options to forge stronger 
economic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific that promote shared goals of 
cooperation and inclusive prosperity. We are committed to strengthening 
trade and investment in the region in a manner that promotes good 
paying American jobs, high standards, and supply chain resiliency and 
offer the same benefits for our Indo-Pacific partners. The 
administration is reviewing the CPTPP to evaluate its consistency with 
the Build Back Better agenda. If confirmed, I will support trade 
policies that advance the interests of all Americans, support U.S. 
innovation, and enhance our competitiveness.

    Question. Where do you see opportunities for US-Japan development 
cooperation in Southeast Asia and with the Pacific Islands, including 
to address climate change and a transition to a zero-carbon future?

    Answer. The United States-Japan Climate Partnership provides a 
strong basis for U.S.-Japan cooperation in Southeast Asia and the 
Pacific Islands. If confirmed, I would work with Japan to further these 
shared objectives in the region, including supporting the energy 
transition, enhancing resilience, and ensuring we reach our collective 
climate goals. The United States and Japan held the first Japan-U.S. 
Clean Energy Partnership (JUCEP) meeting on June 10, chaired by the 
U.S. Department of State and the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade 
and Industry. The United States and Japan will focus JUCEP cooperation 
in the Indo-Pacific to address climate change, support competitive 
energy markets, facilitate universal access to affordable, clean, and 
reliable energy, and engage Indo-Pacific partners to encourage rapid 
deployment of clean energy and drive the decarbonization of their 
economies. In addition, we are working with Japan through the Japan-
U.S. Mekong Power Partnership (JUMPP) to promote sustainable energy in 
the Lower Mekong region. If confirmed, I would push forward U.S.-Japan 
cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands under JUCEP, 
JUMPP, and other initiatives.

    Question. How can we facilitate greater collaboration between the 
United States and Japan on tech and innovation? What steps can be taken 
to better integrate those efforts with the regional strategy more 
broadly?

    Answer. Japan is one of our closest partners on technology 
development and deployment. Joint initiatives have produced results in 
such fields as clean energy, infectious diseases, particle physics, 
advanced computing, fusion plasma, materials discovery, natural 
resources, neuroscience, space, cancer biology, and natural disaster 
resiliency. Our two countries have ongoing cooperation and hold regular 
bilateral meetings on a full range of the most challenging and relevant 
science and technology issues, including cyber security, AI, quantum 
computing, and ``beyond 5G'' telecommunications networks. If confirmed, 
I would work to deepen these ties with Japan to help ensure we are 
working effectively with them and all of our regional partners to 
advance technology and innovation.

    Question. Beyond the quiet diplomacy that has been tried for years, 
what specifically will you do, if confirmed, to prioritize the 
reunification and return of the hundreds of American children kidnapped 
to Japan?

    Answer. These cases of family separation are painful and tragic. If 
confirmed, the rights and wellbeing of U.S. citizen children and 
parents would be one of my highest priorities. While it has been a long 
time coming, I understand there has been improvement in terms of 
Japan's record in parental child abduction cases over the last four to 
five years. We cannot undo the pain of the past, but I believe Japan's 
ratification of the Hague Convention on International Child Abductions 
in 2014 was an important step forward in recognizing that custodial 
determinations should be made solely with the court of competent 
jurisdiction in the child's place of habitual residence, and not 
necessarily where the child is located. If confirmed as Ambassador, I 
would work with our Consular officials in resolving these cases and 
advocate for the parental rights of American citizen parents.

    Question. Anomalous Health Incidents: I am very concerned about 
directed energy attacks on U.S. Government personnel (so-called 
Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring the safety and security of our 
personnel abroad falls largely on individual Chiefs of Mission and the 
response of officers at post. It is imperative that any individual who 
reports a suspected incident be responded to promptly, equitably, and 
compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Mission 
Japan staff, their family members, and all those supporting the Mission 
will be my highest priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that 
all reported potential anomalous health incidents are given serious 
attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will 
also ensure that staff who are affected by these incidents receive 
prompt access to the treatment, support, and medical care that they 
need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO team at Mission Japan and to discuss past reported anomalous 
health incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of 
Mission Japan staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous 
health incidents are being followed appropriately.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What are the core American strategic interests in the 
Indo-Pacific, and what role does Japan play in securing those 
interests?

    Answer. For more than 60 years, the partnership between the United 
States and Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in a 
free and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance advances our shared interests, 
shared values, and shared goals. As Ambassador, my top priority would 
be to deepen these ties while we confront our common challenges.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The United States is a proud part 
of the Indo-Pacific. Our exports to the Indo-Pacific region in 2019 
supported more than three million American jobs, and in 2020 the United 
States conducted $1.75 trillion in two-way trade in the region. As part 
of the Indo-Pacific community, I believe the United States shares a 
strategic interest in helping to bring forth the vision we share with 
Japan and other key allies of peace and stability, freedom of the seas, 
unimpeded lawful commerce, protecting human rights, a commitment to the 
international rules-based order, and the recognition that our common 
interests are not zero-sum. These shared interests also include peace 
and stability in the Taiwan Strait and support for Taiwan's 
participation in the international community. As I mentioned in my 
testimony, the United States is committed to a free and open Indo-
Pacific, a vision we closely share with Japan. I believe there is no 
country more central to our interests--political, strategic, or 
economic--in the Indo-Pacific than Japan. 

    Question. In your opinion, what is going well in the U.S.-Japan 
alliance right now, and where should Japan be taking on a greater role 
and responsibility?

    Answer. As the most dynamic and fastest-growing region on earth, 
the Indo-Pacific is a vital region that is a leading priority for U.S. 
foreign policy. The concept of a free and open Indo Pacific (FOIP), 
first coined by former Japanese Prime Minister Abe, has shaped the 
vision of all of our allies in the region. In an increasingly 
challenging security environment, the United States and Japan will 
continue to closely coordinate on how to effectively deter and, if 
necessary, respond to growing threats to the U.S.-Japan Alliance and 
regional security in the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I would 
work with Japan to promote greater mutual investment in defense and 
improve our forces' interoperability to ensure our alliance is able to 
adapt quickly to a changing security landscape with the necessary 
capabilities and military readiness. Japan is in a position to play an 
even greater role on regional security issues by supporting and 
encouraging closer cooperation with other like-minded partners.

    Question. If confirmed, will you encourage Japan to increase its 
defense spending?

    Answer. Yes. And as recently as last week, Japan's new prime 
minister annunciated the goal to increase defense spending. Simply put, 
security costs more in today's increasingly challenging regional 
environment. Only with greater mutual investment in defense can we 
ensure the U.S.-Japan Alliance is positioned to adapt quickly to a 
changing security landscape with the necessary capabilities and 
military readiness. We appreciate Japan's acknowledgement that its 
alliance contributions must expand to meet future challenges.

    Question. Do you agree the Senkaku Islands are covered by our 
Mutual Defense Treaty with Japan, and that any attack on these islands 
would fall under our security commitments to mainland Japan?

    Answer. Yes. Every recent president from President Obama to 
President Trump to President Biden has emphasized that the United 
States' commitment to Japan's security is absolute. This is the stated 
policy of the United States. I understand that the Senkaku islands fall 
within the scope of Article V of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and 
that the U.S. Government is opposed to any unilateral attempts to 
change the status quo in the East China Sea. The U.S.-Japan Alliance 
has never been more important, and, if confirmed, I would stand firmly 
behind this commitment.

    Question. Do you support Japan's acquisition of independent 
counterstrike capabilities designed to defend against missile threats 
from China and DPRK?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Department of Defense 
and my counterparts in the Government of Japan to meet the challenges 
of today and tomorrow and defend against threats to our shared security 
interests. I would consult closely regarding the appropriate mix of 
offensive and defensive capabilities required to effectively deter and, 
if necessary, respond to growing threats to the U.S.-Japan Alliance and 
regional security in the Indo-Pacific region. I would work with these 
officials to facilitate a strategic plan to meet the challenges posed 
by the People's Republic of China and North Korea.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Against the backdrop of an 
increasingly challenging regional security environment, if confirmed, I 
would welcome the expansion of Japan's contributions towards enhancing 
our mutual defenses against threats to our shared security interests. I 
understand Japan's deliberations regarding these capabilities are 
internal and under political consideration, but if confirmed, my top 
priority would be to strengthen our alliance, so of course I would 
welcome Japan's decision if it decided to acquire new capabilities. I 
would work with the Department of Defense and my counterparts in the 
Government of Japan to ensure we collaborate closely to effectively 
deter and, if necessary, respond to growing threats to the U.S.-Japan 
Alliance and regional security in the Indo-Pacific region.

    Question. What are your views on deployment of U.S.-origin 
intermediate range missiles in the Indo-Pacific, including Japan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Japan to defend against 
threats to our shared security interests and consult closely with 
relevant U.S. and Japanese officials regarding our defense posture and 
capabilities. I understand the Department of Defense continues work on 
capabilities that would previously have been prohibited under the INF 
Treaty. I defer to DoD for further program details, but the United 
States would consult with allies, partners, and Congress prior to any 
foreign deployments.

    Question. Where do you think our conversations with Japan on 
missile defense should be focused now that Aegis Ashore has been 
cancelled?

    Answer. For decades, U.S.-Japan Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) 
cooperation, and Japan's deployments of missile defense capabilities, 
have been critical not only for Japan's own self-defense but also for 
the U.S.-Japan Alliance and regional stability in East Asia. The United 
States worked closely with Japan to assist in their study of Aegis 
Ashore alternatives and I understand its decision demonstrates Tokyo's 
determination to enhance its BMD capabilities. The development of Aegis 
System-Equipped Vessels will improve the alliance's defensive coverage 
of the Japanese archipelago. If confirmed, I would ensure that the 
United States and Japan continue to coordinate closely on how to deter 
most effectively and defend against increasingly sophisticated regional 
missile threats.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The United States worked closely 
with Japan to assist in its study of Aegis Ashore alternatives. I 
understand its decision to develop Aegis System-Equipped Vessels 
demonstrates Tokyo's determination to enhance its ballistic missile 
defense capabilities. Recognizing the increasingly challenging range of 
regional ballistic and air-breathing missile threats, the Japanese are 
studying additional defensive options. As allies with shared security 
interests, the United States and Japan must continue to coordinate 
closely on how to deter most effectively and defend against 
increasingly sophisticated regional missile threats. If confirmed, I 
would look forward to working with the Department of Defense and 
Japanese leaders to continue improving the alliance's defensive 
coverage of the Japanese archipelago.

    Question. What role do you see Japan playing in the Australia-
United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS) deal in which UK will help 
Australia to acquire nuclear-powered submarines?

    Answer. AUKUS builds on the administration's commitment to two key 
priorities: 1) revitalizing and modernizing our alliances and 
partnerships around the world; and 2) enhanced engagement in the Indo-
Pacific to advance our long-term interests. It is about connecting with 
existing U.S. allies and partners in new ways and amplifying our 
ability to collaborate. Japan is foremost among our regional allies and 
this initiative is an important supplement to-not a replacement for-the 
other institutions and mechanisms we have in the Indo-Pacific region to 
advance security cooperation.

    Question. Does Japan have a role in helping in the construction or 
development of the nuclear-powered submarines for Australia?

    Answer. The pact announced in September between Australia, the 
United Kingdom and the United States, AUKUS, is about more than 
submarines. It will bring together our sailors, our scientists, and our 
industries to maintain and expand our edge in military capabilities and 
critical technologies. Much of the history of the 21st century will be 
written in the Indo-Pacific, and I was pleased Japan welcomed the 
partnership, which is why it is crucial for us to deepen cooperation on 
new and emerging areas of interest. We need to be able to address both 
the current strategic environment in the region and how it may evolve. 
Through AUKUS, we will significantly deepen cooperation on a range of 
security and defense capabilities.

    Question. Military readiness is critical to deterring aggression by 
China. If confirmed, how will you work in cooperation with U.S. Forces 
Japan to encourage the Japanese to improve training and readiness of 
the Japanese self-defense force and Japan-based U.S. forces?

    Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance and U.S. forward-deployed forces in 
Japan continue to benefit both our countries and are the cornerstone of 
peace, stability, and freedom in the Indo-Pacific region. In that 
spirit--one of friendship and seriousness about the challenges ahead--I 
understand Japan acknowledged that its alliance contributions must 
expand to meet future challenges. Greater mutual investment in training 
is essential to ensuring U.S. and Japan forces are able to adapt 
quickly to a changing security landscape with the necessary 
capabilities and military readiness.

    Question. Do you support the adoption of a ``sole purpose'' nuclear 
declaratory policy?

    Answer. I understand the administration is undertaking a review of 
various national security policies, including nuclear deterrence issues 
through the ongoing Nuclear Posture Review. If confirmed, I would 
contribute to those processes. I understand the concerns expressed 
among some allies and partners, members of Congress, and experts 
regarding U.S. adoption of a sole purpose policy. I do not want to get 
ahead of the NPR process, but if confirmed, that ongoing analysis would 
inform my own view on declaratory policy.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I understand that the role of 
U.S. nuclear weapons in deterring a conventional or chemical and 
biological weapon attack against the United States or its allies and 
partners is among the issues being evaluated as part of the ongoing 
DoD-led Nuclear Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior 
to that analysis being completed.

    Question. What impact would a U.S. sole purpose nuclear declaratory 
policy have on our extended deterrence commitments in the Indo-Pacific, 
especially to Japan?

    Answer. I understand the administration is working to reinvigorate 
and modernize U.S. alliances and partnerships around the world and has 
highlighted the need to ensure extended deterrence commitments to U.S. 
allies remain strong and credible. It is my understanding that various 
declaratory policy options are being reviewed as part of the Department 
of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review. I do not want to get ahead of 
the NPR process, but if confirmed, I look forward to working with U.S. 
and Japanese leaders to ensure our nuclear deterrent remains safe, 
secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence commitments to 
our allies remain strong and credible.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Whether nuclear weapons may still 
play a role in deterring a conventional or chemical and biological 
weapon attack against the United States or its allies and partners is 
among the contingencies being evaluated as part of the ongoing DoD-led 
Nuclear Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior to that 
analysis being completed. Regardless of the U.S. nuclear declaratory 
policy, President Biden has underscored the United States' unwavering 
commitment to the defense of Japan through the full range of U.S. 
capabilities, including nuclear weapons. I strongly support this 
decades-long commitment.

    Question. Do you think a sole purpose doctrine would increase or 
decrease Japan's security?

    Answer. President Biden has underscored the United States' 
unwavering commitment to the defense of Japan through the full range of 
U.S. capabilities, including nuclear weapons. It is my understanding 
that various declaratory policy options will be reviewed as part of the 
Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review, which includes 
consultations with close allies such as Japan. I do not want to get 
ahead of that process, but if confirmed, that ongoing analysis would 
inform my own view on declaratory policy.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Whether nuclear weapons may still 
play a role in deterring a conventional or chemical and biological 
weapon attack against the United States or its allies and partners is 
among the contingencies being evaluated as part of the ongoing DoD-led 
Nuclear Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior to that 
analysis being completed. Regardless of the U.S. nuclear declaratory 
policy, President Biden has underscored the United States' unwavering 
commitment to the defense of Japan through the full range of U.S. 
capabilities, including nuclear weapons. I strongly support this 
decades-long commitment.

    Question. Do you agree that weakening U.S. nuclear deterrence 
increases the likelihood that Japan would develop its own nuclear 
capabilities?

    Answer. While the administration will take steps to reduce the role 
of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, it will ensure 
our nuclear deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective and that our 
extended deterrence commitments to our allies remain strong and 
credible. Japan is party to and in full compliance with the Nuclear 
Non-Proliferation Treaty, forswearing its development of nuclear 
weapons.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. As stated in the Interim National 
Security Strategic Guidance, the administration will ensure that our 
strategic deterrent will remain safe, secure, and effective, not be 
weakened. For decades, U.S. extended deterrence has formed the basis 
for allied and partner security, which enables most to eschew 
possession of nuclear weapons. In addition, Japan is party to and in 
full compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, forswearing 
its development of nuclear weapons.

    Question. Please describe your views on China, including your views 
on what you think U.S.-China policy should be. In your opinion, is 
China the number-one foreign policy challenge for the United States?

    Answer. I do believe the PRC is the number one foreign policy 
challenge for the United States. The PRC has adopted an aggressive 
foreign policy. It is the only competitor potentially capable of 
combining its economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power 
to mount a sustained challenge to the stable and open rules-based 
international order. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship 
with the PRC should be competitive when it should be, collaborative 
when it can be, and adversarial when it must be.

    Question. Japan has been the target of Chinese economic coercion, 
which other U.S. allies, such as Australia, have also experienced. What 
role can the United States play in helping to push back against such 
coercion and support our allies and partners who are harmed?

    Answer. I understand the goal of the administration is to reassure 
allies that the U.S. economy is a safe and strong bet. That means 
reviewing IPR, 6G, AI, climate change, supply chains, semiconductors 
infrastructure--strengthening our economic ties with Japan and 
expanding opportunities for greater collaboration and integration to 
help Japan and the United States withstand any economic coercion from 
malign actors. The United States must continue to work with Japan to 
strengthen economic security to ensure critical technology and 
technical expertise will not illicitly flow into countries of concern. 
At the same time, we will need to hold the PRC accountable for its 
unfair economic practices and its coercive actions around the world. If 
confirmed, I would support work bilaterally and multilaterally, 
including through the Quad, to advance economic opportunity and our 
vision for a rules-based international order in the region. If 
confirmed, I would work towards a free and open Indo-Pacific in 
partnership with Japan.

    Question. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo said recently that 
commercial ties with China will help improve our relationship overall. 
John Kerry has also said we should prioritize climate cooperation with 
China so we can make gains on other issues like cyber and nuclear non-
proliferation.

   Do you agree with Secretary Raimondo's statement?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the 
PRC will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can 
be, and adversarial when it must be. The United States has longstanding 
concerns about the PRC's unfair business practices. If confirmed, I 
will work with Japan and other allies and partners in the region to 
stop the PRC's state-centered, non-market trade practices that distort 
competition by propping up state-owned enterprises, limit market 
access, and undermine the global trading system.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed as the Ambassador to 
Japan, I will not only work to deepen our trade and investment ties 
with Japan, but also work with Japan to stop the PRC's state-centered, 
non-market trade practices that distort competition by propping up 
state-owned enterprises, limit market access, and undermine the global 
trading system. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan has recently 
raised a number of areas where we have concern with the PRC's actions, 
including actions related to human rights, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, the 
South China Sea, and Taiwan, yet made clear that we will also continue 
to engage with the PRC at a senior level to ensure responsible 
competition. At the same time, strategic competition does not, and 
should not, preclude working with the PRC when it is in the U.S. 
national interest.

    Question. Do you agree with Mr. Kerry's statement?

    Answer. This administration will compete, and compete vigorously, 
with the PRC where we should, and we will cooperate with the PRC where 
it is in our interest. Climate is perhaps the signature issue on the 
cooperation side. The PRC has consistently sought to link their action 
on climate with us making changes in the bilateral relationship, and we 
reject that linkage. If confirmed, I will pursue cooperation with the 
PRC where it is in our interest to do so, and in consultation with the 
Congress, our partners and allies, and other stakeholders. I would work 
to rally allies such as Japan to join us in promoting our shared 
interests, pooling our negotiating leverage, and showing our collective 
power and resolve.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I have not had the opportunity to 
discuss with Special Presidential Envoy Kerry the above statement or 
the exact context of the remarks. But I will note that Special 
Presidential Envoy Kerry has regularly made clear that he approached 
his engagement with China on climate as a standalone issue, and that 
other aspects of the U.S.-PRC relationship will not be traded for 
separate U.S. interests. Japan has taken a similar approach on its 
engagement with China on its climate policy. If confirmed as the 
Ambassador to Japan, I will work with Japanese officials, Congress, the 
administration, and other stakeholders to press the PRC and other 
countries to raise their ambition to address the climate crisis.

    Question. In your opinion, on what evidence were Secretary Raimondo 
and Mr. Kerry relying upon with regard to our past experience with 
China?

    Answer. I defer to Secretary Raimondo and Secretary Kerry on their 
statements. However, I would reiterate that the relationship with the 
PRC will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can 
be, and adversarial when it must be. We must manage the relationship 
responsibly and work with Beijing when our interests align, including 
parts of the trade relationship.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021] I have not discussed the 
statements with Secretary Raimondo and Special Presidential Envoy for 
Climate Kerry, and do not have the context of their statements.

    Question. How do you think a change in Taiwan's status quo would 
affect the U.S. relationship with Japan?

    Answer. In their joint statement in April of this year, President 
Biden and former Prime Minister Suga underscored the importance of 
peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and encouraged the 
peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues. The United States' 
commitment to Taiwan is rock-solid and contributes to the maintenance 
of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and within the region. 
The administration has stated that United States will continue to 
support a peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues, consistent with 
the wishes and best interests of the people of Taiwan, and has urged 
Beijing to cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure 
against Taiwan and instead engage in meaningful dialogue with Taiwan.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Peace and stability in the Taiwan 
Strait is critical to broader regional peace, stability, and 
prosperity. We have no more important ally than Japan. If confirmed, I 
would continue to work closely with Japanese leaders to ensure we 
remain well aligned across the full range of policy priorities, 
including on shared security interests such as maintaining peace and 
stability in the Taiwan Strait.

    Question. What are your views on comments by Japanese leaders 
regarding Taiwan?

    Answer. The United States and our allies and partners must work 
together to support Taiwan and preserve peace and stability in the 
Taiwan Strait. I understand that the United States welcomes comments by 
Japanese leaders, including former Prime Minister Suga and President 
Biden's Joint Leaders' statement from April of this year which 
underscored the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan 
Strait and encouraged the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues.

    Question. Do you support pushing for more U.S.-Japan-Taiwan 
cooperation, including defense cooperation?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would encourage our allies and 
partners to continue to work together to advance our shared prosperity, 
security, and values in the Indo-Pacific region.

    Question. Do you support working with Japan on preparing for 
potential diplomatic or intervention scenarios involving Taiwan?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed I will work to ensure that the United 
States and our allies and partners pool our collective strength to 
advance shared interests and deter common threats. We will underscore 
the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.

    Question. How would you describe the role of the Quad in the 
region?

    Answer. The Quad is an essential multilateral grouping that 
convenes four like-minded democracies--the United States, Australia, 
Japan, and India--to coordinate in the Indo-Pacific, reflecting our 
collective commitment to peace, security, and prosperity in the region. 
The United States and our partners strive for a region that is free, 
open, inclusive, healthy, anchored by democratic values, and 
unconstrained by coercion. Engagement through the Quad is one of the 
many ways we support the rule of law, freedom of navigation and 
overflight, peaceful resolution of disputes, democratic values, and 
territorial integrity.

    Question. In your opinion, what areas are ripe for more Quad 
cooperation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Quad partners to advance 
coordination on issues such as COVID vaccine assistance, post-pandemic 
economic recovery, climate change, humanitarian assistance, maritime 
security, supply chain resilience, critical and emerging technologies, 
counter-terrorism, infrastructure cooperation, and countering foreign 
disinformation, among others.

    Question. Do you support cooperating with European allies in the 
Indo-Pacific? If so, how? Please be specific.

    Answer. Yes. The United States should cooperate with European 
allies in maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific. We should also 
welcome support from all who believe in a rules-based system, and not 
arbitrary decisions made by one nation for its own benefit. President 
Biden has identified the invigoration and modernization of U.S. 
alliances and partnership as a central pillar of his administration's 
foreign policy and effort to reinforce the rules-based international 
order. An important aspect of that overall effort is breaking down the 
silos between U.S. alliances. NATO's partnerships with U.S. allies such 
as Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and New Zealand represent 
an important avenue for increasing strategic alignment on transnational 
threats and geo-strategic challenges. Such engagement helps to support 
the rule of law, freedom of navigation and overflight, peaceful 
resolution of disputes, democratic values, and territorial integrity. 
If confirmed, I would continue to coordinate and encourage cooperation 
with our European allies on shared lines of effort in the Indo-Pacific 
region.

    Question. Do you agree with Secretary Austin's comments about the 
United Kingdom: ``If for example, we focus a bit more here [in Asia], 
are there areas that the UK can be more helpful in other parts of the 
world''?

    Answer. Secretary Austin noted in his remarks that ``[a]s we look 
to balance our efforts in various parts of the world, we are not only 
looking to help each other in the Indo-Pacific but we are looking to 
ensure that we help each other in other parts of the world as well.'' I 
believe that it is that balance that is vital, as the United States and 
our allies and partners combine our respective strengths to pursue 
prosperity, security, and freedom not only in the Indo-Pacific, but 
worldwide.

    Question. Would you like to see the United Kingdom be more involved 
in the Indo-Pacific specifically?

    Answer. The United Kingdom has longstanding interests in the Indo-
Pacific. As a likeminded, key ally and friend to the United States, I 
would welcome their involvement in areas of mutual concern.

    Question. Do you support Japan undertaking more extensive security 
cooperation in Southeast Asia?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Japanese 
leaders to advance our shared interests and values in Southeast Asia. 
Enhancing security cooperation, in particular in the realm of maritime 
domain awareness, is essential to preserving a rules-based order that 
fosters free, open, inclusive, and healthy societies that are anchored 
by democratic values and unconstrained by coercion. As a capable, 
thoughtful, and dynamic partner that is widely admired throughout the 
region, Japan remains well positioned to help secure our common 
interests and values more effectively than we could do alone.

    Question. How do you see the future of Japan-ROK relations?

    Answer. Japan and the ROK are both key allies, and I am confident 
that even while they continue to address sensitive historical issues, 
we will continue moving forward to embrace opportunities to advance our 
common regional and international priorities, with a focus on the 
future. The future of the 21st century offers tremendous opportunities 
for both Japan and ROK. A robust and effective trilateral relationship 
between and among the United States, the ROK, and Japan is critical for 
our shared security and common interests. They include defending 
freedom and democracy, upholding human rights, championing women's 
empowerment, combating climate change, building secure and resilient 
supply chains, promoting regional and global peace and economic 
security, and bolstering the rule of law in the Indo-Pacific region and 
across the globe.

    Question. What role should the United States play in managing this 
relationship?

    Answer. I understand that the United States does not take sides in 
bilateral tensions between allies. We have long encouraged the ROK and 
Japan to work together on history-related issues in a way that promotes 
healing and reconciliation. Even while addressing sensitive historical 
issues, cooperation on our common regional and international priorities 
must proceed so that we can together make the most of the 21st century 
opportunities.

    Question. What challenges does it present to the trilateral 
relationship?

    Answer. The United States is more secure when our key allies, 
particularly neighboring allies, have good relations. If confirmed as 
Ambassador, there would be no greater priority for me than to support 
closer relations and cooperation among and between the United States, 
Japan, and the Republic of Korea.

    Question. Growing our economic relationship with Japan and 
throughout the Indo-Pacific region is critically important. If 
confirmed, how would you go about increasing trade and investment with 
Japan and in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. The United States has the largest economy in the world. 
Japan's is number three. When our two countries are aligned, it is a 
powerful force to set standards for the Indo-Pacific region and the 
globe. With more than $250 billion worth of goods and services 
exchanged each year, the United States and Japan are top trading 
partners, and the U.S.-Japan bilateral economic relationship is one of 
strongest in the world. If confirmed, I would work closely with my 
colleagues in USTR and other relevant agencies to promote the 
administration trade policy that benefits American workers and U.S. 
competitiveness in our economic relationship with Japan, as well as 
throughout the Indo-Pacific.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Under my leadership, Chicago was 
the number one American destination for Foreign Direct Investment for 
seven straight years. My team accomplished this by prioritizing trade 
and investment, and relentlessly helping businesses close deals. If 
confirmed, as Ambassador, I will prioritize and support the trade and 
investment efforts of the Foreign Commercial Service (FCS) and Foreign 
Agricultural Service (FAS) in Japan.

    Question. Do you believe the United States should have a robust 
trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific region? If so, how?

    Answer. The United States should focus on working with allies and 
partners in the Indo-Pacific region to shape the rules for fair trade 
in the 21st century and facilitate a race to the top for market 
economies and democracies. If confirmed, I would work to ensure our 
trade agenda protects workers, transparency, and the environment.

    Question. What do you think the United States should focus on in 
its trade and economic relationship with Japan going forward, following 
the U.S.-Japan trade agreement completed under the Trump 
administration?

    Answer. Japan-affiliated firms employ or support more than 973,800 
jobs in the United States. The United States is Japan's top source of 
direct investment, and Japan is the top investor in the United States, 
with cumulative Japanese direct investment totaling $648 billion across 
all 50 states. If confirmed, I will work to expand our economic 
relationship as well as realize the full potential of the U.S.-Japan 
Trade Agreement. We also share interests in the region and globally. If 
confirmed, I would work to deepen our cooperation in the areas 
identified in the U.S.-Japan Competitiveness and Resilience (CoRe) 
Partnership announced by President Biden and then Prime Minister Suga 
in April, including strengthening competitiveness and innovation, 
responding to COVID-19 and increasing global health security, 
addressing the climate crisis

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Added the word ``and'' as well as 
a period above. Both were missing in the original submission.

    Question. What is your view on the United States joining the 
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific Partnership 
(CPTPP)?

    Answer. I understand the administration is looking at a range of 
options to forge stronger economic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific 
that promote shared goals of cooperation and inclusive prosperity. We 
must be committed to strengthening trade and investment in the region 
in a manner that promotes good paying American jobs, high standards, 
and supply chain resiliency and offer the same benefits for our Indo-
Pacific partners.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The administration's approach to 
trade is focused on supporting American working families, defending our 
values, and protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the 
United States. The United States is focused on making investments in 
U.S. workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade 
agreements, including in the Indo-Pacific. Improvements in CPTPP are 
needed for the United States to join. If confirmed, I will support the 
administration's trade policy.

    Question. If the United States does not join the CPTPP, what should 
we do instead on trade and economic engagement?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would not only continue our strong economic 
engagement with Japan bilaterally, but also work to deepen regional and 
global economic relations by promoting an international rules-based 
order and collaborating with regional partners on issues such as 
infrastructure, supply chains, clean energy, and technology in the 
areas of AI and 6G.

    Question. How can we advance U.S.-Japan infrastructure cooperation 
and financing in the region, particularly Southeast Asia and the 
Pacific Islands, going forward?

    Answer. I understand that through the Build Back Better World 
partnership, the Blue Dot Network, and other initiatives, the 
administration aims to provide high-standard, climate-aligned, and 
transparently financed infrastructure to Indo-Pacific economies.

    Question. What are some of the ways you think Japan and the United 
States can work on technology cooperation?

    Answer. Japan is one of our closest partners on technology 
development and deployment. Joint initiatives have produced results in 
such fields as clean energy, infectious diseases, particle physics, 
advanced computing, fusion plasma, materials discovery, natural 
resources, neuroscience, space, cancer biology, and natural disaster 
resiliency. Our two countries have ongoing cooperation and hold regular 
bilateral meetings on a full range of the most challenging and relevant 
science and technology issues, including cyber security, AI, quantum 
computing, and ``beyond 5G'' telecommunications networks. If confirmed, 
I would work to deepen these ties with Japan to help ensure we are 
working effectively with them and all of our regional partners to 
advance technology and innovation, and address collaboration on 
critical supplies, including rare earth elements and other materials.

    Question. TSMC is building a factory in Japan. Do you think there 
are opportunities to involve Japanese companies in efforts to get high 
tech manufacturing out of China and into the U.S. and allied countries?

    Answer. Japan shares our views on the need to diversify technology 
manufacturing to likeminded nations and is implementing policies 
designed to encourage private industry to invest in Japan, the United 
States, and other partners. If confirmed, I would work with the 
Japanese Government and private sector to build on our countries' 
longstanding ties to ensure the security of advanced technology 
manufacturing, which is vital to both of our economies.

    Question. If confirmed, what will be your priorities for getting 
high tech manufacturing out of China and into allied countries?

    Answer. I understand the United States and Japan have already had 
multiple high-level meetings on supply chain issues and U.S. agencies 
are now working directly with their Japanese counterparts to address 
shared supply chain challenges, such as the global semiconductor chip 
shortage, which has harmed both U.S. and Japanese companies. I 
understand this work has already made major strides in improving the 
security of our advanced manufacturing capacity and--if confirmed--I 
would make every effort to drive this initiative forward.

    Question. Two major challenges to more cooperation with Japan 
regarding sensitive and emerging technologies are 1) the gaps in our 
two classification systems, and 2) the different approaches to 
military- and commercial-application research. Do you think the United 
States should explore opportunities to broaden the bilateral defense 
trade and exchanges with Japan?

    Answer. President Biden and former Prime Minister Suga highlighted 
in their Joint Leaders' Statement the importance of ``strengthening 
bilateral cybersecurity and information security,'' which they 
described as a ``foundational component of closer defense cooperation, 
and of safeguarding our technological advantages.'' I understand the 
United States and Japan continue the important work of securing our 
information security systems, including through government-wide 
standards and programs and enhanced counter-intelligence measures. I 
understand the administration has welcomed Japan's efforts to 
strengthen industrial security, cybersecurity, and its overall legal 
framework for information security, and expects such efforts will 
contribute to our ability to broaden bilateral defense trade and 
exchanges.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Yes, I believe the United States 
and Japan should expand bilateral cooperation and trade on commercial 
and military technologies wherever and whenever appropriate 
opportunities arise. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
you and other members of the committee to broaden our defense trade and 
exchanges with Japan.

    Question. To the best of your understanding, does Special 
Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry have authority on any issues 
related to the U.S. relationship with Japan other than climate change 
cooperation?

    Answer. As Special Presidential Envoy for Climate (SPEC), my 
understanding is that former Secretary of State John Kerry's role is to 
lead U.S diplomatic efforts to reassert U.S. climate leadership and 
raise global ambition to meet the daunting climate challenge. His 
climate diplomacy work is closely coordinated with other U.S. 
diplomatic efforts.

    Question. If Mr. Kerry begins playing a major role in non-climate 
aspects of the U.S.-Japan relationship, what would be your response?

    Answer. I understand that Special Presidential Envoy Kerry's role 
is to lead the U.S. diplomatic efforts to reassert U.S. climate 
leadership and raise global ambition to meet the challenge. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with SPEC Kerry on our 
cooperation with Japan on those issues.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. SPEC Kerry has engaged 
governments around the world with a singular focus on increasing global 
ambition to act against the climate crisis. That effort is a full-time 
assignment, and he has not become involved in non-climate issues in his 
engagement with Japan or other foreign governments. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working closely with SPEC Kerry on our cooperation with 
Japan on climate issues. His climate diplomacy work is closely 
coordinated with other U.S. diplomatic efforts.

    Question. Do you believe that the United States should encourage 
the growth of a stronger Japan-European Union relationship? If so, in 
what areas would a stronger Japan-European Union relationship benefit 
the United States?

    Answer. While if confirmed I would work tirelessly to ensure U.S. 
businesses are on a footing to outcompete any challengers, I welcome 
Japan developing stronger ties with our allies and likeminded partners. 
U.S.-Japan-EU coordination has the potential to make all our people 
more secure and prosperous, with promising areas of cooperation ranging 
from climate to supply chains to cybersecurity.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of how Russia 
economically, geopolitically, and diplomatically views Japan.

    Answer. Economically, Russia hopes to use Japan to revitalize the 
underdeveloped Russian Far East and to maintain some semblance of 
diversification as Russia becomes more dependent on China. 
Geopolitically and diplomatically, it aims to drive a wedge between 
Japan and the United States to weaken our alliance. I do not believe 
Japan will be tempted by the latter strategy, and if confirmed I would 
do my best to ensure that Russia does not succeed.

    Question. Do you believe that there is any prospect of a resolution 
to the issue of the Northern Territories/Kuril Islands?

    Answer. Nothing in the Kremlin's public comments indicates to me 
that Russia is interested in any resolution to the issue that does not 
result in its permanent control of the Northern Territories. I 
understand that the United States recognizes Japanese sovereignty over 
the islands of Etorofu, Kunashiri, Shikotan, and the Habomai Islets, 
known in Japan as the ``Northern Territories.''

    Question. What is Russia's policy towards the Northeast Asian 
region broadly and how do these actions affect Japan?

    Answer. Russia's interests, particularly regarding the United 
States, increasingly align with the PRC's, and Russia seeks to 
capitalize on its proximity to more prosperous neighbors such as Japan 
and the ROK. It also continues engagement with the DPRK. Thus, Russia's 
actions have the potential to better or worsen the security situation 
in the Indo-Pacific, directly affecting Japan.

    Question. In your opinion, does Japan have any specific concerns 
regarding Russia's relationship with China?

    Answer. I believe the prospect of two autocratic neighbors becoming 
increasingly aligned and conducting joint military exercises nearby 
would concern any of our allies and partners.

    Question. Earlier this week, Russia joined China in conducting a 
joint anti-submarine drill and a joint passage through the Tsugaru 
Strait. This is the first time they have conducted a passage through 
the Strait together.

   What message do you believe Russia and China were trying to send to 
        Japan?

    Answer. I am concerned that Russia and China were attempting to 
intimidate the Japanese people and to constrain Tokyo's actions by 
implying that its alliance with the United States puts it at odds with 
Moscow and Beijing. I do not believe these efforts will succeed because 
the U.S.-Japan Alliance has served as the cornerstone of peace, 
security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific for more than six decades, 
and it has never been stronger.

    Question. What message do you believe Russia and China were trying 
to send to the United States?

    Answer. As with their other joint maneuvers, I believe Russia and 
China were trying to send a message that they aim to push the US out of 
the region. It will not work. Our friends in the region want a robust 
U.S. presence to counter both PRC and Russian malign behavior and any 
system built solely on their interests.

    Question. After the annexation of Crimea, Japan chose to stand with 
the United States and Europe and implemented sanctions on Russia 
despite a significant blow to its economic and diplomatic engagements 
with Russia. This sacrifice has garnered little attention in the West.

   Please detail your understanding of Japan's concerns with the 
        United States' sanctions policies and actions towards Russia.

    Answer. I understand that Japan has often shied away from sanctions 
out of concern that such a course would foreclose channels of dialogue 
and opportunities to positively influence behavior. If confirmed, I 
look forward to exploring this difference of opinion with Japanese 
policymakers.

    Question. Do you believe the United States should continue to 
undertake sanctions against Russia even though those actions may harm 
an ally like Japan?

    Answer. While U.S. interests and values must always remain 
paramount, I believe our sanctions should be strategically developed.

    Question. Earlier this year, Russian Railways opened an office in 
Tokyo. There are also several other burgeoning business connections 
between Russia and Japan. Do you believe the United States should 
actively lobby Japan to end, disengage from, or refrain from seeking 
these kinds of business deals with Russia?

    Answer. Regarding non-sanctioned sectors, I believe our focus 
should be on demonstrating to Japanese businesses the advantage of 
partnering with U.S. businesses and ensuring that U.S. businesses can 
outcompete any challenger in a free market.

    Question. Japan has burgeoning economic relationships with the five 
Central Asian (C5) nations, which have benefited from Japan's ability 
to stay outside of the political competition that often pushes and 
pulls the C5 between Western, Middle Eastern, Russian, and Chinese 
interests.

   Given recent paradigm shifts in the region due to the fall of 
        Afghanistan and increased influence from China and Russia, how 
        can Japan's involvement help the C5 maintain balance in their 
        international relationships?

    Answer. I welcome Japan's growing role as a leader not just in the 
Indo-Pacific, but globally. In my view, the engagement of a strong, 
likeminded democracy such as Japan in Central Asia aligns with U.S. 
interests.

    Question. As a global leader in the technology industry, how can 
Japan compete with Chinese tech trade and investment in Central Asia, 
and help them resist developing an unhealthy dependence on the Chinese 
Government for the modernization of their technological infrastructure?

    Answer. Japan's competitiveness in this regard lies not only in the 
quality of its technology, but also in the ability to demonstrate the 
advantages of dealing with a reliable business partner willing to treat 
Central Asian partners on fair and equal terms. With proper messaging, 
I believe Central Asian nations will see the long-term benefit of 
economic cooperation with a partner that believes in transparent, free 
competition over one that offers short-sighted deals with opaque 
strings attached.

    Question. How can we assist Japan in increasing its economic 
involvement in the C5, in a way that would maintain Japan's relative 
neutrality in the region and be amenable to Japanese national and 
economic interests?

    Answer. I understand the administration sees the United States' 
primary strategic interest in this region is to build a more stable and 
prosperous Central Asia that is free to pursue political, economic, and 
security interests with a variety of partners on its own terms; is 
connected to global markets and open to international investment; and 
has strong, democratic institutions, rule of law, and respect for human 
rights. If confirmed, I would consult and coordinate with like-minded 
partners where appropriate, to advance these objectives.

    Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons Report, Japan is ranked as Tier 2 due to a lack of government 
will to adequately prevent further trafficking victims, protect 
existing victims, and increase prosecutions and consequences for those 
accused of human trafficking. If confirmed, please outline your 
strategy for underscoring the importance of Japan's increased political 
will to end the scourge that is human trafficking.

    Answer. Trafficking in persons is a matter of deep concern for me, 
and if confirmed I would actively engage the Government of Japan to 
address this issue, including by sharing best practices from the United 
States and other likeminded partners.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed, I would engage the 
Government of Japan on this critical issue, to reinforce the need 
especially to vigorously investigate and prosecute sex and labor 
trafficking cases, and hold convicted traffickers accountable. 
Specifically, authorities must work to improve victim identification 
efforts, particularly among child sex trafficking victims and among 
foreign nationals subjected to forced labor within Japan's Technical 
Intern Training Program, and convicted traffickers should face stricter 
sentencing. If confirmed, I would direct my team to encourage Japan to 
adopt the prioritized recommendations in the Department of State's 
annual Trafficking in Person's Report.

    Question. The State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report indicated 
that Japan has no incidents of human rights abuses, but there is always 
work to be done in civil society. How can you, if confirmed, bolster 
civil society alongside your officers at Mission Tokyo?

    Answer. There is a need to address necessary improvements in civil 
society frankly with a partner like Japan, and that also means 
admitting our own imperfections openly. If confirmed, I would work to 
demonstrate the ways we are attempting to address the deficiencies in 
our own society and direct Mission Japan to promote those actions to 
benefit Japan, and to explore ways our own civil society groups can 
engage with Japanese civil society as we pursue common aims.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Engaging civil society and 
fostering people to people ties with Japan will be one of my key 
priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed, and I see significant 
opportunities to deepen engagements between U.S. and Japanese civil 
society groups. If confirmed, I would work with my team to prioritize 
engagement across the spectrum of Japanese society, but especially with 
groups looking to address issues such as human rights. Gender equality 
is a key area where we could work with civil society groups to advance 
efforts in Japan to improve opportunities for women both economically 
and socially.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, it was reported that Uyghur Muslims continue to have 
difficulty applying for refugee status in government centers, as well 
as general feelings of animosity between Uyghurs and other members of 
the population. How can you, if confirmed, continue to work with the 
Japanese Government to protect Uyghur Muslims in Japan and around the 
world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would emphasize the plight of Uyghur 
Muslims today, and offer to share our experience of welcoming and 
integrating refugees into the United States.

    [Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Uyghurs, who are predominantly 
Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups face 
ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang. In the U.S.-
Japan Joint Leaders' Statement from April of this year, the United 
States and Japan noted their ``serious concerns regarding the human 
rights situations in Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous 
Region,'' and I've seen more recent public statements in which Japan 
has reiterated these concerns about the situation Uyghur Muslims face 
in the PRC. If confirmed, I would encourage the Government of Japan to 
explore ways to protect Uyghur asylum seekers and members of other 
vulnerable groups in Japan, as well as to identify opportunities to 
jointly engage on and advocate for their human rights in the PRC.

    Question. Japan is not a party to the Hague Convention on 
Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry 
Adoption (Hague Adoption Convention or Convention), making intercountry 
adoption particularly difficult for American families. How can you, if 
confirmed, work with Japanese officials on making this process more 
efficient for American families and their children?

    Answer. While Japan is not a party to the Hague Convention with 
respect to Intercountry Adoption, I understand that Japan has processes 
in place (called Special Adoption) that allow for adoption. However, 
the requirements have more narrow guidelines than American prospective 
parents are accustomed to. There are limits on the age of children that 
may be adopted as well as requirements relating to the age and marital 
status of prospective parents as well as time living with the child in 
Japan. The requirement to have lived with the child in Japan for six 
months makes it difficult for American prospective parents to meet this 
requirement. If confirmed, I would work with Japanese officials to make 
the process more feasible for prospective American families.

    Question. Because Japan is not a part to the Hague Convention, 
there are few enforcement mechanisms to bring parentally abducted 
American children home to the United States. What steps can and would 
you take to bring hope to American parents who have not seen their 
children because of a parental abduction?

    Answer. These cases of family separation are painful and tragic. 
While it has been a long time coming, my understanding is that there 
has been improvement in terms of Japan's record in these IPCA cases 
over the last four to five years. We cannot undo the pain of the past, 
but I believe Japan's acceding to the Hague Convention on Abductions in 
2014 was an important step forward in recognizing that responsibility 
for making custodial determinations should lie solely with the court of 
competent jurisdiction in the child's place of habitual residence, and 
not necessarily where the child is currently residing. If confirmed as 
Ambassador, I look forward to working with our Consular officials in 
resolving these cases and advocating for the parental rights of 
American citizen parents.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Japan?

    Answer. I cannot yet make a judgment on morale in Mission Japan 
since I have not been there. An Ambassador is only as effective as the 
members of the Foreign Service, Civil Service employees, eligible 
family members (EFMs), local staff and U.S. Armed Forces who surround 
them. In Japan, Mission community members have advanced our nation's 
ideals without an appointed ambassador for more than two years. I would 
like to thank them for their professionalism and dedication to our 
Mission in Japan, and I hope to soon serve our country alongside them.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Japan?

    Answer. I have not yet been to the mission, so I do not know the 
state of morale at the mission. As in all missions, morale always needs 
attention and strengthening. If confirmed, morale at Mission Japan 
would be my priority. Throughout my career, whether as Mayor of Chicago 
or Chief of Staff to the President, I tried to build a mentality that 
everything is a team effort and a team success. As I said in remarks at 
the hearing, I'm eager to work alongside members of the diplomatic 
mission and of the armed services in Japan. If confirmed, I would be 
committed to creating a strong team across the embassy and all 
consulates and military institutions in Japan.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Japan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the entire mission is unified 
under one vision, to ensure our more than 60-year alliance remains 
strong and continues to be the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in a 
free and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance advances our shared interests, 
shared values, and shared goals. If confirmed as Ambassador, my top 
priority would be to unite all members of the mission behind our common 
goal of deepening these ties while we confront our common challenges. 
Everyone in our Embassy and five consulates will play a role in 
contributing to our mission.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe every success is a team effort and a 
collaborative process. I ensure that everyone has a chance to have 
their voice heard and a seat at the table. I listen and analyze all 
opinions and views offered, and ask for others to help weigh the 
equities, which makes my decisions better. Once a decision is made, we 
move forward in a unified fashion, together as a team.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style 
will translate to an embassy setting, where resources may not be 
readily available and your diplomatic workforce consists of career 
employees?

    Answer. I have always found that it is important to lead by 
example. As mayor, in a time of tight budgets, I led by example. If I 
asked other departments to make changes, I would tighten my budget as 
well. I would not require others to make sacrifices or changes if I was 
not going to make them as well. As I said in the hearing, I will only 
be as strong as my team in the Mission, and I would like to thank them 
for their professionalism and dedication over the past two years 
without an Ambassador.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. I believe in a culture of mutual respect. Every member 
of the mission has a role that is important to the future of our 
alliance with Japan. As stated above, I believe every success is a team 
effort and a collaborative process. If confirmed, I would ensure that 
everyone has a chance to have their voice heard. I would ensure that 
the Ambassador is accessible and does not stand apart from the embassy 
staffing. I would plan to eat in the embassy cafeteria, join embassy 
cycling groups and other community activities to build a stronger sense 
of team. It is my practice to listen and analyze diverse options and 
opinions, which make my decisions better. Once a decision is made, the 
team must move forward together in a unified fashion to achieve our 
goals.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. Never. In my career, I have found it important to 
create a culture of loyalty which requires mutual respect and teamwork. 
I believe mutual respect and loyalty elicits the very best from people. 
My teams have worked hard and achieved great results. As I stated in 
the committee hearing, how I was profiled when I was 27 and 30 is not 
who I am today. For example, I am the only mayor of Chicago who never 
lost a single vote. When I was mayor of Chicago, I led the country in 
foreign direct investment (FDI) over seven years. I believe that 
reflects that I have more than one tool in my toolbox. Each job is 
different, and we change as we grow and learn from our experiences. If 
confirmed, I would employ all of the tools in my toolbox to strengthen 
our relationship with Japan.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. I see it as a close partnership. Ray Greene has had a long 
and successful career as a diplomat in Japan and in the region that is 
invaluable. I would plan to rely on that relationship as ambassador. I 
would be fortunate as an Ambassador to have a DCM like Ray Greene.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. I respect the DCM's 25 years of experience and his deep 
knowledge, not only of Japan but of the region, which is invaluable to 
me and to the United States. For example, every former Ambassador notes 
the sensitivity of issues in Okinawa and Ray Greene was Consul General 
in Okinawa. If confirmed, I would rely on every aspect of his 
experience and knowledge for our success.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   If confirmed, will you encourage Mission Japan diplomats to engage 
        in-person with the Japanese people outside of U.S. embassies 
        and consulates?

    Answer. Yes, of course. If confirmed, I plan to lead by example and 
look forward to engaging directly with the Japanese people throughout 
the country, as conditions permit. Face-to-face contact and meetings in 
local settings where Japanese people engage and work are important to 
understanding our partners, and also key to visibly showing our 
commitment to Japan is rock-solid.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Japan? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance has been the cornerstone of peace, 
security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond for over 
six decades, and the American and Japanese people share an unbreakable 
bond and an unwavering friendship as evidenced by the grassroots 
efforts to support each other in times of need, including during the 
aftermath of both Hurricane Katrina and the Great East Japan 
Earthquake. Public opinion polling confirms that a strong majority of 
the Japanese people support the Alliance, but our challenge is to 
ensure that Japan's younger generations continue to view the United 
States as their first partner of choice on security, economic, and 
educational/cultural issues. Like many diplomatic posts around the 
world, the Embassy and Consulates in Tokyo have had to shift to all 
virtual programming due to the COVID-19 pandemic. As public health 
conditions permit, the Public Affairs team and others will be able to 
restart in-person engagement on everything from encouraging youth and 
mid-career professionals to consider study in the United States, to 
fighting climate change, and identifying ways to promote our shared 
values across the Indo-Pacific region.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Our public diplomacy professionals in Washington and in the 
field work closely together, and we rely on that close cooperation to 
ensure that content and messages developed for a global audience are 
relevant and effectively localized for audiences at post.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of 
our employees and their family members my top priority. If confirmed, I 
will energetically support the Department's established reporting and 
care protocols for anomalous health incidents.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Japan personnel?

    Answer. Communication that is clear, complete, concise, and timely 
is a central part of effective leadership and management. I believe 
that a well-informed workforce is a more effective one. If confirmed, I 
will use the Mission's weekly Country Team meetings, regular meetings 
with top managers, established procedures for notices and policies, and 
town hall meetings to convey our mission and vision and to give all 
information needed to enable our success.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. According to a scientific public opinion poll conducted 
in August 2019, included in the Journal for Peace and Nuclear 
Disarmament, 75 percent percent of Japanese respondents favored Japan 
signing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW)--a 
Treaty that prohibits the use of and possession of nuclear weapons. If 
confirmed as Ambassador, how will you reflect this overwhelming 
attitude towards nuclear weapons in Japan, a close ally, as the 
interagency completes its Nuclear Posture Review as part of the Defense 
led Integrated National Defense Strategy?

    Answer. While I understand and share the desire to make progress 
toward a world without nuclear weapons, the TPNW is not the right way 
to achieve that goal. The TPNW risks undermining U.S. deterrence 
relationships that are still necessary for international peace and 
security and may reinforce divisions that hinder our ability to work 
together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges. 
U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear deterrence (which includes all 
NATO Allies, plus Australia, Japan, and South Korea) share our view 
that the TPNW is incompatible with our extended nuclear deterrence 
arrangements. The best way to achieve a world without nuclear weapons 
is through a process that takes into account the international security 
environment and seeks effective, verifiable arms control and 
disarmament measures.

    Question. Then-Vice President, Joseph R. Biden, stated on January 
11, 2017 that: ``it is hard to envision a plausible scenario in which 
the first use of nuclear weapons by the United States would be 
necessary. Or make sense.'' Do you personally agree with that opinion?

    Answer. I understand that various declaratory policy options will 
be reviewed as part of the Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture 
Review, based on ongoing analysis and continuing allied and partner 
consultations. It would be premature to adopt a position on U.S. 
declaratory policy prior to the completion of the NPR process. At the 
same time, I understand the concerns expressed among some allies and 
partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding U.S. adoption of a 
no-first-use or sole purpose policy. Those concerns will inform the 
review process. In our last review, there was no country with greater 
participation or consultation than Japan. I anticipate the same level 
of engagement for the next review.

    Question. The United States has several Intra-Parliamentary Working 
Groups that allow for active U.S. participation of Members of Congress 
and staff with other governments. How can an Intra-Parliamentary 
Working Group, such as that is included in the Innovation and 
Competition Act (S.1260), advance common interests and values of the 
Quad nations?

    Answer. Quad cooperation supports the United States' goal of 
realizing a free and open Indo-Pacific, and our vision for this 
partnership is ambitious and far-reaching. As a former Congressman, I 
look forward to engaging with members of Congress on how best to 
support that goal and advance the work of the Quad, including through 
intra-parliamentary working groups.

    Question. How can the United States work with Japan to lessen its 
reliance on nuclear power and coal and increase its renewable energy 
infrastructure?

    Answer. I welcome Prime Minister Kishida's affirmation of Japan's 
pledge to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 46-50 percent by 2030 
as part of its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the Paris 
Agreement. Implementation of Japan's NDC will require significant 
transformations toward a cleaner energy future. The United States is 
committed to be a partner with Japan in this effort. At their April 16 
summit, President Biden and then-Prime Minister Suga launched the U.S.-
Japan Climate Partnership on Ambition, Decarbonization, and Clean 
Energy to advance cooperation on climate ambition, climate and clean 
energy technology, and decarbonization. In order to expand renewable 
energy infrastructure--both in Japan and in third countries--the United 
States and Japan are enhancing cooperation on innovation, including in 
such areas as renewable energy, energy storage (such as batteries and 
long-duration energy storage technologies), smart grid, energy 
efficiency, low carbon hydrogen, and Carbon Capture, Utilization and 
Storage/Carbon Recycling. If confirmed, I would continue and expand 
opportunities for U.S.-Japan cooperation to address the climate crisis.

    Question. Japan is currently completing construction on the 
Rokkasho spent nuclear fuel reprocessing facility which may open as 
early as next year. Experts estimate this plant could produce up to 
eight tons of separated plutonium on an annual basis, which would be an 
unwelcome addition to the 8.9 tons it currently hosts at homes and the 
36.6 tons currently being held in France. If confirmed, will you commit 
to working with Japan to find ways to dispose of its plutonium surplus, 
both domestically and abroad?

    Answer. The United States has a long history of productive 
cooperation with Japan on nuclear safety, security, and 
nonproliferation. Japan has committed that it will not maintain 
plutonium reserves for which utilization is unspecified, a commitment 
which Japan has consistently honored.
    In July 2018, the Government of Japan released new policy 
guidelines stating that Japan intends to keep its plutonium stockpile 
at current levels and reduce from there. Our decades of close 
cooperation with Japan, as well as our ongoing dialogue across a wide 
range of nuclear nonproliferation, safety, and security issues give me 
confidence that Japan will continue to move forward in ways that are 
fully consistent with its international obligations and its reputation 
as a leader in global nuclear nonproliferation. If confirmed, I would 
work closely with Japan to ensure that it continues to meet its 
commitments.

    Question. Japanese automobile companies such as Toyota have engaged 
in intense lobbying against U.S. efforts to transition to electric 
vehicles. How can you address this issue with the Japanese Government?

    Answer. President Biden's Build Back Better Agenda and the 
Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal invest in the infrastructure, 
manufacturing, and incentives that we need to grow good-paying, union 
jobs at home, lead on electric vehicles around the world, and save 
American consumers money. The Japanese Government has committed to a 
clean energy strategy and a 46-50 percent reduction in greenhouse gas 
emissions by 2030. They too, are working toward cleaner vehicles and 
have set a target toward phasing out the sale of gas and diesel-engine 
cars by 2035. The United States and Japan are committed to advancing 
shared interests, including addressing climate change. If confirmed, I 
would prioritize engagement on climate change and clean energy, and 
good paying jobs that assist the middle class while supporting robust 
mutually- beneficial trade between the United States and Japan.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure Japan's concerns 
about the Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea as well as concerns 
about Japan's own security are fully represented in any engagements or 
negotiations between the United States and North Korea?

    Answer. The United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea 
continue to deepen trilateral cooperation towards the complete 
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. I understand that Prime 
Minister Kishida is prepared to meet with the DPRK leader Kim Jong Un 
without preconditions and remains committed to the immediate resolution 
of the abductions issue. I hope the DPRK will respond positively. As 
President Biden and former Prime Minister Suga reaffirmed in their 
April 2021 Joint Leaders' statement, the United States is committed to 
the immediate resolution of the abductions issues. Our treaty 
commitments to Japan's security are rock-solid and inform our bilateral 
and multilateral cooperation with Japan.

    Question. If provided additional resources by Congress, in what 
ways would you expand the U.S.-Japan-Taiwan Global Cooperation Training 
Framework (GCTF)?

    Answer. The GCTF is an essential tool for building support for 
Taiwan around the world and demonstrating the value of Taiwan's 
participation on the global stage. Since its inception in 2015, the 
GCTF has featured dozens of workshops that have provided training to 
over two thousand participants, either virtually or in Taipei. The 
State Department recently launched a major expansion of the GCTF that 
will allow the hosting of GFTC workshops around the world, reaching new 
audiences with regionally focused content.

    Question. Recent media reports suggest that while Laquan McDonald's 
great uncle, Pastor Marvin Hunter, has offered support for your 
nomination, there is not agreement amongst the family on their support. 
Have you engaged with other members of the family about your 
nomination?

    Answer. As Pastor Hunter describes in his letter to the Chairman, 
our conversation and relationship predates and is unrelated to any 
nomination. He reached out to me to begin a dialogue about police 
accountability and the tragic murder of his great nephew. I was honored 
to be approached by the pastor and have found great meaning and hope in 
our conversations since then. Out of respect for the family, I have 
expressed an openness to engaging with any of them who are interested 
but have deferred to their wishes on when or if they would like to 
engage in a dialogue.

    Question. Why did you initially oppose a federal civil rights 
pattern-and-practice investigation into the systematic issues within 
Chicago's police department?

    Answer. In December 2015, I announced the formation of an 
independent Police Accountability Task Force (PATF) to conduct a 
comprehensive review of Chicago's system of police accountability, 
oversight, and training. The PATF was made up of well-respected experts 
in police accountability and reform, including the former Assistant 
Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division and former Governor of 
Massachusetts Deval Patrick, the then-Inspector General of Chicago Joe 
Ferguson, and the then-President of the Chicago Police Board and now 
Mayor of Chicago Lori Lightfoot. Their mandate was extremely broad--to 
recommend reforms to improve independent oversight of police 
misconduct, ensure officers with repeated complaints are identified and 
evaluated appropriately, and to establish best practices for the 
release of videos of police-involved incidents--and their timeline for 
delivering recommendations was an aggressive four months. As former 
Inspector General Ferguson wrote recently in a letter to the Chair of 
the Committee on Foreign Relations (see full letter attached), the 
PATF's work was done ``without constraint or filter,'' it was 
``independent and unconstrained,'' and I asked ``the truth be found and 
reported, with the chips to fall where they may.'' In addition, at this 
time there was still an ongoing federal investigation by the United 
States Attorney's Office and the FBI into the shooting of Laquan 
McDonald. Under those circumstances, I believed that another 
investigation into Chicago's police practices was unnecessary and 
risked duplicating or possibly interfering with the work of the PATF. 
However, recognizing that the problems of police oversight and 
accountability and the well-deserved community distrust of the police 
were so widespread and deep-seated, a federal civil rights pattern-and-
practice investigation was not only appropriate but necessary to 
address the issues in the police department. The federal pattern and 
practice investigation built on the work done by the PATF. As former 
Inspector General Ferguson writes: ``The work of the PATF was conducted 
separately but coordinately to the pattern and practice investigation 
of the Civil Rights Section of the United States Department of Justice, 
whose findings were consistent with and as it related specifically to 
use of force, complementary to and a further expansion of those of the 
PATF.''

    Question. When and from whom did you learn about the shooting and 
when and from whom did you learn about the dashcam video? Have you ever 
viewed the dashcam video? What did you do in response upon learning of 
the dashcam video and its contents?

    Answer. I do not recall who first informed me about the shooting or 
when that information was provided to me. As I stated during my 
testimony before the committee, almost immediately after the shooting 
the independent agency tasked with reviewing police use of force 
incidents, IPRA, and the Cook County State's Attorney's Office began 
investigations into the shooting, and soon thereafter the United States 
Attorney's Office launched its own investigation into the shooting. All 
three of these independent investigative agencies had access to all 
available video at the time. The longstanding practice and protocol at 
that time was to not release video footage of the police-involved 
incident while the investigations were ongoing out of concern that 
release of the video could interfere with the investigation, influence 
witness statements, and jeopardize a future prosecution, and my office 
followed that longstanding practice in this case. As the former 
Inspector General for the City of Chicago Joe Ferguson recently wrote 
to this committee, ``[d]ecisions made about the non- or delayed-
disclosure of the body-worn camera videos at that time were in fact the 
longstanding policy and practice of the City of Chicago and its Law 
Department.'' Further, the first time I viewed the dashcam video was 
when it was eventually released to the public. Ferguson, who's office 
conducted a ``comprehensive investigation'' into my administration's 
handling of the aftermath of the shooting, goes on to write, ``there is 
a complete absence of factual basis to support the claim that Mayor 
Emanuel was involved directly or indirectly in a `cover-up' of the 
McDonald shooting videos.'' Indeed, the former Inspector General goes 
on to write: ``my office's comprehensive investigation did not reveal 
any evidence that would support the lingering surmises and accusations 
of a `cover-up' orchestrated out of City Hall. None.''

    Question. Why did you not implement all the reforms the Task Force 
on Police Accountability recommended? Of the reforms you did commit to 
implement, which were implemented (either partially or fully) before 
you left office? Which were not, and why not?

    Answer. The Police Accountability Task Force, which I convened and 
tasked with conducting a comprehensive, independent review of police 
oversight and accountability practices in Chicago, issued its report in 
April 2016. The report was a thorough assessment of the systemic 
problems throughout Chicago policing and police accountability system, 
and it included numerous recommendations across a wide array of areas 
for reform. As former-Inspector General (and PATF member) Ferguson 
wrote to the committee, ``The PATF's findings and recommendations were 
reported out nationally and to much acclaim for their candor in pulling 
back the cover on the lived experience of those who have directly and 
indirectly, over generations, experienced the consequences of 
aggressive and oppressive historical policing practices and culture. 
The work of the Emanuel-appointed and charged Task Force was 
independent and unconstrained.'' My administration moved quickly to act 
on the recommendations of the PATF and implemented reforms guided by 
their recommendations to the Chicago Police Department's use of force 
policies, de-escalation training, body-worn cameras, and a 
groundbreaking video release policy. As Mr. Ferguson goes on to explain 
in his letter, the longstanding practice of not releasing video footage 
during ongoing investigations, ``was the subject of a near 
unprecedented video release policy implemented in February 2016 by 
Mayor Emanuel, acting immediately in response to the first-issued 
recommendation of the PATF.'' As we made progress on implementing the 
recommendations of the PATF, that process was eventually incorporated 
into the police consent decree which my administration entered into 
with the Illinois Attorney General's office. That consent decree, which 
I was proud to finalize and sign before leaving office, builds on the 
excellent work of the PATF, and finally puts the Chicago Police 
Department on a sustainable path toward true reform.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator Todd Young

    Question. How do you believe the U.S. should react to China's 
application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for 
Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)?

    Answer. We would expect that China's non-market trade practices, 
extensive market-distorting support of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) 
and use of economic coercion against other countries would factor into 
CPTPP parties' evaluation of China as a potential candidate for 
accession. If confirmed, I would work to uphold our commitment to 
international rules and standards and work with partners in the region 
to maintain high standards I would defend our interests and work 
alongside our partners and allies to ensure fairness-in competition, 
practices, and trade-and to ensure that the PRC is not permitted to 
dictate the rules of the road and undermine a free and fair Indo-
Pacific.

    Question. How do you believe the U.S. can leverage its 
relationships with Japan to build legitimacy for issue-based coalitions 
to address China's unfair trade practices?

    Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance has served as the cornerstone of 
peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific for more than six 
decades, and it has never been stronger. The American and Japanese 
people share deeply rooted values of defending freedom, championing 
economic and social opportunity and inclusion, and respecting human 
rights and the rule of law. Japan has joined the United States and our 
allies and partners to express our joint concerns about the PRC's 
unfair trade practices including preferential treatment for state owned 
enterprises, data restrictions, inadequate enforcement of intellectual 
property rights, and forced technology transfer. Additionally, the 
United States and Japan and our other partners are concerned by the 
PRC's failure to respect International Labor Standards and non-
compliance with applicable ILO Conventions. If confirmed, I will work 
with Japan to uphold freedom of association and the effective 
recognition of the right to collective bargaining, and the elimination 
of all forms of forced or compulsory labor.

    Question. China is an important trading partner as well as a 
security threat for both the U.S. and Japan. Could you please share 
your view of China and whether you see the country as more of a partner 
or as a threat?

    Answer. The PRC has adopted an increasingly provocative foreign 
policy. It is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its 
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to mount a 
sustained challenge to a stable and open international system. As 
Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the PRC will be 
competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can be, and 
adversarial when it must be. The common denominator is the need to work 
alongside our allies and partners to engage China. Japan will obviously 
be a key partner in this challenge, and if confirmed I will prioritize 
working with Japan on our shared security priorities.

    Question. With the recent security agreement between the U.S., UK, 
and Australia, and in light of the existing Quadrilateral Security 
Dialogue (QUAD) between the U.S., India, Japan, and Australia, what is 
your view of the role Japan can and should play in efforts to counter 
Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. I would like to reiterate that the U.S.-Japan Alliance has 
served as the cornerstone of peace, security, and prosperity in the 
Indo-Pacific and across the world for more than six decades, and it has 
never been stronger. The American and Japanese people share deeply 
rooted values of defending freedom, championing economic and social 
opportunity and inclusion, and respecting human rights, and the rule of 
law. This has led us to share some of the same concerns regarding the 
PRC's actions. We welcome Japan's expanding position as a leader not 
just in the Indo-Pacific but globally. Its founding role in creating 
the Quad was an example of this leadership. If confirmed, I will work 
with Japan to support the rule of law, freedom of navigation and 
overflight, peaceful resolution of disputes, democratic values, and 
territorial integrity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

    Question. Do you think there are opportunities for cooperation on 
technology issues for members of the QUAD? In the future, what kind of 
cooperation do you think is necessary with Japan, a partner with high 
technological capabilities, in order to maintain U.S. technological 
superiority in critical technologies such as AI, cybersecurity, beyond 
5G, and quantum computing?

    Answer. Members of the Quad actively cooperate on a broad range of 
technology issues. Moreover, Japan is one of our closest partners on 
technology development and deployment. Joint initiatives have produced 
results in such fields as infectious diseases, particle physics, 
advanced computing, fusion plasma, materials discovery, natural 
resources, neuroscience, space, cancer biology, and natural disaster 
resiliency. Our two countries have ongoing cooperation and hold regular 
bilateral meetings on a full range of the most challenging and relevant 
science and technology issues, including cyber security, AI, quantum 
computing, and ``beyond 5G'' telecommunications networks. If confirmed, 
I would work to deepen these ties with Japan to help ensure our 
continued technology leadership.

    Question. As Ambassador, would you propose encouraging the Japanese 
Government to expand its security role in the Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. In an increasingly challenging security environment, the 
United States and Japan will continue to closely coordinate on how to 
effectively deter and, if necessary, respond to growing threats to the 
U.S.-Japan Alliance and regional security in the Indo-Pacific region. 
If confirmed, I would work with Japan to promote greater mutual 
investment in defense and improve our forces' interoperability to 
ensure our alliance is able to adapt quickly to a changing security 
landscape with the necessary capabilities and military readiness. Japan 
is in the position to play an even greater role on regional security 
issues by supporting and encouraging closer cooperation with other 
like-minded partners.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator Robert Menendez

ASEAN
    Question. Enduring support for ASEAN is critical to the United 
States' posture in the Indo-Pacific and central to that engagement is 
our partnership with Singapore.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to help Singapore in 
        bolstering ASEAN's centrality in the Asia-Pacific region? What 
        is your assessment of how ASEAN can improve its functions to 
        more fully establish itself as an important, and problem-
        solving, regional player?

    Answer. We value Singapore's role as one of the founding members of 
ASEAN, alongside Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand, 
and its advocacy for ASEAN centrality and unity. If confirmed, I look 
forward to future discussions with Singapore that advance the U.S.-
ASEAN strategic partnership and highlight ASEAN at the heart of our 
shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific.

Economic and Trade Opportunities
    Question. Singapore is the United States' largest trading partner 
in Southeast Asia, and the 18th largest trading partner overall.

   How can the United States continue to improve our economic 
        relationship with Singapore? If confirmed, what economic 
        initiatives would you pursue in light of the U.S. withdrawal 
        from the TPP?

    Answer. Singapore is one of the United States' strongest economic 
partners in the region, surpassing $93 billion in bilateral trade in 
2020. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with Singapore 
bilaterally and through regional fora, including APEC and ASEAN, to 
promote trade and encourage private-sector investment in the region. I 
will also continue to make the case with Singapore and others in the 
region to uphold high standards and adhere to global rules and norms 
for trade.

Vice President Harris' Recent Visit
    Question. As you know, Vice President Harris recently visited 
Singapore and announced agreements to address climate change, 
cybersecurity, and supply chain resilience.

   What are your primary goals in executing these agreements and what 
        potential do you see for U.S.-Singapore collaboration on 
        technology and innovation?

    Answer. Following Vice President Harris' visit in August, 
Singapore's Ministry of Trade and Industry and the U.S. Department of 
Commerce launched on October 7 a new ``Partnership for Growth and 
Innovation'' to address immediate- and longer-term challenges that face 
both of our economies, including the need to enhance supply chain 
resilience. This partnership is designed to promote inclusive economic 
growth, innovation and entrepreneurship, and shared prosperity in the 
United States and Singapore and throughout the Indo-Pacific. If 
confirmed, I plan to work with U.S. businesses and the Singaporean 
government to strengthen our trade and investment relations.

Security Cooperation
    Question. Mutual security interests are a critical element of the 
U.S.-Singapore bilateral relationship, which includes the important 
defense cooperation agreements we have concluded over the past decade.

   How can the United States bolster its security relationship with 
        Singapore? If confirmed, how would you encourage and assist 
        Singapore in addressing maritime tensions in the South China 
        Sea?

    Answer. Singapore is an important security partner and provides the 
U.S. military with access to its bases, ports, and runways. Both the 
United States and Singapore have a clear national interest in promoting 
respect for international law, including freedom of navigation and 
overflight and other lawful uses of the sea, unimpeded lawful commerce, 
and the peaceful resolution of disputes in the South China Sea (SCS). 
If confirmed, I intend to work with Singapore to deepen our close 
military cooperation on shared priority areas such as maritime security 
and cybersecurity, and I will continue to discuss with Singapore how we 
can uphold rights and freedoms that are reflected in international law 
in the SCS and around the world.

    Question. How do you plan to respond to Singapore's increasing 
defense cooperation with China?

    Answer. Singapore maintains robust relationships with both the 
United States and the People's Republic of China. Singapore is a 
reliable partner that welcomes cooperation with the United States and 
increased U.S. security and economic engagement in the region. If 
confirmed, I intend to work with Singapore to deepen our close military 
cooperation.

China
    Question. Singapore, along with other countries in the region, face 
a time of increasing geopolitical uncertainty with China's growing 
assertiveness in the Pacific.

   What is your assessment of how Singapore's thinking on China has 
        evolved in recent years? And what should the United States be 
        doing to influence Singapore's approach towards confronting and 
        competing with China?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken stated in his March foreign policy 
speech, our relationship with the PRC will be competitive when it 
should be, collaborative when it can be, and adversarial when it must 
be. We seek to cooperate with Beijing where our interests align. In 
other areas, we will compete vigorously. The common denominator is the 
need to work alongside our allies and partners to engage the PRC from a 
position of collective strength. If confirmed, I am committed to 
working with Singapore to ensure that it is a reliable partner that 
welcomes U.S. security and economic engagement in the region.

Burma
    Question. Singapore plays an important role in diplomacy 
surrounding the political and humanitarian crisis in Burma.

   If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Singapore to place 
        pressure on Burma's military leaders to cease ongoing violence 
        against protestors and to release political prisoners?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Singapore and other ASEAN members 
to hold the Burmese regime accountable to the Five-Point Consensus and 
urge the military to immediately cease the violence, release all those 
unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to inclusive democracy. If 
confirmed, I will continue to urge all countries to review their 
economic leverage and ties to Burma to ensure they benefit only the 
people of Burma and not the military regime.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously. If 
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Singapore staff, 
their family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my 
highest priority.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that that all reported 
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and 
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure 
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to 
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO at Embassy Singapore to discuss any reported anomalous health 
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Embassy 
Singapore staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous 
health incidents are being followed appropriately.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What are your top 2-3 priorities for the U.S.-Singapore 
relationship?

    Answer. If confirmed, my highest priority would be ensuring the 
safety and security of the mission and our men and women serving 
abroad, along with the safety and security of U.S. citizens in 
Singapore. I am also committed to ensuring that our robust security, 
economic, and enduring people-to-people ties remain the pillars of our 
expansive and enduring bilateral partnership and allows us to cooperate 
as close partners in support of the rules-based economic and security 
order in the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. How would you evaluate Singapore as a defense partner 
overall? Where are they helpful, and where do they need to do more?

    Answer. Singapore is a critically important security partner that 
enables a strong U.S. military presence in the region by providing 
access to bases, ports, and runways, and allowing for the rotational 
deployment of U.S. littoral combat ships and Navy P-8s. Singapore 
maintains a training force of close to 1,000 members in the United 
States and is also the largest purchaser of U.S. military equipment in 
Southeast Asia, and has agreed to purchase the F-35B Joint Strike 
Fighter. If confirmed, I intend to work with Singapore to deepen our 
close military cooperation. I will work with my colleagues across the 
interagency to expand our cooperation in our shared priority areas such 
as maritime security and cybersecurity.

    Question. Do you agree that extended deterrence is the foundation 
of the U.S. security apparatus in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Yes. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in 
advancing U.S. national security objectives in the Indo-Pacific, and 
U.S. nuclear forces, underpin extended deterrence. The administration 
is committed to reinvigorating and modernizing alliances and 
partnerships around the world; this includes ensuring U.S. extended 
deterrence commitments to U.S. allies and partners remain strong and 
credible.

    Question. Do you commit to not advocating for policies that would 
dilute or erode U.S. extended deterrence commitments?

    Answer. I understand the administration is undertaking a review of 
various national security policies, including nuclear deterrence issues 
through the ongoing Nuclear Posture Review. If confirmed, I will 
contribute to those processes as they relate to Singapore and the Indo-
Pacific Region. I also understand that the administration is committed 
to reinvigorating and modernizing alliances and partnerships around the 
world; this includes ensuring U.S. extended deterrence commitments in 
the region remain strong and credible.

    Question. How do you think our Indo-Pacific allies and partners 
would respond to adopting a `sole purpose doctrine' as our declaratory 
policy?

    Answer. I understand that the administration is working to 
reinvigorate and modernize U.S. alliances and partnerships around the 
world and has highlighted the need to ensure extended deterrence 
commitments to U.S. allies remain strong and credible. If confirmed, I 
will do my part to reaffirm, invest in, and modernize our global 
alliances and partnerships, which are America's greatest strategic 
asset. It is my understanding that various declaratory policy options 
are being reviewed as part of the Department of Defense-led Nuclear 
Posture Review.

    Question. At the VP's trip to Singapore in August, the U.S. and 
Singapore finalized three agreements to expand cybersecurity, including 
military to military engagement. What should our next steps be in 
cybersecurity cooperation with Singapore, and what challenges do we 
still face?

    Answer. Technological advancement continues to create a more inter-
connected world that is increasingly vulnerable to cyber threats. 
Singapore is an important bilateral partner and regional leader on 
cybersecurity issues. If confirmed, I will work closely with Singapore 
to expand information sharing, increase cyber capacity building, and 
improve incident response coordination. These efforts will deepen our 
cybersecurity cooperation and build on the three recently signed cyber-
MOUs related to the financial sector, military-to-military engagement, 
and regional capacity-building.

    Question. Singapore has historically taken on a non-alignment 
policy, in which it hopes to balance its relationship with the U.S. and 
China. What are your views on this policy and what challenges does it 
present to the U.S.-Singapore relationship?

    Answer. Singapore maintains robust relationships with both the 
United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC). The PRC is 
Singapore's top trade partner in goods, while the United States remains 
Singapore's largest investor; largest trading partner in services; and 
security partner of choice. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that 
Singapore remains one of the United States' strongest security, 
economic, and trade partners in the region.

    Question. Do you commit to keeping Congress informed of any 
Singapore-Chinese military engagement?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to monitoring Singapore's bilateral 
relationship with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and providing 
assessments on the relationship to enable awareness throughout the U.S. 
Government.

    Question. What opportunities are there for more U.S.-Singapore 
economic engagement given efforts to diversify supply chains from 
China?

    Answer. The COVID-19 crisis has significantly slowed down global 
trade and supply chains, including for both Singaporean and U.S. 
businesses. During Vice President Harris' visit in August, the United 
States and Singapore committed to holding a high-level dialogue with 
industry and government representatives to discuss supply chain 
resilience. The United States and Singapore will also work to address 
shortages caused by global supply chain disruptions, including 
identifying ways to remove choke points in the semiconductor supply 
chain. If confirmed, I plan to work with U.S. businesses and the 
Singapore government to facilitate travel and strengthen our trade and 
investment relations.

    Question. What do you think needs to happen to build more resilient 
supply chains in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Stronger industry relationships and increased economic 
partnerships will ensure a more resilient, diverse, and secure supply 
chains. The administration's focus centers around four critical product 
areas: computer chips; electric vehicle batteries; pharmaceuticals; and 
strategic and critical materials. In coordination with our partners and 
allies, and if confirmed, I will work with business, the Singapore 
leadership, and the administration to secure supply chain 
competitiveness and national security.

    Question. China has been increasingly exerting its economic, 
diplomatic, and military pressure against Taiwan in the past few years. 
How do you think a change in Taiwan's status quo will affect our 
relationship with Singapore, and regional stability more generally?

    Answer. The United States remains committed to the maintenance of 
peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and within the Indo-
Pacific Region and we continue to support a peaceful resolution of 
cross-Strait issues, consistent with the wishes and best interests of 
the people on Taiwan. Singapore likewise sees the maintenance of peace 
and security across the Taiwan Strait as crucial to the entire region. 
If confirmed, I will work with Singapore to ensure it is a close 
partner in support of the rules-based economic and security order in 
the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. China has a long history of economic and political 
coercion in Singapore. This includes tactics like arresting Singaporean 
shipping vessels that sail through contested waters, engaging in 
information campaigns to pressure Singapore to adopt China's nine dash 
line, conducting cyberattacks against Singapore's health system, and 
make Singaporean business in China difficult when Singapore speaks 
publicly about foreign policy views not consistent with the CCP.

   What are your concerns with Chinese political influence in 
        Singapore? Where are the greatest inroads for China in 
        Singapore?

    Answer. Singapore has extensive economic ties to the People's 
Republic of China (PRC), and the PRC is Singapore's top trade partner 
in goods. As a small nation dependent on trade, Singapore shares our 
concern in some instances about economic coercion by the PRC. If 
confirmed, I will continue to make the case with Singapore and other 
countries in the region to uphold high standards and adhere to global 
rules and norms for trade. I will continue to advocate for U.S. 
businesses and ensure that the United States remains competitive in 
trade with Singapore and in the region.

    Question. How should the U.S. respond or support allies and 
partners when they face political and economic coercion from China?

    Answer. The United States must continue to push back on corrupt or 
coercive political and economic practices that damage our interests and 
those of our partners. The PRC has a history of manipulating its 
economic power to advance its strategic and political objectives by 
intimidating other countries, territories, and companies. If confirmed, 
I will support efforts to build resilience in the face of such coercion 
and--where necessary -coordinate a collective response with partners 
and allies. Also, if confirmed, I will work to reestablish the United 
States as a regional diplomatic leader, and will strongly support U.S. 
efforts to rally partners around international law.

    Question. What will you emphasize to Singapore when it comes to the 
South China Sea?

    Answer. The PRC's increased assertiveness in the South China Sea 
presents a major challenge for all countries' security. Both the United 
States and Singapore have a national interest in the maintenance of 
peace and stability, respect for international law, and unimpeded 
lawful commerce in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will encourage 
Singapore to continue to be a leading advocate in ASEAN for a 
meaningful Code of Conduct between ASEAN and China in the South China 
Sea that reinforces international law and does not seek to undermine 
the rights of claimants or third-party states.

    Question. Where can the U.S. be more active in economic engagement 
in ASEAN member nations? Where can the U.S. cooperate with Singapore on 
this activity?

    Answer. ASEAN's outlook on the Indo-Pacific closely aligns with our 
own. ASEAN is looking to increase U.S. support for trade and economic 
development to help its member states recover from COVID-19. During 
Vice President Harris's visit, she announced plans to join Singapore in 
expanding mutual efforts to promote smart, sustainable cities through 
the ASEAN Smart Cities Network and the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities 
Partnership. This partnership will promote business-to-business 
cooperation and is a key component of demonstrating our commitment to 
ASEAN and its role at the heart of the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I 
will continue to support the United States' positive involvement in 
economic engagement through initiatives such as USAID's IGNITE program, 
which focuses on inclusive growth in ASEAN through innovation, trade, 
and e-commerce.

    Question. Do you believe the United States should have a robust 
trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Trade policy in the Indo-Pacific is a key part of the 
Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better. The 
administration's approach to trade is focused on supporting American 
working families, defending our values, and protecting the long-term 
prosperity and security of the United States. As President Biden has 
said, the United States is focused on making investments in U.S. 
workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements, 
including in the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. The VP launched a U.S.-Singapore Partnership for Growth 
and Innovation during her trip to the region in August. What do you 
think this partnership should look like, and what concrete steps can 
the U.S. take to deepen trade with Singapore?

    Answer. The goal of the U.S.-Singapore ``Partnership for Growth and 
Innovation'' is to strengthen U.S.-Singapore trade and investment 
collaboration. It establishes a vehicle for deepening economic 
integration through government and private sector collaboration under 
four pillars: digital economy, energy and environmental technologies, 
advanced manufacturing, and healthcare. If confirmed, I will work with 
U.S. businesses and the Singaporean government to strengthen our trade 
and investment relations and take steps to promote inclusive economic 
growth, innovation and entrepreneurship, and shared prosperity in the 
United States and Singapore and throughout the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. What are the opportunities for more technology 
cooperation with Singapore? Where do we still face major obstacles?

    Answer. Under the ``Partnership for Growth and Innovation,'' the 
United States is committed to cooperating with Singapore in areas such 
as financial technology, cybersecurity, clean energy and climate change 
solutions, medical technologies, and artificial intelligence, and to 
discuss immediate and long-term challenges that face both of our 
economies, such as supply chain resilience. The United States and 
Singapore are also working together to promote smart, sustainable 
cities through the ASEAN Smart Cities Network (ASCN) by promoting green 
building standards and co-funding a professional exchange program to 
share expertise with ASCN officials on water, energy, transportation, 
cybersecurity, and new technologies.

    Question. How will you encourage Singapore to address the crisis in 
Burma? And ASEAN more broadly?

    Answer. The United States values Singapore's role as one of the 
founding members of ASEAN, and its advocacy for ASEAN centrality and 
unity. If confirmed, I will urge Singapore and other ASEAN members to 
hold the Burmese regime accountable to the Five-Point Consensus and 
urge the military to immediately cease the violence, release all those 
unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to inclusive democracy.

    Question. The State Department has been asking Singapore to assess 
the Burmese military's financial and other ties to Singapore. Burmese 
military officials have money in Singapore. They and their families 
travel there for education, medical treatment, business, and 
recreation. Do you commit to pressing Singapore on this issue?

    Answer. The United States encourages all international partners, 
including Singapore, to review their financial ties to the Burmese 
military regime and ensure they are not directly or indirectly 
supporting the regime's ability to rule through fear and violence. If 
confirmed, I will continue to urge all countries to review their 
economic leverage and ties to Burma to ensure they benefit only the 
people of Burma and not the military regime. I look forward to working 
with Singapore to achieve these goals.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, will you commit to working 
with Singapore to put pressure on ASEAN to hold the military junta in 
Burma accountable for the coup and the violence that has ensued.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Singapore and other ASEAN members 
to hold the Burmese regime accountable to the Five-Point Consensus and 
urge the military to immediately cease the violence, release all those 
unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to inclusive democracy. If 
confirmed, I will continue to urge all countries to review their 
economic leverage and ties to Burma to ensure they benefit only the 
people of Burma and not the military regime.

    Question. How can the United States and Singapore work together to 
assist other Southeast Asian nations in efforts to equitably transition 
to clean energy?

    Answer. During Vice President Harris' visit to Singapore in August 
2021, the United States and Singapore launched a U.S.-Singapore Climate 
Partnership, through which both countries intend to work together to 
develop high-quality climate standards and increase regional ambition 
on sustainable finance, collaborate on financial sector climate and 
environmental risk management, support regional clean energy 
infrastructure development, improve sustainability of ports and 
shipping, and mobilize climate capital for climate mitigation and 
adaptation. The United States and Singapore can work together through 
this and other initiatives to prioritize this transition to clean 
energy to other counties in Southeast Asia.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The Strait of Malacca is the second busiest naval route 
in the world, and Singapore sits at the most strategic point within the 
strait. It would be considered by any navy the gateway to the South 
China Sea and therefore it is important that this area be open to 
international shipping and freedom of navigation. What is your 
assessment of Singapore's commitment to freedom of navigation in the 
Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea?

    Answer. Singapore has a steadfast commitment to freedom of 
navigation in the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. The United 
States and Singapore see eye-to-eye on the importance of compliance 
with the international law of the sea, including freedoms of 
navigation, overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea, and on the 
resolution of disputes in accordance with international law.

    Question. How has Beijing tried to influence or bully Singapore to 
accept Chinese claims on the South China Sea?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has tried to coerce 
Singapore and other countries within the region to accept its claims in 
the South China Sea. Singapore is a strong supporter of international 
law and speaks broadly in support of the rules-based order. Singapore 
largely focuses its diplomatic efforts on buttressing ASEAN unity while 
pushing for quick progress in negotiations on a Code of Conduct between 
ASEAN and the PRC. While Singapore is not a claimant country in South 
China Sea territorial disputes, it regularly emphasizes the need for 
freedom of the seas and insists on the resolution of disputes in 
accordance with international law.



                               __________


         Correspondence Submitted to the Committee Supporting 
        Rahm Emanuel's Nomination to be U.S. Ambassador to Japan










                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                   WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2021 (p.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:05 p.m., via 
videoconference, Hon. Chris Van Hollen, presiding.
    Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Rounds, and 
Hagerty.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Van Hollen. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
will come to order.
    We apologize to all involved that we are a little late in 
starting. We have a vote going on in the floor of the United 
States Senate. I just voted and we may have another one during 
the course of this hearing and we will just have to juggle 
things to keep things going.
    I want to thank my colleague in this hearing, my Republican 
colleague, Senator Rounds. We also serve together as the 
chairman and the ranking member of the Subcommittee on African 
Global Health Policy, and I want to thank him for his 
leadership.
    I am going to welcome all seven of our nominees here. We 
have two panels. The first panel will include Ambassador 
Patricia Mahoney to be Ambassador to the Central African 
Republic; Ambassador Peter Vrooman, to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Mozambique; Mr. Peter Haas, to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Bangladesh; and Ms. Julie Chung, to be Ambassador 
to the Republic of Sri Lanka.
    Our second panel will consist of Mr. Brian Shukan, to be 
our Ambassador to the Republic of Benin; and Ms. Elizabeth 
Fitzsimmons to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic; and 
Ambassador David Gilmour, to be our Ambassador to the Republic 
of Equatorial Guinea.
    Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. I have 
had the chance to meet with some of you in the past, to connect 
with some of you via Zoom, and to review the backgrounds of 
everybody here. And I just want to thank all of you for your 
service to the United States, as Foreign Service officers.
    As some of you may know, I come from a Foreign Service 
family and I am really grateful to you and your families for 
serving our country. For those of you who have been 
ambassadors, you know this, and for all of you who have already 
served in the Foreign Service, you know that serving as an 
ambassador overseas as the representative of the President of 
the United States is a very important responsibility and it 
will be your task to coordinate all U.S. policy and be the go-
between, between the United States Government and the 
governments in the countries where you will be assigned, 
assuming all are confirmed.
    So, I just want to thank all of you. You have the 
responsibility of bringing together all the sort of tools of 
American diplomacy and influence, from the military to 
developmental tools, and, of course, diplomatic tools, and 
others, to improve, strengthen our relations with the countries 
in which you will represent the United States, to make clear to 
those countries, U.S. interests, and importantly, as President 
Biden has really worked to emphasize, support the principles of 
democracy, the rule of law, and human rights.
    That is, of course, a challenge around the world, 
especially as many of our adversaries continue to export their 
models of authoritarianism, using all the tools at their 
disposal. So, we are at a challenging moment, but I know all of 
you are up to the challenge.
    And so, I am pleased to see Mike. Senator Rounds, I 
mentioned our partnership earlier. It is great to see you. 
Thank you for your leadership on a range of foreign policy 
issues.
    And with that, let me turn it over to my colleague, Senator 
Rounds.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I most 
certainly appreciate that, and I do appreciate the working 
relationship that we have. I know we voted at exactly the same 
time; it just took me a little longer to get back to my office, 
because I have got further to go.
    But, first of all, thank you, and good afternoon to all of 
you. As career diplomats, I agree with Senator Van Hollen that 
much of your lives and those of your families have been spent 
far from home. You have made great sacrifices in the service to 
your country.
    Thank you and your families for your lifetimes of service 
and your work, which is critical in maintaining and advancing 
America's influence throughout the world.
    Ambassador Mahoney, thank you for your service as a U.S. 
Ambassador to Benin and for your eagerness to continue to serve 
in the Central African Republic. CAR remains beset by violence 
and ongoing humanitarian crisis. Russia's malign influence on 
the country poses additional concerns. We need to take a hard 
look at our policy toward CAR and how we can be proactively 
engaged. So, you have your work cut out for you.
    Now, the U.S. Embassy in the Central African Republic is 
one of the most difficult environments in which to live and 
work in this entire world. I appreciate your willingness to 
serve there.
    Ambassador Vrooman, thank you for your service as an 
Ambassador to Rwanda and your long history of service in Africa 
and the Middle East. I am happy to see an experienced 
ambassador like you as a nominee for U.S. Ambassador to 
Mozambique.
    The violent extremist insurgency in the northern province 
of Cabo Delgado has threatened and delayed the construction of 
a large-scale, onshore, L & G processing complex. The threats 
posed by Mozambique's northern insurgency have prompted 
deployments of military assistance forces from other African 
countries and security cooperation and military training from 
the U.S. and European Governments.
    I look forward to hearing how you plan to further the U.S.-
Mozambique relationship in the face of these significant 
challenges.
    Mr. Haas, Bangladesh like many places, is facing the rise 
of Islamist militancy, a relatively poor nation with 160 
million people living in a land area the size of Iowa. It is 
one of the most densely populated countries on Earth; 
nevertheless, Bangladesh has opened its borders to nearly one 
million Rohingya, fleeing persecution in neighboring Burma, and 
is working with the international community to support the 
humanitarian response.
    Additionally, ties between Bangladesh and China have 
recently, significantly improved. In short, if confirmed as 
U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh, you will head to a post at a 
time when Bangladesh is of increasing bilateral and global 
importance.
    Ms. Chung, bilateral relations between the United States 
and Sri Lanka are facing critical challenges. As Acting 
Assistant Secretary for the Western Hemisphere Affairs, you 
helped focus our Western Hemisphere efforts on countering 
maligned Chinese influence in the region. This will be useful 
in Colombo.
    Attempts to renegotiate a Status of Forces Agreement faced 
unexpected opposition, while the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation discontinued a $480 million compact, aimed at 
reducing poverty after a Sri Lankan special committee 
recommended its rejection. Some say that pressuring Colombo on 
human rights could push it closer to China, which is partnering 
on a number of big-ticket infrastructure projects in the 
country.
    I am delighted to meet you all today and I look forward to 
your comments.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    And in my earlier comments, I indicated the countries to 
which each of you has been nominated as our ambassador, now I 
am going to provide a little bit more background for each of 
you, and I think all of our colleagues, well, should be 
impressed with the depth of your experience and expertise.
    Beginning with Ambassador Patricia Mahoney, who is a career 
member of the Senior Foreign Service, who currently serves as 
the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Benin, previously, she 
served as Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State 
Department's Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and as 
Office Director in the Office of Mainland Southeast Asia.
    Her previous experience also includes posts as Deputy Chief 
of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Uganda, Deputy Chief of 
Mission at U.S. Embassy in Nepal, and Director for South Asia 
at the National Security Council.
    Ambassador Mahoney is the recipient of multiple State 
Department awards and she earned her ab cum laude from Harvard 
College; her MA from the University of Hawaii; and her MS from 
the National War College. Welcome.
    Ambassador Peter Vrooman, Peter Vrooman is a career member 
of the Senior Foreign Service and has been Ambassador to the 
Republic of Rwanda since 2018. He previously served as Charge 
d'Affaires and Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in 
Ethiopia. He has a former Director for Iraq on the National 
Security Council staff and was Deputy Political Counselor at 
the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York.
    Ambassador Vrooman has also served as the spokesperson at 
the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, as a senior advisor for Northern 
Iraq at our embassy in Baghdad, and as Deputy Political 
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Israel.
    He is the recipient of 20 State Department awards and has 
earned his ab from Harvard College and his MS from the National 
Defense University's Industrial College of the Armed Forces. 
Welcome to you.
    Mr. Peter Haas is a career member of the Senior Foreign 
Service and currently serves as both, Acting Assistant 
Secretary of State and principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Economic and Business Affairs.
    Mr. Haas has previously served as a senior advisor and 
Deputy to Assistant Secretary for Trade Policy and negotiations 
for the State Department.
    Over his career, he has served in positions across five 
geographic bureaus at the State Department, including Consul 
General at the Consul General, at U.S. Consulate in Mumbai. He 
is the recipient of multiple State Department performance 
awards, including the James Clement Dunn Award for Excellence 
and the Cordell Hull Award for Economic Achievement by Senior 
Officers.
    Mr. Haas received his BA from Illinois Wesleyan University 
and holds advanced degrees from the London School of Economics, 
where he studied as a Marshall Scholar. Welcome to you.
    Ms. Julie Chung is a career member of the Senior Foreign 
Service and most recently served as the Acting Assistant 
Secretary of the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs at the 
State Department. She has held positions in both, Baghdad and 
Bogota, and her other previous assignments include positions as 
the Director and Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary for Japan in 
the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs; as Deputy Chief 
of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Cambodia; and Economic 
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Thailand.
    Ms. Chung is a Pickering Fellow and has received numerous 
State Department awards, including the Secretary's 
Distinguished Honor Award.
    She earned her BA from the University of California, San 
Diego, and her MA from Columbia University School of 
International and Public Affairs.
    And on a note of personal privilege, I mentioned I was a 
member of a Foreign Service family. The last overseas post my 
father held was Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, and 
so I did tell Ms. Chung when I had to chance to talk to her, 
how much I really enjoyed getting to know the people of Sri 
Lanka; it is a wonderful post, as are the others.
    And I am grateful to her and all of you for your service. 
So, with that, let me turn it over. We are going to go in the 
order that I introduced all of you and begin with Ambassador 
Mahoney.

STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICIA MAHONEY OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
  THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

    Ambassador Mahoney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Rounds, and members of the committee.
    I feel privileged and grateful to appear before you today. 
I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for 
Ambassador to the Central African Republic.
    During my time serving in the Department of State, I have 
worked to advance the United States' diplomatic and policy 
objectives as deputy chief of mission for our embassies in 
Uganda and Nepal, Director of South Asia for the National 
Security Council, and currently as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Benin. Throughout the course of my career, I have 
felt honored to serve the American people and to represent our 
nation and its democratic values.
    I also appreciate the tremendous responsibility that 
embassy leadership has to safeguard the safety and welfare of 
American citizens and embassy staff abroad. I recognize that, 
if confirmed, I will be assuming leadership of an embassy in a 
country in which the United States has suspended operations 
three times and carried out numerous evacuations. If confirmed, 
my focus will remain on the well-being and security of our 
citizens and our embassy staff in the Central African Republic.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the Central 
African Republic is a fragile country still scarred by its 
horrific civil war in 2013 and still battling the triple 
menaces of extreme poverty, armed violence, and instability. 
More than a quarter of the country's population has been 
displaced over the past decade and more than half of the 
country relies on humanitarian assistance for their health and 
basic needs.
    Additionally, inter- and intra-communal violence continues 
over transhumance issues and control of natural resources, 
deepening mistrust between communities. The immediate 
neighborhood just outside its borders consists of six African 
nations all working through varying degrees of insecurity and 
governance challenges.
    Of profound concern is the fact that we have seen the 
deleterious impact of Russian-supported mercenaries from the 
Wagner Group on the safety and security of many of the peoples 
in the country, which further erodes prospects for regional 
security and stability.
    President Touadera has critical choices to make in the near 
term regarding with whom he chooses to partner. This choice 
will affect the United States' and allies' ability to stand 
with his government.
    At this juncture, our continued engagement in concert with 
allies and like-minded partners is vital to ensure that 
President Touadera makes the right choice.
    If confirmed, I will seek to continue the leadership that 
our current Ambassador Tamlyn has demonstrated, to show us a 
good-faith and reliable friend to the people of the Central 
African Republic that promotes reconciliation, good governance, 
and a reinvigorated 2019 Peace Agreement as the best path 
forward.
    If confirmed, I will do my utmost to represent that best 
choice that we offer, both for the good of the people of the 
Central African Republic, but also for our own humanitarian and 
strategic interests in the region as well. I think it is 
important we remain engaged in the Central African Republic to 
provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to its at-risk 
population, to bolster efforts toward an inclusive and 
legitimate national dialogue, to encourage fidelity to the 2019 
Peace Agreement, to reinforce peace-building and conflict 
mitigation efforts, and to continue to support, as we have 
since 2014, the vital role played by the United Nations 
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission, known as 
MINUSCA, one of the largest and most challenging U.N. 
peacekeeping missions in the world.
    If confirmed, I will work with President Touadera, the 
Government of the Central African Republic, and our partners to 
strengthen democratic institutions, advance the rule of law, 
improve access to justice, enable effective delivery of 
humanitarian assistance, and increase transparency in the 
mining sector.
    I will strive to promote respect for human rights, develop 
responsible security alternatives to malign Russian-supported 
mercenaries, urge further progress on combatting human 
trafficking, and encourage accountability at all levels of the 
Government. My goal is to work with the Central African 
Republic Government and our partners to help the country begin 
the transition from humanitarian assistance to sustainable 
development.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, members of the 
committee, I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be assuming 
leadership of an embassy in a country that is contending with 
an array of threats to its integrity, its security, and its 
ability to satisfy even the most basic needs of its population. 
The task is enormous, the challenges complex and exigent, and 
the need immense.
    I am grateful for your advice and counsel in this 
undertaking. I want to reiterate my thanks for giving me the 
opportunity to provide this testimony and I look forward to 
your questions. Thank you.[The prepared statement of Ambassador 
Mahoney follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Patricia Mahoney

    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I feel privileged and 
grateful to appear before you today. I thank President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me as their 
nominee for Ambassador to the Central African Republic.
    During my time serving in the Department of State, I have worked to 
advance the United States' diplomatic and policy objectives as deputy 
chief of mission for our embassies in Uganda and Nepal, director of 
South Asia for the National Security Council, and currently as the U.S. 
Ambassador to the Republic of Benin. Throughout the course of my 
career, I have felt honored to serve the American people and to 
represent our nation and its democratic values.
    I also appreciate the tremendous responsibility that Embassy 
leadership has to safeguard the safety and welfare of American citizens 
and Embassy staff abroad. I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be 
assuming leadership of an embassy in a country in which the United 
States has suspended operations three times and carried out numerous 
evacuations. If confirmed, my focus will remain on the wellbeing and 
security of our citizens and our embassy staff in the Central African 
Republic.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the Central African 
Republic is a fragile country still scarred by its horrific civil war 
in 2013 and still battling the triple menaces of extreme poverty, armed 
violence, and instability. More than a quarter of the country's 
population has been displaced over the past decade and more than half 
of the country relies on humanitarian assistance for their health and 
basic needs. Additionally, inter- and intra-communal violence continues 
over transhumance issues and control of natural resources, deepening 
mistrust between communities. The immediate neighborhood just outside 
its borders consists of six African nations all working through varying 
degrees of insecurity and governance challenges.
    Of profound concern is the fact that since December, we have seen 
the deleterious impact of Russian-supported mercenaries from the Wagner 
Group on the safety and security of many of the country's people, which 
further erodes prospects for regional stability. President Touadera has 
critical choices to make in the near term regarding with whom he 
chooses to partner. This choice will affect the United States'--and 
allies'--ability to stand with his government.
    At this juncture, our continued engagement--in concert with allies 
and like-minded partners--is vital to ensure that President Touadera 
makes the right choice. If confirmed, I will seek to continue the 
leadership that our current Ambassador Lucy Tamlyn has demonstrated to 
show ourselves a good-faith and reliable friend to the people of the 
Central African Republic that promotes reconciliation, good governance, 
and a reinvigorated 2019 Peace Agreement as the best path forward. If 
confirmed, I will do my utmost to represent that best choice we offer, 
both for the good of the people of the Central African Republic but 
also for our own humanitarian and strategic interests in the region as 
well. I think it is important we remain engaged in the Central African 
Republic to provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to its at-risk 
population, to bolster efforts toward an inclusive and legitimate 
national dialogue, to encourage fidelity to the 2019 Peace Agreement, 
to reinforce peacebuilding and conflict mitigation efforts, and to 
continue to support, as we have since 2014, the vital role played by 
the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission 
(MINUSCA), one of the largest and most challenging U.N. peacekeeping 
missions in the world.
    If confirmed, I will work with President Touadera, the CAR 
Government, and our partners to strengthen democratic institutions, 
advance the rule of law, improve access to justice, enable effective 
delivery of humanitarian assistance, and increase transparency in the 
mining sector. Further, I will strive to promote respect for human 
rights, develop responsible security alternatives to malign Russian-
supported mercenaries, urge further progress on combatting human 
trafficking, and encourage accountability at all levels of the 
Government. My goal is to work with the Central African Republic 
Government and our partners to help the country begin the transition 
from lifesaving humanitarian assistance to sustainable development.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I recognize that, if 
confirmed, I will be assuming leadership of an embassy in a country 
that is contending with an array of threats to its integrity, its 
security, and its ability to satisfy even the most basic needs of its 
population. The task is enormous; the challenges complex and exigent; 
and the need immense. I am grateful for your advice and counsel in this 
undertaking, I want to reiterate my thanks for giving me the 
opportunity to provide this testimony, and I look forward to answering 
any questions you may have.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ambassador Mahoney.
    Next, we will turn to Ambassador Vrooman.
    Mr. Ambassador?

STATEMENT OF HON. PETER HENDRICK VROOMAN OF NEW YORK, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
    COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC 
                         OF MOZAMBIQUE

    Ambassador Vrooman. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member 
Rounds, and members of the committee, it is a great privilege 
and honor to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Republic of 
Mozambique.
    I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence in me and I am also grateful for this distinguished 
committee's consideration. I want to recognize my wife, 
Johnette Iris, for her partnership and passion, and for the 
resilience and curiosity of my children, Zarah and Hendrick, 
who are in school in Rwanda this week, and my mother, Sally, 
for coming to visit, teaching English, and mentoring students 
wherever the Foreign Service leads me. Finally, I would like to 
thank my extended family and friends who always lay out their 
welcome mats when I and we are in the United States.
    Thirty years ago, I began my Foreign Service career on the 
Indian Ocean side of Africa in Djibouti, and I am now the Chief 
of Mission in Rwanda. I have served in Somalia and Ethiopia, as 
well, and believe that my experience on the continent has 
provided me with a unique understanding of some of the 
challenges facing Mozambique, including those related to the 
pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and post-conflict 
stabilization.
    If confirmed, I will further strengthen ties between the 
United States and Mozambique by seizing opportunities to combat 
infectious diseases, promote global health security, sustain 
wildlife and maritime conservation efforts, and deepen 
bilateral ties that foster job creation in both our countries. 
I also remain committed to promoting respect for human rights 
and advocating for the inclusion of people with disabilities 
throughout our policies and programs.
    Mozambique remains a strategic and important partner on the 
African continent. The Government of Mozambique, together with 
regional forces and allies, are fighting ISIS-Mozambique, which 
has caused violence that has claimed thousands of casualties 
and internally displaced more than 700,000 people in the north 
since 2017. This region is home to massive natural gas reserves 
that could lead to a once-in-a-generation economic 
transformation for the country and the continent, provided 
there is responsible public financial management, community 
involvement in local decision-making, and transparency in the 
development of a sovereign wealth fund that allows revenue from 
natural resources to benefit all Mozambicans.
    If confirmed, I will continue our holistic approach to 
countering violent extremism and terrorism. The United States 
has committed to support the Mozambican Government in four 
ways: providing security assistance; strategic communication; 
socio-economic and humanitarian assistance; and diplomatic 
engagement.
    And together, we are rebuilding vocational schools, 
promoting dialogue and exchanges with emerging leaders, and 
marginalized communities, and providing specialized 
counterterrorism training.
    If confirmed, I will partner diligently with the Mozambican 
Government and its people to address the underlying drivers of 
extremism and terrorism by protecting the civilian population, 
addressing their development requirements, and upholding the 
core values of human rights, good governance, and democratic 
participation.
    Mozambique also confronts the devastating impact of the 
COVID-19 pandemic, which has strained its health care system 
and disrupted economic growth. Significantly, the U.S. health 
partnership combating HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria 
helped Mozambique to respond quickly and effectively to COVID-
19. We join international partners not only to end the 
pandemic, but to build back better for global health security 
through the more than $50 million in COVID assistance to 
Mozambique, including more than 600,000 U.S.-provided vaccines.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will dedicate myself to building 
on the extraordinary progress that Ambassador Hearne and the 
U.S. Embassy have made in deepening our bilateral relations and 
supporting Mozambique's efforts to provide for the welfare of 
its citizens. It would be a tremendous honor to serve as Chief 
of Mission in Maputo, working at the new chancery that 
overlooks the same Indian Ocean where I began my Foreign 
Service career three decades ago.
    Our embassy will be a forum for clear-eyed discussions that 
contribute to concrete actions that advance our shared 
interests in democracy, security, prosperity, and friendships.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear 
before you today. I would be honored to respond to any 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Vrooman follows:]


           Prepared Statement of Hon. Peter Hendrick Vrooman

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the committee, 
It is a great privilege and honor to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the 
Republic of Mozambique. I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for 
their confidence in me. I am also grateful for this distinguished 
committee's consideration. I want to recognize my wife, Johnette Iris, 
for her partnership and passion, and for the resilience and curiosity 
of my children, Zarah and Hendrick, who are at school in Rwanda this 
week. And my mother, Sally, for coming to visit, teaching English, and 
mentoring students wherever the Foreign Service leads me. Finally, I 
would like to thank my extended family and friends who always lay out 
their welcome mats when we are in the United States.
    Thirty years ago, I began my Foreign Service career on the Indian 
Ocean side of Africa in Djibouti, and I am now the Chief of Mission in 
Rwanda. I have served in Somalia and Ethiopia as well and believe that 
my experience on the continent has provided me with a unique 
understanding of some of the challenges facing Mozambique, including 
those related to the pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and post-
conflict stabilization. If confirmed, I will further strengthen ties 
between the United States and Mozambique--by seizing opportunities to 
combat infectious diseases and promote global health security, sustain 
wildlife and maritime conservation efforts, and deepen bilateral 
business ties that foster job creation in both countries. I also remain 
committed to promoting respect for human rights and advocating for the 
inclusion of people with disabilities throughout our policies and 
programs.
    Mozambique remains a strategic and important partner on the African 
continent. The Government of Mozambique together with regional forces 
and allies are fighting ISIS-Mozambique, which has caused violence that 
has claimed thousands of casualties and internally displaced more than 
700,000 people in the north since 2017. This region is home to massive 
natural gas reserves that could lead to a once-in-a-generation economic 
transformation for the country, provided there is responsible public 
financial management, community involvement in local decision-making, 
and transparency in the development of a sovereign wealth fund that 
allows revenue from natural resources to benefit all Mozambicans.
    If confirmed, I will continue our holistic approach to countering 
terrorism and violent extremism. The United States has committed to 
support the Mozambican Government in four ways: 1) security assistance, 
2) strategic communications, 3) socio-economic and humanitarian 
assistance, and 4) diplomatic engagement. Together, we are rebuilding 
vocational schools, promoting dialogue and exchanges with emerging 
leaders and marginalized communities, and providing specialized 
counterterrorism training. If confirmed, I will partner diligently with 
the Mozambican Government and its people to address the underlying 
drivers of extremism and terrorism by protecting the civilian 
population, addressing their development requirements, and upholding 
the core values of human rights, good governance, and democratic 
participation.
    Mozambique.also confronts the devastating impact of the COVID-19 
pandemic, which has strained its health care system and disrupted 
economic growth. Significantly, the U.S. health partnership combating 
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria helped Mozambique to respond 
quickly and effectively to COVID-19. We join international partners not 
only to end the pandemic, but to build back better for global health 
security through the more than $55 million in COVID-19 assistance to 
Mozambique, including almost 640,000 U.S.-provided vaccines.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will dedicate myself to building on the 
extraordinary progress that Ambassador Hearne and the U.S. Embassy have 
made in deepening our bilateral relations and supporting Mozambique's 
efforts to provide for the welfare of its citizens. It would be a 
tremendous honor to serve as Chief of Mission in Maputo, working at the 
new chancery that overlooks the same Indian Ocean where I began my 
Foreign Service career three decades ago. Our embassy will be a forum 
for clear-eyed discussions that contribute to concrete actions that 
advance our shared interests in democracy, security, prosperity, and 
friendship.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you 
today. I would be honored to respond to any questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ambassador Vrooman.
    Next, we will hear from Mr. Haas.
    Mr. Haas?

STATEMENT OF PETER D. HAAS OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMEBER OF THE 
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF BANGLADESH

    Mr. Haas. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, 
and Members of this Committee. It is a privilege to appear 
before you today.
    It is a privilege to appear before you today. I want to 
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their trust and 
support in nominating me to serve as Ambassador to the People's 
Republic of Bangladesh. I am honored by their confidence in me.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my wife Amy, my 
steadfast partner over these past 30 years. I would not be here 
today without her continual support. We have two amazing sons 
together: Carsten, who is doing a PhD in German, at the 
University of Wisconsin-Madison and Cameron, who is doing a PhD 
in Economics, at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. The 
three of them have been my home, as we have served the American 
people around the world.
    My recent positions have taught me that there is no corner 
of the globe whose partnership is more critical to U.S. 
strategic interests than the Indo-Pacific, and that we have not 
yet reached the full potential of this partnership. A 
democratic, stable, and prosperous Bangladesh will benefit the 
entire region, and if confirmed, I will advance policies that 
will enhance our relationship with Bangladesh and promote a 
free, open, interconnected, resilient, and secure region.
    The United States has been a reliable friend to and partner 
with Bangladesh for nearly five decades. We work together on 
economic development, peacekeeping, tackling the climate 
crisis, public health, and finding durable solutions to the 
Rohingya refugee crisis. Our two nations also share a 
commitment to democratic values. Our people- to-people ties 
continue to grow and help to deepen our cooperation.
    If confirmed, I will be a tireless advocate for America's 
interests and values as we seek to broaden our partnership with 
Bangladesh.
    Our economic ties are strong and growing, demonstrated by 
the establishment of the U.S.-Bangladesh Business Council 
earlier this year. U.S. private sector investment supports 
Bangladesh's economic development while bringing U.S. 
technologies and know-how, and promoting transparency, 
inclusion, and market-based reforms.
    Bangladesh has also long-played a leadership role in 
pressing for solutions to the climate crisis, and if confirmed, 
I will advocate for policies that promote our partnership on 
environmental and climate issues.
    The United States is also committed to helping Bangladesh 
recover from the global pandemic. Through COVAX, the United 
States has donated 11 and a half million vaccine doses to 
Bangladesh, to date, and has committed to providing additional 
donations in the coming months.
    But for the people of Bangladesh to realize their full 
potential, they must also be free to express themselves. The 
Department of State has long been committed to promoting the 
free operation of media, civil society organizations, workers, 
and members of the opposition political parties in Bangladesh, 
without fear of retribution or harm.
    If confirmed, I intend to continue the Department's work to 
bolster full democratic participation in advance of the 2023 
national elections and to urge the Government to protect and 
defend human rights.
    The United States appreciates the generosity of Bangladesh 
for hosting nearly one million Rohingya refugees who have fled 
violence in Burma. The United States has supported Bangladesh 
and is the largest international donor in the humanitarian 
assistance response.
    If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's work to 
promote the voluntary, safe, dignified return of Rohingya 
refugees, in coordination with Bangladesh and the international 
community. I will also advocate for the protections of the 
human rights of all Rohingya, wherever they may be.
    The United States cooperates closely with Bangladesh on 
counterterrorism. Bangladesh is one of the largest recipients 
globally of U.S. counterterrorism assistance.
    If confirmed, I will continue to strengthen this 
partnership, emphasizing the respect for rule of law and human 
rights. The United States also recognizes Bangladesh's notable 
contributions to regional security and its active role in U.N. 
peacekeeping operations.
    In 2022, the United States and Bangladesh will celebrate 50 
years of diplomatic relations. It is an honor to be nominated 
at this pivotal point in our relationship and during 
Bangladesh's Golden Jubilee anniversary year.
    If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to work 
with this Committee and other Members of Congress to support 
the United States' interests in Bangladesh and the Indo-Pacific 
region at large.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I look forward 
to hearing your questions. Thank you.[The prepared statement of 
Mr. Haas follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Peter D. Haas

    Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear 
before you today. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken 
for their trust and support in nominating me to serve as Ambassador to 
the People's Republic of Bangladesh. I am honored by their confidence 
in me, particularly during this time of unprecedented challenges--and 
unrivalled opportunity--in Bangladesh and the broader Indo-Pacific.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my wife Amy, my steadfast 
partner over these past 30 years. I would not be here today without her 
continual support. We have two amazing sons: Carsten who is doing a PhD 
in German at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Cameron who is 
doing a PhD in Economics at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. 
Together, they have been my portable ``home'' as we have served the 
American people around the world.
    Most recently, I had the privilege of serving as Acting Assistant 
Secretary and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State 
Department's Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs. I also served as 
Consul General in Mumbai, India, and as Economic Counselor in Jakarta, 
Indonesia. These positions taught me that there is no corner of the 
globe whose partnership is more critical to U.S. strategic interests 
than the Indo-Pacific, and that we have not yet reached the full 
potential of this partnership. A democratic, stable, and prosperous 
Bangladesh will benefit the entire region, and if confirmed, I will 
advance policies that will enhance our relationship with Bangladesh and 
promote a free, open, interconnected, resilient and secure region.
    The United States has been a reliable friend to and partner with 
Bangladesh for nearly five decades. We work together on economic 
development, peacekeeping, tackling the climate crisis, public health, 
and finding durable solutions to the Rohingya refugee crisis. Our two 
nations also share a commitment to democratic values. Our people-to-
people ties continue to grow and help to deepen our cooperation. If 
confirmed, I will be a tireless advocate for America's interests and 
values and broadening our partnership with Bangladesh.
    Economic development, climate, and health are important 
cornerstones of the U.S.-Bangladesh relationship. Our economic ties are 
strong and growing, demonstrated by the establishment of the U.S.-
Bangladesh Business Council this year. U.S. private sector investment 
supports Bangladesh's economic development goals by bringing U.S. 
technologies and know-how and promoting transparency, inclusion, and 
market-based reforms. Bangladesh has also long played a leadership role 
in advocating for solutions to the climate crisis, and if confirmed, I 
will advocate for policies that promote our partnership on 
environmental and climate issues. The United States is also committed 
to helping Bangladesh recover from the global COVID-19 pandemic. 
Through COVAX, the United States has donated 11.5 million COVID-19 
vaccine doses to Bangladesh to date and has committed to providing 
additional vaccine donations in the coming months.
    For the people of Bangladesh to realize their full potential, they 
must also be free to express themselves. The Department of State has 
long been committed to promoting the free operation of media, civil 
society organizations, workers, and members of opposition political 
parties in Bangladesh, without fear of retribution or harm. If 
confirmed, I intend to continue the Department's work to bolster full 
democratic participation in advance of the 2023 national elections and 
to urge the Government to protect and defend human rights.
    The United States appreciates the generosity of Bangladesh for 
hosting nearly one million Rohingya refugees who fled violence in 
Burma. The United States has supported Bangladesh as the largest 
international donor in the humanitarian assistance response. If 
confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's work to promote the 
voluntary, safe, dignified return of Rohingya refugees in coordination 
with Bangladesh and the international community, while continuing to 
advocate for the protections of the human rights of all Rohingya, 
wherever they may be.
    The United States also cooperates closely with Bangladesh on 
counterterrorism. Bangladesh is one of the largest recipients globally 
of U.S. counterterrorism assistance. If confirmed, I will continue to 
strengthen this partnership, while continuing to promote our emphasis 
on the respect for rule of law and human rights. The United States also 
recognizes Bangladesh's notable contributions to regional security and 
active role in U.N. peacekeeping operations.
    In 2022, the United States and Bangladesh will celebrate 50 years 
of diplomatic relations. The common goals and the steadfast friendship 
between the American and Bangladeshi people have remained constant over 
these nearly 50 years. It is an honor to be nominated at this pivotal 
point in our relationship and during Bangladesh's Golden Jubilee 
anniversary year. If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to 
work with this committee and other members of Congress to support the 
United States' interests in Bangladesh and the Indo-Pacific region at 
large.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I look forward to 
hearing your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Haas.
    And next, we are going to turn to Ms. Chung.
    Ms. Chung?

STATEMENT OF JULIE CHUNG OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE 
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC 
                          OF SRI LANKA

    Ms. Chung. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, members of 
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the 
President's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka. I am 
grateful for the confidence President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken have placed in me by nominating me for this assignment.
    As a first generation immigrant from South Korea, I am 
proud that my parents instilled in me the values of hard work, 
optimism, love of country, a Christian faith, and the belief 
that America is a country of opportunity and force for good. I 
am thankful for the sacrifices they made for my sister and me, 
and their unconditional love. I am also thankful to my husband 
Jose Collazo, whose unwavering support and patience have been a 
strong foundation for our family, including our eight-year-old 
son, Mateo, who still doesn't understand exactly what Mom does 
at work, but is proud of me anyways.
    During my 25-year career in the Foreign Service, I have 
served in Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, advocating 
for U.S. interests, building strategic partnerships, and 
engaging a diverse range of stakeholders to promote democratic 
values and private sector-led economic growth. My experience in 
China, Japan, and Southeast Asia have provided me a unique 
insight into the importance of American leadership to ensuring 
a free, open, and resilient Indo-Pacific region.
    As the Acting Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Western 
Hemisphere Affairs, I am proud to have led policies that 
supported democratic partners and strengthened their ability to 
counter authoritarian oppression, corruption, and terrorism. 
And I believe that as policy leaders, we also have a 
responsibility to advocate for diversity, equity, and inclusion 
in our workforce, something I have actively promoted since 
joining the Foreign Service as part of the very first cohort of 
the Pickering Fellowship supported by Congress.
    Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest democracy and 
survived the tragedy of a civil war that resulted in 
unimaginable violence and continued ethnic and religious 
divisions.
    If confirmed, I am committed to speaking clearly and 
consistently in support of democratic values, human rights, and 
a strong civil society that are essential to democracies and 
central to our foreign policy approach. We must also be strong 
partners in encouraging justice, accountability, and 
reconciliation so that all Sri Lankans can share in the 
benefits of peace, security, and prosperity.
    Sri Lanka is positioned in a strategic location at the 
heart of the Indian Ocean and its critical ports with access to 
global maritime lanes and trading routes play a pivotal role in 
a free and open Indo-Pacific and beyond.
    If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advocate for 
quality infrastructure and investment based on transparency, 
respect for international law, good governance, sustainable 
environmental and labor standards. We must also support U.S. 
companies doing business in Sri Lanka and utilize the tools we 
have with the Development Finance Corporation and the Export-
Import Bank to provide alternatives to coercive lending and 
opaque contracts.
    I believe our most important assets are American 
innovation, people-to-people exchanges, and education. If 
confirmed, I pledge to expanding and seeking creative ways to 
build upon these networks and connections. We must also 
continue to engage the many voices of the Sri Lankan diaspora 
in the United States, who make valuable contributions in our 
bilateral relationship.
    Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka offers many challenges and 
opportunities for the United States to grow our relationship. I 
will make every effort to advance our values and shared 
interests so that Sri Lanka meets its full potential to be a 
vital partner in the Indo-Pacific.
    Thank you, again, for allowing me to appear before you 
today, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Chung follows:]


                   Prepared Statement of Julie Chung

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, members of the committee, I am 
honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be 
U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka. I am grateful for the confidence 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me by nominating 
me for this assignment.
    As a first generation immigrant from South Korea, I am proud that 
my parents instilled in me the values of hard work, optimism, love of 
country, a Christian faith, and the belief that America is a country of 
opportunity and force for good. I am thankful for the sacrifices they 
made for my sister and me, and their unconditional love. I am also 
thankful to my husband Jose Collazo whose unwavering support and 
patience have been a strong foundation for our family, including our 
eight year old son, Mateo, who still doesn't understand exactly what 
mom does at work but is proud of me anyways.
    During my 25-year career in the Foreign Service, I have served in 
Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, advocating for U.S. 
interests, building strategic partnerships, and engaging a diverse 
range of stakeholders to promote democratic values and private sector-
led economic growth. My experience in China, Japan, and throughout 
Southeast Asia have provided me unique insight into the importance of 
American leadership to ensuring a free, open, resilient, and inclusive 
Indo-Pacific region. As the Acting Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of 
Western Hemisphere Affairs, I am proud to have led policies that 
supported democratic partners and strengthened their ability to counter 
authoritarian oppression, corruption, and terrorism. And I believe that 
as policy leaders, we also have a responsibility to advocate for 
diversity, equity, and inclusion in our workforce, something I have 
actively promoted since joining the Foreign Service as part of the very 
first cohort of the Pickering Fellowship supported by Congress.
    Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest democracy and survived the 
tragedy of a civil war that resulted in unimaginable violence and 
continued ethnic and religious divisions. If confirmed, I am committed 
to speaking clearly and consistently in support of democratic values, 
human rights, and a strong civil society that are essential to 
democracies and central to our foreign policy approach. We must also be 
strong partners in encouraging justice, accountability, and 
reconciliation so that all Sri Lankans can share in the benefits of 
peace, security, and prosperity.
    Sri Lanka is positioned in a strategic location at the heart of the 
Indian Ocean, and its critical ports with access to global maritime 
lanes and trading routes play a pivotal role in a free and open Indo-
Pacific architecture. This reinforces the necessity for the United 
States to build constructive relationships with Sri Lanka, including 
with civil society, the private sector, and the Sri Lankan people. If 
confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advocate for quality 
infrastructure and investment based on transparency, respect for 
international law, and good governance, which is mindful of sustainable 
environmental and labor standards. We must also support U.S. companies 
doing business in Sri Lanka and utilize the tools we have with the 
Development Finance Corporation and the Export-Import Bank to provide 
alternatives to coercive lending and opaque contracts.
    The sinking of the MV X-Press Pearl cargo ship near the shores of 
Colombo a few months ago, causing its biggest marine disaster in Sri 
Lanka's history, points to the need for upholding such standards. U.S. 
humanitarian assistance, emergency response capabilities, and 
environmental surveillance tools helped Sri Lanka respond to this 
tragedy and is emblematic of how we can be a positive force and strong 
partner to the people of Sri Lanka.
    I believe our most important assets are American innovation, 
people-to-people exchanges, and education. If confirmed, I pledge to 
expanding and seeking creative ways to build upon these networks and 
connections. We must also continue to engage the many voices of the Sri 
Lankan diaspora in the United States who make valuable contributions in 
our bilateral relationship. Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka offers many 
challenges and opportunities for the United States to grow our 
relationship. I will make every effort to advance our values and shared 
interests so that Sri Lanka meets its full potential to be a vital 
partner in the Indo-Pacific.
    Thank you again for allowing me to appear before you today, and I 
look forward to your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Ms. Chung.
    Thank you for that testimony and focusing on all aspects of 
our relationship with Sri Lanka and stressing the importance of 
the people-to-people relationships. I have a strong interest in 
all of the countries to which you have been appointed, 
including Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, but as I Chair the Africa 
Subcommittee, I am going to focus my questions on those 
nominations.
    Ambassador Mahoney, you mentioned in your testimony the 
various armed groups that control different regions of the 
Central African Republic, contributing to a very fragmented and 
war-torn landscape. Among those are the Russian-supported 
forces, the mercenaries that continue to commit human rights 
abuses, that operate independently under a complicit host 
government.
    How should the United States address the increasing 
presence of these Russian-sponsored and supported forces and 
the acute threat to stability that they represent, 
particularly, as the U.N. peacekeeping mission there struggles 
to maintain security in the capital and throughout the country.
    Ambassador Mahoney: Senator, thank you for your question, 
and before I respond, I would just like to say that I had the 
privilege to serve two tours in Sri Lanka and walked by the 
picture of your father as Ambassador, many times a day. So 
thank you for his service and thank you for your service as a 
member of a Foreign Service family.
    Senator, thank you, you put your finger on among an array 
of challenges, one of the most acute right now, the influence 
of foreign, malign actors, who are further destabilizing the 
situation in the Central African Republic and not contributing 
to the long-term peace and stability that is no desperately 
needed.
    And if I am confirmed as Ambassador, I would work with our 
partners on the ground in Bangui, and with other regional 
actors, like the EU and the economic community of Central 
African states to really highlight the risk of increased 
international isolation and opprobrium and further 
destabilization, as I said, further instability that the 
Government of the Central African Republic is courting, in 
pursuing this relationship with an actor that has been 
sanctioned for very good reasons by our Government and others, 
and that does not have the long-term interests of the Central 
African Republic and its people at heart. It is not operating 
with that as a basic principle.
    If I am confirmed, I would work to highlight of our 
existing sanctions on these Russian-supported mercenaries and 
do whatever I can with other agencies to enforce those 
sanctions. I would also highlight and raise awareness among 
Central Africans about the serious human rights violations that 
these Russian-supported mercenaries have committed, as you very 
rightly pointed out, who are there at the invitation of the 
Central African Republic Government, who are committing these 
violations.
    And I was encouraged to see that the Commission of Inquiry 
Report that the Government recently released on serious human 
rights violations and abuses did mention the culpability of 
Russian quote, unquote, instructors.
    I would also work, if confirmed, to counter the addition 
information and propaganda campaigns that are really 
undermining so much of the good work that is being done in the 
Central African Republic to support the people there. And we 
have some good programs right now on the ground that are 
working to train journalists to independently evaluate sources 
of news and to have a very, very critical assessment of the 
stories and narratives being presented to them.
    I would work to expand those efforts because I think they 
are very, very important and can bear a lot of fruit in the 
long term.
    I would also work, as you said, to increase those people-
to-people exchanges that are so important. I was so glad to 
hear you talk about that, because to me, those are pure gold. 
For very, very little money, we make those very real 
connections at a very important level with the future leaders 
of the country.
    And I know that the pandemic has probably affected our 
ability to continue those, but if confirmed and pandemic 
conditions permit, I would really want to step them up because 
they really are so very, very productivity and fruitful.
    I would work with our U.N. mission to also call-out the 
irresponsible behavior of these mercenaries in New York and 
they have been doing a very, very robust job of that.
    And, finally, I would work with our partners on the ground, 
including MINUSCA and the EU, to see what responsible 
alternatives, security alternatives we might be able to 
propose. I would explore that avenue so that the Government 
doesn't feel that it must turn to these very responsible and 
non-accountable actors.
    And I think the mandate of renewal for MINUSCA, which is 
coming up next month, offers a really prime opportunity for 
that. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, and thank you for your 
prior service including in Sri Lanka, and for mentioning my 
dad. It is good to see you again.
    Let me turn it over now to Senator Rounds.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I most certainly appreciated the answer with regard to 
the influence there. I am going to turn to Ambassador Vrooman 
to begin with. It is good to see you again, sir, and thank you 
for your previous service.
    Let us talk a little bit about Mozambique and, 
specifically, combatting the Islamic State Mozambique is among 
the top priorities, here for the United States, with regard to 
our policies in Mozambique.
    What is driving the extremist insurgency in Mozambique and 
do you feel the U.S. is adequately engaged, given the various 
threats and challenges the situation in Mozambique poses to the 
region?
    Ambassador Vrooman. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds. It 
is good to see you, as well, and having seen you on the 
continent in recent years, it is great to see you even, 
virtually, at this time.
    It is a very pertinent question and I think that, 
obviously, the situation at Cabo Delgado, we have reached, I 
think, an inflection point in the arrival of forces from SADC 
and from allies, such as Rwanda, that have enabled the 
Government of Mozambique to deal with military blow and to 
recapture some of the cities, towns, and ports that ISIS-
Mozambique had taken over during that 4-year period that I 
mentioned in my testimony.
    Now, what I think all of these combined forces are finding 
is a large swath of destruction. Police stations, health 
centers, and other government infrastructure has been 
destroyed. There have been reports, as well, that mines have 
been laid that raises some questions about returning to and 
getting the displaced people back to their homes, villages, so 
that they can resume their livelihoods.
    So, really, in terms of our approach right now, it is not, 
it is really where we come in, in some ways as the major 
economic and humanitarian partner of the Government of 
Mozambique, to help them in that reconstruction process. It 
will be a challenge. The ISIS forces have, some of them have 
been, you know, dealt a military blow, but some of them will 
come back if there isn't a response that is able to hold the 
towns, villages, and ports that have been liberated of the 
ISIS-Mozambique forces.
    So, it is at this stage, I think, that the U.S. engagement 
is very important and most of our assistance, to date, has been 
humanitarian in nature or to be directed in crisis response. We 
will now need to work on these more lasting development 
challenges, having to do with job creation, having to do with 
rebuilding, so that people have the means with which to return 
to their homes.
    And I think that will help, moving forward, giving people a 
view and a stake in their future and more confidence in the 
security that has returned, at least for now, to Northern 
Mozambique.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
    Mr. Haas, you spent most of your career as an economic 
officer. Bangladesh is a relatively poor nation of increasing 
strategic importance and it is facing critical political and 
demographic changes.
    What are the biggest factors limiting Bangladesh's economic 
growth and what can the United States do to help, also, what is 
your assessment of Bangladesh's anticorruption efforts and what 
are we going to do to promote financial transparency?
    Mr. Haas. Thank you very much, Senator, for that question.
    Indeed, there are a lot of economic challenges in 
Bangladesh. I think their ranking on the World Bank's ease of 
doing business study is a pretty fair characterization of the 
problems that exist there. And as you mentioned, one of those 
problems is the issue of corruption, where, also, Bangladesh 
has a lot to do.
    If confirmed, I will continue to promote the improvement of 
the economic environment there, the rule of law to make it 
easier for U.S. companies to compete there, and I will also 
work very closely with American companies who are seeking to do 
business there, to ensure that they are treated fairly and that 
they are not discriminated against and to level the playing 
field so that they can compete and do business. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    And Ms. Chung, with opposition to a renegotiated Status of 
Forces Agreement and the cancellation of the Millennium 
Challenge Corporation compact worth nearly $500 million, it 
seems that our relationship with Sri Lanka is facing some 
headwinds at the moment.
    Do you agree, and if so, how can we turn it around?
    Ms. Chung. Thank you for that question.
    I think there are certainly challenges in the relationship, 
as we have seen with the MCC project and various other 
cooperation. I think what is needed more than ever is for us to 
explain why the U.S. remains a strong partner.
    And in terms of issues like infrastructure and investment, 
to show the benefits of quality, high-quality, good governance, 
transparent infrastructure projects and why that benefits, 
directly, the people of Sri Lanka. I think we can go a long way 
at doing more public diplomacy and engaging with all 
stakeholders on the ground, beyond the Government, with civil 
society, with journalists, and those who feel affected by such 
projects in the future.
    In addition, I think we can look for more opportunities 
with the Development Finance Corporation that already has 
invested more than $200 million in small and medium enterprise 
lending, especially for female-owned businesses. So, I think 
the initiatives like these, we can reach out more directly to 
the Sri Lankan people, develop constructive relationships with 
the Government, and expand our relationship in many ways.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    And once again, thank you all for your service.
    Mr. Chairman, I will turn it back to you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Senator Rounds.
    And let me now turn it over to Senator Hagerty.
    Senator Hagerty. [Audio malfunction.] That it had been an 
honor--let us see. Can you hear me now?
    Senator Van Hollen. Yes. Good, now.
    Senator Hagerty. Okay. I just wanted to thank you for your 
leadership of this hearing, Senator Van Hollen.
    And in honor of your father's service as our Ambassador to 
Sri Lanka, I would like to turn my attention, now, to our 
candidate for the Ambassador to Sri Lanka.
    Julie, it is good to see you again. I want to thank you for 
your service on the Japan [inaudible--1:05:11] when I served as 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan. You and I have had opportunities to 
talk about this region on a number of occasions.
    I would like to point my attention, though, to something I 
am very concerned about and that is China's use of death trap 
diplomacy to secure interests in two very strategic ports in 
Sri Lanka. Back in 2017, Sri Lanka formally handed over the 
strategic Port of Hambantota to China on a 99-year lease, after 
Sri Lanka struggled to pay its debt owed to Chinese firms.
    This transfer gave China control of territory just an if 
you hundred miles away from India and it gave China a strategic 
foothold along a critical sea, commercial and military sea 
lane.
    China also has a stake in another port in Sri Lanka, at the 
Colombo Port City, where Chinese submarines actually docked at 
the harbor when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was visiting 
there.
    China now possesses the largest navy in the world and these 
strategic ports that they are amassing, will allow China to 
project power across the Indo-Pacific Region.
    The United States must take the lead in pushing back 
against China or else, the entire Indo-Pacific Region is in 
danger of following into the greater influence of the Chinese 
Communist Party.
    So, my first question for you is, if confirmed, Julie, what 
steps would you take to deepen U.S. relations with Sri Lanka's 
leadership and work with partners, such as India, to ensure 
that Sri Lanka's relationship with China doesn't contribute to 
further intensify competition in the Indian Ocean?
    Ms. Chung. Thank you for that question.
    You are exactly right about the influence and the concerns 
that we have about the PRC's investment; the extent and the 
types of infrastructure investment they are making in Sri 
Lanka. I think every country wants options. No country wants to 
be cornered into making one decision based on one country's 
deliverance of and their promises.
    So, if confirmed, I pledge to working, again, to work with 
all the tools that we have in the U.S. Government. We have the 
U.S. Freedom Development Agency. We have the DFC to provide 
alternatives and that is what is essential.
    Unlike other countries, some other countries that direct 
more than investment and tell their countries' companies where 
to invest, U.S. companies go where they base on risk and 
benefits assessments. So, in order to encourage that 
investment, we have to work with the Government, with their 
private sector, with their civil society to build the 
foundations of strong governance, the anticorruption, and 
strong transparency standards.
    And I believe that what you pointed out about India is 
essential. You can't do this alone and you shouldn't do this 
alone. The United States is not the only country who cares 
about robust, international standards. We have seen this 
recently with a number of countries and stakeholders coming 
together around the world to promote the Blue Dot Network, 
which creates international standards for quality 
infrastructure.
    So, working with multilateral partners, working with India, 
working with Japan, as we have worked before, Senator, to work 
with those like-minded countries and co- financing projects and 
raising these issues of international standards and 
transparency together will be essential.
    Senator Hagerty. I agree with you, Ms. Chung, and I think 
that your highlighting the Blue Dot Network certainly brings 
back a point close to my heart, because I signed on behalf of 
the United States when we brought Australia and Japan together 
with their finance development networks, along with our own, so 
I think that holds great potential. We have a lot more work to 
do there and I appreciate your keeping that in mind as you move 
forward.
    Back to Sri Lanka. While they are staving off a major 
financial crisis right now and it is wallowing in debt, China 
has refused to bail Sri Lanka out. But helping Sri Lanka also 
presents other actors with a moral hazard.
    So, my next question is, what can and should the United 
States do, including with multilateral agencies, such as the 
IMF, and with partner countries, such as quad members, to help 
Sri Lanka clean up its public finances, and how do we do so 
without contributing to further unsustainable debt burden on 
Sri Lanka?
    Ms. Chung. Thank you for that question, Senator.
    Yes, the Sri Lankan's debt-to-GDP ratio is over 100 percent 
and of this external debt, 15 percent is owed to the PRC. Now, 
44 percent of this debt is owed to commercial banks, as well, 
so this is a broader problem than just owing debt to China. 
They also owe the Asian Development Bank, India, the World 
Bank, Japan, and commercial banks, as well.
    So, I think in order to get into that healthy financial 
macroeconomic situation, we should work to continue to 
encourage and urge the Sri Lankans to go to the IMF, to 
consider steps for debt restructuring, to make the essential 
reforms needed in the country. We certainly have had past 
programs in the country working with our Treasury colleagues to 
promote that technical assistance and the capacity-building, so 
that they can build that strong financial ecosystem.
    So, we need to just continue to stay on that and our role 
in the IMF, our role in international organizations and banks 
will certainly play a key role in encouraging that message 
continuously to Sri Lanka.
    Senator Hagerty. Yeah, I think Sri Lanka is a prime 
candidate for what you described and I appreciate your 
attention to that, because getting their financial house in 
order is going to be a key to making certain that their 
strategic posture remains as we all need to see it in that 
region.
    Thank you very much, and congratulations on your 
nomination.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
    And I appreciate that line of questioning, as well, with 
respect to Sri Lanka, and I look forward to working with you 
and Ms. Chung, if confirmed, on those issues.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Van Hollen. And to all our nominees, we have a vote 
on the Senate, which is why Senator Rounds departed 
momentarily, and when he returns, I am going to go vote.
    But let me thank our entire first panel here. Unless we 
have any other senators waiting in the Zoom wings here, I just 
want to, again, congratulate all of you on your nominations. 
Thank you for your service and I look forward to supporting 
your nominations.
    And, hopefully, we will be able to get them through the 
Senate in a way that gets you to post as soon as possible. 
Thank you, all.
    [Pause.]
    Senator Van Hollen. We are now going to begin our second 
panel of distinguished nominees. I indicated earlier the 
countries to which they have been nominated as ambassador, and 
now I am also going to provide a bit more about their 
backgrounds and experience starting with Mr. Brian Shukan, who 
is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and has been 
the Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Khartoum since 
2019, and I want to thank Mr. Shukan for his leadership there 
and for working with Senator Coons and I during our visit to 
Sudan a little earlier this year. We appreciated your insights 
and working to make that a successful trip.
    Prior to Mr. Shukan's service in Sudan, he was the Director 
of the Office of Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan. He 
has also served as Deputy Chief of Mission in Port-au-Prince 
and Consul General in Casablanca, and Deputy Political 
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
    Mr. Shukan is the recipient of numerous awards, including 
the James Forrestal Award for Excellence at Strategy and Force 
Planning from the U.S. Naval War College.
    He received his BA from the University of Wisconsin 
Madison, a JD from Washington University in St. Louis, and an 
MA from the Naval War College. Welcome.
    We also have with us, Ms. Elizabeth Fitzsimmons, who is a 
career member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently 
serves as the Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
the Bureau of African Affairs. Previously, she served as Deputy 
Assistant Secretary of State for Central Africa and Public 
Diplomacy and is Acting Deputy Spokesperson for the United 
States Department of State, and also has a senior advisor at 
the Foreign Service Institute.
    In addition, she has held numerous posts across the State 
Department and around the world in her 26-year-long career, 
including posts in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Cambodia, India, and 
Bulgaria.
    She is the recipient of a Senior Foreign Service 
Performance Award and a Superior Honor Award and she holds a BA 
from the University of Virginia and the certificate from the 
International Division of Waseda University in Tokyo. Welcome, 
Ms. Fitzsimmons.
    Next, we have Ambassador David Gilmour, who is a career 
member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as 
Charge d'Affaires in Chad. He has also served as Ambassador to 
the Togolese Republic.
    Previously Ambassador Gilmour held posts and Deputy Chief 
of Mission in Malawi, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central 
Africa in the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs, and 
Director of East African Affairs, and as an Director of Public 
Diplomacy for Africa. His other assignments overseas include 
positions in Australia, Costa Rica, and Panama.
    He is the recipient of numerous awards, including the 
partnership excellence award from the Secretary of State's 
Office of Global Partnerships, and he received his BA from 
Saginaw Valley State University in Michigan and his MA from the 
University of Texas at Austin.
    I, again, want to thank all of our nominees who are here. I 
don't know if Senator Rounds has had a chance to return yet. 
When he does, he may also want to provide a few welcoming 
remarks, but in the interests of time, let us now proceed in 
the order that I introduced everybody, beginning with Mr. 
Shukan.
    Mr. Shukan?

 STATEMENT OF BRIAN WESLEY SHUKAN OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF BENIN

    Mr. Shukan. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, 
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear 
before you as President Biden's nominee to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Benin.
    I appreciate the confidence that the President and 
Secretary Blinken have shown in me, and I thank you for the 
opportunity to testify.
    I would also like to recognize my family watching online; 
my wife Clare for her love and support during the last 30 years 
and throughout our Foreign Service journey; my daughter 
Abigail, who is serving in the Department of Homeland Security; 
and my daughter Leah, who is a graduate student in Boston.
    It has been a great privilege to serve the U.S. as a 
Foreign Service Officer for the past 26 years, beginning at our 
embassy in Benin, and for the past two years as Chief of 
Mission in Sudan, as we supported the Sudanese people's 
aspirations for a democratic and prosperous future.
    And I appreciate your remarks, Senator Van Hollen, 
regarding your visit and all the support that you and Senator 
Coons, and your colleagues, have shown to us as we have worked, 
here in Khartoum.
    Benin has been a strong example of peace, stability, and 
tolerance. Benin is a solid partner on shared goals of economic 
prosperity, peace, and security.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to 
promote democratic governance and human rights, support a 
prosperous and healthy society with closer trade and people-to-
people ties with the United States, and strengthen regional 
security to address global threats, such as violent extremism 
and transnational crime.
    I would like to briefly highlight a few priorities, 
starting with democratic and human rights. And personally, I 
will never forget my experience in 1996, seeing Beninese 
citizens standing patiently in long lines to vote in Benin's 
second democratic election and witnessing a peaceful transfer 
of power.
    For nearly three decades, Benin was a model of multi-party 
democracy in West Africa. It adopted a democratic constitution 
in 1990 and has held six consecutive presidential elections 
with peaceful transitions. We have recently seen undue 
restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly, 
arrests of opposition members, and laws undermining electoral 
competitiveness. These developments contribute to our concern 
about anti-democratic trends in Benin.
    If confirmed, I will support and encourage Benin to resume 
the positive role it once in promoting peaceful, democratic 
governance, rule of law, and human rights.
    A second priority is developing a prosperous and healthy 
society with closer trade links to the United States. Benin 
remains one of the world's least developed countries; one-third 
of its population lives in poverty, and malnutrition has 
stunted the growth of a third of Benin's children under five.
    If confirmed, I will work with the embassy team, Congress, 
and our Beninese partners to promote a healthier and more 
prosperous future with growing trade and investment. In 2020, 
the U.S. provided $28.2 million in assistance to foster a 
healthier society in Benin by strengthening health services. 
The U.S. is also working to improve human rights and strengthen 
civil society.
    A five-year, Millennium Challenge Corporation compact, 
valued at $391 million, entered into force in 2017. This 
compact is strengthening Benin's electric sector, attracting 
private investment, and removing a major impediment to economic 
growth.
    The U.S. has invested in food assistance, improving child 
literacy, and increasing class attendance. And USAID maintains 
programs to build regional and global trade and attract 
investment.
    If confirmed, I will guide these and other programs to 
partner with Benin for a more prosperous and peaceful future.
    I also want to highlight the importance of strengthening 
regional security and addressing global threats, such as 
violent extremism and transnational crime. Benin is a strong 
partner for peace and security in West Africa and the Sahel and 
has prioritized improving its counter-terrorism capacity and 
preventing violent extremism. Our assistance to Benin's 
security forces supports their participation in peacekeeping 
and regional security efforts, and advances Benin's ability to 
secure its borders and interdict maritime and transnational 
crime.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize counterterrorism and 
countering violent extremism through security sector 
assistance, community building, and youth development.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the 
committee, thank you for this opportunity.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance 
U.S. interests in Benin and would be pleased to take any 
questions. Thank you.[The prepared statement of Mr. Shukan 
follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Brian Wesley Shukan

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and distinguished members of 
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of Benin. I 
appreciate the confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have 
shown in me, and I wish to thank the members of the committee for the 
opportunity to testify.
    I would also like to recognize my wife Clare for her love and 
support during the last 30 years and throughout our Foreign Service 
journey; my daughter Abigail, who is serving in the Department of 
Homeland Security; and my daughter Leah, a graduate student in Boston.
    It has been a great privilege to serve the United States as a 
Foreign Service Officer for the past 26 years, beginning with my 
service at the U.S. Embassy in Cotonou, Benin, and for the past two 
years as chief of mission in Khartoum, Sudan, as we supported the 
Sudanese people's aspirations for a democratic and prosperous future.
    Benin has been a strong example of peace, stability, and ethnic and 
religious tolerance in an increasingly turbulent region. Benin is a 
solid partner on shared goals of economic prosperity and regional peace 
and security. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this 
Committee and Congress to promote democratic, inclusive, and 
transparent governance and respect for human rights; support a 
prosperous and healthy society with closer trade linkages and stronger 
people to people ties with the United States; and strengthen regional 
security and address global threats such as violent extremism and 
transnational organized crime.
    I would like to briefly highlight a few priorities in each of these 
areas, starting with promoting democratic and transparent governance 
and respect for human rights. I will never forget my experience in 1996 
of seeing Beninese citizens patiently stand in long lines to vote in 
Benin's second democratic election, and witnessing a peaceful transfer 
of power between political parties. For nearly three decades, Benin had 
been a model of multi-party democracy in West Africa. It adopted a 
democratic constitution in 1990 and has held six consecutive 
presidential elections with peaceful transitions of power. We have 
recently seen undue restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful 
assembly, arrests of members of the political opposition, and laws 
undermining electoral competitiveness. These developments contribute to 
our concern about anti-democratic trends in Benin.
    If confirmed, I will support and encourage Benin to resume the 
positive role it once had in promoting peaceful democratic governance, 
rule of law, and respect for human rights in the region.
    A second priority is developing a prosperous and healthy society 
with closer trade linkages to the United States. Benin remains one of 
the world's least developed countries. Over one-third of its population 
lives in poverty, and malnutrition has stunted the growth of nearly a 
third of Benin's children under five. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Embassy team, Congress, U.S. agencies, and our Beninese partners to 
promote a healthier and more prosperous future with growing trade and 
investment. I will also engage Benin's fast-growing youth population so 
that they better understand our longstanding commitment to a prosperous 
future for their country based on shared values and interests.
    In fiscal year 2020, the U.S. Government provided Benin $28.2 
million in bilateral assistance for programs that foster a healthier 
and more inclusive society by strengthening health services delivery 
and resources. The U.S. is also working to improve human rights and 
strengthen civil society. A five-year, Millennium Challenge Corporation 
(MCC) Compact, valued at $391 million, entered into force in 2017. This 
compact is strengthening Benin's electricity sector, attracting private 
investment to Benin, and removing a major constraint to long-term 
economic growth. In 2017, the USDA launched a five-year $21.3 million 
investment in food assistance to Benin, improving school age children's 
literacy and increasing class attendance by providing healthy meals at 
schools. USAID's Regional Mission also maintains economic growth and 
trade programs focusing on policy advocacy and technical assistance to 
build regional and global trade linkages and attract investment. If 
confirmed, I will guide these and other programs to partner with Benin 
for a more prosperous and peaceful future.
    I also want to highlight the importance of strengthening regional 
security and addressing global threats such as violent extremism and 
transnational organized crime. Benin is a strong partner for peace and 
security in West Africa and the Sahel and has prioritized improving its 
counter terrorism capacity and preventing violent extremism. Our 
assistance to Benin's security forces supports Benin's participation in 
peacekeeping and regional security efforts, and advances its ability to 
secure its own borders and interdict maritime and transnational 
organized crime. If confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with the 
Government of Benin on counterterrorism and countering violent 
extremism in the areas of security sector assistance, community 
building and youth development, and strategic communications.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the committee, 
thank you again for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with you to advance U.S. interests in Benin and would be 
pleased to take any questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Shukan.
    I see my colleague, Senator Rounds, has returned.
    Senator, I didn't know if you had any opening remarks that 
you wanted to provide, before I turn to the next witness.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I do, but if it is all right with you, why don't we have 
all of them offer their opening statements. I will do mine and 
I think you have to go vote as well, so this may be a good time 
for you to do your vote and when we come back, when they are 
finished, I will move right into my opening statements and then 
we can proceed from there.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I will just hand it 
off to you and go vote and then come back.
    Thank you very much.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thanks.

STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH ANNE NOSEWORTHY FITZSIMMONS OF DELAWARE, 
    A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF 
 MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY 
  AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
                       TOGOLESE REPUBLIC

    Ms. Fitzsimmons. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member 
Rounds, and distinguished members of the committee, what a 
privilege it is for me to appear before you today as the 
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Togo.
    I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
this opportunity. In fact, my very first chance to live outside 
the United States came from then-Senator Biden, who in 1989, 
selected me as one of two Japan-U.S. Senate scholars from 
Delaware and set me on the path that would lead to my 
diplomatic career.
    If confirmed, it will be the honor of a lifetime to lead 
our embassy to advance the interests of the United States and 
the American people in Togo.
    I am thankful that I get to share this moment with my 
family and loved ones. Diplomacy is our family business. My 
husband, Richard Seipert, serves as a Diplomatic Security 
Special Agent at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad and my son-in-law, 
Grant Holyoak, is a first tour Foreign Service officer at 
Embassy Beijing. I am so grateful for a lifetime of support 
from my wonderful husband; my children, Taylor, Morgann, 
MaKaela, Tyson, and Adam; my daughter-in-law, Laura; and sons-
in-law, Grant and Jake.
    My grandchildren Molly, Harrison, and William are also 
watching and I'm thrilled that my mom, Barbara Noseworthy, is 
as well, because she has visited our family at every one of our 
postings abroad.
    Throughout my 26 years in the Foreign Service, I have 
served across the globe and in a variety of roles in 
Washington, DC. As Deputy Executive Secretary, I supported two 
Secretaries of State as they travelled hundreds of thousands of 
miles projecting American values and engaging with citizens and 
Governments across the globe. As Acting Deputy Spokesperson, I 
helped explain U.S. policy to the world, and most recently, as 
the Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau 
of African Affairs, I led a fantastic team to build stronger, 
deeper relationships with the countries of Africa to make the 
continent safer, more secure, more prosperous, and more 
democratic.
    I am a dedicated and engaged mentor to dozens of colleagues 
and I am committed to making the Foreign Service a more 
diverse, resilient, and effective organization. I welcome the 
opportunity to continue this work, if confirmed, as the U.S. 
Ambassador to Togo.
    The United States established diplomatic relations with 
Togo in 1960. Since then, the United States and Togo have built 
a strong relationship based on shared goals: advancing peace 
and security; promoting trade and economic growth; 
strengthening government and democratic institutions; and 
supporting opportunity for all Togolese citizens.
    Togo is a key regional partner to maintenance of peace and 
security in West Africa. Togo plays an active role in mediating 
regional disputes, most recently in Guinea. The Government 
works alongside civil society, regional partners, and our 
embassy in Lome, to strengthen national resilience to violent 
extremism.
    Togo currently has more than 1,300 troops and gendarmes in 
U.N. missions, making it the sixteenth largest national 
contributor.
    If confirmed, I will continue to foster security 
cooperation between our two countries to enhance the 
capabilities of Togolese security forces.
    The United States works closely with the Government of Togo 
to improve the investment climate in order to attract U.S. 
companies to take advantage of Togo's geographic advantages as 
a logistics hub, with the Gulf of Guinea's deepest deep-water 
port, and a regional air transport hub.
    Before the pandemic, Togo enjoyed a period of steady 
economic expansion, fueled by international investment and a 
concerted effort to modernize the country's commercial 
infrastructure. The Togolese Government calls the Port of Lome 
the lungs of the economy and promotes Togo as the gateway to 
West Africa.
    As the world recovers from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is 
important that the United States support partners like Togo to 
return to a path of economic success by promoting trade and 
investment opportunities for the U.S. private sector.
    While Togo aspires to become a regional economic and 
security leader, these goals cannot be achieved without 
strengthening Togo's democratic institutions. Recent Togolese 
Government restrictions on the media, politically motivated 
arrests, limitations on political gatherings, and suspensions 
of press outlets raise concern.
    If confirmed, my embassy team and I will work with the 
Government of Togo, political parties, civil society 
organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote 
political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and 
strengthen electoral institutions and processes to promote free 
and fair elections.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the 
committee, for this opportunity.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and my 
colleagues across the U.S. Government to strengthen our 
relationship with Togo.
    I welcome any questions you may have and hope you and your 
colleagues will visit Togo to witness the growing bilateral 
partnership firsthand. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Fitzsimmons follows:]


      Prepared Statement of Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy Fitzsimmons

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and distinguished members of 
the committee, what a privilege it is for me to appear before you today 
as the nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Togo. I want to thank 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for this opportunity. In fact, my 
very first chance to live outside the United States came from then-
Senator Biden, who in 1989 selected me as one of two Japan-U.S. Senate 
scholars from Delaware and set me on the path that would lead to my 
diplomatic career. If confirmed, it will be the honor of a lifetime to 
lead our Embassy to advance the interests of the United States and the 
American people in Togo.
    I am thankful that I get to share this moment with my family and 
loved ones. Diplomacy is our ``family business''--my husband Richard 
Seipert serves as a Diplomatic Security Special Agent at the U.S. 
Embassy in Baghdad and my son-in-law Grant Holyoak is a first tour 
Foreign Service officer at Embassy Beijing. I am so grateful for a 
lifetime of support from my wonderful husband, my children Taylor, 
Morgann, MaKaela, Tyson, and Adam, my daughter-in-law Laura and sons-
in-law Grant and Jake. My grandchildren Molly, Harrison, and William 
are also watching and I'm thrilled that my mom, Barbara Noseworthy, is 
as well since she has visited our family at every posting abroad.
    Throughout my 26 years in the Foreign Service, I've served across 
the globe and in a variety of roles in Washington, DC. As Deputy 
Executive Secretary, I supported two Secretaries of State as they 
travelled hundreds of thousands of miles projecting American values and 
engaging with citizens and governments across the globe. As acting 
Deputy Spokesperson, I helped explain U.S. policy to the world. And 
most recently, as the Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
the Bureau of African Affairs, I led a fantastic team to build 
stronger, deeper relationships with the countries of Africa to make the 
continent safer, more secure, more prosperous, and more democratic. I 
am a dedicated and engaged mentor to dozens of colleagues and I am 
committed to making the Foreign Service a more diverse, resilient, and 
effective organization. I welcome the opportunity to continue this 
work, if confirmed, as the U.S. Ambassador to Togo.
    The United States established diplomatic relations with Togo in 
1960. Since then, the United States and Togo have built a strong 
relationship based on shared goals: advancing peace and security; 
promoting trade and economic growth; strengthening government and 
democratic institutions; and supporting opportunity for all Togolese 
citizens.
    Togo is a key regional partner to maintain peace and security in 
West Africa. Togo plays an active role in mediating regional disputes, 
most recently in Guinea. The Government works alongside civil society, 
regional partners, and our Embassy in Lome to strengthen national 
resilience to violent extremism. Togo currently has more than 1,300 
troops and gendarmes in U.N. missions, making it the 16th largest 
national contributor. AFRICOM General Townsend's recent visit to Togo 
highlights the importance the United States places on Togo's 
partnership in promoting regional peace and stability. If confirmed, I 
will continue to foster security cooperation between our two countries 
to enhance the capabilities of Togolese security forces.
    The United States works closely with the Government of Togo to 
improve the investment climate in order to attract U.S. companies to 
take advantage of Togo's geographic advantages as a logistics hub, with 
the Gulf of Guinea's deepest deep-water port, and a regional air 
transport hub. Before the pandemic, Togo enjoyed a period of steady 
economic expansion fueled by international investment and a concerted 
effort to modernize the country's commercial infrastructure. The 
Togolese Government calls the Port of Lome the ``lungs'' of the economy 
and promotes Togo as the gateway to West Africa. As the world recovers 
from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is important that the United States 
support partners like Togo to return to a path of economic success by 
promoting trade and investment opportunities for the U.S. private 
sector.
    While Togo aspires to become a regional economic and security 
leader, these goals cannot be achieved without strengthening Togo's 
democratic institutions. Recent Togolese Government restrictions on the 
media, politically motivated arrests, limitations on political 
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern. If 
confirmed, my Embassy team and I will work with the Government of Togo, 
political parties, civil society organizations, and other diplomatic 
missions to promote political reforms, reinforce democratic 
institutions, and strengthen electoral institutions and processes to 
promote free and fair elections.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee 
for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you 
and my colleagues across the United States Government to strengthen our 
relationship by promoting peace, stability, democracy, and economic 
growth in Togo. I welcome any questions you may have and hope you and 
your colleagues will visit Togo to witness the growing bilateral 
partnership firsthand.


    Senator Rounds [presiding]. Thank you, Ms. Fitzsimmons.
    Ambassador Gilmour, please proceed.

STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID R. GILMOUR OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
    A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF 
 MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY 
  AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
                 REPUBLIC OF EQUATORIAL GUINEA

    Ambassador Gilmour. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Rounds, and members of the committee, for the opportunity to 
testify today. It is a great honor to appear before you as the 
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the Republic 
of Equatorial Guinea, and I am grateful for the confidence that 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me with 
this nomination.
    And if confirmed, I will do my best to uphold this trust 
and advance U.S. national interests and priorities.
    I would like to mention a couple of important people, 
without whom, I would not be here today. The first is my wife, 
Judith Martin, who has spent a lifetime in the Foreign Service; 
first, with her parents. Her father, S. Douglas Martin, was a 
career State Department Officer, and later, as my cherished 
partner, as we traveled the world together and raised our three 
children, doing service in 10 overseas posts and in Washington 
in the 35 years of my Foreign Service career.
    Judith is a civil service employee at the State Department, 
where she works in the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration.
    I would also like to acknowledge my 93-year-old father, 
John Gilmour. He worked 34 years in local government, serving 
as the City Manager in the small town where I grew up in 
Michigan. Everything I know about respect, integrity, and 
dedication to public service, I learned from my dad.
    Mr. Chairman, I believe my service as Ambassador to Togo, 
as Charge d'Affaires in Chad, and in senior positions in the 
Bureau of African Affairs in Washington, as well as postings 
elsewhere in the world, have prepared me for this assignment.
    And if confirmed, I will tirelessly to advance the foreign 
policy priorities of the United States, including to promote 
good governance and respect for human rights, to end COVID-19 
and prevent the next pandemic, to improve the business 
environment for U.S. trade and investment, and to promote 
regional and maritime security.
    Now, since its independence, there have only been two 
presidents in Equatorial Guinea, and one of whom has ruled for 
over 40 years. Presidential term limits were established in 
2011, but were not applied retroactively to President Obiang, 
who could remain in office until 2030. Though multiparty 
elections are technically allowed, the non-ruling political 
parties faced legal restrictions, and opposition leaders have 
reportedly faced torture, harassment, intimidation, and 
politically motivated detention.
    And if confirmed, I will raise our concerns with Equatorial 
Guinea's leadership about human rights and the rule of law, and 
I will urge Government leaders to enable a true multi-party 
democracy and to allow the growth of a civil society. I will 
stress that promoting transparency and ending corrupt practices 
are key to Equatorial Guinea's long-term growth and stability, 
and critical to strengthening our commercial ties.
    The United States is Equatorial Guinea's largest trading 
partner and the U.S. Embassy plays a critical role in promoting 
these American companies' interests.
    And if confirmed, I will continue to work to improve the 
investment climate for U.S. companies in Equatorial Guinea.
    Maritime security is Equatorial Guinea's primary security 
challenge, and since 2019, there have been multiple incidents 
of piracy and kidnapping in and around Equatorial Guinea's 
waters that, if left unchecked, could impact U.S. commercial 
interests.
    And if confirmed, I will promote bilateral security 
cooperation and investment to protect those interests and 
regional stability.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, I understand that such 
cooperation must undergo stringent review to ensure that it 
does not come at the expense of promoting respect for human 
rights and does not inadvertently enable corruption.
    And, if confirmed, no goal will be more important to me 
than protecting the lives, interests, and welfare of American 
citizens living and traveling in Equatorial Guinea. I promise 
to work closely with you and the Members of this Committee in 
this endeavor.
    So, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today, and I would be pleased to answer any questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Gilmour follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. David R. Gilmour

    Thank you very much Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and 
members of the committee for the opportunity to testify before you 
today. It is a great honor to appear before you as the nominee to be 
the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. 
I am grateful for the confidence that President Biden and Secretary of 
State Blinken have placed in me with this nomination. If confirmed by 
the Senate, I will do my best to uphold this trust and advance U.S. 
national interests and priorities.
    I am joined today by my wife Judith Martin, who has spent a 
lifetime in the Foreign Service, first with her father S. Douglas 
Martin, a career State Department Officer, and later as my cherished 
partner as we traveled the world together and raised our family in ten 
overseas posts and in Washington during the 35 years of my Foreign 
Service career. I would also like to acknowledge my 93-year-old father, 
John Gilmour. He worked 34 years in local government, serving the 
citizens of the small town where I grew up in Michigan. Everything I 
know about respect, integrity and dedication to public service, I 
learned from my dad.
    Mr. Chairman, I believe my service as Ambassador in Togo, as Charge 
d'affaires in Chad, and in senior positions in the Bureau of African 
Affairs in Washington, as well as postings elsewhere in the world, 
including as Deputy Chief of Mission in Panama, have prepared me for 
this assignment. If confirmed, I will draw upon these experiences to 
advance U.S. interests in Equatorial Guinea and the Central African 
region.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, if confirmed, I will work 
tirelessly to advance the foreign policy priorities of the United 
States, including to promote good governance and respect for human 
rights, end COVID-19 and prevent the next pandemic, improve the 
business environment for U.S. trade and investment, and promote 
regional and maritime security.
    Since its independence, there have only been two presidents in 
Equatorial Guinea, one of whom has ruled for over forty years. 
Presidential term limits were established in 2011 but were not applied 
retroactively to President Obiang, who could remain in office until at 
least 2030. Though multiple party elections are technically allowed, 
the non-ruling political parties faced legal restrictions, and 
opposition leaders have reportedly faced torture, harassment, 
intimidation, and politically motivated detention. If confirmed, I will 
raise our concerns with Equatorial Guinea's leadership about human 
rights and the rule of law, including the value of democracy and 
transparency. I will urge government leaders to enable true multi-party 
democracy and to allow the growth of a strong civil society. I will 
stress that promoting transparency and ending corrupt practices are key 
to Equatorial Guinea's long-term growth and stability, and critical to 
strengthening our commercial ties.
    Equatorial Guinea, like most of the world, is facing the challenge 
of the global COVID-19 pandemic and is enduring its third wave of the 
pandemic. If confirmed, I will work collaboratively with the U.N. to 
deliver vaccines through COVAX. I will also seek other action to 
advance health, wellbeing, and opportunity for all Equatoguineans.
    The United States is Equatorial Guinea's largest trading partner 
and the U.S. Embassy plays a critical role in promoting these U.S. 
companies' interests. If confirmed, I will continue to work to improve 
the investment climate for U.S. companies invested in Equatorial 
Guinea.
    Maritime security is Equatorial Guinea's primary security 
challenge. Since May 2019, there have been multiple incidents of piracy 
and kidnap for ransom attacks in and around Equatorial Guinea's waters 
that if left unchecked could impact U.S. commercial interests. If 
confirmed, I will promote bilateral security cooperation and investment 
to protect these interests and regional stability. Mr. Chairman, 
Ranking Member, I understand that such cooperation must undergo 
stringent review to ensure it does not come at the expense of our 
priority to promote respect for human rights and does not inadvertently 
enable corruption.
    Additionally, I believe it is important to note the central role 
that Equatorial Guinea's improvement on countering trafficking in 
persons has had on our ability to engage the Government on our top 
priorities. Without the Government's concerted efforts, and consistent 
U.S. engagement, we would not be able to advance U.S. interests in 
areas like maritime security, corruption, human rights, and democracy 
and governance. Therefore, countering trafficking in persons will 
remain a key line of effort for our bilateral relationship.
    And, if confirmed, no goal will be more important to me than 
protecting the lives, interests, and welfare of American citizens 
living and traveling in Equatorial Guinea.
    I promise to work closely with you and the members of this 
committee in this endeavor.
    I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would 
be pleased to answer any questions you may have.


    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Ambassador Gilmour.
    I would expect that our Chairman will be back shortly and, 
as I indicated earlier, we seem to have this in the afternoons 
where our votes are being cast, so we try to tag team those 
votes.
    Let me just begin. As I said for panel one, as career 
diplomats, much of your lives and those of your families, have 
been spent far from home. You have made great sacrifices in the 
service to your country. Thank you and your families for your 
lifetimes of service and let me just assure you, we understand 
your work is critical to maintaining and advancing America's 
influence in the world.
    Mr. Shukan, you served ably as Chief of Mission in the U.S. 
Embassy in Khartoum in a very critical and transitional period 
in the U.S.-Sudan relationship. If confirmed, you will serve as 
Ambassador in a region that is rapidly changing for the worse.
    Benin remains one of the world's poorest countries. 
Countering violent extremism is an emergent focus of U.S. 
engagement and Benin's standing as a Democratic leader in 
Africa, has rapidly deteriorated under President Talon, whose 
Government has arrested opposition leaders and implemented 
restrictive, new electoral rules.
    Ms. Fitzsimmons, much of what I just said about Benin could 
also be said about its neighbor, Togo. On top of it all, and 
contributing to Togo's woes, is that one family has dominated 
Togo's politics for 60 days. I believe your recent tenure as 
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central Africa and Public 
Diplomacy, and then as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in 
the Africa Bureau, will be very useful, if confirmed.
    Ambassador Gilmour, you are one of the most experienced 
U.S. Ambassadors currently serving in Africa. Equatorial Guinea 
is a small, oil- and gas-rich country of increasing strategic 
importance. It is notorious for its kleptocratic system of 
governance.
    President Obiang took office in 1979, making him one of the 
world's longest serving heads of state. Equatorial Guinea 
requires a perceptive and experienced ambassador to lead the 
U.S. operations. I am glad that you have been nominated for 
this post.
    I am delighted to meet all of you today and I look forward 
to, you know, continuing to work with you and I most certainly 
appreciate the comments that you have shared with us today.
    And with that, I am not sure if our Chairman has returned 
or not yet, but if Senator Van Hollen has not returned yet, I 
would be happy to begin the questioning at this time. And I 
just looking to see if he has actually come back yet or not, 
and I don't see him on the list yet, so let me just turn right 
to the questions and I will begin with Mr. Shukan.
    Your experience in Khartoum as the Charge d'Affaires will 
contrast in several ways to your new position. If confirmed as 
the new Ambassador to Benin, you are going to be busy.
    Sudan has received significant attention from Washington 
since the Democratic transition began in 2019 and has been a 
sustained priority across the Trump and Biden administrations. 
Benin, despite many challenges, will compete for attention with 
major economic partners in West Africa and the violent 
extremist threat in the Sahel.
    What lessons will you take from your time in Sudan to Benin 
and what are you looking forward to that will be different?
    Ambassador Gilmour. Well, thank you, Senator Rounds.
    And let me first express my appreciation for the comments 
that you made about the Foreign Service families. I am glad 
that I have mine joining me online in this virtual hearing. For 
me, this has very much been a family affair from the very 
beginning.
    I also share the concerns that you have expressed 
concerning both, the violent extremist threat and Democratic 
backsliding. I spent the last 2 years, here in Khartoum and the 
2 years prior to that working on Sudan from Washington. And it 
has really been a privilege and a challenge to support Sudan's 
efforts to really get their democracy moving, to support this 
transition, and we have appreciated all the help that we have 
received from Members of Congress on that.
    The Benin situation is different. As I mentioned in my 
opening comments, I served in Benin in my first assignment. It 
really was a formative experience for me to witness a young 
democracy and seeing the value that Beninese citizens placed on 
exercising their right to vote on participating in a democratic 
process and seeing peaceful transitions of power.
    And, you know, it is certainly something of a 
disappointment to see the backsliding that has taken place 
since that time. We are also concerned about media, 
restrictions on media freedom and the fact that there are some 
political prisoners in Benin at this time.
    So, I think it is important that as a Chief of Mission, we 
speak both, privately and publicly about democracy and human 
rights, about our values. It is important, if confirmed, that 
we encourage Benin to resume the leadership role that it had in 
the past.
    I think this is very much linked to the vulnerability to 
violence extremist ideology in areas like Northern Benin. 
People need to feel that they are being heard, that their 
government is accountable. So, I see a direct relationship 
between democracy and governance, and security, as well as 
economic development.
    I think it is important to engage all political groups 
including the [Audio malfunction.] And I think that one of the 
lessons I have learned from here in Sudan, but also in my 
previous assignments is the importance of having a whole of 
mission approach to these things.
    And I think that means working with our team to support 
these values. I know that public affairs and USAID are going to 
play a critical role, as well as the security assistance that 
we are providing to the Beninese military and to the police.
    Supporting civil society, youth, even engaging with local 
radio; all of these things are important and provide good flora 
to talk about our values and advance our interests.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    Ambassador Gilmour. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    And I have had the opportunity to visit Benin and Togo. 
And, Ms. Fitzsimmons, like Benin, the U.S. mission in Togo is 
relatively small and Togo commands significantly less attention 
from Washington than many of its close neighbors.
    If confirmed, how will you leverage your public diplomacy 
background to garner more attention to Togo; conversely, how 
will you use your public diplomacy background to engage with 
the Togolese people in new and different ways?
    Ms. Fitzsimmons. Thank you so much for the question, 
Senator Rounds.
    I am delighted at the idea that, if confirmed, I will get 
to go lead the embassy team at Embassy Lome and think about 
creative ways that we can use public diplomacy programming, 
particularly, the Young African Leaders Initiative, which, as 
you know, is now a decade old, 750,000 strong across the 
subcontinent. And I think there are tremendous opportunities 
there to support young African leaders both, in Togo, and 
network them more effectively with their like-minded colleagues 
and counterparts, not only in Benin.
    I think it is fortuitous that Mr. Shukan and I are on the 
panel today. I think there are tremendous opportunities to work 
within the Coastal West African Subregion and across the entire 
African continent to make sure that young leaders, whether they 
are in the media, whether they are entrepreneurs, whether they 
are young educators, have opportunities to hear from, learn 
from, and teach each other.
    There is no question in my mind that an activist in 
Zimbabwe, for example, has much to teach a young Togolese 
activist. And I think one of the very effective ways that I 
would hope to work, if confirmed as Ambassador, is to use my 
background as someone with experience and exchanges to connect 
young Africans, so that they can be force multipliers in the 
many challenges that you have rightly pointed out.
    I think, also, it is critically important that we speak 
clearly when we are talking to the Government, to President 
Faure, that he understands that things like the current 
Millennium Challenge Threshold Program in Togo are wonderful 
opportunities to leverage the Togolese Government's desire to 
be the gateway to West Africa. But there are very important 
benchmarks that will need to be met in democracy and governance 
for that program to move forward successfully and lead, 
perhaps, ultimately, to a compact for Togo.
    So, I would ensure that public and private messaging at the 
embassy, if confirmed, reinforced the U.S. opportunities in the 
logistics and services sector in Togo, if Democratic governance 
space can be maintained and expanded. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    And my time has expired, Mr. Chairman, so I will turn it 
back to you. I have not had the opportunity to ask Ambassador 
Gilmour one question, but I will leave it up to you. If you 
want me to just proceed with it or if you would like me to come 
back?
    Senator Van Hollen. [Presiding.] Sure. Do you want to go, 
proceed. That would be fine.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Gilmour, several top members of the Obiang 
administration and his family have been implicated in large-
scale corruption and other financial crimes, especially tied to 
oil revenues.
    If confirmed, how will you balance multiple U.S. strategic 
interests, including combatting this kind of corruption that 
could provide a gateway for a malign, foreign influence?
    Ambassador Gilmour. Well, thank you, Senator Rounds.
    And it is nice to see you once again. I don't know if you 
recall, I hosted you when you came to Togo, along with Senator 
Inhofe, on a delegation a few weeks back.
    Senator Rounds. Yes.
    Ambassador Gilmour. And, thank you, again, for your very 
kind comments about the Foreign Service.
    Corruption in Equatorial Guinea is certainly one of the 
most important priorities for the United States, and as you 
mentioned, certain senior figures in the Government there have 
been implicated in corruption cases, both in the United States 
and in numerous countries.
    In fact, just recently, there was a case settled with the 
vice president and some seized assets, about $30 million had 
been negotiated and a happy ending in sense that about $20 
million of those seized assets will be used to purchase COVID 
vaccines for the people of Equatorial Guinea.
    So, I think, if confirmed, I would certainly want to 
continue along our lines of speaking out about corruption in 
the country and, certainly, these kinds of cases, I think, 
coordinating with our partners, the U.K., the Europeans, 
Brazil, South Africa, other countries that have had these kinds 
of cases, it is very important to continue these efforts to 
highlight official corruption in the country.
    At the same time, there have been some signals from the 
Government that they want to address this problem. There is 
some new legislation that has been passed in the country that 
is still pending, as I understand, is still pending 
implementation, but that is a positive signal.
    Also, the country has made representations to rejoin the 
Extracted Industries Transparency Initiative, which would bring 
some transparency and accountability to the oil and gas and 
mining sectors in the country.
    So, I think we have to take the Government, you know, take 
a step-by-step approach with this and kind of judge the 
political will of this Government and see where it takes us, 
and see where we can collaborate with them to reduce the 
official corruption. But, you know, given the track record, as 
you mentioned, of this Government, we have to proceed 
cautiously.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
    And, Mr. Chairman, thank you for your indulgence.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator.
    And Ms. Fitzsimmons, thanks for mentioning the YALI 
program. Senator Rounds and I have been working together to 
provide a regular authorization for that program, as has 
Congresswoman Karen Bass in the House.
    And I am pleased to report that just yesterday, the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee passed out a 5-year authorization. 
So, it will now be codified and we want to also expand it to 
other areas. So, thank you for mentioning that.
    Mr. Shukan, I want to take advantage of this hearing, 
really, to ask you some questions about where you are now in 
Sudan, because as I mentioned, you know, and, again, thank you 
for your good work there and for helping Senator Coons and 
myself during our visit. And we found it a very promising 
visit. We recognized that we are now 2 and a half years since 
the fall of Bashir, and we recognize it is a fragile process.
    I will say, in recent days and weeks, it is looking even 
more fragile. And I wondered if you see the most recent events 
as just more bumps on the road, along the way to a stable and 
Democratic Sudan, or is there something more serious going on 
now that is disrupting the path to progress?
    Mr. Shukan. Senator, thank you for the question.
    It is a good question and I think if you look at where we 
are, it is 2 years into the Sudanese transition since they 
signed their constitutional declaration on August 2019 and 
formed the transitional government. They have made some 
progress. They have made some pretty major progress in terms of 
signing a peace agreement and getting off of the state sponsors 
of terror list, and also implementing economic reforms that 
have brought about some improvements on the macroeconomic side, 
like improved inflation, gotten rid of subsidies on tea 
commodity.
    But they also, there are some key benchmarks that have not 
yet been met and especially on the security side in terms of 
progress to integrate the various armed groups that exist, 
including those represented by Juba Peace Agreement 
signatories, the formation of a transitional legislative 
council, for example.
    And then, I think despite the economic positives, there is 
also a gap between improvements on the macro side and the very, 
very serious difficulties that the ordinary Sudanese man and 
woman on the street are experiencing.
    So, yeah, I do share your concern about the seriousness of 
the situation right now. We are expecting to see some large 
demonstrations tomorrow. What we expect is to see a large 
contingent coming out in support of democracy, in support of 
civilian leadership. And that is what makes me optimistic, even 
though we are at a very fragile moment in Sudan.
    They really are going to have to redouble their efforts, 
the various components of this transitional government to work 
together. There are divisions between civilians and military 
that got a lot of attention, but the divisions between the 
different civilian groups, between JPA signatories and the 
forces for freedom and change, those are very important.
    So, the prime minister did form a committee a few days ago 
to address this kind of situation and it includes the military 
and it includes the FFC. It includes some of the JPA 
signatories. That is really positive, but I think we are going 
to have to just keep pushing. We are doing it in public. We are 
doing it in private.
    There is really no other path forward, except working 
together and recommitting to implementation of those principles 
of freedom, peace, and justice from that August 2019 
constitutional declaration.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, I appreciate that, because I 
think we have a continuing important role to play in trying to 
support the Sudanese people in this move toward democracy.
    We saw the failed coup recently. The good news is that it 
failed. But we have also seen some protests, as you know, in 
support of the military, probably organized by Bashir forces. 
So, I am hoping to see a big outpouring of support for the 
continue to march toward democracy in the days ahead.
    And I think Prime Minister Hamdok continues to be a good 
leader, but I am worried, as I know you are, about the 
developments in the area. I just want to be clear that we are 
all united in trying to make sure that we support the success 
of this peaceful revolution.
    I just have one other question for Ambassador Gilmour. As 
you know, Equatorial Guinea is currently ruled by a regime 
characterized by Freedom House as, quote, highly authoritarian, 
unquote, and they further state that it frequently detains the 
few opposition politicians in the country, cracks down on civil 
society groups, and censors journalists.
    They also point out, quote, the Judiciary is under 
presidential control and security forces engage in torture and 
other violence with impunity. That is from Freedom House.
    So, my question is this, and I say this as somebody who 
supports U.S. efforts to professionalize militaries around the 
world, as a supporter, generally speaking, of the IMEP program, 
but also one who has seen that in certain cases, those who were 
trained through the IMEP program or other U.S. efforts to 
professionalize militaries have participated in coups and in 
anti-democratic conduct.
    The Biden administration requested $500,000 to support IMEP 
programs in Equatorial Guinea. Can you talk a little bit about 
that request and how you would balance that request with our 
concerns over the direction of the country and the issues that 
I raised.
    Ambassador Gilmour. Yeah, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And, thank you, by the way, for your comments about the 
YALI program. I happen to have the honor to be part of the team 
that created the Mandela Washington Fellowship, which is the 
centerpiece of the YALI program. So, thank you for your support 
for that and, particularly, for continuing to finance it, 
because it is a tremendous and valuable tool and all of our 
embassies make great use of it.
    And thank you for the question. I think, certainly, it is 
not a pretty picture in terms of governance and democracy in 
Equatorial Guinea and it never has been. And as you mentioned, 
Freedom House, I think since the 1990s, has ranked Equatorial 
Guinea as not a free country. So, this is a challenging partner 
to work with.
    In the last couple of years, there have been some efforts 
by the Government to improve, in certain areas, and notably, in 
trafficking in persons, and you may be aware that they were 
able to raise their ranking in the annual trafficking of 
persons survey to the Tier 2 watchlist, and that, then, opened 
the possibility for some collaboration with the United States 
in terms of foreign assistance programs, which I believe led to 
the IMEP request that you mentioned.
    I think what is certainly driving the IMEP request and a 
desire on the part of the United States to increase engagement 
with Equatorial Guinea on security issues are the very serious 
security problems going on in the Gulf of Guinea. As I 
mentioned in my opening statement, there have been, 
particularly in the past couple of years, many serious 
incidents of piracy and kidnapping, and, of course, we have, 
the United States has commercial interests in Equatorial 
Guinea, but also all around in the surrounding countries, as 
well; most notably, Nigeria, which is very close to Equatorial 
Guinea, and Cameroon.
    So, there are many Americans working in that region. 
Enormous investments in, particularly, oil and gas, and 
particularly offshore platforms, which have been the target of 
many of these piracy attacks.
    So, we, the United States, we need Equatorial Guinea to be 
a responsible player in terms of security, maritime security in 
that region. And so, I think, certainly, our concept is we want 
to work with them to begin to develop their capacity or 
increase their capacity to be able to respond to some of these 
attacks. Equatorial Guinea, actually even had one pirate attack 
in the outskirts of the capital. There was an attack against a 
gas-processing facility in 2020.
    So, it is a very serious problem and something that we need 
to work with them on. But, at the same time, we have these very 
serious concerns about human rights and governance and 
democracy that we have had for a very long time.
    So, my approach, if confirmed, would be to go very 
cautiously in this direction. We want to work with them, but we 
need to see what is their political will for reform. We need to 
be very cautious in terms of not enabling corruption.
    There have been allegations of corruption in the military 
forces; of course, we have the [inaudible--1:56:44] vetting 
process and if we are to work with security force members 
there, we need to be very cautious and very thorough in that 
process to know who we are dealing with.
    So, if confirmed, I would take a very cautious approach, a 
very measured approach, and I think a very step-by-step 
approach with any engagement we are going to do, in terms of 
working with their security forces. And I think we need to go 
slowly, and I think we need to set benchmarks and take a very 
cautious approach.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
    And, right, we all will be working with you and rely on 
your good judgment on how to best balance all these factors.
    Senator Rounds, do you have any other questions, comments?
    Senator Rounds. Mr. Chairman, I do not.
    I have most certainly appreciated the responses that we 
have received today.
    And, once again, it is the fact that we have these 
qualified individuals before us for these really challenging 
posts, is appreciated. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, let me add my thanks and 
appreciation, as well, to all of you for your current service 
in the Foreign Service and for, you know, taking on the 
responsibilities for which you have been nominated.
    And I will certainly support your confirmation. We have a 
group here with deep expertise and experience. So, many thanks 
to all of you and to your families.
    And with that, this hearing is adjourned. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.


    [Whereupon, at 3:44 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]


                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to Hon. Patricia Mahoney by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Various armed groups control regions of the Central 
Africa Republic (CAR), contributing to a fragmented and war-torn 
landscape. How can the U.S. work with the Government the Central Africa 
Republic, the United Nations, and like-minded partners to bring parties 
to the negotiating table, and return to dialogue on a peace process 
that will lead to a sustainable peace?

    Answer. Understanding political grievances where they exist, 
including through a robust and inclusive Republican Dialogue, and 
strengthening implementation of the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace 
and Reconciliation (Khartoum Accord), which the United States has 
championed, are important factors in bringing signatories back to the 
peace process. The United States, working with other international 
partners, should also support initiatives which improve relations with 
neighbors, reduce cross-border movement of arms and combatants, and 
enable CAR to secure its borders. Strengthening CAR's security 
institutions to consolidate control over government-controlled areas is 
critical, as is deployment of state services to populations and 
eventually supporting local elections. If confirmed, I will leverage 
all the tools at my disposal to support these initiatives.

    Question. On October 15, President Touadera declared a unilateral 
cessation of hostilities against the rebel coalition.

   How has this affected the security situation on the ground and 
        humanitarian access, if at all?
   What prospects are there for negotiations with rebel leaders, and 
        what might such negotiations address?
   What are the implications for the 2019 Khartoum Accord?

    Answer. President Faustin-Archange Touadera's unilateral ceasefire 
is something we and regional partners, including the International 
Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) pressed for and welcomed, 
including through a statement the Embassy and its G-5 partners (African 
Union (AU), European Union (EU), Economic Community for Central African 
States (ECCAS), France, the World Bank, and the U.N. Multidimensional 
Integrated Stabilization Mission in CAR (MINUSCA)) issued in the wake 
of Touadera's declaration. International partners are encouraging the 
Government to stand up a monitoring mechanism as soon as possible, and 
humanitarian actors are assessing the situation on the ground, which 
remains dynamic.
    It is my understanding that through the ICGLR initiative, 
discussions are ongoing with armed group leaders with a view to having 
them return to the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace and 
Reconciliation (Khartoum Accord).
    Touadera's initiative is an indication he is cognizant the only way 
out of the current crisis is through dialogue leading to a political 
settlement. It is my hope that armed groups will return to the 
framework of the 2019 Accord which offers opportunities for political 
representation, decentralization, and more equitable management of 
natural resources.

    Question. As the people of the Central Africa Republic struggle to 
cope with multiple crises while attempting to restore basic governance, 
how can the U.S. most effectively support humanitarian needs and civil 
society efforts to build the foundations of democracy?

    Answer. CAR presents a complex relay of urgent challenges, 
including ongoing violence and instability, weak state institutions, 
and lack of government control over much of its territory; a dire 
humanitarian crisis; and now the influence of malign actors.
    At the heart of these challenges lies the CARG's inability to exert 
effective control over its territory. That inability to control and 
provide essential services allows for the violence and instability of 
armed groups vying for territory and resources; which in turn leads to 
increased human rights abuses and constricts humanitarian access; and 
leaves space for malign actors like the Russia-supported private 
military company (PMC) Wagner Group (Wagner), and other U.S. sanctioned 
entities associated with Yevgeny Prigozhin. These actors have 
demonstrated clearly they do not have the long-term interests of CAR as 
an operating principle.
    Engaging a Russian PMC to help gain the upper hand may seem like a 
short-term fix to some in the CAR Government, but it is doing long-term 
damage to the goals of peace, national reconciliation, and rule of law, 
which are linchpins to CAR's ultimate stability, without strengthening 
government institutions or capacity that would make the CAR Government 
able to hold and maintain effective control over additional territory.
    The United States, working with international partners, needs to 
support those diplomatic, security and peace initiatives which are most 
likely to reduce the violence, and enable CAR to secure its borders. It 
is important in this context to remember that Security Council members 
recently agreed to significantly increase MINUSCA's troop strength.
    Working with other members of the G-5, if confirmed, I would 
support the ceasefire recently announced by President Touadera. In 
concert with international and regional partners, I would press all 
stakeholders to recommit to and reinvigorate the peace process under 
the 2019 Accord. The CARG's recent steps to initiate a national 
dialogue on peace and reconciliation are an encouraging step.
    I would also re-emphasize the perils of working with an entity 
sanctioned for sound reasons not only by the United States but by other 
governments (EU and UK) as well. In the long term, I would continue our 
ongoing efforts to strengthen CAR Government institutions--most 
critically in the justice sector but also in the CAR Government's 
stewardship of national resources.
    Further, if confirmed, I would seek out ways to expand the U.S. 
Government's myriad of successful health initiatives in Africa to 
improve CAR's ability to respond to health issues including measles, 
malaria, and infant mortality, if security conditions in country permit 
increased programming.

    Question. CAR's Government has pledged to investigate allegations 
by U.N. human rights officers that state security forces and allied 
security personnel--including Russian military instructors and private 
military contractors--are responsible for grave human rights abuses, 
including extrajudicial killings and torture of detainees.

   What is the status of these investigations, and how credible have 
        they been to date?
   How might the allegations, and the CAR Government's response, 
        affect the scope of U.S. security assistance in the future?

    Answer. Minister of Justice Abazene's mid-October sharing of the 
summary of the CAR Government commission of inquiry report is a useful 
step toward accountability in these matters. Abazene mentioned that 
proceedings related to the human rights abuses enumerated in the report 
were ongoing in civilian and military courts. Embassy Bangui is 
gathering more information on the precise number and status of these 
cases, including through engagement with Abazene, and, if I am 
confirmed, I will continue to press him and President Touadera to 
ensure all are pursued to conclusion and perpetrators held accountable.
    Human rights considerations factor into all aspects of our security 
sector cooperation with CAR and are a critical determinant of its 
breadth and scope. As indicated, and as we have done in the past, we 
will scale back work if human rights concerns arise.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. Throughout my Foreign Service career, I have worked to 
advance U.S. policy to support and promote democracy and respect for 
human rights. I regard that work as not only essential to my mission as 
a diplomat representing the values of the United States but also among 
the most personally rewarding aspects of my career. The impact of those 
efforts has often been incremental (as in a counterpart government's 
long-term efforts to institutionalize accountability mechanisms for its 
military) or part of a broader team effort (as when colleagues across 
the U.S. interagency worked to support members of civil society as they 
advocated against anti-LGBTQI+ legislation in Uganda). As Ambassador to 
the Republic of Benin, I advocated both publicly and privately for 
increased space for dissent; greater media freedom; and fair process 
and equitable treatment for detainees, including those detained on 
political grounds. If confirmed, I commit to continue promoting and 
supporting democracy and respect for human rights in the Central 
African Republic.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in the Central Africa Republic? These 
challenges might include obstacles to participatory and accountable 
governance and institutions, rule of law, authentic political 
competition, civil society, human rights and press freedom. Please be 
as specific as possible.

    Answer. Following consultations with colleagues and experts, I see 
the most pressing challenges to democracy or democratic development in 
CAR being threefold and interrelated: fragile institutions, ongoing 
violence that stymies development and progress, and a lack of access to 
justice by much of the population. Stemming from these foundational 
challenges, we see troubling symptoms including but not limited to 1) 
malign influence by Russia, which further erodes the country's 
stability and respect for the rule of law; 2) a moribund peace process; 
3) corruption in the mining sector; and 4) a worsening humanitarian 
situation throughout the country, which is impacting millions of 
Central Africans.
    If confirmed, I will strive to provide honest counsel to President 
Touadera and his Government, while ensuring good stewardship of the 
Department of State's and interagency' s resources in concert with the 
UN, EU, AU, France, regional organizations, and others to strengthen 
the country's democratic institutions, advance the rule of law, improve 
access to justice, end impunity, enable effective delivery of 
humanitarian assistance, and increase transparency in the mining 
sector. Additionally, I will seek to increase the capacity of Central 
Africans to identify and call out hate speech, disinformation, and 
propaganda through education and outreach to civil society. One of my 
primary goals as ambassador, if confirmed, will be to support a viable 
path for the Government to begin moving from lifesaving humanitarian 
assistance to sustainable development.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in the Central Africa Republic? What do you hope to 
accomplish through these actions? What are the potential impediments to 
addressing the specific obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support democracy in CAR in 
coordination with the Bureau of Democracy, Rights, and Labor, the 
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, the Office of 
Global Criminal Justice, and other Department of State colleagues and 
the interagency to strengthen CAR's judicial and security institutions 
to make them more responsive to Central Africans' needs. Additionally, 
I commit to spotlighting reports of human rights violations and abuses 
and governance concerns to my CAR Government counterparts, and 
spotlighting these concerns through Embassy Bangui's reporting, in 
collaboration with NGOs and civil society.
    The objectives I hope to accomplish through my engagement, if 
confirmed, would be increased capacity by the Government to serve more 
Central Africans throughout the country; security and law enforcement 
officials who respect the rule of law and human rights; and a more 
stable environment in which Central African entrepreneurs could begin 
to make economic progress. Although we need to see further concrete 
actions to hold those who commit human rights violations and abuses 
accountable, I think the Government's commission of inquiry into human 
rights abuses--which released a summary of its report on October 2 and 
named CAR Armed Forces and "Russian instructors"--represents a 
potential mechanism in the fight against impunity.
    The country's fragile and undeveloped institutions, ongoing 
violence, and corruption impede the United States' ability to achieve 
these goals in collaboration with the Central African people. I think 
it will be important to work with the CAR Government and our 
international partners to develop innovative solutions to these complex 
and interrelated issues.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. While the Democracy Commission Small Grants program is only 
for countries in Europe, if confirmed, I will strive to make sure all 
U.S. Government democracy and governance assistance for CAR is used 
effectively and efficiently. I will do my utmost, if confirmed, to 
ensure Department of State and USAID democracy and governance funding 
is prioritized in ways that are coordinated, mutually reinforcing, and 
will advance U.S. Government interests and strategic goals in CAR, 
including strengthening institutions; increasing civilian security; 
promoting respect for human rights, and enhancing transparency and 
accountability in government. In coordination with the CAR Government, 
civil society, and international partners, I will seek to make U.S. 
funding responsive to local needs and aligned with our objectives in 
CAR.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in the Central Africa Republic? What steps will you take to 
pro-actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil 
society via legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to building on and expanding Embassy 
Bangui's strong relationships with civil society members, human rights 
and other NGOs in the United States, and with NGOs and civil society 
organizations in CAR. As the United States' Ambassador to the Republic 
of Benin, I used the convening power of my position to create spaces 
for NGOs and members of civil society to gather and voice their 
concerns. If confirmed, I will strive to develop a robust dialogue with 
government and civil society actors to better understand their 
equities. Additionally, I will work closely with likeminded partners to 
ensure our messaging to the CAR Government is unified in our advocacy 
for respect for human rights, access to justice, and stressing the 
importance of a free and open environment for Central Africans to 
express their political views without fear of retribution.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties in CAR. As we look 
ahead to the Republican Dialogue scheduled to begin in November, as 
well as the first local elections in over 30 years--scheduled for 
September 2022, our engagement with the CAR Government, political 
opposition groups, neighboring countries, and likeminded nations will 
be of utmost importance to ensure constructive political engagement and 
avoiding violence that has plagued the country for too long.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the 
Central Africa Republic on freedom of the press and address any 
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom 
through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting 
regularly with independent, local press in the Central Africa Republic?

    Answer. An independent Central African press is critical to the 
success of CAR's democracy and to countering malign influence. If 
confirmed, I will meet regularly with independent and local press in 
CAR, building on Embassy Bangui's work to maintain strong relationships 
with local and international journalists in CAR. I will work with 
Department of State and interagency colleagues to continue providing 
professional training and exchange opportunities for members of the 
press to build their resilience to disinformation and hate speech. 
Finally, I will continue Embassy Bangui's strong advocacy with the 
Central African Government to protect and facilitate the work of a free 
and independent press in CAR.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. It is critical for the United States to build on efforts to 
counter disinformation and hate speech in CAR, which risks enflaming 
tensions and exacerbating existing divisions in the country. If 
confirmed, I will coordinate with Department of State and interagency 
partners--as well as likeminded nations--to expand training initiatives 
to empower journalists to report accurately on events and shed light on 
allegations of human rights violations and abuses, instances of 
corruption, as well as malign influence by Russian propagandists. I 
will also seek to support the work of community leaders who promote 
peace.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with the 
Central Africa Republic on the right of labor groups to organize, 
including for independent trade unions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with the CAR 
Government--specifically the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social 
Protection--on the right of workers to exercise freedom of association, 
including to form and join independent trade unions, and call out 
incidents when the Government or other actors restricts that right.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in the Central Africa 
Republic, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. I commit to using my position, if confirmed, to defend the 
human rights and dignity of all people in CAR, no matter their gender 
identity, expression or sexual orientation. As I did during my service 
in Uganda as deputy chief of mission, I will work with colleagues 
across the U.S. interagency to promote respect for the human rights of 
LGBTQI+ persons in CAR, working in close partnership with local civil 
society. I will support civil society voices in CAR to strengthen their 
ability to advocate for the human rights of all persons. I will use all 
the tools at my disposal, including Embassy Bangui's convening power to 
bring together key actors from the Government, civil society, private 
sector, and international community to discuss issues affecting LGBTQI+ 
persons.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in the Central Africa 
Republic?

    Answer. CAR's penal code criminalizes public expressions of same-
sex affection, and LGBTQI+ individuals are stigmatized by societal 
attitudes and prejudice.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in the Central Africa Republic?

    Answer. I commit to better understanding the situation of LGBTQI+ 
persons in CAR and how the U.S. Government can advance their cause 
including through our convening power, messaging, and programming.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to the Central Africa Republic?

    Answer. I commit fully to briefing Congress consistently and openly 
during my tenure as Ambassador to CAR, if I am confirmed.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents and any threats to the health 
and safety of U.S. personnel must be taken seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, his number one 
responsibility as Secretary of State is to protect the men and women 
representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I commit to 
ensuring Embassy Bangui treats any reported incident seriously. Should 
they occur, we will report these incidents through appropriate channels 
in a timely manner and ensure any affected individual receives prompt 
medical care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will meet regularly with medical and 
Regional Security Office staff in Bangui to ensure I understand the 
full scope of threats against U.S. personnel and that all safety 
protocols are being followed carefully.


                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Hon. Patricia Mahoney by Senator James E, Risch

    Question. Beyond public messaging and diplomacy, what tools will 
you have at your disposal to encourage the Touadera administration to 
distance itself from partnerships developed with Russia and Russia-
linked actors, and encourage positive political, economic and security 
reforms?

    Answer. The United States supports CAR's efforts to develop strong 
institutions and strengthen the rule of law through capacity building 
and technical assistance. If confirmed, I will use my position as 
ambassador to enhance coordination within the Department of State, 
across the U.S. Government, with partners such as the European Union 
and France, as well as regional organizations to ensure U.S. efforts 
are strengthening the CAR Government's ability to mitigate conflict, 
stop human rights abuses and violations, and hold those responsible 
accountable.
    To counterbalance Russia's influence, I will use the U.S. 
Government's wide array of instruments to call out Russian behavior, 
including working in collaboration with the U.S. Mission to the U.N. 
and like-minded partners at the U.N. The CAR Government's commission of 
inquiry--established to investigate allegations of human rights abuses 
described in an August U.N. report--acknowledged abuses and violations 
committed by ``Russian instructors'' and CAR Armed Forces (FACA). If 
confirmed, I will press the CAR Government to hold perpetrators 
responsible. I will also highlight the impact of previous sanctions on 
Russian entities, and individuals operating in CAR, while strengthening 
coordination with partner governments to ensure our activities have 
mutually supporting and maximum impact. Within the Department of State, 
I will build on ongoing collaboration between the bureaus of African 
Affairs, European and Eurasian Affairs, International Organization 
Affairs, the Global Engagement Center, and others to ensure U.S. 
efforts remain aligned and complementary. Additionally, if confirmed, I 
will ensure there continues to be robust dialogue between Embassy 
Bangui and the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York.
    Lastly, it is critical for the United States to build on efforts to 
counter disinformation in CAR, which risks enflaming tensions and 
exacerbating existing divisions in the country. If confirmed, I will 
coordinate with Department of State and interagency partners--as well 
as likeminded nations--to expand training initiatives to empower 
journalists to report accurately on events and shed light on 
allegations of human rights violations and abuses, instances of 
corruption, as well as malign influence by Russian propagandists. I 
will also seek to support the work of community leaders who promote 
peace.

    Question. In your view, how does the Central African Republic rank 
in terms of strategic importance for the United States?

    Answer. I think it is in the United States' national security 
interest to continue engaging diplomatically with the CAR Government to 
assist the country recover from its long history of violence and 
fragility. The conditions that have led to serious allegations of human 
rights abuses and violations against civilians, the threat of famine, 
unlawful child soldier recruitment and use, the malign influence of 
Russia, and a host of other issues will not stay localized to CAR and 
will continue to threaten regional peace and security if left 
unaddressed.

    Question. Do you feel the U.S. level of engagement with the Central 
African Republic reflects this level of strategic importance?

    Answer. Based on my consultations with Department of State 
colleagues, I have gained a deep appreciation for the tremendous work 
being done by teammates throughout the U.S. Government to address CAR's 
humanitarian needs, strengthen the country's institutions--particularly 
the justice and security sectors, and counter Russia's malign 
influence. If confirmed, I will explore additional opportunities for 
the United States to engage diplomatically with the CAR Government--
where appropriate, in consultation with key U.S. interlocutors.

    Question. If you do not feel as if the U.S.' level of engagement 
with the Central Africa Republic reflects the level of strategic 
importance, how would you, if confirmed, work as Ambassador to address 
this imbalance?

    Answer. The United States' humanitarian engagement in CAR has saved 
countless lives. If confirmed, I look forward to discussing with you 
and your colleagues innovative ways the Department of State and 
interagency can achieve our objectives in the Central African Republic: 
1) supporting the 2019 Peace Agreement to end the Central African 
Republic's violence; 2) ensuring humanitarian assistance reaches those 
most in need, and 3) strengthening the country's justice and security 
institutions.

    Question. The U.S. Embassy in the Central African Republic is a 
small, unaccompanied mission, in one of the most difficult environments 
in which to live and work in the world. As Chief of Mission, how will 
you work to keep staff morale high?

    Answer. The wellbeing, safety, and security of the embassy 
community will be my primary concern. If confirmed, I will seek to 
support my team members in Bangui by fostering an environment where 
they feel valued, safe, and supported as they work to make progress on 
critical U.S. policy objectives in CAR. Serving in CAR is undeniably 
challenging and I will work in tandem with Deputy Chief of Mission 
James Hogan to ensure 1) we focus our time and resources on tasks that 
directly support the mission's primary objectives to prevent exhaustion 
or burnout; 2) create a culture that promotes clear, respectful, and 
honest communication among all team members; and 3) ensure colleagues 
are taking advantage of their leave periods so they can recover from 
the very significant demands service in Bangui imposes. If I am 
confirmed, I look forward to discussing with my U.S. and Central 
African locally employed staff colleagues to better understand their 
needs and concerns so we can explore ways to reinforce what is working 
well and strengthen areas of opportunity.

    Question. How will you engage Africa Bureau leadership to support 
the staff in Bangui?

    Answer. I will engage my colleagues in the Bureau of African 
Affairs leadership transparently and candidly to build an effective 
dialogue between Bangui and Washington. I will continue Ambassador Lucy 
Tamlyn's regularly scheduled calls with the Bureau of African Affairs 
and establish new engagement channels if necessary to ensure the 
Department of State understands the needs and challenges of the Embassy 
Bangui team. Further, if confirmed, I would seek the counsel of all 
colleagues at Embassy Bangui to better understand what engagement 
practices have worked and where there may be areas we can improve upon 
in collaboration with the Bureau of African Affairs.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power?

    Answer. Based on my years working as a diplomat in Africa and 
elsewhere I think it is imperative governments respond to the needs of 
their people and govern from a position of trust and earned legitimacy. 
I think clearly defined presidential term limits are necessary to a 
well-functioning democracy. There are too many examples in Africa and 
elsewhere in the world where the extension of presidential term limits 
through various mechanisms has weakened institutions, diminished the 
public's trust in government, and driven instability. No country can 
thrive when much of its populace feels disaffected by its government.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to the Central 
African Republic potentially extending the term of the current 
President in power?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, building a strong and respectful working 
relationship with CAR President Faustin-Archange Touadera will be among 
my top priorities. If the CAR Government considered extending 
presidential term limits, I would seek out the perspectives of civil 
society, the political opposition, and Touadera's allies and use those 
insights to consult with the U.S. interagency. Once U.S. policy was 
defined, I would leverage my relationship with President Touadera to 
ensure U.S. objectives were met.

    Question. Please provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions? Would you 
support such a mission for the Central African Republic's next general 
election?

    Answer. I think there is significant value in the United States 
supporting independent international election observations, especially 
in fragile democracies like CAR that faced such destabilizing violence 
following its December 2020 elections. As we look ahead to the planned 
September 2022 local elections as well as the general elections 
scheduled for 2025, I will--if confirmed--consult with the CAR 
Government, civil society, and allies to understand the conditions on 
the ground, and work to develop plans and options that permit the 
holding of genuinely free and fair elections using open and transparent 
electoral processes.

    Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense 
and security cooperation with the Central African Republic?

    Answer. In collaboration with partners, including the European 
Union and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization 
Mission in CAR (MINUSCA) and in accordance with all applicable U.S. 
regulations, I think the United States must continue its investment in 
strengthening the FACA. The United States, Central African region, and 
CAR all gain from a FACA that is professional, competent, and respects 
human rights. The United States' approach to security sector reform is 
unique in its focus on human rights, and if confirmed, I will work with 
allies in country and colleagues in Washington to communicate clearly 
to President Touadera and the CAR Government what is required for the 
United States and partners to build on past defense and security 
cooperation.
    I will also press the Government to follow through on its promise 
to investigate reports of human rights abuses by FACA and Russian 
security forces and hold offenders accountable through a transparent 
judicial process.

    Question. Where are the opportunities and the risks if the United 
States builds on its existing defense and security cooperation with the 
Central African Republic?

    Answer. The CAR Government has consistently expressed its 
appreciation for U.S. security assistance, as well as a desire for 
additional cooperation. Further engagement between the United States 
and FACA--provided the CAR Government addresses U.S. concerns with 
violations related to transfer agreements and other issues, 
particularly those touching on human rights violations--may lead to a 
more capable security force able to project state authority throughout 
the country's territory for the first time in its history. 
Additionally, the United States' focus on promoting respect for human 
rights in our defense training is unique and cannot be discounted. I 
believe that a FACA professionalized through U.S.-provided training and 
other support will be a critical factor in CAR and the region's 
stability going forward.
    I worry that as allegations of human rights violations and abuses 
by FACA as well as associated armed elements mount, it will become more 
challenging for the United States to provide defense sector training or 
assistance. Allegations of serious human rights abuses by Russia-
supported private military company elements from the Wagner Group 
targeting CAR's Muslim minorities risks further marginalizing those 
communities and triggering spillover effects across the region. If 
confirmed, I will continue--and expand where appropriate--Ambassador 
Tamlyn's engagement with the Government alongside the European Union, 
MINUSCA, and allies to reiterate the importance of respecting human 
rights while continuing to explore African-led security alternatives to 
the Wagner Group's activities in the country.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Bangui?

    Answer. Based on my consultations with Embassy Bangui leadership 
and Department of State colleagues, it is my understanding my teammates 
in country--from Ambassador Tamlyn to the officers who serve as the 
mission's engine--are performing at an extraordinary level in terms of 
their diplomatic engagement and reporting. However, they are also 
dealing with a tremendous amount of stress associated with expanding 
mandatory reporting requirements without additional resources, 
insufficient staffing, and the day-to-day challenges of working in a 
post far removed from their families and loved ones. Despite these 
stressors, I understand my teammates in Bangui remain focused on their 
mission and wholly committed to advancing the United States' interests 
in the country and doing their utmost to improve the lives of the 
Central African people.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bangui?

    Answer. The wellbeing of my teammates in Bangui will be my 
paramount concern. If confirmed, I will create space for frequent one-
on-one check-ins and work to restart in-person communication and 
community building events--COVID-19 conditions in country permitting. I 
have learned as deputy chief of mission for two posts and as ambassador 
to the Republic of Benin how important it is to consistently and 
verbally express my appreciation for my colleagues' hard work and 
efforts to accomplish the mission's objectives. Additionally, I think 
there is great value in ensuring our priorities are clear and 
investments in time are directly tied to those priorities. I humbly 
acknowledge this will be an ongoing process--if I am confirmed--and I 
am excited to build on Ambassador Tamlyn's exemplary leadership and 
engage with my U.S. and Central African colleagues to create a culture 
that allows people to be their best and feel valued.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Bangui?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all 
sections to establish and review goals and develop strategies to 
achieve common objectives. I will engage all teammates to conceive and 
articulate clearly what we aim to accomplish, and how we will achieve 
those objectives. If I am confirmed, I will endeavor to create a 
culture of inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I would describe my management style as collaborative, 
respectful, and built on a foundation of trust and clear communication. 
I think it is critical for chiefs of mission to model effective 
leadership and management, and I am cognizant--as I learned as deputy 
chief of mission in Nepal as well as Uganda and as Ambassador to the 
Republic of Benin--that I set the tone for my U.S. and local team 
members. Lastly, I think it is important for leaders to demonstrate 
humility at all times and if confirmed, I commit to doing my utmost to 
live these ideals every day I serve as the United States' ambassador to 
the Central African Republic.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not think it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates in public or private. I think establishing clear 
expectations and respectfully and constructively explaining why an 
action did not meet expectations while offering a path forward is the 
most effective means of helping colleagues reach their potential and 
improve upon areas of opportunity. We are all human and we will all 
make mistakes; I have found that delivering clear feedback with empathy 
leads to more optimal performance. If confirmed, I commit to treating 
my teammates of all rank with respect.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure leading 
Embassy Cotonou?

    Answer. From my tenure leading Embassy Cotonou, I have learned that 
I do not have all the ideas (or even the best ideas!) and it is 
important to create an environment in which all colleagues who make an 
embassy function feel comfortable in offering suggestions. I have also 
learned that even though I may know that I value my colleagues' input, 
they will not necessarily know I appreciate them unless I make a point 
of telling them clearly and consistently.

    Question. How will your management style and approach differ from 
Embassy Cotonou?

    Answer. With humility, I think the principles I aspire to 
(inclusivity, appreciation, clear communication) are critical to 
effective leadership and management regardless of the assignment. That 
said, there are important differences between Cotonou and Bangui such 
as security, freedom of movement, and the size of the embassy team. 
Acknowledging these differences, I will strive to be even more 
attentive to the morale of those I am responsible to as ambassador, and 
I will seek to work with the deputy chief of mission and all team 
members--if confirmed--to make sure we are being mindful of the stress 
we are carrying, and when our collective and individual wellbeing needs 
additional care.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. Based on my time serving as deputy chief of mission in 
Nepal and Uganda, and then as ambassador in Benin, I think the deputy 
chief of mission-ambassador partnership is one of the most important 
relationships to nurture in an embassy. If confirmed, I plan to develop 
a close and collaborative partnership with Deputy Chief of Mission 
James Hogan to ensure that our expectations related to priorities, 
operations, reporting, and engagement are aligned and mutually 
supportive.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. Traditionally, the deputy chief of mission is responsible 
for an embassy's day-to-day operations as well as management and 
serving as an ombudsman for colleagues to voice their concerns. With a 
post such as Embassy Bangui with a smaller team, I think it will be 
important and useful for Deputy Chief of Mission Hogan and me to begin 
discussing this question in the coming weeks, if I am confirmed. 
Considering my current distance from Bangui, I look forward to gaining 
a more accurate understanding of daily conditions in country and 
creating a partnership that works for the team and helps us to achieve 
our objectives.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. I think it is critical for team members' personal and 
professional growth for managers to provide accurate, constructive 
feedback on their performance. As ambassador, if confirmed, I will do 
my utmost in partnership with the deputy chief of mission to ensure 
Embassy Bangui managers are providing specific and constructive 
feedback in a respectful manner to colleagues they are responsible to 
as leaders.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, accurate, 
and direct feedback to employees in order to help them be their best 
and incentivize those who demonstrate superior effort.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
the Central African Republic.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. The Department of State faces a challenging balancing act 
in terms of ensuring our diplomats can engage effectively with 
interlocutors throughout the country they are responsible for 
understanding while limiting personal risk, especially in a high-threat 
post like Bangui. As I have expressed previously, I think my team 
members are the Department of State's most important resource and I 
take their well-being seriously. That said, if I am confirmed, I will 
work with my Regional Security Office in Bangui and Diplomatic Security 
in Washington to ensure we are balancing these two requirements to 
ensure our staff stay safe while effectively advancing U.S. policy 
objectives.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. Embassy Bangui's threat environment is complex and creates 
challenges for accessing many populations, especially outside of 
Bangui. If confirmed, I will use all tools at my disposal in 
coordination with partners, including MINUSCA, to actively support the 
country's 2019 Peace Agreement, the best option we have currently to 
reduce violence and return CAR to stability. These activities typically 
involve engaging local populations, something we do as often as 
possible and which Embassy Bangui did during September and October 
trips to key areas in the country's center (Bria), southwest (Bayanga), 
and southeast (Chinko).

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in the Central 
        African Republic?
   What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. Like most institutions in CAR, the country's press is 
undeveloped and highly partisan. Radio dominates CAR's public messaging 
space with internet penetration at approximately five percent 
countrywide. Disinformation by malign Russian actors is also a serious 
threat that at times compromises the activities of key partners like 
MINUSCA.
    In terms of strengthening our relationship with the Central African 
people as well as civil servants, I think we can do more to enhance the 
bonds between our two countries. In coordination with the Bureau of 
Educational and Cultural Affairs, I would like to explore how we can 
expand the use of International Visitor Leadership Programs to more 
thoughtfully engage with Central Africans who desire the same things we 
do for CAR, a country at peace with itself and its neighbors. In the 
same vein, if confirmed, I would like to explore ways to provide 
training for more journalists to strengthen their ability to tell fact 
from disinformation and report objectively on events that impact their 
fellow Central Africans.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Like most endeavors in the Department of State, open and 
consistent communication between colleagues leads to more effective 
coordination. If confirmed, I will seek to bolster the already-
productive working relationship between the Bureau of African Affairs' 
public diplomacy office and Embassy Bangui's Public Affairs Section. As 
we saw following President Touadera's October 15 ceasefire declaration, 
there will continue to be significant opportunities for the Department 
of State to amplify post's messages through various media channels, and 
I will ensure these lanes remain synchronized and open, if I am 
confirmed.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. The welfare of my teammates is the most important issue I 
am responsible for as ambassador, and if confirmed, I commit to taking 
the threat of anomalous health incidents very seriously. Working with 
the deputy chief of mission and regional security officer, in 
consultation with colleagues in Washington, I will work to better 
understand this threat in CAR, and develop plans and responses, as 
appropriate for conditions in country.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission CAR personnel?

    Answer. I think transparency--while acknowledging the sensitivity 
of some information we work with--is integral for a well-functioning 
embassy. If confirmed, I commit to speaking as openly about anomalous 
health incidents as possible with my U.S. and Central African 
colleagues. Further, I would stress that team members should notify me, 
Embassy Bangui's regional security officer, and the deputy chief of 
mission if they experience any unexplained medical symptoms. Embassy 
Bangui is a small team, and it is important we trust each other and can 
discuss these issues transparently.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with European 
        countries to build on likeminded interests in the Central 
        African Republic and counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. China's footprint in CAR is lighter than elsewhere in the 
region. That said, if confirmed, I look forward to deepening work on 
this question in consultation with colleagues from the bureaus of 
African Affairs, European and Eurasian Affairs, East Asia and Pacific 
Affairs, and other key offices. Work in this lane will leverage the 
already-robust inter-Departmental collaboration on countering Russia's 
malign influence in CAR that I have observed during my consultations.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, the Central 
African Republic was identified as Tier 2 due to a lack of adequate 
victim services, convictions of traffickers, and overall official 
complicity. Yet, they did demonstrated overall improving efforts during 
the reporting period and throughout the COVID-19 pandemic.

   How will you work with the Government to address these issues if 
        you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. I was pleased to learn the Department of State's Office to 
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/TIP) assessed CAR 
demonstrated overall increasing efforts to prosecute traffickers, 
identify and protect victims, and prevent the crime over the course of 
the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report rating period. This achievement 
is especially notable as the country faced such a myriad of threats and 
challenges over the course of 2020 and early 2021. If I am confirmed, I 
will work in partnership with J/TIP to support the CAR Government's 
anti-trafficking in persons lead, Josiane Bemaka-Soui (one of eight 
global 2021 TIP Heroes), with training and technical assistance where 
possible, while encouraging President Touadera to continue prioritizing 
this important issue, as he has since 2019. Considering the central 
government's limited presence throughout much of the country, I think 
it will be important for authorities to focus their efforts in the 
short term on identifying victims and prosecuting traffickers within 
Bangui first, before expanding their efforts elsewhere in the country. 
Lastly, owing to the Government's very limited resources, effective 
partnership with civil society, NGOs, and international organizations 
will be imperative for CAR to identify more victims and remove them 
from their bondage.
    Further, I will continue to collaborate with Department of State 
and interagency teammates as well as our allies to strengthen the 
country's justice and security institutions to help CAR transition from 
lifesaving humanitarian assistance to development. Based on my years of 
experience serving across the world, increasing the capacity of 
governments to provide for their people and improving economic 
conditions is the most effective way to prevent the heinous phenomenon 
of human trafficking.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, the 
Central African Republic was identified as intolerant of religious 
freedom, especially for Muslims. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the 
Ambassador At Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority,?and 
the Department of State continues to closely monitor?the religious 
freedom situation?in CAR.? I commit to working with civil society and 
the CAR Government to ensure all individuals enjoy freedom of religion 
and equality regardless of religion as stated in the constitution. If 
confirmed, I will work with?the Ambassador at Large for International 
Religious Freedom and Congress to?emphasize the importance of religious 
tolerance and to?address religious freedom concerns in CAR.
    Specifically, I am deeply concerned with reports of Russian 
mercenaries targeting individuals from the predominantly Muslim Peuhl 
community. If confirmed, I will work with the Government and civil 
society to ensure all individuals in CAR--regardless of religion--have 
access to justice and a voice in their government.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, the Central African 
Republic was identified as having serious human rights abuses committed 
by the Government as well as armed groups.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The 2020 Human Rights Report narrative of human rights 
abuses and violations in CAR is disturbing and extensive, and it is 
crucial the Government holds those responsible accountable. I was 
encouraged to see the CAR Government issue the summary of its 
commission of inquiry in mid-October, which included an acknowledgement 
of the involvement of the country's armed forces and ``Russian 
instructors'' in some of these incidents. To demonstrate its commitment 
to justice and accountability, it will be critical for the Government 
to provide more transparency on the inquiry's findings and hold 
offenders accountable.
    Additionally, I commit to spotlighting reports of human rights 
violations and abuses and governance concerns to my Central African 
counterparts, and spotlighting these concerns through Embassy Bangui's 
reporting, in collaboration with NGOs and civil society. If confirmed, 
I would consult with Department of State colleagues from the Bureau of 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, as well as the Office of Global 
Criminal Justice, and other agencies on exploring additional actions, 
where appropriate.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to building on and expanding Embassy 
Bangui's strong relationships with civil society members, human rights 
and other NGOs in the United States, and with NGOs and civil society 
organizations in CAR. As the United States' Ambassador to the Republic 
of Benin, I used the convening power of my position to create spaces 
for NGOs and members of civil society to gather and voice their 
concerns. If confirmed, I will strive to develop a robust dialogue with 
government and civil society actors to better understand their 
equities. Additionally, I will work closely with likeminded partners to 
ensure our messaging to the CAR Government is unified in our advocacy 
for respect for human rights, access to justice, and stressing the 
importance of a free and open environment for Central Africans to 
express their political views without fear of retribution.


                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Peter Hendrick Vrooman by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Ending the insurgency in Mozambique will require more 
than just victory on the battlefield. What are the driving forces 
behind the insurgency, and how is the United States working with the 
Government of Mozambique and other actors to address those root causes?

    Answer. There are many factors that fueled the rise of terrorism in 
Cabo Delgado. Longstanding socio-economic grievances, unmet economic 
expectations, political, cultural, and geographic isolation from 
Maputo, negative experiences with security forces, a lack of government 
services, tribal rivalries, criminal activity, and an influx of intra-
Muslim ideological divisions made northern Mozambique susceptible to 
violent extremist ideologies.
    The United States aims to counter ISIS-M and to support the 
Mozambican Government and people. We share a holistic strategy in four 
areas: security assistance, strategic communications, socio-economic 
assistance, and diplomatic engagement. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Government of Mozambique to address the underlying drivers of 
violent extremism and terrorism by: protecting the civilian population, 
addressing social and economic inequality and marginalization, and 
strengthening the transparent provision of public services, while 
upholding the core values of respect for human rights, good governance, 
and democratic participation.

    Question. Rwandan troops were deployed to Mozambique as part of a 
bilateral agreement. What are Rwanda's goals and motivations for this 
deployment, and what implications does the deployment have for the SADC 
mission?

    Answer. President Nyusi requested security assistance from Rwanda, 
and its Government responded; their combined efforts, together with 
SADC forces have resulted in the capturing of key towns, bases, 
leaders, and strongholds--providing space for the Government to assess 
and develop a reconstruction plan for Cabo Delgado. President Kagame 
has publicly expressed his desire to promote regional security through 
Rwanda's presence in Mozambique.

    Question. Apart from the insurgency in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique 
faces challenges in the areas of governance, the economy, health, and 
widespread poverty. What is the United States strategy for helping 
Mozambique address issues in the areas of anti-corruption and good 
governance in particular? What actions will you take if confirmed to 
push for greater transparency in the area of debt held by the 
Government of Mozambique?

    Answer. The U.S. Government has in the past year launched several 
anti-corruption activities in Mozambique which support sub-national 
systems of accountability; reduce teacher absenteeism and medical 
supply leakage; promote policy reform through support to civil society 
anti-corruption initiatives, including advocacy for the development of 
a transparent and accountable sovereign wealth fund; and strengthen 
investigative journalism to promote improved economic governance and 
natural resource management. Corruption is the top governance concern 
of Mozambicans. If confirmed, I would continue to support credible 
initiatives that enhance the transparency and accountability of the 
Government of Mozambique.

Democracy and Human Rights
    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. I have attended the trials of opposition leaders unjustly 
accused of crimes and advocated for due process and the rule of law in 
many of the countries where I have served. Bearing witness in such 
trials may not change verdicts, but it demonstrates that eyes are 
watching judicial proceedings. Defense attorneys around the globe often 
bear the brunt of government efforts to repress their voices, and I 
have advocated for their ability to represent those accused of crimes.
    Whenever counter-accusations about the U.S. surface, I seize the 
opportunity to make the point that such instances are flagged by a free 
press and are fair game for debate in the political arena in the United 
States. I always encourage counterparts to consider allowing and 
listening to such debate in order to spur greater respect for human 
rights. To foster more transparent electoral processes and more 
democratic systems of governance, I am a firm believer in independent 
election observation efforts, including those of embassies, as well as 
a role for domestic political party observers.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Mozambique? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. Mozambique is still a young, developing democracy with 
institutions that have difficulty enforcing the law, particularly 
regarding respect for human rights. Civil society has an influential 
role, but requires greater capacity and, with the independent media, 
occasionally faces threats for investigative reporting on sensitive 
topics. Mozambique has been ruled by a single political party since its 
independence, and the strongest competing party lost ground in the most 
recent national elections. Corruption is widespread and impunity for 
officials remains a serious problem. If confirmed, I plan to support 
credible initiatives that enhance the Government's transparency and 
accountability to ensure Mozambique is an anchor of stability, 
security, and democracy in the region.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Mozambique? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue an integrated approach to 
northern Mozambique, in coordination with Mozambican institutions and 
international partners. This approach to creating conditions for 
sustainable peace will build the capacity of Mozambican security 
forces, address socioeconomic drivers of violence, such as 
marginalization, promote respect for human rights, and support improved 
governance to underserved communities. I look to partner diligently 
with the Mozambican Government to respond to the needs of its citizens 
transparently and accountably. If confirmed, I would also serve as the 
co-Chair of the Contact Group that oversees the demobilization, 
disarmament, and reintegration process that started in 2019 and seeks 
to establish a durable peace after the devastating civil war. Currently 
USAID's democracy and governance funding for Mozambique has been 
prioritized to address governance challenges in the North.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to identify and support reputable 
Mozambican and international partners who share our commitment to 
helping Mozambique build an inclusive, responsive, and resilient 
democracy. I will continue to advocate for the inclusion of people with 
disabilities in our programs and policies.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Mozambique? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. A key function of an embassy is to engage with governments 
and civil society. Often an embassy can be an effective forum for the 
exchange of ideas, as I indicated in my testimony, and a forum for 
debate on global challenges. If confirmed, I will encourage officers in 
the U.S. Embassy in Maputo to be receptive to listening to the concerns 
raised by civil society organizations and, if appropriate, helping to 
seek redress of specific problems on cases with the appropriate 
interlocutors in the host government. I would also look for synergistic 
opportunities to cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform, 
accountability, and respect for human rights. I will continue to 
advocate for the involvement of disabled persons and organizations in 
inclusive, civil society-government discussions related to the rights 
of people with disabilities.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue to strengthen the 
relationships the U.S. Mission has built with democratically-oriented, 
political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the 
efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive, 
political environment throughout Mozambique. If confirmed, I will 
advocate for the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly for all 
political actors, including those who do not agree with the Government. 
If confirmed, I will advocate through public statements, targeted small 
grants and other programming, and direct engagement with a diverse 
spectrum of leaders and community members for a political environment 
that is inclusive of women, youth, people with disabilities, and 
Mozambicans who might otherwise be marginalized.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Mozambique on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Mozambique?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with media practitioners, like-
minded diplomatic missions, civil society, government, and 
international partners to underscore the importance of an independent, 
professional, and open media in a free and democratic society. If 
confirmed, I will seek resources to continue support to both 
Mozambique's private and state-run media, including professional 
exchanges, targeted training programs, and seminars to educate 
journalists and media stakeholders about the importance of the right to 
free expression.
    Mozambican journalists have consistently participated in U.S. 
Government-sponsored professional exchange programs on investigative 
reporting, safeguarding freedom of expression, and combating 
disinformation, and the media's role in strengthening democratic 
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to engage in the 
independent press, as well as prioritize these exchanges and training 
opportunities.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and 
government counterparts on countering disinformation and propaganda by 
foreign state and non-state actors. If confirmed, I will also commit to 
working with like-minded partners in Mozambique to do the same.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Mozambique on the right of labor groups to organize, including for 
independent trade unions?

    Answer. The United States has a long and strong tradition of 
supporting the rights of workers to exercise freedom of association, 
including to form and join independent trade unions. If confirmed, I 
will ensure that I and others in the embassy engage with unions, 
relevant government offices, and the private sector to support labor 
rights. If confirmed, I will also mobilize U.S. Government policies, 
programs, and trade agreements to empower workers in all sectors to 
organize, successfully bargain with their employers, and improve 
working conditions.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Mozambique, no 
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a 
priority for the U.S. Mission in Mozambique. If confirmed, I will 
strive to defend respect for the human rights and dignity of all 
persons in Mozambique, no matter their sexual orientation or gender 
identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Mozambique?

    Answer. There have been no reports of bias-motivated attacks on 
LGBTQI+ people in Mozambique in recent years, but discrimination 
exists. The Government of Mozambique has not acted on the request for 
registration by the Association for the Defense of Sexual Minorities 
(LAMBDA), Mozambique's main LGBTQI+ organization, which has been 
pending since 2008. Despite its lack of registration, LAMBDA has 
partnered with diplomatic missions, including the U.S. Embassy, and 
government agencies, such as the Ministry of Health, to combat stigma 
and raise awareness about LGBTQI+ rights.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Mozambique?

    Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a 
priority for the mission in Mozambique. The U.S. Mission has worked 
with the Association for the Defense of Sexual Minorities (LAMBDA), 
Mozambique's main LGBTQI+ organization, as well as potential partners 
from government, civil society, and the diplomatic community, to raise 
awareness of LGBTQI+ issues and combat HIV/AIDS stigma. If confirmed, I 
would support the LGBTQI+ community, including by raising the Pride 
flag on International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia 
and encouraging key grants to local organizations.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Mozambique.

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all 
appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this 
committee.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

    Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and 
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, there would be no higher 
priority for me than the health, safety, and security of our personnel 
and family members serving overseas. This commitment extends to the 
handling of anomalous health incidents. These incidents and any threats 
to health and safety must be taken seriously. If confirmed, I will make 
sure that the entire Embassy community is aware of what to do should a 
potential incident affect them, their colleagues, or their family 
members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that U.S. Government 
personnel and family members should immediately alert the Mission's 
health and security professionals at Post if they note any onset of 
unexplained medical symptoms to receive prompt access to health care. 
At the same time, I would reiterate that there is no stigma associated 
with reporting, and that every report will be taken seriously by our 
health and security professionals and the leadership of the Department.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will regularly meet with medical and 
RSO staff to ensure I understand the full scope of threats against U.S. 
personnel and their family members and that all safety protocols are 
being carefully followed.


                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Peter Hendrick Vrooman by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What is your assessment of current U.S. policy toward 
Mozambique?

    Answer. The United States is Mozambique's largest bilateral donor, 
with nearly $523 million allocated last year, and much of it focused on 
health. I anticipate that the United States will want to increase 
support of reform and transparency mechanisms, particularly in the 
lead-up to elections in 2023 and 2024. Education and health are key 
priorities for Mozambicans, who believe these sectors where the United 
States engages are drivers of economic growth and prosperity. The 
recent consolidation of Mozambican efforts in 2021 to combat ISIS-
Mozambique, offers opportunities to spur continued investment in both 
resources and institutions. If confirmed, I plan to enhance our 
engagement to ensure Mozambique is an anchor of stability, security, 
prosperity, and democracy in the region.

    Question. Do you feel the U.S. is adequately engaged given the 
various threats and challenges the situation in Mozambique poses to the 
region?

    Answer. I believe that the United States correctly assessed the 
seriousness of the threats posed by ISIS-M to Mozambique, as well as to 
the region. We have also seen the Mozambican Government acknowledge the 
root causes of violence and fragility, in the form of its new Strategy 
for Resilience and Integrated Development in the North. This strategy 
prioritizes peacebuilding, social cohesion, community-government 
dialogue, fighting corruption, ensuring access to inclusive government 
services, and fostering economic recovery in the North. If confirmed, I 
would work with government and civil society to restore ties, rebuild 
damaged infrastructure, and invest in the human capital in affected 
regions.

    Question. What adjustments, if any, do you feel are necessary for 
U.S. engagement with the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would endeavor to remain in close contact 
with my counterparts, particularly those in capitals where regional 
organizations, such as the Southern African Development Community 
(SADC) and the East African Community (EAC), are situated. Beyond the 
combined military operations that many of Mozambique's regional 
partners and allies have conducted over recent months, there will be a 
need for an acceleration of discussions about reconstruction and 
governance in areas affected by terrorism and violent extremism. SADC 
could also play a larger role in taking on regional challenges such as 
illicit trafficking networks, conservation of southern African 
biodiversity, and the promotion and respect for human rights.

    Question. What is your perspective on the deployment of Rwandan and 
Southern African Development Community (SADC) forces to Mozambique to 
assist in the containment of the insurgency in Northern Mozambique?

    Answer. We support SADC's goals of promoting regional cooperation 
and integration, economic growth, socio-economic development, and 
durable peace and security among its member states. SADC's support 
through the organization's deployment of a four-country, Standby Force, 
whose mission was recently extended through January 2022, could help 
stabilize northern Mozambique and the region. Rwandan forces, with 
Mozambican forces, have played an important role in reversing ISIS-M's 
gains. I believe that these positive strides have created a window of 
opportunity to consolidate gains with the necessary steps needed to 
regain the trust of local communities in their security forces and in 
their government institutions.

    Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Mozambique, if confirmed, how will 
you engage the Government of Mozambique on key democratic reforms in 
order to support sustainable peace?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue an integrated approach to 
northern Mozambique, in coordination with Mozambican institutions and 
international partners. This approach to creating conditions for 
sustainable peace will build the capacity of Mozambican security 
forces, address socioeconomic drivers of violence, promote respect for 
human rights, and support improved governance to underserved 
communities. I would also serve as the co-Chair of the Contact Group 
that oversees the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration 
process that seeks to establish a durable peace after the devastating 
civil war. Currently USAID's democracy and governance funding for 
Mozambique has been prioritized to address governance challenges in the 
North.

    Question. What challenges do you foresee as Mozambique moves toward 
2024 elections with President Nyusi term limited?

    Answer. Polling confirms the strong preference of Mozambicans for 
democracy with regular, open, and honest electoral processes resulting 
in free and fair elections. The Constitutional Court of Mozambique 
acknowledged there were irregularities in the 2019 elections but 
concluded that they did not substantially alter the outcome. Those 
irregularities included violence and intimidation in the pre-election 
period and systemic issues during the election. If confirmed, I will 
work with key stakeholders, including the Mozambican Government, civil 
society, and the National Election Commission so they can ensure 
peaceful pre-election periods and lay the groundwork for free and fair 
district elections in 2023 and presidential and provincial elections in 
2024.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power?

    Answer. Actions by a president in power to change the laws to allow 
him or her to remain in office extralegally pose an inherent threat to 
any democracy's health. A healthy democracy abides both by the will of 
its people and the underlying legal foundations upon which it rests. 
This requires the active participation of all citizens to safeguard 
democracy.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to Mozambique doing 
something like extending the term of office of the presidency even if 
that means it would extend the term of the current President in power?

    Answer. Mozambique's strong democratic tradition includes term 
limits that are respected by presidents, the political parties, and a 
strong majority of the electorate. I expect this respect for 
constitutional limits will continue. If confirmed, I will promote 
democratic values and seek to strengthen democratic institutions.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. I have advocated for and supported independent 
international election observations missions in many locations where I 
have served overseas. Mozambique's elections are regularly observed by 
external teams from the Southern African Development Community, the 
African Union, the European Union, and the Commonwealth. In 2019, 
Embassy officers supplemented the international election observation 
teams. Mozambique welcomes and supports these missions and would likely 
be amenable to additional electoral observation if the conditions 
warrant such a mission.

    Question. Would you support such U.S. funded, independent 
international election observation methods for Mozambique's next 
general election?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support independent 
international election observation missions and encourage the relevant 
institutions and parties in Mozambique to welcome them as well.

    Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to 
hold Mozambique officials accountable for corrupt behavior?

    Answer. The U.S. Government has in the past year launched several 
anti-corruption activities in Mozambique which support sub-national 
systems of accountability; reduce teacher absenteeism and medical 
supply leakage; promote policy reform through support to civil society 
anti-corruption initiatives, including advocacy for the development of 
a transparent and accountable sovereign wealth fund; and strengthen 
investigative journalism to promote improved economic governance and 
natural resource management. Corruption is the top governance concern 
of Mozambicans. If confirmed, I would support credible initiatives that 
enhance the transparency and accountability of the Government of 
Mozambique.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you go about using the tools the 
U.S. has to hold Mozambican officials accountable for corrupt behavior?

    Answer. The U.S. Government has in the past year launched several 
anti-corruption activities in Mozambique which support sub-national 
systems of accountability; reduce teacher absenteeism and medical 
supply leakage; promote policy reform through support to civil society 
anti-corruption initiatives, including advocacy for the development of 
a transparent and accountable sovereign wealth fund; and strengthen 
investigative journalism to promote improved economic governance and 
natural resource management. Corruption is the top governance concern 
of Mozambicans. If confirmed, I would support credible initiatives that 
enhance the transparency and accountability of the Government of 
Mozambique.

    Question. How can the United States best support Mozambique in 
curbing the corrupt behavior of those companies and government 
officials of malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt 
governments and business environments?

    Answer. The United States is the biggest investor in the human 
capital of the people of Mozambique through our health and education 
programs and we are increasing investments in Mozambican infrastructure 
through various interagency programs and USAID projects. For those 
parts of the Mozambican society that want to support good governance, 
the United States' Foreign Corrupt Practices Act stands out as a gold 
standard for private sector conduct and a selling point for American 
business. If confirmed, I will help demonstrate that our Government and 
business policies and practices are respectful of human rights and the 
environment, transparent, and responsive to Mozambique's needs.

    Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense 
and security cooperation with Mozambique?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will take stock of our developing defense 
and security cooperation with a view to assessing its effectiveness and 
the latest requirements of our partners.

    Question. Where are the opportunities and the risks if the United 
States does build on its existing defense and security cooperation with 
Mozambique?

    Answer. ISIS-affiliated violence and brutality are a grave threat 
to Mozambique and the region. U.S. security assistance incorporates 
programming to promote respect for human rights, protection of 
civilians, and engagement with civil society and local communities. 
Consistent with the Leahy laws, the U.S. Government provides assistance 
only to Mozambican security force units that are fully vetted and where 
there is not credible information that the unit has committed a gross 
violation of human rights.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Maputo?

    Answer. My understanding is that the move of the Embassy team to a 
new chancery building only several weeks ago represents a big boost for 
morale. The new embassy compound brings together the entire U.S. 
Mission in Mozambique (with the exception of Peace Corps) under one 
roof, including USAID, CDC, and the American Cultural Center to 
facilitate a more cohesive, secure, and productive work environment.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to ask members of the Embassy team 
and their families for their specific suggestions on how we can improve 
morale. I firmly believe in listening to concerns and addressing them 
as promptly and concretely as possible.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?

    Answer. All U.S. Embassies are now embarking on a process of 
reviewing Integrated Country Strategies. If confirmed, I look forward 
to reviewing their work and contributing to it by providing Chief of 
Mission priorities that can knit together our goals. Thereafter, my 
practice is to regularly review where we are as a mission and to 
reiterate our mission regularly at town halls and other fora.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I strive to be a servant leader, offering what I can to my 
team to help us achieve our mission goals. I am a fair and democratic 
leader interested in eliciting the contributions of each member of my 
team. What I can offer my team is a commitment to make timely and well-
considered decisions that advance our goals while safeguarding our 
team. I firmly believe that I--and all members of my team--must respect 
the dignity of each person on the team. That fundamental requirement 
allows teams to stay cohesive even in the face of challenges.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I cannot think of an occasion when berating 
subordinates is either appropriate or effective. That said, 
constructive, honest, and timely feedback on performance is an 
imperative of good supervision that I strive to uphold.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as Chief 
of Mission in Rwanda?

    Answer. Regular communication is essential during times of crisis, 
especially during pandemics such as COVID-19 or Ebola. To ensure that 
communication is bi-directional, I regularly surveyed our staff and 
their families on their morale. During virtual town halls, we always 
provide a mechanism for eliciting anonymous feedback and questions. 
Humility in the position of ambassador is critical to gaining the trust 
and respect of a team, and I believe this lesson also applies to 
diplomatic engagement. My efforts to learn and communicate in Rwanda's 
one national language has proven to be an incredibly valuable tool that 
demonstrates my respect for Rwandans.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with deputy chief 
of mission?

    Answer. This is the most critical relationship within an Embassy. 
Not only must the DCM be trusted by the Chief of Mission but empowered 
to represent him/her and assume his/her responsibilities on many 
occasions. Frequent communication, both formal and informal, is 
necessary. If confirmed, I would strive to be open to constructive 
feedback from my DCM and to look for opportunities for the DCM to lead 
and learn.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. The DCM has multiple responsibilities within an embassy. 
Among the most important role that she has is the chairperson of the 
Emergency Action Committee, the interagency body that is essential in 
formulating recommendations to me as the Chief of Mission. As the 
``Chief Operating Officer,'' she also has a responsibility for seeing 
that management controls are in place across our operations and 
programs. As morale-booster and the direct supervisor of many section 
heads, she has another critical role to play in recruiting a diverse 
team and sustaining staff on the job--and in addressing any problematic 
relationships that could impact teamwork.

    Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple 
U.S. Government agencies present?

    Answer. A successful COM must step outside his/her Department of 
State persona and strive to understand the priorities and personalities 
of other agencies represented at post (or in the region). Listening and 
participating in the activities, such as staff meetings, can be a good 
way to learn directly from the employees of those agencies. If 
confirmed, I will demonstrate curiosity and interest in other agencies: 
going on USAID and USDA project site visits; participating in PEPFAR 
programmatic reviews, joining promotion ceremonies with the Marine 
Security guards or other DOD personnel, meeting Peace Corps volunteers 
in rural areas, and soliciting CDC briefings on infectious disease.

    Question. In your experience, how important are interagency 
relationships within a post?

    Answer. Interagency relationships are critical to accomplishing 
mission goals. In my experience, forming interagency working groups 
focused on Integrated Country Strategy goals can feed into more 
effective Country Team discussions and decisions. Often, the Front 
Office (COM and DCM) leaders are those who have the broadest 
interagency perspective at post, so I believe that it is essential to 
create opportunities for interaction, both formally and informally. 
Interagency, in-country travel with the COM can be one effective way to 
do this.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency 
disagreement within Embassy Maputo?

    Answer. Hearing out all sides in an interagency disagreement is 
critical to establishing a sense of fairness from the Front Office. If 
a leader has fostered occasions for celebrating interagency 
accomplishments, then that experience can be tapped to find a way 
forward in the case of disagreements. For example, the PEPFAR program, 
which is quintessentially interagency in make-up, often generates 
disagreements over budgeting priorities or geographies (or functions) 
where different agencies have the lead. Collectively coming together to 
celebrate team victories--such as reaching epidemic control of HIV/
AIDS--can help each agency and its staff feel like they are playing an 
important part in achieving goals.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide subordinates with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes, timely and constructive feedback on performance is 
imperative. An ambassador must be intentional in providing 
encouragement of excellent performance immediately after it is observed 
to be most impactful.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will undertake and encourage active 
supervision of performance. Counseling sessions over the course of an 
evaluation period are critical to this end and must be structured. I 
use these sessions both with my direct reports and with those whose 
performance I review each year, so they hear directly from me on how I 
see their performance, as well as their areas for development. In turn, 
I seek feedback from them on whether my own supervision is effective 
and how I can improve as a leader.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. U.S. Ambassadors must lead by example in order to encourage 
other colleagues to get outside the embassy walls. One way to do so is 
by traveling to sites where we or our partners work. Another is to 
request other officers to accompany me to events where they might meet 
useful contacts or share a unique experience in the host country. If 
officers sense that their absence from their embassy office occasions 
even a hint of disapproval from a senior leader, then they and others 
will not venture far from the embassy walls. If confirmed, I would 
avoid sending this sort of signal and encourage the development of 
broad and diverse embassy contacts.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. Learning local language(s) is critical to developing access 
to local populations. If confirmed, I would aim to lead by example--
demonstrating both my willingness to speak the national and local 
languages and allocating time to continue my study. Doing so with the 
Kinyarwanda language in Rwanda provided critical opportunities for me 
to get to know Rwandans better and to make me and our diplomatic 
mission more accessible to those who do not speak English well.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Mozambique?

    Answer. The strong U.S.-Mozambique bilateral relationship 
facilitates a positive public diplomacy environment. Young Mozambicans 
largely hold positive views of the United States and are eager to apply 
to study in the United States. The Mozambican Government and people are 
increasingly receptive to our policy issues and initiatives. 
Independent press continues to publish in Mozambique despite incidents 
of intimidation and threats against some journalists. If confirmed, I 
would urge the Mozambican Government to preserve press freedom and 
investigate harassment against journalists. My impression is that 
Mozambicans are accessible and interested in exchanging ideas with 
Americans, including diplomats at the U.S. Embassy.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
in Mozambique?

    Answer. The challenges include capacity issues such as an 
organization's ability to qualify for and implement grants on behalf of 
the U.S Government; few established civil society organizations, which 
restricts our ability to offer diverse programming; and a nascent, 
independent press corps. However, journalists and emerging leaders are 
eager to gain additional training and experiences through USG exchange 
programs. COVID-19 has severely impacted the Mission's ability to 
conduct in person exchanges, training, and other outreach, and poor 
internet connectivity throughout the country make virtual programming 
challenging.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The Embassy's Public Diplomacy Section balances these 
occasionally differing objectives; generally, there is little appetite 
overseas for any messaging content that appears ``canned'' or copied or 
even retweeted or reposted in the case of social media. Local language 
content is more readily read and considered by foreign audiences. If 
confirmed, I would encourage our Public Diplomacy teams to translate 
our messages considering cultural norms and local context in order to 
reach broader audiences.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, there would be no higher 
priority for me than the health, safety, and security of our personnel 
and family members serving overseas. This commitment extends to the 
handling of anomalous health incidents. If confirmed, I will make sure 
that the entire Embassy community is aware of what to do should a 
potential incident affect them, their colleagues, or their family 
members.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Mozambique personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that U.S. Government 
personnel and family members should immediately alert the Mission's 
health and security professionals at Post if they note any onset of 
unexplained medical symptoms. At the same time, I would reiterate that 
there is no stigma associated with reporting, and that every report 
will be taken seriously by our health and security professionals and 
the leadership of the Department.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with European 
        countries to build on likeminded interests in Mozambique and 
        counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The U.S. Mission in Maputo works closely with like-minded 
European partners to support Mozambique's democracy by strengthening 
democratic institutions and coordinating engagement with the 
Government, civil society, private sector and other stakeholders. Our 
unified message with our partners must be that further efforts to 
combat corruption will improve the investment climate, advance shared 
goals of fiscal transparency, and counter money laundering and illicit 
financing. If confirmed, I will work through the U.S. interagency, 
multilateral financial institutions, and like-minded partners to 
support private sector growth in Mozambique, encourage good local 
governance practices, and promote U.S. business opportunities.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Mozambique 
remained on Tier 2 due to overall increasing efforts, but prosecuted 
fewer trafficking cases, convicted fewer traffickers, and did not 
proactively identify trafficking victims aside from criminal referrals.

   How will you work with the host government to address these issues 
        if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize our work to combat human 
trafficking, and I will consistently communicate the importance of 
combatting human trafficking through private exchanges and public 
diplomacy. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Mozambique 
to finalize its draft, national referral mechanism for trafficking 
victims. This will help community-level officials' efforts to identify 
victims of trafficking. Similarly, I will urge the government to 
finalize the implementing regulations for trafficking victims and 
witness protection. Both of these recommendations would enable a more 
victim-centered law enforcement approach to trafficking.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
religious intolerance and subsequent violence in Mozambique is a 
growing concern for the Embassy as well as Congress.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country and work to end religiously 
        motivated violence?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and 
the Department continues to closely monitor religious freedom in 
Mozambique. Northern Mozambique became susceptible to violence 
undergirded by extremist ideologies spread by disaffected youth. If 
confirmed, I would undertake an assessment of these factors to see 
which drivers of violent extremism can be addressed with policy 
solutions. I will also commit to working with the Ambassador at Large 
for International Religious Freedom and Congress to emphasize the 
importance of religious freedom, addressing any religious freedom 
concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and respect among and for 
members of religious communities in Mozambique.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Mozambique was 
identified as having committed and baring witness to severe human 
rights abuses. Impunity remains a large problem.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead the Embassy's 
advocacy efforts as I engage the Government of Mozambique to address 
concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights Report.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. A key function of an embassy is to engage with governments 
and civil society. Often an embassy can be an effective forum for the 
exchange of ideas, as I indicated in my testimony, and a forum for 
debate on global challenges. If confirmed, I will encourage officers in 
the U.S. Embassy in Maputo to be receptive to listening to the concerns 
raised by civil society organizations and, if appropriate, helping to 
seek redress of specific problems on cases with the appropriate 
interlocutors in the host government. I would also look for synergistic 
opportunities to cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform, 
accountability, and respect for human rights.


                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator Robert Menendez

Human Rights
    Question. Attacks against religious minorities in Bangladesh are 
increasing. In recent days, at the end of the Hindu holiday of Durga 
Puja, press reports indicate more than two dozen homes of Hindu 
families were burned and at least two people were killed following a 
posting on social media perceived as insulting to Islam. What can the 
U.S. do to ensure the Government, which sometimes fans the flames of 
communal tensions, does to both quiet the violence and ensure 
accountability?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the recent violent attacks on Hindu 
temples and businesses in Bangladesh during the Durga Puja 
celebrations. There is no justification for attacks on religious 
minorities or violently disrupting sacred celebrations. Freedom of 
religion or belief is a human right. If confirmed, I intend to work 
with colleagues at Embassy Dhaka, in the Office of International 
Religious Freedom, and within the Department to advocate for the 
protection of all vulnerable communities, including religious minority 
groups in Bangladesh, through engagement with government officials and 
members of civil society. If confirmed, I will remain in contact with 
members of all religious faiths and ensure that the annual State 
Department International Religious Freedom Report accurately documents 
restrictions on religious freedom in Bangladesh.

    Question. Extrajudicial killings by the Rapid Action Battalion 
(RAB) have spiked since the Government of Bangladesh began its ``war on 
drugs'' in the months ahead of the December 2018 elections. Last year, 
Sen. Young and I sent a bipartisan letter with eight of our other 
colleagues urging the Trump administration to impose sanctions on 
senior RAB commanders. Do you support imposing sanctions on senior 
commanders of Bangladesh's Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which has 
reportedly killed more than 400 people extrajudicially since 2015? Do I 
have your commitment to advocate within the department for a process to 
consider sanctions against Benazir Ahmed, the chief of police and 
former head of RAB?

    Answer. The extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and 
torture committed by the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) are of deep 
concern. I understand the United States does not provide security 
assistance to the RAB and that all Bangladeshi security forces units 
receiving assistance, including training, are vetted according to 
applicable laws including the Leahy law. If confirmed, I commit to 
consulting with Congress on the use of applicable authorities, 
including sanctions and visa ineligibilities, in order to advance our 
human rights interests and promote accountability for those responsible 
for human rights abuses and violations within the RAB. Conducting a 
thorough investigation of Benazir Ahmed's involvement in human rights 
abuses and violations aligns with the United States' commitment to 
human rights and accountability. If confirmed, I commit to supporting a 
thorough investigation of allegations against Benazir Ahmed's 
involvement with human rights abuses. I further commit to leveraging 
all applicable accountability tools to hold accountable those who abuse 
and violate human rights.

Labor
    Question. Last year, this committee released a report that found 
workers in Bangladeshi garment factories faced increased intimidation, 
threats, and violence if they were involved in labor activism. 
Meanwhile, other workers in Bangladesh still face unsafe work 
conditions. Do I have your commitment to make support for labor rights 
a priority at the Embassy in Dhaka? Do you commit to engage with me and 
my staff on these issues throughout your tenure? Do you support the 
deployment of a dedicated labor attache at the Embassy?

    Answer. I am concerned about the status of labor rights, especially 
as it relates to freedom of association and workplace safety in 
Bangladesh. All workers should feel safe in their place of work and 
have available mechanisms to report and push back against labor abuses, 
including retaliation against workers for forming and joining unions of 
their choosing. If confirmed, I commit to making support for labor 
rights a priority at Embassy Dhaka and commit to working closely with 
you, your staff, and Congress on these issues during my tenure. I will 
ensure my team works to improve the environment for unions, supports 
worker empowerment, urges accountability for abuses against workers, 
and promotes freedom of association among workers across and between 
sectors, as well as continues to raise concerns about labor rights and 
abuses against employees at the highest levels of the Government of 
Bangladesh. The Department of Labor is already in the process of adding 
a labor attache at Embassy Dhaka, and if confirmed, I commit to 
ensuring that this process proceeds quickly.

    Question. How is State measuring Bangladesh's progress on labor 
rights in the aftermath of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster and the July 
2021 fire? Is the administration considering restoration of Dhaka's 
access to the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)? Under what 
circumstances or conditions would it do so?

    Answer. Since the horrific building collapse at Rana Plaza in 2013, 
the United States Government has worked with partners across the 
international community, major industries, and Bangladeshi authorities 
to advocate for and enable improvements in factory safety, which 
included the establishment of new agreements by major international 
brands to enforce safety standards across factories. While these 
changes are encouraging, much more needs to be done to institutionalize 
safety standards across Bangladesh's major industries, as evidenced by 
the tragic Hashem Foods fire in July 2021. The Department of State 
works closely with the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) and the 
Department of Labor to monitor Bangladesh's progress meeting 
internationally recognized labor rights, especially workplace safety, 
freedom of association, and collective bargaining. I commit, if 
confirmed, to upholding the position that restoring Bangladesh's GSP 
benefits must be contingent upon strengthening labor rights and 
workplace safety, as well as improving the overall business and civil 
society operational environment.

Attack on Ambassador Bernicat
    Question. In August 2018, armed persons attacked a vehicle carrying 
U.S. Ambassador Marcia Bernicat after she met with civil society 
activists in November 2018. Congress still does not have a clear 
understanding of exactly what happened. Your safety as ambassador is of 
paramount concern to me. What is being done to bring the culprits--who 
have already been publicly identified--to justice? Will you bring this 
issue up with the Government, if confirmed?

    Answer. The Department is closely following proceedings against 
nine individuals accused of attacking Ambassador Marcia Bernicat's 
motorcade with bricks. Charges were officially filed and accepted by a 
court in March 2021. If confirmed, I will work with my team in Dhaka 
and the Government of Bangladesh to ensure full accountability for this 
act. Moreover, if confirmed, the health and safety of those supporting 
the mission and their families will be my highest priority.

    Question. How do you think the U.S can use its leverage on trade, 
development and security assistance to advance the protection of human 
rights, including of Rohingya? Further, how can the U.S. utilize 
economic cooperation to ensure that Bangladesh will improve or develop 
clear social and environmental policies and practices which are 
inclusive and nondiscriminatory of all communities, including Rohingya?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support President Biden's commitment 
to place human rights at the center of our foreign policy. That 
includes looking at all the tools the United States has to incentivize 
Bangladesh to take actions that advance the human rights of its people, 
particularly related to reversing democratic backsliding and holding 
perpetrators accountable for human rights abuses. Our humanitarian and 
development assistance also plays an essential role in easing tensions 
between Rohingya refugees and host communities. The United States is 
the largest single-country destination for Bangladeshi exports, and our 
economic partnership with Bangladesh can support our broader foreign 
policy goals in the areas of human rights and sustainable development. 
If confirmed, I will utilize the tools that the United States has 
available--including infrastructure credentialing programs like the 
Blue Dot Network--to ensure that U.S. economic cooperation with 
Bangladesh has a central focus on inclusive growth, environmental 
sustainability, and transparent financing.

Humanitarian
    Question. The protection environment in the Rohingya refugee camps 
continues to deteriorate. This has been heightened even more following 
Mohib Ullah's assassination.

   How do you plan to work with UNHCR and the Government of Bangladesh 
        to ensure the root causes of insecurity, such as impunity for 
        criminal and militant actors, are recognized and that 
        protection needs are adequately and expeditiously addressed?
   How will you press the Bangladeshi Government to prioritize 
        security and protection of Rohingya activists-and all Rohingya 
        refugees- in Cox's Bazar while avoiding over securitization of 
        the camps?
   What should the United States do to urge the Bangladeshi Government 
        to guarantee the protection and rights of Rohingya in Bhasan 
        Char?

    Answer. Like you, I was deeply saddened and disturbed by the murder 
of Mohib Ullah. If confirmed, I commit to pressing the Government of 
Bangladesh to improve the safety of Rohingya refugees by addressing the 
root causes of insecurity in the camps in Cox's Bazar and ensuring 
those who commit crimes or abuses are held accountable. I will also 
continue to advocate for unhindered humanitarian access for protection 
activities in the camps, especially for the most vulnerable Rohingya 
refugees, and expanded freedom of movement for Rohingya in the camps. 
Regarding Bhasan Char, I plan to work with my team to continue to 
encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. on 
safe living conditions, freedom of movement, and adequate protection 
for Rohingya on the island. I will work closely with colleagues across 
the Department and interagency to ensure that U.S.-funded programming 
takes these security, human rights, and protection considerations for 
Rohingya into account and work with donor nations and U.N. agencies to 
advocate for government actions when necessary.

    Question. How can the United States promote and support rights-
respecting, sustainable solutions for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 
particularly in light of the February coup in Burma?

    Answer. The February 1 military coup d'etat and horrific violence 
perpetrated by the military regime in Burma have closed the door for 
the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of Rohingya 
refugees to Burma in the near future. The military leaders who launched 
the coup are many of the same people responsible for atrocities against 
Rohingya. If confirmed, I commit to continue working closely with the 
U.S. Mission to the U.N., the U.N.'s Independent Investigative 
Mechanism for Myanmar, and the Missions of other likeminded countries 
to promote justice and accountability for the Rohingya crisis, 
including at the U.N. Security Council. A durable solution to the 
Rohingya crisis will require the voluntary, safe, dignified, and 
sustainable return of Rohingya refugees to Burma, when conditions 
allow. A return to Burma for Rohingya would require addressing the root 
causes of their displacement and violence against them.

    Question. How can the U.S., as by far the largest donor to the 
humanitarian response, engage constructively with Government of 
Bangladesh counterparts to ensure Rohingya fundamental rights are 
protected, including basic security and access to education, and that 
Rohingya are consulted in the process?

    Answer. The United States is the largest contributor of 
humanitarian assistance in response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, 
having provided more than $1.5 billion to affected communities in 
Bangladesh, Burma, and elsewhere in the region since August 2017. USG 
assistance supports U.N. and NGO programming for education, livelihood 
opportunities, prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse, prevention 
and response to gender-based violence, and other activities that are 
critical to ensuring Rohingya rights and security. Accountability to 
affected populations, which ensures that refugee participation and 
feedback are a part of every step of the process, is an essential part 
of all USG humanitarian assistance for the Rohingya refugee response. 
If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that the United States Government 
continues to support the Rohingya crisis response, including in 
consultation with Rohingya to determine their security and protection 
needs.

    Question. COVID restrictions have largely been lifted in the camps 
but limitations in programming and bureaucratic restrictions for 
implementers remain, especially for education and livelihood 
activities. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of 
Bangladesh and U.N. Agencies to push for consistent, unhindered access 
to the camps for humanitarian actors, access to protection services for 
refugees, and expanded education and livelihood opportunities?

    Answer. As the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in 
response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the United States has a major 
role to play in advocating for unhindered access to the camps for 
humanitarian actors to improve access to services, including education, 
vocational and skills trainings, and other livelihood opportunities for 
Rohingya refugees. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with the 
Government of Bangladesh to reduce bureaucratic barriers to U.N. and 
NGO operations and ensure that security measures such as fencing do not 
impede life-saving activities, including protection and disaster 
prevention and response.

    Question. The MoU recently signed between the Government of 
Bangladesh and UNHCR allows for livelihoods and formal education on 
Bhasan Char, activities that Bangladesh has been very resistant to 
allow in the camps in Cox's Bazar. How will you work with Bangladesh 
and U.N. agencies to ensure there isn't a further increase in 
restrictions in Cox's Bazar as a means to compel Rohingya to relocate 
to Bhasan Char and to encourage a parity of services between the two?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that the United States will not accept any double standards 
in conditions, protections, and services for Rohingya refugees between 
Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. If confirmed, I will work with the 
international community, other donors, and UNHCR to press the 
Government of Bangladesh not to curtail livelihoods and education 
programs for Rohingya in the camps in Cox's Bazar or further restrict 
refugee rights in order to pressure refugees to relocate to Bhasan 
Char. As for the feasibility of services on the island, I look forward 
to reviewing UNHCR's assessment and operations plan.

    Question. Following the MoU recently signed between the Government 
of Bangladesh and UNHCR, there are still questions on measures that 
will be taken to ensure voluntariness of relocation to Bhasan Char. 
There is substantial evidence that prior relocations involved coercion 
and false promises. How do you think the U.S. can work to ensure 
informed consent of Rohingya prior to further relocations?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char 
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be 
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department 
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold 
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of 
Bangladesh signing an MoU with the U.N. establishing a framework of 
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also 
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the 
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming 
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team to continue to 
encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. on 
safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya on Bhasan 
Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan Char would 
have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a principled 
humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and freedom of 
movement between the island and Cox's Bazar. I am committed to working 
with Congress as we continue to assess whether these conditions can be 
met.

    Question. While the MoU guarantees freedom of movement on Bhasan 
Char, there is no mechanism for enabling Rohingya to return to Cox's 
Bazar. Hundreds of Rohingya have attempted to flee the island, with 
some dying in boat accidents and others detained and returned to the 
island against their will, underscoring Bangladesh's narrow view of 
``voluntariness.'' If confirmed, how will you work to address these 
issues?

    Answer. The Department is following closely the relocation of 
Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char and has made it clear that such 
relocations must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also 
be permitted to move freely on Bhasan Char as well as to and from Cox's 
Bazar. The Department welcomes the Government of Bangladesh's agreement 
to sign an MoU with the U.N. establishing a framework of cooperation on 
U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The MoU ensures the stay of refugees on 
Bhasan Char is voluntary and permits refugees' freedom of movement 
including to and from the island on a needs basis. If confirmed, I will 
work with UNHCR and the international community to ensure that the 
Government of Bangladesh upholds these principles in practice, which 
includes allowing Rohingya refugees to return to Cox's Bazar in a 
timely manner should they find their stay on Bhasan Char untenable.

    Question. Rohingya are seeking accountability and justice for the 
crimes committed against them, including genocide and crimes against 
humanity; Bangladesh has largely been supportive of these efforts. The 
United States is yet to make a genocide determination though we know 
from Secretary Blinken's comments that a determination process is 
ongoing. What accountability measures do you believe would be 
appropriate for the United States to take in response to the atrocities 
against the Rohingya? If confirmed, how would you support such 
measures?

    Answer. The violence against Rohingya is truly horrifying. As 
Secretary Blinken has said, the State Department is committed to 
reviewing this issue and taking steps necessary to address these 
atrocities and make sure they never happen again. One aspect of that 
review is considering the question of genocide determination. If 
confirmed, I commit to supporting this process and exploring other 
methods to seek accountability and justice for these crimes.

Regional Diplomacy
    Question. The Rohingya crisis and military coup in Burma have 
cross-border dimensions and far-reaching regional implications. If 
confirmed, how will you work with regional governments to promote 
constructive engagement with issues of concern to both Bangladesh and 
the U.S.? How will you work with your counterparts in Dhaka to improve 
collective engagement on shared interests, including on the Rohingya?

    Answer. The impacts of the Rohingya crisis are felt throughout the 
region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with U.S. embassies in 
neighboring countries to highlight the importance of sharing their 
responsibilities by rescuing and allowing safe disembarkation and 
reception of Rohingya refugees in their waters and on the high seas, 
including by providing shelter, healthcare services, protection against 
abuses, and access to UNHCR to assess their protection claims. I also 
plan to regularly meet with other donor nations, U.N. agencies, NGOs, 
and the Government of Bangladesh to coordinate on Rohingya issues.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

    Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and 
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Mission 
Dhaka staff, their family members, and all those supporting the Mission 
will be my highest priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that 
all reported potential anomalous health incidents are given serious 
attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will 
also ensure that staff who are affected by these incidents receive 
prompt access to the treatment, support, and medical care that they 
need.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO at Embassy Dhaka to discuss past reported anomalous health 
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Mission 
Dhaka staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health 
incidents are followed appropriately.


                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bangladesh 
remained on Tier 2 for ongoing improving effort, including increasing 
prosecutions, but declining convictions as well as forced labor and sex 
trafficking of Rohingya, among other pressing issues. How will you work 
with the Bangladeshi Government to address these issues if you are 
confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The exploitation of human beings through trafficking and 
sexual exploitation is a horrific crime. The Government of Bangladesh 
remained on Tier 2 because it does not fully meet the minimum standards 
for the elimination of human trafficking; however, it is making efforts 
to do so. Nevertheless, trafficking in persons remains a persistent 
challenge in the country, including in Rohingya refugee camps, and 
refugee communities are vulnerable to forced labor, sex trafficking, 
and other serious abuses. If confirmed, I commit to pressing the 
Government of Bangladesh to continue its efforts to prevent, protect, 
and prosecute human trafficking. I will also work with the Government 
of Bangladesh to urge that trafficking survivors receive shelter, 
psychosocial care, and justice through the appropriate governmental 
mechanisms.

    Question. Please describe your planned engagement with the office 
of the Ambassador at Large to combat and monitor trafficking in 
persons, given the high rates of forced labor and sex trafficking of 
Rohingya refugees.

    Answer. If confirmed, my team at Embassy Dhaka and I will work 
collaboratively with the Office of the Ambassador-at-Large to Combat 
and Monitor Trafficking-In-Persons (J/TIP) to accurately depict the 
situation in Bangladesh in the annual Trafficking-In-Persons Report. I 
will also coordinate with J/TIP, USAID, and other interagency partners 
to implement programs that support victims of trafficking and work to 
expand livelihood opportunities to prevent trafficking in the first 
place.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, the 
U.S. Embassy is described as having robust, routine engagement to 
foster a climate of religious tolerance and consistently encouraging 
the Bangladesh Government to respect the rights of religious 
minorities. Obviously, this is an ongoing issue that will require your 
consistent engagement, if confirmed. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to 
bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Bangladesh is the third-largest Muslim majority country in 
the world. It is also home to members of Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, 
and other faiths. Its constitution commits the Government to 
maintaining secularism, a commitment the Prime Minister reiterated 
after the horrible violence against Hindus during this year's Durga 
Puja celebration. These tragic events show that there is still much to 
be done to maintain a secular, tolerant society. If confirmed, Embassy 
Dhaka and I will work with colleagues in the Office of International 
Religious Freedom led by the Ambassador-at-Large, and elsewhere within 
the Department to advocate for the protection of all vulnerable 
communities, including religious minority groups in Bangladesh, through 
engagement with government officials and members of civil society.
    If confirmed, Embassy Dhaka and I will remain in contact with 
members of various religious faiths to publicly demonstrate the U.S. 
Government's support for religious freedom and ensure that the annual 
State Department International Religious Freedom Report accurately 
documents restrictions or progress on religious freedom in Bangladesh. 
If confirmed, my team and I will coordinate with USAID and the Office 
of International Religious Freedom to find ways to use foreign 
assistance to bolster religious freedom and promote harmonious inter-
communal relations.

    Question. There have been increased security incidents inside of 
the refugee camps in Cox's Bazaar, including a recent targeted killing 
of a Rohingya leader. How do you plan on engaging with the Bangladeshi 
Government to address security concerns and ensure that justice is 
served?

    Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that 
Bangladesh is facing in hosting approximately 900,000 Rohingya 
refugees. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government 
of Bangladesh, the international community, and other donors to find a 
durable solution to the crisis.
    As the international community works towards a durable solution, we 
should urge that Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar be protected and have 
safe and humane living conditions. If confirmed, I commit to pressing 
the Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety of refugees residing 
in the camps in Cox's Bazar. I will note the importance of addressing 
the root causes of insecurity in the camps and ensuring that those who 
commit crimes (to include individuals from the security forces) and 
abuses are held accountable in accordance with the law. I will also 
encourage the Government of Bangladesh to provide freedom of movement 
for Rohingya and permit increased access to livelihood and educational 
opportunities to reduce refugees' vulnerability to labor and sexual 
exploitation.

    Question. The Digital Security Act (DSA) in Bangladesh is another 
repressive step to stifle freedom of expression, particularly online.

   Do you believe that ``internet shutdowns'' are a threat to human 
        rights?

    Answer. The internet is a lifeline to information as well as a 
platform for people to exercise their human right to freedom of 
expression. Governments that use ``internet shutdowns'' to stifle 
freedom of expression and the media, including criticisms of the 
Government and alternative political viewpoints, are contravening the 
universal right to freedom of expression. Freedom of expression is 
vital for a healthy democracy. Members of the media, civil society 
organizations, and opposing political parties should be able peacefully 
to express their views and advocate for policy change without fearing 
retribution. An accessible internet is an important conduit for free 
expression.

    Question. Do you believe that people should be able to freely 
express themselves online without fear of authoritarian creep into 
their privacy?

    Answer. Yes, I believe that people should be able to freely express 
themselves online without fear of persecution or retribution from their 
Government.

    Question. How will you engage with the host government on this 
important issue?

    Answer. bring the law into compliance with Bangladesh's 
international obligations on human rights. Amending or repealing the 
Digital Security Act will allow the people of Bangladesh to exercise 
their right to freedom of expression; that right includes peacefully 
criticizing their Government and presenting alternative political 
viewpoints and restoring a healthy and functioning civil society space 
in Bangladesh. Additionally, I will continue to urge government 
authorities to provide a fair trial and safe detainment guarantees to 
those already charged, arrested, or detained under the law. If 
confirmed, I commit to addressing the anti-democratic, speech-
suppressing effects of the Digital Security Act, when they arise.

    Question. How can you work with functional and regional bureaus in 
the Department on internet freedom, especially as more programs are 
formed to bolster freedom of expression within civil society in 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Department of 
State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor as well as the 
Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs to ensure that U.S. 
Government programming highlights the importance of internet freedom, 
freedom of expression, and the centrality of both to a healthy, vibrant 
civil society.

    Question. This law is being used to harass and detain journalists 
in an already hostile environment to their profession. How will you 
work to improve conditions for the press in Bangladesh?

    Answer. I share your concerns about the growing application of 
various laws to intimidate journalists, such as in the case of 
investigative journalist Rozina Islam who was arrested and charged 
under the Official Secrets Act. A free press is vital to a government 
that is accountable to its people and to a healthy, public debate about 
the future of a country. If confirmed, I will work with like-minded 
nations to sound an alarm about potential abuses of power that could 
stifle the work of journalists. I will also coordinate within the 
Department and with USAID to execute programs to train journalists and 
offer exchange opportunities to build the capacity of investigative 
journalists in Bangladesh.

    Question. As conditions in Burma continue to deteriorate, 
Bangladesh has graciously hosted close to 1 million Rohingya refugees. 
Yet, the Government shut off their internet for almost a year, denied 
children formal access to education, and built barbed wire fences 
around the camps. It has been reported that refugees in the camps are 
also extremely vulnerable to trafficking, forced labor, and other 
horrific crimes. Please describe your engagement to encourage 
additional protection for Rohingya refugees.

    Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that the 
Rohingya refugee crisis has placed on the Government and people, 
especially the host community, of Bangladesh. The United States is the 
largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in response to the 
Rohingya refugee crisis, having provided more than $1.5 billion to 
affected communities in Bangladesh, Burma, and elsewhere in the region 
since August 2017. USG assistance supports U.N. and NGO programming for 
case management, education, livelihood opportunities, prevention of 
sexual exploitation and abuse, prevention and response to gender-based 
violence, and other activities that are critical to protecting Rohingya 
rights and ensuring their security. If confirmed, I will continue to 
press the Government of Bangladesh to permit Rohingya increased access 
to livelihood and educational opportunities and expanded freedom of 
movement inside Bangladesh. I will request that security measures such 
as fencing do not impede life-saving activities, including protection 
and disaster prevention and response. I will also work closely with 
colleagues across the Department and interagency, so that protection 
continues to be at the core of U.S.-funded programming for Rohingya 
refugees.

    Question. Over the last two years, the Government of Bangladesh 
placed gradual numbers of Rohingya on a silt island in the Bay of 
Bengal, Bhasan Char, under the premise it was ``temporary.'' The 
Government denied access to NGOs and the U.N. for protected visits, and 
refugees reported abuse by government authorities. Now that Bangladesh 
and UNHCR have cemented a Memorandum of Understanding about protection 
of the populations on the island, it is imperative that the United 
States, as well as other donors, have visibility into the operations 
both on the island and in the mainland camps.

   Do you commit, if confirmed, to briefing congress about the ongoing 
        Bhasan Char agreement and any changes to U.S. policy towards 
        resettlement on Bhasan Char?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to communicating with Congress 
about ongoing developments related to the Rohingya humanitarian crisis 
in Bangladesh. I will ensure that Embassy Dhaka's reporting on Bhasan 
Char agreement and the Memorandum of Understanding with the U.N. are 
accurate, timely, and communicated to Washington quickly.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to encourage the Government 
of Bangladesh to reconsider sending Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char 
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be 
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department 
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold these 
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of 
Bangladesh signing an MOU with the U.N. establishing a framework of 
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also 
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the 
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming 
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team at Embassy Dhaka to 
continue to encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and 
the U.N. on safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya 
on Bhasan Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan 
Char would have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a 
principled humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and 
freedom of movement between the island and Cox's Bazar.

    Question. Please explain your plan of engagement with the 
Bangladesh Government about the plight of the Rohingya people and the 
necessity of protection and adequate resources for them.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate within the U.S. Government 
to provide protection and assistance and develop durable solutions for 
Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi host communities. I understand that 
since August 2017, the U.S. Government has provided more than $1.5 
billion to affected communities in Bangladesh, which supports life-
saving humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees across all sectors 
of the response, including education, emergency telecommunications, 
food security, health, logistics, protection, shelter, and water, 
sanitation, and hygiene. The assistance also supports programs to 
improve disaster preparedness and bolster access to education and 
livelihoods for Rohingya and host communities. This helps safeguard 
Rohingya refugees until their voluntary, safe, dignified, and 
sustainable return to Burma when conditions allow. I will also continue 
to press the Government of Bangladesh to allow unhindered access to the 
camps for humanitarian actors to improve protection and access to 
services, including educational, vocational and skills training, and 
other livelihood opportunities for Rohingya refugees.


                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. Rohingya are seeking accountability and justice for the 
crimes committed against them, including genocide and crimes against 
humanity; Bangladesh has largely been supportive of these efforts. The 
United States is yet to make a genocide determination though we know 
from Secretary Blinken's comments that a determination process is 
ongoing. What accountability measures do you believe would be 
appropriate for the United States to take in response to the atrocities 
against the Rohingya? If confirmed, how would you support such 
measures?

    Answer. The violence committed against Rohingya is truly 
horrifying. As Secretary Blinken has said, the State Department is 
committed to reviewing this issue and taking steps necessary to address 
these atrocities and make sure they never happen again. One aspect of 
that review is considering the question of genocide determination. If 
confirmed, I commit to supporting this process and exploring other 
methods to seek accountability and justice for these crimes.

    Question. While I recognize and appreciate the Government of 
Bangladesh's generosity for taking in nearly one million Rohingya 
refugees, prospects for repatriation in the near-term appear slim and 
conditions continue to deteriorate in Cox's Bazar. Recognizing the 
difficult position Bangladesh is in, how will you nonetheless encourage 
your counterparts in the Bangladesh Government to take a more 
constructive approach to the growing humanitarian and security 
challenges in Cox's Bazar if you are confirmed? What, in your view, are 
the key elements that must be addressed?

    Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that 
Bangladesh is facing in hosting approximately 900,000 Rohingya 
refugees. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government 
of Bangladesh, the international community, and other donors to find a 
durable solution to the crisis. We thank and recognize the Government 
of Bangladesh for hosting Rohingya refugees and urge Bangladesh to 
attend to Rohingyas' protection as much as possible.
    As the international community works towards a durable solution, we 
should ensure that Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar are protected and 
have safe and humane living conditions. If confirmed, I commit to 
pressing the Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety of refugees 
residing in the camps in Cox's Bazar by addressing the root causes of 
insecurity in the camps and ensuring those who commit crimes and abuses 
are held accountable. I will also press Bangladesh to permit Rohingya 
increased access to livelihood and educational opportunities to reduce 
refugees' vulnerability to labor and sexual exploitation. Improving the 
relations between Rohingya refugees and host communities through 
humanitarian and development programming and protecting civil society 
in Cox's Bazar are also key items I will look to address.

    Question. COVID restrictions have largely been lifted in the camps 
but limitations in programming and bureaucratic restrictions for 
implementers remain, especially for education and livelihood 
activities. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of 
Bangladesh and U.N. Agencies to push for consistent, unhindered access 
to the camps for humanitarian actors, access to protection services for 
refugees, and expanded education and livelihood opportunities?

    Answer. As the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in 
response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the United States has a major 
role to play in advocating for unhindered access to the camps for 
humanitarian actors to improve access to services, including 
educational, vocational and skills training, and other livelihood 
opportunities for Rohingya refugees. If confirmed, I will continue to 
engage with the Government of Bangladesh to reduce bureaucratic 
barriers to U.N. and NGO operations and ensure that security measures 
such as fencing do not impede life-saving activities, including 
protection and disaster prevention and response.

    Question. The MoU recently signed between the Government of 
Bangladesh and the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) allows for livelihoods 
and formal education on Bhasan Char, activities that Bangladesh has 
been very resistant to allow in the camps in Cox's Bazar. How will you 
work with Bangladesh and U.N. agencies to ensure there isn't a further 
increase in restrictions in Cox's Bazar as a means to compel Rohingya 
to relocate to Bhasan Char and to encourage a parity of services 
between the two?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that the United States will not accept any double standards 
in conditions, protections, and services for Rohingya refugees between 
Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. If confirmed, I will work with the 
international community, other donors, and UNHCR to press the 
Government of Bangladesh not to curtail livelihoods and educational 
programs for Rohingya in the camps in Cox's Bazar or further restrict 
refugee rights in order to pressure refugees to relocate to Bhasan 
Char. As for the feasibility of services on the island, I look forward 
to reviewing UNHCR's assessment and operations plan.

    Question. Following the MoU recently signed between the Government 
of Bangladesh and UNHCR, there are still questions on measures that 
will be taken to ensure that relocation to Bhasan Char is voluntary and 
ensure freedom of movement for those who choose to relocate there. 
There is substantial evidence that prior relocations involved coercion 
and false promises. How do you think the U.S. can work to ensure 
informed consent of Rohingya prior to further relocations? Further, 
while the MoU guarantees freedom of movement on Bhasan Char, there is 
no mechanism for enabling Rohingya to return to Cox's Bazar. Hundreds 
of Rohingya have attempted to flee the island, with some dying in boat 
accidents and others detained and returned to the island against their 
will, underscoring Bangladesh's narrow view of ``voluntariness.'' If 
confirmed, how will you work to address these issues?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char 
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be 
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department 
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold these 
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of 
Bangladesh signing an MOU with the U.N. establishing a framework of 
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also 
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the 
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming 
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team at Embassy Dhaka to 
continue to encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and 
the U.N. on safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya 
on Bhasan Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan 
Char would have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a 
principled humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and 
freedom of movement between the island and Cox's Bazar. I am committed 
to working with Congress as we continue to assess whether these 
conditions can be met.

    Question. How will you work with the U.S. Mission to the U.N. to 
ensure the Rohingya crisis is on the agenda of the U.N. Security 
Council (UNSC), including issues related to accountability, and 
increase the political price for China to block any meaningful UNSC 
action?

    Answer. The United States is stronger when it works with partners. 
If confirmed, I commit to continue working closely with the U.S. 
Mission to the U.N., the U.N.'s Independent Investigative Mechanism for 
Myanmar, and the Missions of other likeminded countries to promote 
justice and accountability for the Rohingya crisis, including at the 
U.N. Security Council. A durable solution to the Rohingya crisis will 
require the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of 
Rohingya refugees to Burma, when conditions allow. A return to Burma 
for the Rohingya would require addressing the root causes of their 
displacement and violence against them. Many of those who led the 
February military coup in Burma are also the same individuals largely 
responsible for the atrocities against Rohingya. Working together with 
partners in the U.N. will ensure that this issue does not go 
unaddressed due to China's role on the UNSC and will underline to the 
PRC that the international community's norms include treating refugees 
humanely and that the international community has a duty to protect 
refugees.

    Question. The Rohingya crisis and military coup in Burma have 
cross-border dimensions and far-reaching regional implications. If 
confirmed, how will you work with regional governments to promote 
constructive engagement with issues of concern to both Bangladesh and 
the U.S.?

    Answer. The impacts of the Rohingya crisis are felt throughout the 
region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the U.S. embassies in 
Bangladesh's neighboring countries to highlight the importance of 
Bangladesh's neighbors sharing their responsibilities to protect the 
most vulnerable of human beings, by rescuing and allowing safe 
disembarkation and reception of Rohingya refugees in their waters and 
on the high seas, including by providing shelter, healthcare services, 
and access to UNHCR to assess their protection claims.

    Question. Bangladesh has vocally called for developed countries to 
meet their $100 billion annual pledge for climate finance. How 
important is it that the United States lead by example through its 
climate finance investments to help move Bangladesh towards a carbon 
free future?

    Answer. Bangladesh is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, 
and it is vitally important that the United States leads by example to 
help Bangladesh's move towards a carbon-free future. President Biden 
has announced his intent to work with Congress to increase the United 
States' international climate financing, including an increase in 
adaptation support to fully six-fold from its peak under President 
Obama--to $3 billion. If confirmed, I commit to working diligently to 
support Embassy Dhaka's continuing work to ensure that U.S. climate 
finance and assistance supports Bangladesh's climate change mitigation, 
adaptation, and resilience, as well as its efforts to deploy renewable 
energy technology.


                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator Todd Young

    Question. As the U.S. and Bangladesh both look to increase 
opportunities to expand their trade and commercial relationship 
bilaterally, how do you intend to balance economic policy and human 
rights concerns?

    Answer. As the eighth most populous country in the world coupled 
with dynamic economic growth, Bangladesh presents tremendous 
opportunity for U.S. investment and economic collaboration. However, 
there are also worrying trends in Bangladesh's human rights record, 
especially related to crackdowns on freedom of expression and the 
press. If confirmed, I will continue to press Bangladesh to uphold 
democratic principles and respect human rights, while seeking a 
stronger economic partnership with Bangladesh. For example, one way our 
economic partnership can support human rights is to work with the 
Government of Bangladesh on improving worker rights, which would 
improve the country's business environment and attract more U.S. 
investment.

    Question. How do you think the U.S can use its leverage on trade, 
development and security assistance to advance the protection of human 
rights, including of Rohingya? Further, how can the U.S. utilize 
economic cooperation to ensure that Bangladesh will improve or develop 
clear social and environmental policies and practices which are 
inclusive and nondiscriminatory of all communities, including Rohingya?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support President Biden's commitment 
to place human rights at the center of our foreign policy. That 
includes looking at all the tools the United States has to incentivize 
Bangladesh to take actions that advance the human rights of its people, 
particularly related to reversing democratic backsliding and holding 
perpetrators accountable for human rights abuses. Our humanitarian and 
development assistance also plays an essential role in easing tensions 
between Rohingya refugees and host communities. The United States is 
the largest single-country destination for Bangladeshi exports, and our 
economic partnership with Bangladesh can support our broader foreign 
policy goals in the areas of human rights and sustainable development. 
If confirmed, I will utilize the tools that the United States has 
available--including infrastructure credentialing programs like the 
Blue Dot Network--to ensure that U.S. economic cooperation with 
Bangladesh has a central focus on inclusive growth, environmental 
sustainability, and transparent financing.

    Question. How can the US, as by far the largest donor to the 
humanitarian response, engage constructively with Government of 
Bangladesh counterparts to ensure Rohingya fundamental rights are 
protected, including basic security and access to education, and that 
Rohingya are consulted in the process?

    Answer. The United States is the largest contributor of 
humanitarian assistance in response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, 
having provided more than $1.5 billion to affected communities in 
Bangladesh, Burma, and elsewhere in the region since August 2017. USG 
assistance supports U.N. and NGO programming for education, livelihood 
opportunities, prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse, prevention 
and response to gender-based violence, and other activities that are 
critical to ensuring Rohingya rights and security. Accountability to 
affected populations, which ensures that refugee participation and 
feedback are a part of every step of the process, is an essential part 
of all USG humanitarian assistance for the Rohingya refugee response. 
If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that the United States Government 
continues to support the Rohingya crisis response, including in 
consultation with Rohingya to determine their security and protection 
needs.

    Question. While we recognize and appreciate the Government of 
Bangladesh's generosity for taking in nearly 1 million Rohingya 
refugees, prospects for repatriation in the near-term appear slim and 
conditions continue to deteriorate in Cox's Bazar. Recognizing the 
difficult position Bangladesh is in, how will you nonetheless encourage 
your counterparts in the Bangladesh Government to take a more 
constructive approach to the crisis if you are confirmed? What, in your 
view, are the elements of such an approach?

    Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that 
Bangladesh is facing in hosting approximately 900,000 Rohingya 
refugees. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government 
of Bangladesh, the international community, and other donors to find a 
durable solution to the crisis. We thank and recognize the Government 
of Bangladesh for hosting Rohingya refugees and urge Bangladesh to 
attend to Rohingyas' protection as much as possible.
    But while the international community works towards a durable 
solution, ensuring that Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar are protected 
and have safe and humane living conditions is paramount. If confirmed, 
I commit to pressing the Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety 
of refugees residing in the camps in Cox's Bazar by addressing the root 
causes of insecurity in the camps and ensuring those who commit crimes 
and abuses are held accountable. I will also press Bangladesh to permit 
Rohingya increased access to livelihood and educational opportunities 
in order to reduce refugees' vulnerability to labor and sexual 
exploitation. Improving the relations between Rohingya refugees and 
host communities through humanitarian and development programming and 
protecting civil society in Cox's Bazar are also key items I will 
address.

    Question. The protection environment in the camps continues to 
deteriorate. This has been heightened even more following Mohibullah's 
assassination. How do you plan to work with UNHCR and the Government of 
Bangladesh to ensure the root causes of insecurity, such as impunity 
for criminal and militant actors, are recognized and that protection 
needs are adequately and expeditiously addressed?

    Answer. The Department was deeply saddened and disturbed by the 
murder of Mohib Ullah. If confirmed, I commit to pressing the 
Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety of Rohingya refugees by 
addressing the root causes of insecurity in the camps in Cox's Bazar 
and ensuring those who commit crimes or abuses are held accountable. I 
will also continue to advocate for expanded humanitarian access for 
protection activities in the camps, especially for the most vulnerable 
Rohingya refugees. I will work closely with colleagues across the 
Department and interagency to ensure that U.S.-funded programming takes 
these considerations into account and work with donor nations and U.N. 
agencies to advocate for government actions when necessary.

    Question. COVID restrictions have largely been lifted in the camps 
but limitations in programming and bureaucratic restrictions for 
implementers remain, especially for education and livelihood 
activities. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of 
Bangladesh and U.N. Agencies to push for consistent, unhindered access 
to the camps for humanitarian actors, access to protection services for 
refugees, and expanded education and livelihood opportunities?

    Answer. As the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in 
response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the United States has a major 
role to play in advocating for unhindered access to the camps for 
humanitarian actors to improve access to services, including education, 
vocational and skills trainings, and other livelihood opportunities for 
Rohingya refugees. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with the 
Government of Bangladesh to reduce bureaucratic barriers to U.N. and 
NGO operations and ensure that security measures such as fencing do not 
impede life-saving activities, including protection and disaster 
prevention and response.

    Question. The MoU recently signed between the Government of 
Bangladesh and UNHCR allows for livelihoods and formal education on 
Bhasan Char, activities that Bangladesh has been very resistant to 
allow in the camps in Cox's Bazar. How will you work with Bangladesh 
and U.N. agencies to ensure there isn't a further increase in 
restrictions in Cox's Bazar as a means to compel Rohingya to relocate 
to Bhasan Char and to encourage a parity of services between the two?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that the United States will not accept any double standards 
in conditions, protections, and services for Rohingya refugees between 
Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. If confirmed, I will work with the 
international community, other donors, and UNHCR to press the 
Government of Bangladesh not to curtail livelihoods and education 
programs for Rohingya in the camps in Cox's Bazar or further restrict 
refugee rights in order to pressure refugees to relocate to Bhasan 
Char. As for the feasibility of services on the island, I look forward 
to reviewing UNHCR's assessment and operations plan.

    Question. Following the MoU recently signed between the Government 
of Bangladesh and UNHCR, there are still questions on measures that 
will be taken to ensure voluntariness of relocation to Bhasan Char. 
There is substantial evidence that prior relocations involved coercion 
and false promises. How do you think the U.S. can work to ensure 
informed consent of Rohingya prior to further relocations? Further, 
while the MoU guarantees freedom of movement on Bhasan Char, there is 
no mechanism for enabling Rohingya to return to Cox's Bazar. Hundreds 
of Rohingya have attempted to flee the island, with some dying in boat 
accidents and others detained and returned to the island against their 
will, underscoring Bangladesh's narrow view of ``voluntariness.'' If 
confirmed, how will you work to address these issues?

    Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of 
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char 
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be 
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department 
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold these 
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of 
Bangladesh signing an MOU with the U.N. establishing a framework of 
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also 
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the 
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming 
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team to continue to 
encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. on 
safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya on Bhasan 
Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan Char would 
have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a principled 
humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and freedom of 
movement between the island and Cox's Bazar. I am committed to working 
with Congress as we continue to assess whether these conditions can be 
met.

    Question. How will you work with your counterparts in Dhaka to 
improve collective engagement on shared interests, including on the 
Rohingya?

    Answer. One of our nation's greatest strengths is our network of 
allies and partners. If confirmed, I will work closely with both our 
traditional and emerging partners in the Indo-Pacific. For instance, I 
look forward to coordinating with G7 nations on infrastructure through 
the Build Back Better World Partnership, and to working with Quad 
nations and Bangladesh itself on public health and climate adaptation. 
I also plan to regularly meet with other donor nations, U.N. agencies, 
NGOs, and the Government of Bangladesh to coordinate on Rohingya 
issues.

    Question. How will you work with the U.S. Mission to the U.N. to 
ensure the Rohingya crisis is on the agenda of the U.N. Security 
Council (UNSC), including issues related to accountability, and 
increase the political price for China to block any meaningful UNSC 
action?

    Answer. The United States is stronger when it works with partners. 
If confirmed, I commit to continue working closely with the U.S. 
Mission to the U.N., the U.N.'s Independent Investigative Mechanism for 
Myanmar, and the Missions of other likeminded countries to promote 
justice and accountability for the Rohingya crisis, including at the 
U.N. Security Council. A durable solution to the Rohingya crisis will 
require the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of 
Rohingya refugees to Burma, when conditions allow. A return to Burma 
for the Rohingya would require addressing the root causes of their 
displacement and violence against them. Many of those who led the 
February military coup in Burma are also the same individuals largely 
responsible for the atrocities against Rohingya. Working together with 
partners in the U.N. will ensure that this issue does not go 
unaddressed due to China's role on the UNSC and will underline to the 
PRC that the international community's norms include treating refugees 
humanely and that the international community has a duty to protect 
refugees.

    Question. The Rohingya crisis and military coup in Burma have 
cross-border dimensions and far-reaching regional implications. If 
confirmed, how will you work with regional governments to promote 
constructive engagement with issues of concern to both Bangladesh and 
the U.S.?

    Answer. The impacts of the Rohingya crisis are felt throughout the 
region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the U.S. embassies in 
Bangladesh's neighboring countries to highlight the importance of 
Bangladesh's neighbors sharing their responsibilities to protect the 
most vulnerable of human beings by rescuing and allowing safe 
disembarkation and reception of Rohingya refugees in their waters and 
on the high seas, including by providing shelter, healthcare services, 
and access to UNHCR to assess their protection claims.

    Question. Rohingya are seeking accountability and justice for the 
crimes committed against them, including genocide and crimes against 
humanity; Bangladesh has largely been supportive of these efforts. The 
United States is yet to make a genocide determination though we know 
from Secretary Blinken's comments that a determination process is 
ongoing. What accountability measures do you believe would be 
appropriate for the United States to take in response to the atrocities 
against the Rohingya? If confirmed, how would you support such 
measures?

    Answer. The violence against Rohingya is truly horrifying. As 
Secretary Blinken has said, the State Department is committed to 
reviewing this issue and taking steps necessary to address these 
atrocities and make sure they never happen again. One aspect of that 
review is considering the question of genocide determination. If 
confirmed, I commit to supporting this process and exploring other 
methods to seek accountability and justice for these crimes.


                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Julie Chung by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. What do you think the role of the United States is in 
emphasizing accountability for past and ongoing human rights violations 
by the Sri Lankan military? What do you think the U.S. role is in 
assuring that security forces are not primarily deployed in regions 
primarily inhabited by Tamil and Muslim populations? Do you commit to 
engaging closely with this committee on any new developments with 
respect to security assistance in Sri Lanka?

    Answer. The Biden administration has centered human rights in our 
foreign policy. Human rights abusers have enjoyed impunity in Sri 
Lanka, and in some cases have received support from the Sri Lankan 
Government. If confirmed, I will continue to seek a commitment from the 
Sri Lankan Government to credibly address longstanding human rights 
abuses, including by holding abusers to account, ending the over-
deployment of security forces in regions primarily inhabited by 
minority groups, and finding a long-term resolution of ethnic and 
religious tensions in Sri Lanka. Additionally, I will use available 
U.S. tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable and 
appropriate, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky 
sanctions to advance our human rights goals. The State Department and I 
commit to engaging closely with the committee on new developments with 
respect to security assistance to Sri Lanka.

    Question. In 2015, the United States led a resolution in the U.N. 
Human Rights Council co-sponsored by Sri Lanka to provide transitional 
justice following the armed conflict, which ended in 2009. After 
minimal progress, Sri Lanka withdrew from this resolution and the 
commitments made. The U.S. supported a March 2021 U.N. Human Rights 
Resolution on Sri Lanka, mandating the U.N. Office of the High 
Commissioner for Human Rights collect and preserve evidence of serious 
violations of international law that occurred in Sri Lanka and report 
on opportunities for accountability for these crimes. How can the 
United States best support the UNHRC process in Geneva and more broadly 
promote international accountability for reconciliation, 
accountability, and human rights in Sri Lanka?

    Answer. The Department remains committed to using the U.N. Human 
Rights Council (UNHRC) and other multilateral fora to press the 
Government of Sri Lanka to credibly address its longstanding human 
rights abuses. Our co-sponsoring of Resolution 46/1 is a testament to 
our commitment to promoting democratic values, human rights, justice, 
and accountability measures in Sri Lanka. The United States will rejoin 
the Sri Lanka core group in the UNHRC at the earliest opportunity to 
continue our work with international partners to promote human rights 
and accountability in Sri Lanka. The long-term social stability, peace, 
and prosperity for all Sri Lankans can best be ensured by credibly 
pursuing justice, accountability, and reconciliation as outlined in the 
UNHRC resolutions on Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I will continue to press 
Sri Lanka to engage meaningfully with the UNHRC and to make good on its 
own commitments to its people as well as to the Council to redress 
human rights abuses and pursue reconciliation.

    Question. In March 2021, Sri Lanka expanded the Prevention of 
Terrorism Act (PTA) with a new regulation, which was highly criticized 
by human rights organizations, U.N. Special Rapporteurs and a European 
Parliament resolution. Since its enactment in 1978, the PTA has been 
used disproportionately against Tamil populations and, more recently, 
the island's Muslim population. Do you commit to engaging with the Sri 
Lankan Government on the PTA and other institutional reforms necessary 
for the protection of civil society?

    Answer. The Department has repeatedly made clear to the Sri Lankan 
Government that the continued use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act 
(PTA) is inconsistent with respect for human rights and contrary to the 
Sri Lankan Government's pledges to amend the act. The PTA offers 
detainees no right to due process, and many of those arrested under the 
PTA remain in detention without charge. Those in detention include more 
than 300 Muslims arrested after the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, 70 
Tamils held for many years for alleged links to the Liberation Tigers 
of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during the civil war, and more than 100 Tamils 
more recently arrested mainly for their posts on social media. The 
Government's appointment of a Cabinet Sub-Committee charged with 
reviewing the PTA is a welcome step, but it must lead to aligning Sri 
Lanka's counterterrorism law with international standards and to the 
immediate release of many who have been arbitrarily detained. If 
confirmed, I commit to engaging with the Sri Lankan Government on the 
PTA and other institutional reforms necessary for the protection of 
civil society and the promotion of human rights and religious freedom.

    Question. Sri Lanka has the second-largest number of unresolved 
enforced disappearance cases in the world. Despite repeated promises 
from the Government and the establishment of an Office of Missing 
Persons, a 2020 United Nations Special Rapporteur's report states, ``no 
observable progress has been made on pending cases.'' For over four 
years, Tamil families of the disappeared have been conducting 
continuing protests, in the face of intimidation from the Sri Lankan 
state, demanding answers regarding their loved ones. How will U.S. 
engagement show support for these civil society actors and emphasize 
accountability and justice regarding enforced disappearances?

    Answer. The Department remains concerned about the persistent lack 
of progress by the Sri Lankan Government in addressing missing persons 
and enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka. Families of the disappeared 
and other civil society activists who are pressing the Government on 
this issue have faced violence and intimidation when seeking answers on 
what happened to their family members and loved ones. The Department 
continues to seek a commitment from the Sri Lankan Government to 
credibly address longstanding human rights cases including those of 
missing and disappeared persons, and to end intimidation against civil 
society and human rights defenders. If confirmed, I will continue to 
support Sri Lanka's civil society, including demonstrating our support 
for the resolution of missing and disappeared persons cases, and 
advocate for the protection of religious and ethnic minority groups and 
the strengthening of the country's democratic institutions.

    Question. Sri Lanka currently faces a severe financial crisis 
resulting from high levels of debt incurred during and after the armed 
conflict and exacerbated by corruption and the COVID-19 global 
pandemic. When considering economic support for Sri Lanka--whether it 
be through aid, the IMF and/or other multilateral funders, or 
connections with private investors and bankers--how will U.S. 
engagement emphasize the necessary political, economic, and military 
restructuring requisite for lasting economic stability and sustained 
peace on the island?

    Answer. Sri Lanka is in an unsustainable financial situation and 
facing imminent debt restructuring and/or default. The Department has 
urged the Sri Lankan Government to work with the IMF to develop a 
reform and relief package to place the Government's fiscal stance and 
debt obligations on a sustainable path. If confirmed, I will seek to 
further build the capacity of the Sri Lankan Government to meaningfully 
address corruption, manage financial obligations, and enact policies 
that support healthy trade and sustainable and inclusive development. I 
will also seek to use the tools that the United States has available--
including the Development Finance Corporation and infrastructure 
credentialing programs like the Blue Dot Network--to ensure that U.S. 
economic cooperation with Sri Lanka focuses on inclusive growth, 
environmental sustainability, and transparent financing. Furthermore, 
the People's Republic of China (PRC) aggressively seeks political, 
economic, and strategic advantage in Sri Lanka and in many cases enjoys 
wide public support for its engagement. If confirmed, I will 
appropriately highlight the detrimental impact of the PRC's activities 
on Sri Lanka's sovereignty and sustainable development.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of 
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the 
wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy 
Colombo staff, their family members, and all those supporting the 
Mission will be my highest priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring 
that all reported potential anomalous health incidents are given 
serious attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate 
channels. I will also ensure that staff who are affected by these 
incidents receive prompt access to the treatment, support, and medical 
care that they need.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO at Embassy Colombo to discuss past reported anomalous health 
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Embassy 
Colombo staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health 
incidents are being followed appropriately.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Julie Chung by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Sri Lanka 
remained on Tier 2 Watch List after receiving a waiver preventing an 
automatic downgrade to Tier 3. Given the serious issues the Government 
is facing in combating human trafficking, how will you work with the 
Government to boost their prevention, prosecution, and protection 
efforts so they do not stay on the watch list?

    Answer. Trafficking in Persons remains a significant challenge in 
Sri Lanka and one the Department takes seriously. While we welcomed the 
Sri Lankan Government issuing and funding a National Action Plan to 
address trafficking in persons last year, additional progress will be 
needed to merit an upgrade to Tier 2 and to avoid an automatic 
downgrade to Tier 3 in 2022. If confirmed, I will stress to the 
Government the need for tangible progress to address trafficking in 
persons, as recommended in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. 
These recommendations include investigating and prosecuting suspected 
traffickers, increasing efforts to identify victims of trafficking, 
increasing the availability of victim services, and countering child 
sex tourism.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Sri 
Lankan societal respect for religious freedom and the protection of 
religious minorities is thin. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the 
Ambassador At Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is guaranteed under Sri Lanka's 
constitution, and citizens are often free to practice their beliefs. I 
am concerned about discrimination, intimidation, and harassment of 
religious minorities practicing their faith traditions. For example, in 
March the Government finally reversed a month's long policy of 
compulsory cremation for COVID-19 victims in contravention of Islamic 
tenants. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large 
for International Religious Freedom to highlight how such practices are 
inconsistent with Sri Lanka's constitution and promote respect for 
freedom of religion or belief, including as it relates to the 
protection of houses of worship and other religious sites, especially 
for members of minority communities.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Sri Lanka was identified 
as having committed serious human rights issues, including impunity for 
police who harassed citizens, corruption, arbitrary detention, 
restrictive NGO laws, and more.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. Promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms are key 
aspects of the administration's foreign policy, including with regard 
to Sri Lanka. The United States seeks a peaceful, democratic, and 
inclusive Sri Lanka that respects the human rights and fundamental 
freedoms of all persons in Sri Lanka and is a reliable partner in 
addressing global challenges. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the 
Government of Sri Lanka to take meaningful steps to advance democratic 
governance, human rights, equal access to justice, and reconciliation, 
and to address the concerns of minority communities and civil society. 
Additionally, I will use available tools to promote accountability for 
abusers who enjoy impunity in Sri Lanka, including, as applicable and 
appropriate, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky 
sanctions, to advance our human rights goals.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Sri Lanka was identified 
as having committed serious human rights issues, including impunity for 
police who harassed citizens, corruption, arbitrary detention, 
restrictive NGO laws, and more.

   How will you direct your embassy to work with civil society 
        organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
        ground?

    Answer. Civil society has a critical role to play in advancing 
human rights and democratic governance in Sri Lanka. In order for 
progress and reforms in Sri Lanka to be resilient in the face of 
internal and external pressures, civil society groups must be allowed 
to operate free from monitoring, surveillance, intimidation, 
harassment, and fear. The Department has continued to urge the Sri 
Lankan Government to credibly address longstanding human rights cases 
and respect civil society, members of ethnic and religious minority 
groups, and human rights defenders. If confirmed, Embassy Colombo and I 
will continue to support Sri Lanka's civil society, advocating for 
peaceful organizations to operate without undue governmental restraint, 
protection for religious and ethnic minority groups, and the 
strengthening of the country's democratic institutions.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Brian Wesley Shukan by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Benin has long been considered a democratic leader in 
West Africa. Under President Talon however, Benin has experienced 
significant democratic backsliding. During this year's election, for 
example, the Government detained several figures within the opposition, 
including its leader. What steps can the United States take to help 
Benin reverse this alarming trajectory?

    Answer. The United States can encourage Benin to resume its 
traditional role as a positive influence and example in West Africa for 
democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights by 
directly engaging the Beninese Government on these issues, partnering 
with Benin on regional initiatives for peace and security, and health, 
and by creating strong economic opportunities for Benin's large and 
growing youth population. If confirmed, my focus in Benin will be to 
promote democratic, inclusive, and transparent governance, respect for 
human rights, a prosperous and healthy society with closer trade links 
to the United States, and a partnership with Benin to strengthen 
regional security and address global threats such as violent extremism 
and transnational organized crime.

    Question. Like many states in littoral West Africa, Benin faces the 
threat of encroaching violent extremism from the Sahel and Nigeria. How 
is the United States helping Benin address threats from beyond its 
borders and counter the spread of extremist ideology to populations 
within the country?

    Answer. The United States supports Benin's efforts to train rural 
border police officers and military personnel to prevent criminality 
and the development of violent extremist ideologies through integration 
with, and support to, previously marginalized communities in border 
areas. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Cotonou's engagement with 
the Beninese Government on security sector assistance, youth 
development, and strategic communications. USAID's Littorals Regional 
Initiative supports local counterparts to withstand the increasing 
pressures of violent extremist organizations by addressing weak 
governance, conflict, and weak social cohesion.

    Question. One could argue there is a tension between providing a 
government with valuable security assistance while that same government 
seeks to dismantle democracy. If confirmed, how will you balance the 
United States' security interests against our goal of spreading and 
strengthening democracy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would balance the United States' security 
interests against our goal of spreading and strengthening democracy by 
supporting and encouraging Benin to resume the positive influence it 
once had, and could continue to have, in promoting peaceful democratic 
governance, rule of law, and respect for human rights while 
strengthening regional security and addressing global threats such as 
violent extremism and transnational organized crime.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. I have promoted democracy and respect for human rights 
throughout my 26-year foreign service career. In Sudan, I have worked 
to support the civilian-led democratic transition, including ensuring 
that U.S. programs and advocacy advance this objective. In Haiti, I 
coordinated Mission efforts and worked with international partners to 
support the completion of long-delayed elections. In Iraq, I led a team 
that lobbied Iraq's parliament to pass a provincial election law and 
monitored elections in northern Iraq. And in Ghana, I engaged political 
activists, government officials, candidates, civil society and 
religious leaders to promote the democratic process in advance of 
Ghana's 2008 election and led embassy efforts to combat human 
trafficking.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Republic of Benin? These challenges might 
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and 
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil 
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as 
possible.

    Answer. The most pressing challenges to democracy in Benin are 
increasing restrictions on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, 
arrests of political prisoners, and laws that undermine electoral 
competitiveness. Of significant concern is the Government's jailing of 
political opponents and critics, often on questionable charges, for 
extended periods of time, and without a public, transparent judicial 
process. Although President Talon has had significant success 
combatting low-level corruption and improving infrastructure, rule of 
law issues and democratic backsliding run counter to U.S. democracy and 
human rights priorities and discourage the private investments and 
international commerce that would bring long-lasting prosperity.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Republic of Benin? What do you hope to accomplish through 
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the 
specific obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support and encourage Benin to resume 
its traditional role as a positive influence in promoting peaceful 
democratic governance, rule of law, and respect for human rights in the 
region. I would also advance these priorities by promoting regional 
initiatives for peace and security, supporting the development of a 
healthier society, and creating economic opportunities for Benin's 
large and growing youth population. Potential impediments include 
corruption and slow bureaucratic processes.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize U.S. Government assistance 
resources to encourage Benin to resume its traditional role as a 
positive influence and example in West Africa for democratic 
governance. In administering such assistance, such as USAID's programs 
to counter democratic backsliding, promote respect for human rights, 
and support peacebuilding efforts by local civil society organizations 
that began implementation in the past year, I would prioritize 
democratic, inclusive, and transparent governance.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Republic of Benin? What steps will you take to pro-actively 
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via 
legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society members, 
human rights and other non-government organizations in the U.S., and 
with local human rights NGOs, and other members of the civil society in 
Benin. If confirmed, I would also seek to strengthen relationships with 
civil society leaders and human rights advocates in Benin, the U.S., 
and internationally. Where possible, I will work in partnership with 
diplomatic counterparts to proactively counter efforts to close the 
space for NGOs and civil society to operate.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures. To encourage genuine political 
competition, I will take steps to strengthen existing relationships and 
build new ones across the political spectrum. I also commit to 
advocating for access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth 
within political parties, if confirmed.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Republic of Benin on freedom of the press and address any government 
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly 
with independent, local press in Republic of Benin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Benin and actively engaging, with the 
Embassy team, with the Beninese Government on freedom of expression, 
including for members of the press. I also commit to addressing 
government efforts to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory, and other measures.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's engagements 
with civil society and government counterparts to counter 
disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
state actors in the country.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Republic of Benin on the right of labor groups to organize, including 
for independent trade unions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to actively engage with the 
government of Benin on the right of workers to exercise freedom of 
association, including to form and join independent trade unions, and 
call out incidents when this right is restricted.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Republic of Benin, 
no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to promote 
respect for human rights and the dignity of all people in Benin, no 
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Republic of Benin?

    Answer. According to the 2020 Department of State Human Rights 
Report, members of the LGBTQI+ community reported that police tolerated 
violence against LGBTQI+ persons. Benin's laws do not criminalize 
consensual same-sex sexual conduct between adults. A provision related 
to public indecency in the penal code, however, may be applied to 
prosecute same-sex sexual conduct by charging individuals with public 
indecency or acts against nature.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Republic of Benin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Beninese Government to 
resume its traditional role as a positive influence and example in West 
Africa for respect for human rights, including for LGBTQI+ persons, 
women and girls, persons with disabilities, and persons of every ethnic 
background, faith, and heritage. I will also work with diplomatic 
counterparts and allies in civil society to promote respect for the 
human rights of all in Benin.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Benin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that I fully brief 
Members of Congress and/or their staff each time I am in Washington for 
visits or consultations throughout my tenure as Ambassador to Benin.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring any reported incident is 
treated seriously and reported through appropriate channels in a timely 
manner and that any affected individual promptly receives medical care. 
Secretary Blinken's number one responsibility as Secretary of State is 
to protect the men and women representing our country around the world.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously, working through the appropriate channels 
within the Department, and that any individual who experiences an 
anomalous health incident, or any other matter that would have an 
impact on their health and safety, will receive prompt medical 
attention and care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and 
the RSO to discuss any past incidents, and to ensuring that all health, 
safety, and security protocols are followed and implemented. I will 
also work together with our medical team and the RSO to ensure that 
Embassy personnel are?aware of what to do in the event of a potential 
anomalous health incident.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Brian Wesley Shukan by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Benin has experienced significant democratic decline 
under President Talon. As ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage 
the Talon administration, civil society and the opposition on 
democratic and electoral reforms in an effort to help restore Benin's 
democratic credentials?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Benin to resume its 
traditional role as a positive influence and example in West Africa for 
democracy, rule of law, and human rights by directly engaging the 
Beninese Government, civil society, and other political actors. If 
confirmed, my focus would be promoting democratic, inclusive, and 
transparent governance, respect for human rights, a prosperous and 
healthy society with closer trade linkages to the United States, and a 
partnership to strengthen regional security and address global threats 
such as violent extremism and transnational organized crime.

    Question. Like the rest of Littoral West Africa, Benin faces a 
growing threat of violent extremism moving south from the Sahel. As 
ambassador, if confirmed, what is your perspective on the types of 
investments the U.S. needs to make and/or maintain to reduce Benin's 
vulnerability?

    Answer. Engagement on counterterrorism is a bilateral priority and 
Benin is a strong U.S. partner. If confirmed, I would strengthen our 
partnership with Benin on counterterrorism operations in the region by 
supporting continuing counterterrorism and countering-violent extremism 
assistance. This includes training for border police and military 
personnel to prevent criminality, and efforts to prevent development of 
violent extremist ideologies through support for marginalized 
communities in border areas. I would also continue counterterrorism 
engagement with the Beninese Government in the areas of security sector 
assistance, youth development, and strategic communications.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power?

    Answer. Every country has the ability to make constitutional 
changes, which the U.S. supports as long as such changes are made 
through a consultative and broad process that includes all 
stakeholders, including civil society and opposition parties. However, 
constitutional changes designed to favor incumbents or extend terms 
erode democratic principles.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you respond if Benin were to 
extend the term of the office of the presidency even if that means it 
would extend the term of the current President in power?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would advocate for regular, democratic 
transitions of power, which yield more accountability, stronger 
institutions, and less corruption.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. Promoting democracy and respect for human rights has long 
served as the basis of American foreign policy. Election observation 
can promote public participation, encourage transparency and public 
confidence in the electoral process, and mitigate the potential for 
electoral violence. Both U.S. Mission observers and independent 
observation missions help deter fraud at polling stations and 
facilitate the collection of critical information on conditions. To 
ensure real democratic gains, it is important that our elections work 
not focus solely on Election Day, but also address institutional or 
conduct problems in the lead up to elections.

    Question. Would you support a U.S. funded, independent 
international election observation mission for Benin's next general 
election?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would carefully consider how U.S. support 
to observation efforts can contribute to free and fair elections, and 
transparent electoral processes in Benin.

    Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to 
hold Benin officials accountable for corrupt behavior?

    Answer. Corruption is a significant challenge in Benin. President 
Talon has described endemic corruption as one of the country's biggest 
problems. The United States can best use the tools it has to hold 
Beninese officials accountable for corrupt behavior by directly 
engaging the Beninese Government, promoting internationally recognized 
standards, and reinforcing the important role played by civil society, 
the media, and the business community.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach in using the 
tools it has to hold Benin officials accountable for corrupt behavior?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would enlist the full resources of the 
Department of State's anticorruption teams and other U.S. Government 
resources to support these efforts, including continuing USAID's 
support to the National Anti-Corruption Authority to implement an anti-
corruption action plan designed to elevate awareness of the perils and 
price of corruption.

    Question. How can the United States best support Benin in curbing 
the corrupt behavior of those companies and government officials of 
malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt governments and 
business environments?

    Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy could best support Benin in 
curbing corrupt behavior of those companies and government officials of 
malign foreign actors like the PRC that feed on corrupt governments and 
business environments by prioritizing anti-corruption; promoting 
democratic values, including inclusive electoral processes and media 
freedom; promoting high-quality alternatives to PRC trade and 
investment such as the African Growth and Opportunities Act and the 
West African Trade Hub; and providing assistance to Benin in the energy 
sector through the Millennium Challenge Corporation, health sector 
through USAID, and the security sector through Department of Defense 
and Department of State funding.

    Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense 
and security cooperation with Benin? Where are the opportunities and 
the risks?

    Answer. Benin is a strong partner to the United States for peace 
and security in West Africa and the Sahel. Our assistance to Benin's 
armed forces and police supports Benin's participation in peacekeeping 
and regional security efforts and advances its ability to interdict 
maritime and transnational organized crime. Our security and military 
engagement creates opportunities for U.S. law enforcement and service 
members to integrate respect for human rights and international 
humanitarian law as core training components and allows Beninese 
military personnel to attend professionalization training in the United 
States. If confirmed, I would support building on our existing defense 
and security cooperation with Benin.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Benin?

    Answer. My understanding is that morale throughout Mission Benin is 
strong, motivated by staff's commitment to promoting democratic, 
inclusive, and transparent governance, promoting respect for human 
rights, supporting a prosperous and healthy society with closer trade 
linkages to the United States, and working in partnership with Benin to 
strengthen regional security and address global threats such as violent 
extremism and transnational organized crime.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Benin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize building a strong team and 
community. I would support frequent and robust communication with local 
and U.S. staff, ensuring opportunities to share information and hear 
concerns. I would ensure that we communicate and put into practice 
Mission priorities and values, emphasizing the importance of diversity, 
inclusion, and respect. And as the father of two daughters who attended 
international schools overseas, I would prioritize ensuring that the 
educational needs of U.S. Mission families are served as well as 
possible.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Benin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would focus on establishing strong 
communication among all agencies and personnel to ensure a common 
understanding of Mission priorities and values, and to promote a 
unified approach to achieving our objectives. Since some Mission 
offices are represented by non-resident personnel based in neighboring 
countries, I would also prioritize incorporating those personnel into 
key discussions.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. As a manager and leader, I want to create an empowered, 
collaborative, and creative team that is motivated to achieve Mission 
objectives. I am committed to ensuring a respectful and inclusive 
workplace, in which everyone's contribution is valued. I prioritize 
frequent and open communication to ensure that the team understands our 
vision and values, while maintaining an environment in which personnel 
at all levels are empowered and able to share information, expertise 
and suggestions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as the 
Chief of Mission in Sudan?

    Answer. This has been an extremely dynamic period in the U.S.-Sudan 
relationship. I have worked with a new government that took office 
following the overthrow of Sudan's longtime dictator, dealt with a 
transformed bilateral relationship following the rescission of Sudan's 
designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism, and managed the Embassy 
team during the COVID pandemic. Engaging with a new and relatively 
inexperienced government has underscored the importance of clear and 
coordinated communication, transparency, adaptability, and managing 
expectations.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. I have had the opportunity to serve as deputy chief of 
mission at Embassy Port-au-Prince under two ambassadors, and as consul 
general in Casablanca. For me, a strong and mutually supportive 
relationship between the DCM and the chief of mission is critical. I 
envision a close and collaborative relationship, with the DCM involved 
in all decisions. This requires a constant open line of communication 
and trust between the two.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. While the chief of mission has overall leadership and 
management responsibility at the Embassy, I view the DCM as a key 
embassy leader and the chief of mission's principal partner and 
advisor. If confirmed, I would look to the DCM to help ensure strong 
communication within the embassy community, coordinate an active 
mentoring program, assist in coordinating interagency activities and 
programs, promote a culture of respect, inclusion and diversity, and 
ensure robust and effective management controls.

    Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple 
U.S. Government agencies present?

    Answer. The Chief of Mission should lead a post with multiple U.S. 
Government agencies present by establishing strong communication among 
all agencies and personnel to ensure a common understanding of Mission 
priorities and values, and to promote a unified approach to achieving 
post's objectives.

    Question. In your experience, how important are interagency 
relationships within a post?

    Answer. In my experience, interagency relationships within a post 
are critical to the success of the overall mission. If confirmed, I 
would promote strong coordination between all offices and agencies at 
Mission Benin.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency 
disagreement within Embassy Cotonou?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would handle interagency disagreement 
within Embassy Cotonou by prioritizing frequent and open communication 
and ensuring that the Embassy is a respectful and inclusive workplace, 
in which everyone's contribution is valued. As a manager and leader, I 
want to create an empowered, collaborative, and creative team that is 
motivated to achieve Mission objectives.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. I believe it is important to provide employees with timely, 
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and 
reward high achievers.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Benin. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. I agree that it is essential that U.S. diplomats get 
outside of posts abroad to meet with local actors, including host 
government officials, civil society activists, non-government 
organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats, in addition to ensuring 
oversight of projects and programs. In my experience, U.S. diplomats 
get outside of the embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their 
mission, although this has been made more challenging by the COVID-19 
pandemic.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage U.S. diplomats in Benin to 
better access local populations by utilizing all available public 
diplomacy tools for in-person, virtual, and media engagement. I would 
also encourage in-country travel and representation outside of the 
capital.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Benin? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. U.S. public diplomacy in Benin is focused on bolstering 
support for democratic values among the country's rapidly growing youth 
population and municipalities beyond the capital, strengthening media 
institutions and the culture of investigative journalism, and promoting 
American-style entrepreneurial values among women and other 
underrepresented groups.The Embassy engages thousands of Beninese youth 
through its growing network of English Clubs, four American Spaces, and 
five active exchange program alumni organizations, and reaches hundreds 
of thousands more Beninese citizens through community radio and social 
media highlighting the scale and scope of the U.S. commitment to Benin 
and Africa.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Post has latitude to tailor our public messaging to local 
issues and concerns. If confirmed, I would ensure that our public 
diplomacy posture continues to play a key role in promoting our shared 
values and America's generous financial assistance and support across 
the range of issues.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to taking the threat of anomalous 
health incidents seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Benin personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as I can to 
Mission Benin personnel.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Benin and 
counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The United States should partner with European countries to 
build on likeminded interests in Benin and counter the malign influence 
of the PRC by promoting shared democratic values, good governance, 
transparency, anti-corruption efforts, and calling out nondemocratic 
behavior. If confirmed, I would engage with like-minded partner 
embassies to encourage a common understanding and approach to these 
challenges.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Benin remained 
on Tier 2 due to overall increasing efforts to eliminate trafficking 
but can improve on convictions of traffickers and assigning 
proportional sentences. How will you work with the host government to 
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Beninese Government to 
increase knowledge of its anti-human trafficking laws within the 
judiciary and assign proportional sentences to traffickers by 
encouraging implementation of Benin's anti-human trafficking laws and 
2020-2024 National Action Plan. I will also continue the Embassy's 
efforts to engage the Beninese Government at all levels to increase 
awareness of human trafficking and to spur action to counter 
exploitation by implementing the prioritized recommendations in the 
U.S. Department of State's annual Trafficking in Persons report.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Benin 
was identified as having great societal respect for religious freedom. 
Despite this, there is still work the U.S. Embassy can do to bolster 
international religious freedom. How will you work with the Ambassador 
At Large on this issue?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and 
the Department closely monitors the religious freedom situation in 
Benin. Benin has long been a strong example for ethnic and religious 
tolerance in an often-turbulent region. If confirmed, I commit to work 
with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and 
Congress to emphasize the importance of religious freedom, addressing 
religious freedom concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and 
respect among and for members of religious communities in Benin.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Benin was identified as 
having committed or baring witness to (severe) human rights abuses. If 
confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the 
host?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Beninese Government to 
address impunity and hold accountable those responsible for human 
rights violations and abuses. I will also support and encourage Benin 
to resume the positive role it once had, and could continue to have, in 
promoting respect for human rights in the region.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Embassy team to work with 
our like-minded partners and allies in civil society to improve respect 
for human rights on the ground by prioritizing programs that work 
closely with local civil society organizations, including USAID 
programs to counter democratic backsliding, promote respect for human 
rights, and support peacebuilding.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
    Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy Fitzsimmons by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. President Gnassingbe or his father have ruled Togo since 
1967. Political opposition often face harassment, detention, and even 
high-tech surveillance by the Togolese Government. What is the state of 
democracy in Togo, and what can the United States do to help Togo 
establish a competitive political system with real protections for 
opposition voices?

    Answer. The United States continues to urge the Government of Togo 
to make greater advancements towards increasing respect for democracy 
and human rights. In 2019, the Government reformed the constitution to 
institute a two-round election system and a two-year term limit for 
presidents, though the presidential term-limit is not retroactive. Togo 
held local elections last year for the first time in 30 years and 
engaged in a government-initiated national dialogue with opposition 
parties to modify the electoral code and constitution and improve the 
electoral process for upcoming regional elections. The regional 
elections are the next step in decentralizing the Government and 
implementing the constitutionally-mandated Senate and Constitutional 
Court. If confirmed, I will continue to push the Government to increase 
political space so that the people of Togo can make their voices heard 
and peacefully express dissent, through the ballot box and through 
greater respect for human rights and a competitive political system.

    Question. The Togolese Government has alleged used digital 
surveillance tools, including from Israeli and Indian firms to monitor 
opposition and civil society. What role can the United States play in 
countering digital authoritarianism and what steps would you take if 
confirmed to confront digital authoritarianism in Togo?

    Answer. In August 2021, international media cited Togo as the only 
West African country and one of four sub-Saharan African countries 
using Pegasus software to monitor internet communications, journalists, 
opposition parties, Catholic clergy, and political dissidents. The 
right not to be subject to arbitrary or unlawful interference with 
one's privacy is a human right, guaranteed in Article 28 of the 
Togolese Constitution and in the International Covenant on Civil and 
Political Rights which Togo acceded to in 1984.If confirmed, I will 
collaborate with the Government of Togo, political parties, civil 
society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote 
transparency and privacy rights, increase access to justice, and 
strengthen democratic institutions. We will continue to urge the 
Government of Togo to adhere to international commitments they made and 
to make greater advancements towards increasing respect for democracy, 
and human rights and fundamental freedoms.

    Question. U.S. relations with Togo have mainly focused on the fight 
against HIV/AIDS and more recently on security assistance. What areas 
do you see as opportunities for increased engagement by the United 
States?

    Answer. Supporting good governance and democracy in Togo is a key 
goal of our bilateral relationship in Togo. If confirmed, I will 
continue to urge the Government of Togo to make greater advancements 
towards increasing respect for democracy, and human rights and 
fundamental freedoms.Recent restrictions on the press following 
politically motivated arrests, limitations on applications for 
political gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets have greatly 
impeded Togolese ability to participate in their democracy. If 
confirmed, I will collaborate with the Government of Togo, political 
parties, civil society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to 
promote political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and 
strengthen electoral institutions and processes to promote free and 
fair elections. I will also support the freedoms of peaceful assembly 
and association.

    Question. What is the COVID-19 situation in Togo right now? Is the 
United States doing enough to help Togo vaccinate its population?

    Answer. As of October 18, the Government of Togo has recorded 
25,899 confirmed cases of COVID-19 and 239 deaths. The Embassy managed 
over $1,484,000 in COVID-related programming from AFRICOM, USAID, the 
State Department, and Embassy Small Grants. Through COVAX, the United 
States made available 607,230 Pfizer-BioNTech doses to Togo and 4,000 
test kits and other equipment through the International Atomic Energy 
Association.
    The PEPFAR program in Togo received $590,000 in American Rescue 
Plan Act (APRA) funds to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic 
on PEPFAR implementation in FY 21-22, including infection prevention 
control measures and training, procurement of PPE for healthcare 
workers, and laboratory strengthening. If confirmed, I will continue 
the work of Embassy Lome to work with the Togolese Government to end 
the COVID-19 pandemic and ensure that the U.S. Government is working 
with the Togolese Ministry of Health to meet the health needs of the 
country to end COVID-19.

Democracy & Human Rights
    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. Throughout my career, I have been dedicated to publicly 
championing democracy and respect for human rights. Many of my overseas 
tours were in Public Affairs Sections, where I worked directly with 
media and the public to promote the ideals of democracy and respect for 
human rights. Direct engagement with youth leaders on issues of 
democracy, governance, and human rights throughout my career has 
offered the greatest impact, as those youth leaders emerge as 
influential figures in government, business, and the media.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Togo? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. Recent restrictions on the press following politically 
motivated arrests, limitations on applications for political 
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern and 
certainly present challenges to Togo's democracy. The Government 
amended the ``Bodjona'' Law in late 2019 to restrict the time, place, 
frequency, and application process for demonstrations citing rising 
terrorist threats. A 2019 modification to the press and communication 
code increased fines and granted the High Authority for Audiovisuals 
and Communication (HAAC) more stringent control over the press. The 
HAAC exercised this additional control more rigorously over the past 
year. On April 8, 2020, the Government of Togo banned protests and 
political rallies under the COVID-19 State of Emergency, which now is 
scheduled to last until September 2022.
    Following the 2020 Presidential elections, the Government initiated 
a six-month national dialogue with opposition parties, the National 
Consultation between Political Parties (CNAP), to modify the electoral 
code and constitution and improve the electoral process for upcoming 
regional elections. Despite boycotts from a few political parties, CNAP 
produced over 50 suggestions for consideration. The Government's 
willingness to adopt these suggestions is still unclear. Togo's 
regional elections, the next step in its decentralization process, are 
necessary for the appointment of the Senate, as regional 
representatives select two-thirds of Senators.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Togo? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the Government of 
Togo, political parties, civil society organizations, and other 
diplomatic missions to promote political reforms, reinforce democratic 
institutions, and strengthen electoral institutions and processes to 
promote free and fair elections.
    I would support the continued use of available State Department and 
USAID regional and centrally managed resources to advance democracy and 
respect for human rights in Togo. The Embassy has leveraged these kinds 
of resources in the past to support the decentralization process in 
Togo, support the efforts of Togo's Committee for the Prevention and 
Fight Against Violent Extremism, and increase women's participation in 
the political process.
    USAID/West Africa's Reacting to Early Warning and Response II 
program helps address democratic backsliding through a combination of 
approaches that prevents the spread of COVID-19 infections, fights 
COVID-19-related misinformation, builds the capacity of women and youth 
to lead conflict prevention efforts, and promotes social cohesion and 
community resilience against COVID-19.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to leverage the Government of 
Togo's strong desire for an MCC Compact to encourage further reforms 
that improve transparency and reduce corruption. In 2019, MCC signed a 
Threshold Program with Togo to increase competition and private sector 
participation in the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) 
services market and to improve agricultural land tenure and management. 
Both of these areas will be critical to driving economic growth and 
reducing poverty in the country. If confirmed, I will explore all 
USAID, small grants, and other available U.S. funding to support and 
prioritize democracy and governance activities to focus on efforts to 
increase political pluralism and end limitations of freedom of assembly 
and expression.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Togo? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with and listen to all civil 
society and political actors in Togo who support strengthening Togo's 
democracy. I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the Government to 
lift undue restrictions on the press and journalists and allow for 
freedom of peaceful assembly. I would also continue to encourage the 
Government to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between 
the Government and its people, and a concrete way the Government can 
build that trust is to allow NGOs and civil society true freedom of 
peaceful assembly and association.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue and strengthen the 
relationships our mission has built with democratically oriented 
political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the 
efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive 
political environment in Togo, including their government-initiated 
dialogue with opposition parties to support regional elections. I will 
urge the Government to respect the freedoms of association and peaceful 
assembly for all political actors, even those who do not agree with the 
Government. Through public statements, small grants and other 
programming, and direct engagements, I will advocate for a political 
environment that is inclusive of women, youth, minorities, and Togolese 
who might otherwise be marginalized.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Togo 
on freedom of the press and address any government efforts designed to 
control or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other 
measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent, local 
press in Togo?

    Answer. Recent restrictions on the press following politically 
motivated arrests, limitations on applications for political 
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern. If 
confirmed, I would, along with the rest of my Embassy team, prioritize 
work with the Government of Togo to end restrictions on media outlets 
and reporters and to remind them that freedom of expression, including 
for members of the press, is key to maintaining a healthy democracy. If 
confirmed, I will commit to meeting regularly with independent and 
local press outlets in Togo as visible sign of support for press 
freedom.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the Embassy team's great work 
and programs to combat disinformation and propaganda perpetuated by 
foreign and non-state actors. A well-informed citizenry is required for 
a functioning democracy, which is why the Embassy provides programs to 
educate journalists about the dangers of disinformation and publicly 
refutes dangerous disinformation, a recent example being the 
disinformation circulated on the efficacy and safety of COVID-19 
vaccines.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with Togo 
on the right of labor groups to organize, including for independent 
trade unions?

    Answer. The Togolese constitution provides that workers may form 
and join unions and bargain collectively. Togolese labor law also 
prohibits forced labor, child labor, and discrimination in the 
workplace; and outlines a minimum wage, occupational safety and health, 
and hours of work protections. The Government has demonstrated on 
several occasions its willingness to negotiate with labor groups. At 
the same time, concerns regarding government enforcement of worker 
rights protections, including on child labor and forced labor, remain. 
If confirmed, my team and I will encourage the Government of Togo to 
support the rights of organized labor groups which are protected in by 
law.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Togo, no matter 
their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to using the position of the 
U.S. Ambassador to defend the human rights and dignity of all people in 
Togo, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity. Through 
collaboration with various Togolese NGOs, the Embassy supports 
programming that promotes the rights and representation of women and 
LGBTQI+ persons in the Togolese economy and politics and increases 
public-private partnerships to encourage citizen participation and 
local governance. We will not compromise on these important American, 
and frankly global, ideals.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Togo?

    Answer. Togolese law prohibits ``acts against nature committed with 
an individual of one's sex,'' widely understood as a reference to same-
sex sexual activity. The law provides that a person convicted of 
engaging in consensual same-sex sexual activity may be sentenced to one 
to three years' imprisonment and a substantial fine, but it is rarely 
enforced. The law forbids promotion of immorality, which is understood 
to include promotion of same-sex activities. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons face societal 
discrimination in employment, housing, and access to education and 
health care. Existing antidiscrimination law does not apply to LGBTQI+ 
persons. No law allows transgender persons to change gender markers on 
government-issued identity documents.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Togo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to engaging with LGBTQI+ people 
in Togo on the best ways the U.S. Government work to end the 
discrimination LGBTQI+ persons face in Togo. I will listen whole-
heartedly to their concerns, take their lead, and develop a 
collaborative approach to ending discrimination against members of the 
LGBTQI+ community. If confirmed, I will work with like-minded 
diplomatic partners and strengthen civil society advocacy to fully 
support and advance the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons. Members of 
Togo's LGBTQI+ community can be assured that promoting respect for 
human rights for all individuals, with no exception or caveat, is a 
U.S. foreign policy priority.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Togo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all 
appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this 
committee. Congress has an important role to play not only in foreign 
policy legislation but also during the implementation process. Our 
foreign policy is stronger when the two branches of government 
coordinate, and I would look forward to strengthening the coordination 
between our two branches.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, absolutely. As Secretary Blinken has said, his number 
one responsibility as Secretary of State is to protect the men and 
women representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I commit 
to ensuring any reported incident is treated seriously and reported 
through appropriate channels in a timely manner and that any affected 
individual promptly receives medical care.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to treating each case seriously 
and working through the appropriate channels within the Department. Any 
individual who experiences an anomalous health incident or any other 
matter that would have an impact on their health and safety will 
receive prompt medical attention and care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will hold regular meetings with medical 
staff and the RSO on any past incidents to ensure that all health, 
safety, and security protocols are followed and implemented at Embassy 
Lome. If confirmed, I will work together with our medical team and the 
RSO to make sure that the entire Embassy community is aware of what to 
do should a potential incident affect them, their colleagues, or their 
family members.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
    Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy Fitzsimmons by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Given your background in public diplomacy, how will you 
balance public diplomacy and quiet diplomacy in working with the 
Togolese Government?

    Answer. Understanding how to balance public messaging and quiet 
diplomacy is vital to achieving U.S. goals. If confirmed, I would build 
on Embassy Lome's use of quiet diplomacy to urge the Government to make 
democratic reforms. I would also continue to encourage the Government 
to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between the 
Government and its people. I would also support, if confirmed, 
increasing engagement through our Public Diplomacy programs that give 
youth, journalists, and opposition leaders a voice to allow us to 
promote the ideals of democracy and respect for human rights for the 
Togolese people.

    Question. How do you view the U.S. role in supporting positive 
democratic and institutional reforms in Togo?

    Answer. Supporting positive democratic and institutional reforms in 
Togo is a top policy priority for the United States. If confirmed, I 
will collaborate with the Government of Togo, political parties, civil 
society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote 
political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and strengthen 
electoral institutions and processes to promote free and fair 
elections.
    I would support the continued use of available State Department and 
USAID regional and centrally managed resources to advance democracy and 
respect for human rights in Togo. The Embassy has leveraged these kinds 
of resources in the past to support the decentralization process in 
Togo, support the efforts of Togo's Committee for the Prevention and 
Fight Against Violent Extremism, and increase women's participation in 
the political process.

    Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage the 
Gnassingbe administration and opposition figures in supporting positive 
democratic and institutional reforms?

    Answer. Following the 2020 Presidential elections, the Government 
of Togo initiated a six-month national dialogue with opposition 
parties, the National Consultation between Political Parties (CNAP), to 
modify the electoral code and constitution and improve the electoral 
process for upcoming regional elections. Despite boycotts from a few 
political parties, CNAP produced over 50 suggestions for consideration. 
The Government's willingness to adopt these suggestions is still 
unclear. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, I will encourage both the 
Gnassingbe Government and opposition figures to continue to build upon 
the CNAP and enact the necessary reforms to strengthen democracy and 
political pluralism in Togo.

    Question. The U.S. mission in Togo is a relatively small, and Togo 
commands significantly less attention from Washington than many of its 
close neighbors, including Nigeria, Ghana, Niger and Burkina Faso.

   As Chief of Mission, if confirmed, how will you operate in such a 
        post to manage the staff and lead U.S. policy on the ground?

    Answer. My experience as both Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting 
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs 
provided me ample opportunity to understand how to work with my 
interagency colleagues in Washington to best support our missions 
overseas. If confirmed, I will partner with the team at Embassy Lome to 
ensure their ideas about how to achieve policy successes in a resource-
constrained environment are heard and leverage my knowledge of 
Washington to acquire the appropriate resources and attention from 
Washington to achieve the U.S.G. mission goals in Togo.

    Question. What is your view on political dynasties and long-serving 
rulers who, like in the case of Togo, manipulate constitutional and 
electoral processes to give the facade of democratic legitimacy?

    Answer. We continue to urge the Government of Togo to make greater 
advancements towards increasing respect for democracy, and human rights 
and fundamental freedoms. One such needed change is greater political 
pluralism. In 2019, the Government reformed the constitution to 
institute a two-round election system and a two-year term limit for 
presidents, though the presidential term-limit is not retroactive. Togo 
held local elections last year for the first time in 30 years and 
engaged in a government-initiated national dialogue with opposition 
parties to modify the electoral code and constitution and improve the 
electoral process for upcoming regional elections. The regional 
elections are the next step in decentralizing the Government and 
increasing political pluralism. If confirmed, I will continue to push 
the Government to increase political space so that the people of Togo 
can make their voices heard and peacefully express dissent through the 
ballot box and through greater respect for human rights and political 
pluralism.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you address the issue of political 
dynasties and long-serving rules as U.S. Ambassador, particularly in 
light of broader regional trends?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our work with all 
stakeholders in ensuring that Togo's political system remains fair and 
transparent and that the Togolese people are heard and given an 
opportunity to choose their political leaders. I will promote 
democratic values and seek to strengthen democratic institutions, 
including through electoral processes that have credibility and 
integrity in representing the will of the people of Togo.
    I understand our Embassy in Lome and the MCC have continually 
reminded the Togolese Government that MCC compact assistance is 
predicated on a clear, demonstrated commitment to MCC's eligibility 
criteria, as well as successful implementation of its Threshold 
Program. If confirmed, I will continue to use this and other programs 
as an incentive toward making political reforms in Togo.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. Election observation can promote public participation, 
encourage transparency and public confidence in the electoral process, 
and mitigate the potential for electoral violence. Both U.S. Mission 
observers and independent observation missions help deter fraud at 
polling stations and facilitate the of information during elections. To 
promote real democratic gains, it is important that our election work 
looks beyond election day and addresses problems in the lead up to 
elections.

    Question. Would you support a U.S. funded independent international 
election observation mission for Togo's next general election?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would identify ways the U.S. could support 
international observation efforts to contribute to free and fair 
elections and transparent electoral processes in Togo. International 
observers from ECOWAS and the African Union judged the Presidential 
elections held in 2020 to be generally free and fair and international 
consensus is that President Gnassingbe won the election. Nevertheless, 
the level of distrust between Togo's major political factions remains 
exceptionally high. An overly centralized executive with political 
power concentrated in the ruling party inhibits broad-based 
participatory democracy. In addition, the Government expelled National 
Democratic Institute staff and pulled the credentials of their local 
partner days before the 2020 presidential election, limiting efforts to 
increase electoral transparency and build confidence in the electoral 
process.

    Question. How can the United States best use existing tools to hold 
Togolese officials accountable for corrupt behavior?

    Answer. The United States supports efforts to counter corruption 
throughout the world. Some of the best tools that the U.S. Government 
has at its disposal are those that include benchmarks on corruption 
reduction, such as MCC Threshold and Compact programs. If confirmed, I 
would utilize all available U.S. assistance tools and programs to 
combat government corruption in Togo and prioritize programs that help 
the U.S. and Togo achieve those goals.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach in using the 
tools at the U.S.'s disposal to hold Togolese officials accountable for 
corrupt behavior?

    Answer. Combatting corruption in Togo is essential to promote 
economic opportunities and inclusive development for all Togolese and 
to increase government trust and accountability. If confirmed, I would 
seek to leverage the Government of Togo's strong desire for a MCC 
Compact to encourage further reforms that improve transparency and 
reduce corruption. In 2019, MCC signed a Threshold Program with Togo to 
increase competition and private sector participation in the 
Information and Communications Technology (ICT) services market and to 
improve agricultural land tenure and management. Both of these areas 
will be critical to driving economic growth and reducing poverty in the 
country, but that will only happen if corruption is reduced.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Lome?

    Answer. Embassy Lome is a small mission in a region facing growing 
challenges. I understand that Mission Togo's morale is good, 
particularly for a post of its size in a difficult environment, and 
that many officers choose to extend their tour in Togo for a third 
year. To me, that speaks volumes about the team and the environment 
that Embassy leadership has fostered in the country and, if confirmed, 
I will endeavor to build upon that foundation and ensure that morale 
remains good.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale?

    Answer. If confirmed, maintaining morale of the team at Embassy 
Lome will be of utmost importance to me. I intend to work closely with 
my staff, understand their concerns, make improvements where those can 
be undertaken at post, and communicate those concerns which cannot be 
addressed at post back to Department leadership for action. I will seek 
to support all employees and their families to create an inclusive and 
welcoming culture where individuals are safe and can achieve 
professional and personal goals. Our foreign service family members 
contribute directly to mission morale, and if confirmed, I will ensure 
that those family members are also supported and happy by seeking to 
work with the Office of Overseas schools in an effort to improve 
schooling options in Togo so that more families can consider service at 
Embassy Lome. I will work to ensure that eligible family members who 
wish to work in the mission find meaningful employment in Embassy Lome.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all 
agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies and 
tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I intend to ensure 
that all employees working in Embassy Lome, whether they are locally 
employed staff, eligible family members, or U.S. direct hires, feel 
supported and heard in their work. I would maintain an open office 
policy and welcome the contributions and ideas of those working in our 
mission. Throughout my career, I valued and encouraged a diverse and 
inclusive work environment, and if confirmed, I intend to bring that 
same spirit to Embassy Lome.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I am an inclusive leader and manager and if confirmed will 
encourage every member of the team to contribute - this is particularly 
important in an environment like Togo in which the Embassy team is 
small and relatively less experienced and the policy challenges are 
complex, varied, and growing. I am constantly seeking to innovate and 
learn in my own professional life, and I strive to create a culture of 
creativity, diversity, and inclusion so that all members of the team 
are valued, and their voices are heard. I think these are particularly 
important leadership traits in a small Embassy like Lome, where 
innovative ideas and diverse perspectives will help the team leverage 
our relatively modest resources to achieve significant results.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. Absolutely not. It is neither acceptable nor productive to 
berate anyone in a professional setting. If confirmed, I will not 
tolerate abusive behavior at Embassy Lome and I will seek to lead by 
example, praising in public, constructively correcting in private when 
necessary, and being open to dissent and constructive feedback from the 
team.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. The Department of State provides a list of suitable Deputy 
Chief of Mission candidates for a Chief of Mission to select when those 
positions become open. If confirmed, I will select a DCM who 
compliments my skills, experience, and knowledge and we will work as a 
true team to ensure the U.S. Mission in Togo is best placed to advance 
U.S. interests.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to entrust my Deputy Chief of 
Mission with the responsibilities akin to those of a Chief Operating 
Officer, modeling the function of the Embassy Front Office on the 
effective organization of the Bureau of African Affairs in which the 
Assistant Secretary functions as Chief Executive Officer and the 
Principal Deputy as COO. While both the DCM and I will have 
responsibility for coaching and mentoring the Embassy Team, if 
confirmed, I will also ask the DCM to play the primary role in ensuring 
the career development of the first and second tour officers on the 
Embassy team. And I will be open to any ideas that the DCM has about 
functions in which he/she is particularly interested or where he/she 
has particular strengths.

    Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple 
U.S. Government agencies present?

    Answer. Incorporating voices from all government agencies is the 
best way to capitalize on the knowledge, experience, and perspective 
they bring to Embassy Lome. If confirmed, I will lead regular 
discussions with all agencies to establish and review goals and develop 
strategies and tactics to achieve common objectives. I will hold 
regular meetings with all U.S Government agencies represented at the 
mission and with our regional colleagues based at other Embassies in 
West Africa.

    Question. In your experience, how important are interagency 
relationships within a post?

    Answer. In my experience, creating strong interagency relationships 
is extremely important for achieving U.S. priorities and goals at out 
missions overseas. In my previous Foreign Service assignments, I have 
relied on and fostered a close, productive relationship with my 
interagency colleagues, and I intend to do the same, if confirmed, as 
the next U.S. Ambassador to Togo.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency 
disagreement within Embassy Lome?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly hold meetings with the 
interagency and incorporate interagency colleagues into the mission 
country team. I will encourage my staff to work closely as a team to 
resolve any disagreements, and I will make sure that each member on the 
team feels like their input and perspective is valid and important - we 
all work for the same U.S. Government.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide subordinates with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes. Our duty as leaders is to provide accurate and 
constructive feedback to our subordinates and to reward them for a job 
well done.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. I view that as a duty for any manager of people, and 
if confirmed I commit to provide clear, accurate, timely, and direct 
feedback to my team.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. In my experience, it is imperative that U.S. diplomats 
leave their office space on a regular basis and meet not only with 
government leaders but also with businesspeople, members of civil 
society, influencers, and change-makers in the country in which they 
work to fully understand the local context and in order to be able to 
provide the most effective advice to decision makers in the inter-
agency. If confirmed, I will encourage my staff to work outside Embassy 
walls to achieve our foreign policy goals and will mentor those members 
of the team who need more experience in this area, while also modeling 
regular constructive outreach to all elements of Togolese society. I am 
a public diplomacy officer, and throughout my career I have valued, 
both personally and professionally, the relationships I have fostered 
outside the office to achieve U.S. goals.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, and as health and safety conditions permit, I 
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person 
with local populations. Until then, we will maintain active engagement 
through virtual media. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit people 
throughout Togo and use those visits to facilitate contacts for other 
U.S. diplomats.
    COVID-19 has physical interactions and poor telecommunications 
infrastructure makes virtual interactions difficult. However, nearly 
all Mission personal have been vaccinated and the number of vaccinated 
Togolese is also increasing. This should slowly improve our ability to 
access more people locally.
    Once the COVID-19 situation is sufficiently improved we intend to 
fully re-engage with all our stakeholders throughout the country in-
person. Once we achieve a healthy threshold of vaccinated people, we 
plan to return to hosting more representational events as they have 
historically been well received, especially our Fourth of July 
celebrations. A resumption in issuing tourist and business visas will 
also increase our interaction as it will raise interest in the United 
States.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Togo?

    Answer. Although the constitution provides for freedom of 
expression and freedom of the press, the Government restricted these 
rights. The law imposes penalties on journalists deemed to have 
committed "serious errors" as defined in the media code.
    Independent media are active and express a wide variety of views, 
many highly critical of the Government. Authorities sometimes attempt 
to influence the press through illicit means, for example, by giving 
"year-end gifts" to encourage positive media coverage or by applying 
libel and slander laws to restrict public discussion and retaliate 
against journalists.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
in Togo?

    Answer. Recent restrictions on the press following politically 
motivated arrests, limitations on applications for political 
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern and also 
makes our public diplomacy work in Togo challenging. If confirmed, I 
would, along with the rest of my Embassy team, engage the Government of 
Togo to end restrictions on media outlets and reporters and to remind 
them that freedom of the press is key to maintaining a healthy 
democracy. If confirmed, I will commit to meeting regularly with 
independent and local press outlets in Togo as visible sign of support 
for freedom of the press and of expression. COVID-19 restrictions have 
made it more difficult to reach out to the Togolese public. If 
confirmed, I fully intend to in-person engagement with the Togolese 
public as health and safety indicators allow.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The Embassy's Public Affairs Office does a good job 
balancing these occasionally differing objectives. The Mission's 
strategic planning working group meets monthly to discuss important 
policy objectives and to decide how to best deliver messaging to the 
public. As a Mission, we focus most of our messaging on our priority 
policy goals and objectives including on democracy and governance, 
peace and security, trade and economic growth, and development. 
However, we also deliver messaging on Washington's policy priorities. 
Most public messaging is delivered via our social media platforms, but 
also via traditional media including radio, television, and newspaper 
interviews, which is dominated by state media. If confirmed, I will 
also use my past experience at the Bureau of African Affairs Deputy 
Assistant Secretary of Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs to achieve 
the correct balance in our public diplomacy messaging.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Togo personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to transparent communication with Mission 
Togo personnel as it relates to AHI and any other matters that would 
have an impact on the health and safety of Mission Togo personnel and 
their families.


    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with European 
        countries to build on likeminded interests in Togo and counter 
        the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The United States and our European partners share an 
interest in supporting Togo's efforts for financial transparency, 
respect for human rights, respect for freedom of expression, and 
efforts to counter corruption. We are concerned about the PRC's 
influence on these areas in Togo. Working with like-minded partners, 
like the EU, is critical to advancing U.S. foreign policy goals in 
Togo. If confirmed, I will work closely with the EU mission in Lome as 
well as with diplomats from our European and other like-minded partners 
to ensure that Togo's democratic institutions can counter malign 
influence in the country.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Togo remained 
at Tier 2 due to lack to a lack of convictions of traffickers and 
identifying fewer victims. How will you work with host government to 
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The Government of Togo, with support of the U.S. Embassy, 
has taken steps to increase its anti-trafficking efforts. Past State 
Department-funded workshops trained magistrates, police officers, and 
customs officials on the trafficking provisions of the 2015 penal code. 
In addition, U.S. funding supported a local NGO to train social workers 
and journalists and conduct an awareness raising campaign. Following 
this, the Government of Togo established a formal partnership with Plan 
International in support of a regional program targeting TIP and 
illegal immigration.
    If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government of Togo to 
increase its efforts to combat TIP, including finalizing and adopting 
the pending decree to create a Trafficking in Persons Inter-ministerial 
Committee, increasing accessibility to shelters for victims, and 
drafting and resourcing a national action plan that incorporates adult 
victims and increases coordination with NGOs, neighboring countries, 
and regional organizations.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Togo 
was identified as tolerant of religious freedom. What is your 
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work 
with the Ambassador At Large to continue to bolster religious freedom 
in-country?

    Answer. The Togolese constitution specifies the state is secular 
and enshrines the right of all individuals to exercise their religious 
beliefs, consistent with the nation's laws. Relations among members of 
religions in Togo are generally amicable. Occasional disputes among 
members of religious groups were related to noise caused by religious 
celebrations, or competition for parishioners among churches. Members 
of different faiths regularly invite one another to their respective 
ceremonies. Intermarriage between persons of different religions is 
common.
    If confirmed, I commit to work with the Ambassador at Large for 
International Religious Freedom and Congress to strengthen Togo's 
efforts to foster an environment that respects religious freedom and 
plurality. I would continue the U.S. Embassy's programs to reach out to 
all religious groups in Togo in conjunction with the office of the 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. If confirmed, 
I would also support peace and tolerance courses and programming that 
counters violent extremism alongside key Muslim leaders.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Togo was identified as 
having significant human rights issues, including unlawful or arbitrary 
killings by security forces, political prisoners, restrictions on free 
speech and on the internet, violence against women, and more.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about allegations of 
human rights violations and abuses, violence against civilians, 
arbitrary arrests and killing by security forces, political prisoners, 
and undue restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly 
in Togo. We have called on the Government of Togo to respect the human 
rights of individuals in Togo, notably freedoms of expression and 
peaceful assembly, both publicly and privately, and to ensure that all 
those arrested are afforded fair trial guarantees. If confirmed, I will 
continue to speak out for democratic pluralism and respect for human 
rights.
    If confirmed, I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the 
Government to increase the transparency of the electoral process, lift 
undue restrictions on the press and journalists, and allow for freedom 
of peaceful assembly. I would also continue to encourage the Government 
to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between the 
Government and its people.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with and listen to all civil 
society and political actors in Togo who support strengthening Togo's 
democracy. I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the Government to 
lift punitive restrictions on civil society organizations and allow for 
freedom of peaceful assembly and speech by Togolese who hold views in 
opposition to the ruling party. I would also continue to encourage the 
Government to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between 
the Government and its people and a concrete way the Government can 
build that trust is to allow NGOs and civil society true freedom of 
peaceful assembly and association. As health and safety allows, my team 
and I will meet in-person with civil society leaders throughout Togo to 
hear and support their voices.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. David R. Gilmour by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. What are the main challenges faced by U.S. firms 
operating in Equatorial Guinea and how would you seek to promote 
opportunities for U.S. firms if confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will represent the interests of U.S. 
companies with the Government, including with the Ministry of Mines and 
Hydrocarbons, the Ministry of Commerce, and the Ministry of Finance, 
the Economy and Planning. I will also ensure that Embassy Malabo 
continues to maintain strong relationships with local offices of U.S. 
companies and prioritize the protection of U.S. investments and 
interests. Natural resource-driven economies like that of Equatorial 
Guinea face liquidity problems when the price of the export commodity 
falls dramatically; such developments also directly affect the 
efficiency and profitability of U.S. firms in the hydrocarbon sector. 
Non-oil and gas companies in Equatorial Guinea have also faced a 
variety of obstacles in conducting business, which is reflected in 
Equatorial Guinea's low ranking on the World Bank's Ease of Doing 
Business Index. If confirmed, I will emphasize to Equatoguinean 
officials how damaging these obstacles, including non-payment of debts 
to U.S. investors, as well as apparent political influence or 
favoritism in commercial dealings, are to Equatorial Guinea's ability 
to attract and maintain foreign investment.

    Question. What impact has corruption had on economic development, 
and what steps will you take if confirmed to address the issue of 
corruption?

    Answer. It is telling that the World Bank classifies Equatorial 
Guinea as an upper middle-income country, yet 75 percent of the 
population lives in poverty. The oil and gas boom that began in the 
early 1990s did allow the Government to undertake some important 
infrastructure projects such as a high-quality road network, yet the 
country has not built a new public school throughout President Obiang's 
42 years in office. If confirmed, I will utilize a measured and 
strategic approach by urging the Government of the Republic of 
Equatorial Guinea to adopt good governance practices, including 
increased transparency and accountability, more effectively implement 
its international anticorruption obligations and commitments, and 
invest more in its people, particularly in education and health. 
Equatorial Guinea recently passed a new anti-corruption law, and if 
confirmed, I will work to build on that and obtain real commitments 
from the Government to counter the corruption that threatens the 
Equatoguinean people's security, economic opportunity, and development. 
I will also continue to work with interagency partners to consider all 
available tools that promote accountability and combat corruption.

    Question. China is a player in Equatorial Guinea and involved in 
construction, business, and maritime activities. How would you assess 
the level of Chinese influence and how should the U.S. work to counter 
it?

    Answer. I understand that Equatorial Guinea's political and 
economic situation has created opportunities for exploitation by the 
PRC and other countries. If confirmed, I will build on ongoing 
collaboration among all relevant U.S. Government entities to ensure our 
efforts remain aligned and complementary. Moreover, while U.S. oil and 
gas companies have been the cornerstone of Equatorial Guinea's economic 
development for the past three decades, hydrocarbons are a limited 
resource and Equatorial Guinea needs to diversify its economy to 
promote further growth. Unfortunately, potential foreign investors from 
other sectors are rightly wary about the current investment climate, 
including contract sanctity and a politicized judicial system. The 
Government of Equatorial Guinea will need to address such issues if it 
wants to encourage increased foreign investment from reliable, 
transparent partners.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. As Ambassador in Togo, I used a combination of personal 
diplomacy and a forceful critical statement from Washington to persuade 
the Government to cease the use of vigilantes who harassed and beat 
opposition demonstrators during a period of high political tension in 
2017. I persuaded the Government to restore internet service that was 
shut down following mass demonstrations. I urged senior officials to 
compromise with the opposition on setting ground rules for 
demonstrations that restored freedom of assembly. In Chad, I joined 
with other likeminded chiefs of mission to convince the transitional 
government to allow peaceful public demonstrations, something which had 
not been permitted for many years. Throughout my career, I have worked 
with and supported journalists in countries with limited freedom of 
expression. As a public diplomacy officer, I administered training and 
exchange programs for human rights defenders and civil society 
activists.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in the Equatorial Guinea? These challenges 
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and 
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil 
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as 
possible.

    Answer. The State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report on 
Equatorial Guinea notes many significant issues of concern, including 
reports of excessive use of force by security forces; disregard for the 
rule of law; undue restrictions on freedom of expression including for 
members of the press; restrictions on peaceful assembly; and widespread 
official corruption--all of which negatively affect democracy and 
democratic development. While Equatorial Guinea is officially a 
multiparty democracy with a constitution that guarantees certain rights 
to its citizens, opposition parties have significantly fewer resources 
and less capacity than the president's political party, and the same 
person has been in power for 42 years. Opposition parties have not 
achieved political goals, and therefore have no track record with the 
public. There is no independent electoral commission and thus no 
accountability process before, during or after elections. Press freedom 
is slowly emerging, but journalists are censored or self-censor, and 
journalistic capacity is low. If confirmed, I will raise these 
important concerns with the Government of the Republic of Equatorial 
Guinea, in addition to fostering and expanding the Embassy's own 
engagement with civil society, the political opposition, and media 
representatives.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in the Equatorial Guinea? What do you hope to accomplish 
through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing 
the specific obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. Human rights and democratic governance are central 
priorities for our engagements with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I 
will raise human rights concerns with the Government of Equatorial 
Guinea, especially emphasizing how those concerns intersect our other 
areas of cooperation, such as fiscal transparency, economic 
diversification, anticorruption, trafficking in persons, and maritime 
security. I will also continue to use cultural exchanges, journalist 
trainings, democracy and good governance grants, and capacity building 
resources to expand and strengthen the Embassy's network of local 
partners and voices, who are critical in advocating for and 
implementing meaningful change in a society. We need to recognize, 
however, that the changes we and so many Equatoguineans seek will not 
happen overnight. While I would hope that the timeline for such changes 
will not be truly ``generational,'' it may be wise to adopt an 
incrementalistic approach that embodies the philosophy of ``First, Do 
No Harm,'' lest we endanger the very people we seek to assist. If 
confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to discuss our approach with 
you and your colleagues in greater depth.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. From FY 2018 to FY 2020, the United States has provided 
multiple grants totaling $725,000 through Africa Regional Democracy 
Fund to strengthen civil society capacity and advocate for democracy 
and transparency in governance. The United States has also been able to 
increase cultural and educational cooperation due to Equatorial 
Guinea's upgrade from Tier 3 in the TIP Report, including exchange 
programs such as the Fulbright Program. USAID has minimal programming 
in Equatorial Guinea and provided $150,000 in humanitarian assistance 
in response to the March 2021 Bata explosions. USAID will also disburse 
a COVID-19 rapid deployment award with WHO and UNICEF as implementing 
partners. If confirmed, I will continue to support all this important 
work.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in the Equatorial Guinea? What steps will you take to pro-
actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society 
via legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with members of civil 
society, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the 
United States and local human rights NGOs, and civil society in the 
Equatorial Guinea. I will be clear in messaging that if the Government 
of Equatorial Guinea demonstrates interest and takes concrete steps to 
improve democratic governance and respect for human rights--including 
transparent and inclusive regulations to allow civil society 
organizations to register and operate--we could potentially discuss 
other ways to improve the bilateral relationship.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties. I will also advocate 
for access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within 
political parties. Political parties are only one part of the equation, 
however. The Government of Equatorial Guinea must continue to address 
important issues like corruption, transparency, the lack of a robust 
civil society, the lack of access to justice for all, and the lack of 
respect for human rights. Without concerted attention to improving 
these systemic challenges, democratic development will still fall 
short. Continued engagement on democracy and human rights issues will 
help strengthen democratic institutions and encourage inclusion of all 
elements of society in decision-making.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with the 
Equatorial Guinea on freedom of the press and address any government 
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in the Equatorial Guinea?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to building on and expanding 
Embassy Malabo's strong relationships with journalists and members of 
civil society to increase their professional capacity in order to build 
public trust, dispel myths and disinformation, and work to hold the 
Government accountable.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging with civil 
society members and government counterparts on countering 
disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
state actors in the country. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy 
Malabo's efforts to build journalists' capabilities, professionalism, 
and public trust as an important part of countering disinformation.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with the 
Equatorial Guinea on the right of labor groups to organize, including 
for independent trade unions?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with 
the Equatoguinean Government--specifically the Ministry of Labor, 
Employment, and Social Protection--on the right of labor groups to 
organize and call out incidents when the Government or other actors 
restricts that right.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in the Equatorial 
Guinea, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Yes. I commit to using my position, if confirmed, to defend 
the human rights and dignity of all people in Equatorial Guinea, no 
matter their gender identity, expression or sexual orientation. As I 
did during my service in Togo as Ambassador, I will work with 
colleagues across the U.S. interagency to promote and protect the human 
rights of LGBTQI+ persons in Equatorial Guinea, working in close 
partnership with local civil society. Understanding that, as in all 
operating environments, the U.S. Embassy should do no harm. I will 
support civil society voices in Equatorial Guinea to strengthen their 
ability to advocate for the human rights of all persons. I will use all 
the tools at my disposal, including Embassy Malabo's convening power to 
bring together key actors from the Government, civil society, private 
sector and international community to discuss issues affecting LGBTQI+ 
persons.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in the Equatorial Guinea?

    Answer. No laws exist in Equatorial Guinea expressly criminalizing 
same-sex sexual conduct, but neither do they prohibit discrimination, 
and members of the Equatoguinean LGBTQI+ community are challenged by 
societal stigmatization and discrimination. Some LGBTQI+ individuals 
were removed from government jobs or academic positions because of 
their actual or perceived sexual orientation. The Equatoguinean 
Government has made no effort to combat this or investigate abuses. The 
Government has stated such sexual orientations and gender identities 
are inconsistent with cultural beliefs.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in the Equatorial Guinea?

    Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a 
priority for our mission in Equatorial Guinea. As part of that effort, 
Embassy Malabo has developed a positive and productive relationship 
with local LGBTQI+ organization Somos Parte del Mundo, and has funded 
this group and others to help foster a more inclusive environment for 
LGBTQI+ citizens of Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will ensure our 
Embassy continues promoting and protecting the human rights of LGBTQI+ 
persons in partnership with civil society working against 
discrimination and stigmatization.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to the Equatorial Guinea?

    Answer. Yes. I commit fully to briefing Congress consistently and 
openly during my tenure as Ambassador to Equatorial Guinea, if I am 
confirmed.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, these incidents and any threats to the health and 
safety of U.S. personnel must be taken seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, his number one 
responsibility as Secretary of State is to protect the men and women 
representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I commit to 
ensuring any reported incident is treated seriously and reported 
through appropriate channels in a timely manner and that any affected 
individual promptly receives medical care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed I will regularly meet with medical and 
RSO staff to ensure I understand the full scope of threats against U.S. 
personnel and that all safety protocols are being carefully followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. David R. Gilmour by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Despite the many challenges faced in U.S. relations with 
Equatorial Guinea, it is also an important destination for U.S. 
investment, particularly in the oil and gas sector. How will you 
support American investors as U.S. Ambassador to Equatorial Guinea, if 
confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will represent the interests of U.S. 
companies with the Government, including with the Ministry of Mines and 
Hydrocarbons, the Ministry of Commerce, and the Ministry of Finance, 
the Economy and Planning. I will also ensure that Embassy Malabo 
continues to maintain strong relationships with local offices of U.S. 
companies and prioritize the improvement of the investment climate for 
U.S. companies invested in Equatorial Guinea.

    Question. Equatorial Guinea has harbored former Gambian President 
Yahya Jammeh since his ouster at the ballot box in 2016. How will you 
engage with Equatorial Guinea on issues of accountability for President 
Jammeh?

    Answer. Yahya Jammeh and his wife live in Equatorial Guinea at the 
invitation of the Equatoguinean Government. The Gambian Government has 
not requested Jammeh's extradition to date. Equatorial Guinea and The 
Gambia should resolve this issue bilaterally. If confirmed, I will 
encourage the Equatoguinean Government to continue to discuss this 
issue with their Gambian counterparts.

    Question. What is your view on political dynasties and long-serving 
rulers who, like in the case of Equatorial Guinea, manipulate 
constitutional and electoral processes to give the facade of democratic 
legitimacy? If confirmed, how will you address this issue as U.S. 
Ambassador, particularly in light of broader regional trends?

    Answer. The promotion of human rights, democracy, and good 
governance is a key U.S. objective in Equatorial Guinea and, if 
confirmed, I will ensure that my team and I remain focused on these 
issues. As Ambassador to Togo and more recently as Charge d'Affaires in 
Chad, I am familiar with countries in which sons succeeded their 
fathers as either the actual or de facto head of state, and while we do 
not currently face that situation in Equatorial Guinea, it is true that 
the president's son is serving as vice president and that he is widely 
rumored to be his father's most likely successor. It is more important, 
I believe, to focus not on the ``who'' becomes Equatorial Guinea's next 
leader but on the ``how.'' Equatorial Guinea is scheduled to hold 
legislative elections in 2022 and presidential elections in 2023. If 
confirmed, I will lead Embassy Malabo's engagement with like-minded 
diplomatic missions and the full range of Equatoguinean officials and 
citizens to promote free, fair, and transparent electoral processes.

    Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to 
hold Equatorial Guinea officials accountable for corrupt behavior? If 
confirmed, what would be your approach in using those tools?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize a measured and strategic 
approach by urging the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea 
to adopt democratic governance practices, including increased 
transparency and accountability, more effectively implement its 
international anticorruption obligations and commitments, and invest 
more in its people, particularly in education and health. Equatorial 
Guinea recently passed a new anti-corruption law, and if confirmed, I 
will work to build on that and obtain real commitments from the 
Government to counter the corruption that threatens the Equatoguinean 
people's security, economic opportunity, and development. If confirmed, 
I will continue to work with interagency partners to consider all 
available tools to promote accountability and combat impunity in 
Equatorial Guinea.

    Question. How can the United States best engage Equatorial Guinea 
to curb the corrupt behavior of those companies and government 
officials of malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt 
governments and business environments?

    Answer. I understand that Equatorial Guinea's political and 
economic situation has created opportunities for Beijing and other 
competitors to exploit. If confirmed, I will build on ongoing 
collaboration among all relevant U.S. Government entities to ensure our 
efforts remain aligned and complementary. Moreover, while U.S. oil and 
gas companies have been the cornerstone of Equatorial Guinea's economic 
development for the past three decades, hydrocarbons are a limited 
resource and Equatorial Guinea needs to diversify its economy to 
promote further growth. Unfortunately, potential foreign investors from 
other sectors are rightly wary about the current investment climate, 
including contract sanctity and a politicized judicial system, and thus 
the Government of Equatorial Guinea will need to address such issues if 
it wants to encourage increased foreign investment from reliable, 
transparent partners.

    Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense 
and security cooperation with Equatorial Guinea? Where are the 
opportunities and the risks?

    Answer. The United States is committed to support Equatorial Guinea 
in facing security challenges in the maritime domain. After nearly a 
decade of inactivity, the United States has taken a deliberate, 
cautious approach to our military reengagement, focusing on confidence 
building activities to assess host nation buy-in and absorptive 
capacity. Our long-term partnerships within the region are vital for 
addressing immediate threats from piracy and building capacity to 
ensure long-term security and stability in the region. Maritime 
security in the Gulf of Guinea region is an important U.S. interest. We 
recognize the threat posed by piracy to maritime security in the region 
and to the significant U.S. oil sector investments there. The United 
States works actively with Gulf of Guinea countries to increase their 
capacity to address a range of maritime security threats and to improve 
maritime security cooperation among the states of the region.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Equatorial Guinea?

    Answer. According to what I have been told, morale overall is quite 
good despite some real challenges. The mission is small and tightly-
knit, an attribute that is fostered by the fact that most U.S. 
personnel including the Chief of Mission and DCM reside on the same 
compound. Local staff have also showed great resilience and dedication 
to duty despite COVID-19's heavy toll on Embassy Malabo, with many 
members of our community having lost loved ones. Infrastructural 
challenges like telecommunications, healthcare, and food availability 
are very real, for both U.S. and local personnel. The Embassy has 
adapted to this new environment, with staff building stronger ties with 
each other as they rely on one another more than they did prior to the 
pandemic. Isolation and travel times to/from the United States also 
have the potential to affect our staff's well-being. Our mission in 
Malabo continues to prioritize Embassy morale through tools such as 
regular town halls, which provide a platform for staff to connect with 
leadership and for speakers to discuss resilience and coping 
mechanisms. As the COVID-19 situation evolves, we would also hope to 
return to the past practice of sponsoring well-attended athletic, 
cultural, and social events for community members and their families.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Equatorial 
Guinea?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the Embassy 
community will be of primary importance. I will seek to support 
American employees and their families to create an inclusive and 
welcoming culture where individuals are safe and can achieve 
professional and personal goals. The welfare of our local Equatoguinean 
and third-country staff members is also of great importance to me, and 
I commit to meeting regularly with the local staff committee in a 
spirit of open and constructive dialogue.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Equatorial Guinea?

    Answer. Having led small missions in the past, I am cognizant of 
the particular challenges such missions face regarding resources and 
workload. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all 
agencies, including those whose representatives covering Equatorial 
Guinea are resident in neighboring countries, to establish and review 
goals and develop strategies and tactics to achieve common objectives. 
If confirmed, I will engage all employees and stakeholders to conceive 
and articulate clearly what we will do, and how we will do it despite 
our size and resource limitations. As appropriate and necessary, I will 
work with the Department to identify resource gaps and seek ways to 
address those when possible. If confirmed, I will also create a culture 
of inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I aspire to create a leadership culture in which all are 
encouraged to contribute, create, and grow. If confirmed, I would like 
to create the ideal workplace in which people achieve shared objectives 
while respecting and valuing everyone's contributions. This requires 
from leadership and employees a recognition of individuals' strengths 
and areas of development, and a respect for shared values, inclusion, 
and our institutions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe there is an acceptable place for 
`berating' subordinates, either in public or in private.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure leading 
Embassy N'Djamena?

    Answer. My tenure in N'Djamena as Charge d'Affaires, a.i., 
reinforced lessons I had learned serving in other isolated hardship 
posts, notably that the Chief of Mission must pay close and continuing 
attention to the morale and welfare of the Embassy staff. N'Djamena is 
a challenging and historically difficult post to staff. Staff members 
face security threats, physical and mental health hazards, isolation, 
and loneliness. The chief of mission must ensure that employees and 
families have safe and acceptable housing, and that Embassy services 
for employees are efficiently delivered to maintain quality of life. In 
a high-threat environment such as N'Djamena, the chief of mission must 
devote extra attention to assuring the physical safety of employees and 
family members. Equally important for the chief of mission is to 
clearly communicate the nature of the Embassy's mission and strategic 
direction so that employees and family members understand how their 
work and presence in such an isolated and difficult place serves the 
national security interests of the United States.

    Question. How will your management style and approach differ from 
Embassy Malabo?

    Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate applying the same management and 
leadership practices I used as Chief of Mission in Togo and Chad, to 
ensure a happy, healthy and highly productive Embassy staff.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with the 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I expect to collaborate closely with the 
deputy chief of mission to conceive goals, then implement and oversee 
tactics and activities to achieve those goals. If confirmed, I will 
work with the deputy chief of mission to articulate and maintain high 
ethical standards and create a culture of inclusion and respect. I 
believe deputy chiefs of mission are most effective, productive, and 
valued when they are permitted to work with independence, while 
understanding that the chief of mission is ultimately responsible in 
all ways for the work of the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the deputy chief of mission to 
lead our mission-wide efforts to train, develop, and empower our small 
but dedicated staff to serve effectively in a challenging environment 
while promoting U.S. interests. I will also ask the deputy chief of 
mission to lead recruitment efforts for our Foreign Service positions 
and work with other agencies to ensure that their personnel covering 
Equatorial Guinea are fully integrated into Embassy Malabo's policy 
formulation and implementation. If confirmed, I will collaborate 
closely with the deputy chief of mission on policy implementation, 
engagement with the Government of Equatorial Guinea, and outreach to 
key groups-particularly youth-through traditional and social media. The 
deputy chief of mission at any mission must be able to stand in for the 
Ambassador as needed and potentially on short notice; if confirmed, I 
will ensure that my deputy chief of mission has the knowledge, skills, 
and awareness to stand in for me with confidence.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes I do.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively 
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the 
country to which they are assigned. During normal times (i.e., outside 
the context of COVID-19), our U.S. Mission community was actively 
involved in external engagement with our Government, civil society, and 
media partners and members of the international community throughout 
the country. This has continued even during the pandemic although on a 
more limited basis to ensure everyone's health, safety, and security, 
which are paramount responsibilities of all posts' leadership. If 
confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Malabo continues to engage externally 
in a manner commensurate with the local context at any given time, 
including by traveling to the continental portion of Equatorial Guinea 
and the distant island of Annob"n to ensure we are getting the most 
complete understanding we can of what is going on in the country beyond 
the capital.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, and as health and safety conditions permit, I 
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person 
with local populations. Until then, we will maintain active engagement 
through virtual media. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit people 
throughout Equatorial Guinea and use those visits to facilitate 
contacts for the rest of my team.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Equatorial Guinea? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats 
face there?

    Answer. The Equatoguinean public is generally receptive to U.S. 
Government programs and messaging on our policy priorities, and access 
to less expensive data plans has steadily increased the number of 
social media users following Embassy accounts. However, the combination 
of an underfunded education system, the low capacity of civil society 
and media professionals, and the GREG's conflation of all civil society 
actors as connected to the political opposition poses real challenges 
to engagement. Our civil society and journalist interlocutors are 
hungry for training and skill-building and have participated without 
incident in bi-monthly trainings provided by the public affairs 
section, with additional trainings on the horizon that have been 
tailored to participants' demands and needs. COVID-19 limited the 
Mission's ability to conduct in-person exchanges and outreach for much 
of the pandemic, but since June 2021 we have been able to safely 
conduct in-person trainings at the Embassy with virtual speakers to 
mitigate participants' connectivity issues and create an esprit-de-
corps for those involved.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. I understand the Embassy's strategic planning working group 
meets regularly to discuss important policy objectives and to decide 
how to best deliver messaging to the public. If confirmed, I will focus 
most of our messaging on our priority policy goals and objectives 
including democracy and governance, anticorruption, antitrafficking in 
persons, regional security, and strengthening the economy. Most public 
messaging is delivered via our influential social media platforms 
including Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, but also via traditional 
media including radio, television, and newspaper interviews, which is 
dominated by state media. Two emerging independent digital platforms 
have entered the media space with the goal of providing news that 
Equatoguinean citizens can trust; Embassy Malabo is working closely 
with both of these outlets via training and support ahead of the 
legislative elections in 2022 and presidential elections in 2023.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Equatorial Guinea personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to transparent communication with Mission 
Malabo personnel as it relates to AHI and any other matters that would 
have an impact on the health and safety of Mission Malabo personnel and 
their families.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Equatorial 
Guinea and counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The United States and our European partners share an 
interest in promoting financial transparency, respect for human rights, 
respect for freedom of expression, and efforts to counter corruption in 
Equatorial Guinea. We are concerned about the PRC's influence in 
Equatorial Guinea, including in the areas listed in your question. If 
confirmed, I would continue to work with European and other likeminded 
nations and the Government of Equatorial Guinea to strengthen 
Equatorial Guinea's resilience to external influence that exacerbates 
domestic problems. If confirmed, I will work with our partners that 
have influence with the Government to highlight the advantages to 
Equatorial Guinea of cooperation with U.S., European, and likeminded 
countries on areas of common strategic interest including in the 
economic and security realms. This may at times include speaking up 
against the PRC's malign actions and attempts to undermine the 
international rules-based system and/or advocating for Equatoguinean 
support of U.S. positions in the U.N. system.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Equatorial 
Guinea remained on Tier 2 Watch List due to an overall lack of 
increasing efforts to eliminate trafficking, like never convicting a 
trafficker under its 2004 law, government complicity, and a lack of 
identifying victims. How will you work with host government to address 
these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The Embassy regularly engages the Equatoguinean Government 
on this issue, including by focusing on the 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report's prioritized recommendations to adopt a whole of government 
approach, as well as measures to proactively identify and provide 
assistance to trafficking victims. If confirmed, I will continue to 
press for additional progress in the year ahead.

    Question. Because Equatorial Guinea remained on the Trafficking in 
Persons Report Tier 2 Watch List for a second year, they are at risk of 
being automatically downgraded if they remain on the Watch List in 
2022. Please explain what steps you believe the Government can take to 
significantly improve efforts to combat human trafficking in country 
during the remainder of this reporting period.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Equatoguinean Government 
to address the recommendations included in the 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons report. I will work to foster good relationships with the 
Government to encourage progress in key areas, including drafting and 
implementing an updated National Action Plan. I will also work with the 
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to address how else 
the United States can best help Equatorial Guinea to continue to 
improve its anti-TIP efforts.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Equatorial Guinea was identified as having societal respect for 
religious freedom. What is your assessment of this particular issue and 
if confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to 
continue to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and 
the Department continues to closely monitor religious freedom in 
Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I commit to working with civil society 
and the Equatorial Guinea Government to ensure all citizens enjoy 
freedom of religion and worship as stated in the Constitution. If 
confirmed, I commit to also work with the Ambassador at Large for 
International Religious Freedom and Congress to emphasize the 
importance of religious freedom, addressing any religious freedom 
concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and respect among and for 
members of religious communities in Equatorial Guinea.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Equatorial Guinea was 
identified as having committed and bearing witness to severe human 
rights issues.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these 
instances with the host government?

    Answer. Human rights are a central priority for the U.S. 
Government's engagements with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will 
raise human rights concerns with the Government of Equatorial Guinea, 
especially emphasizing how those concerns intersect our other areas of 
cooperation, such as fiscal transparency, economic diversification, 
anticorruption, trafficking in persons, and maritime security. I will 
also continue to work with Embassy and Department programs such as 
cultural exchanges, journalist trainings, democracy and good governance 
grants, and capacity building resources to expand and strengthen the 
Embassy's network of local partners and voices, who are critical in 
advocating for and implementing meaningful change in a society.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. The promotion of human rights is of the highest priority in 
our relations with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will continue to 
strengthen and expand the relationships we have built in this space. I 
will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen the capacity of 
civil society organizations and amplify their voices, encourage the 
Government to collaborate productively with these organizations for the 
betterment of Equatorial Guinea, while respecting the local operating 
context and adhering to the fundamental principle of ``First, Do No 
Harm.'' In this vein, I will work to ensure that we coordinate our 
efforts with other diplomatic missions.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                       TUESDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., by 
videoconference, Hon. Jeff Merkley presiding.
    Present: Senators Merkley [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Johnson, Young, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senator Duckworth.

            OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF MERKLEY, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM OREGON

    Senator Merkley. Welcome, everyone. This is Senator Jeff 
Merkley. I am checking to see if we have Senator Hagerty with 
us, who I think is--yes, Senator.
    Senator Hagerty. Jeff, I am here. Good morning.
    Senator Merkley. Tremendous. And I think we are beginning 
now so I will gavel this meeting to order.
    Welcome, everyone. Warm welcome to my colleagues and our 
five nominees. Thanks on behalf of the committee to our 
nominees for taking the time to meet with us today.
    Today, we will consider the nominations of five highly 
qualified individuals for a diverse array of positions that 
impact U.S. national interests and global economic growth and 
development and the advancement of human rights, democracy, and 
religious freedom.
    First, we will consider Mr. Marc Stanley, the nominee to be 
Ambassador to Argentine Republic. Mr. Stanley is an established 
leader in the legal field and has served in leadership 
positions in numerous local and national charitable and civic 
organizations throughout his career.
    Our second nominee is Mr. Rashad Hussain to be Ambassador-
at-Large for International Religious Freedom. Mr. Hussain 
previously served as U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of 
Islamic Cooperation, which included meeting regularly with 
heads of state and numerous other roles in government, and 
endorsed by dozens of Christian, Jewish, and Muslim leaders for 
this position advancing religious freedom around the world.
    I would like to enter into the record two letters, one from 
Christian and Jewish leaders and one from the International 
Religious Freedom Roundtable in support of Mr. Hussain's 
nomination.
    Is there any objection?
    [No response.]
    Senator Merkley. Hearing none, those are entered into the 
record.


    [The information referred to above is located at the end of 
this hearing transcript.]


    Senator Merkley. We will also consider Ms. Chantale Wong to 
be the U.S. Director of the Asian Development Bank, a position 
that comes with the rank of Ambassador.
    Ms. Wong has deep experience in government and development 
finance and previously served as the acting U.S. executive 
director of the Asian Development Bank.
    In her ample free time, Ms. Wong--which I am sure is very 
scarce--chronicled the annual congressional civil rights 
pilgrimages in Alabama with the late Congressman John Lewis 
during which I had the opportunity to meet her. Welcome. 
Welcome to see you in a whole different role today.
    For the position of U.S. Executive Director of the 
International Bank for Reconstruction Development, we will 
consider Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler. Dr. Kugler is a tenured 
professor of public policy and economics at Georgetown 
University. She has a distinguished list of honors and 
publications and deep experience in economics, including having 
[inaudible] economist at the U.S. Department of Labor.
    And, finally, for the position of Assistant Secretary of 
State for Economic and Business Affairs, we have Mr. Ramin 
Toloui as nominee. Mr. Toloui is professor of the practice for 
international finance at Stanford University. He has decades of 
experience in finance and investment. He has served as the 
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for international finance.
    I will just remind everyone if you are not speaking please 
mute your mic so we do not get the opportunity to hear your 
side conversations. Thank you all.
    Just over a month ago, the chairman of this committee, 
Senator Bob Menendez, took to the Senate floor to highlight the 
obstruction that has prevented the swift confirmation of nearly 
100 nominations for the State Department and for USAID, 
including numerous career Foreign Service officers.
    These nominees constituted individuals who would be 
responsible for critical national security roles. Thanks to the 
work of members of this committee, we have made progress and 
just last week referred out 33 nominees to the full Senate.
    We are very appreciative of the momentum and movement that 
the committee has taken in advancing nominees for all of our 
critical national security positions.
    But we still have 54 nominees pending on the Senate floor 
and 22 nominees pending before Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, and future nominees to come.
    I am sure many of my colleagues share my hope that this 
spirit of comity in the committee will continue with future 
slates of nominees.
    With that, I will turn to Senator Hagerty for some opening 
remarks.

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to 
thank all the nominees for appearing before our committee 
today. I want to congratulate you and thank you for your 
willingness to serve our great nation. I am looking forward to 
hearing from each of you.
    Today, we consider five nominees for important positions. I 
would like to start with the nominee to be Assistant Secretary 
of State for Economic and Business Affairs.
    This position links America's diplomatic power and 
America's economic might. It helps to advance American economic 
opportunities for U.S. businesses overseas, helps to attract 
foreign investment in the United States, and to employ economic 
pressure against our adversaries.
    In my prior role as ambassador to Japan, I worked very 
closely with the previous incumbent on a variety of strategic 
initiatives like our Blue Dot Network. At a time when economic 
security and national security have become more intertwined 
than ever, we need an assistant secretary who will lead 
engagement in economic sectors of strategic significance to the 
United States: shoring up critical supply chains, cooperating 
with partners on advanced technologies, countering investments 
by malign actors in strategic infrastructure, and pursuing an 
all-of-the-above energy strategy.
    I would like to turn to the nominee to be U.S. Executive 
Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development. As the world's largest development bank, the IBRD 
provides financial products and policy advice to help countries 
reduce poverty and extend the benefits of growth throughout the 
world.
    At a time when our strategic adversaries are attempting to 
rewrite international rules and norms, it will be critical for 
the U.S. Executive Director of the IBRD to advance policies and 
values that represent the free world.
    I would like to turn now to the nominee to be the United 
States director of the Asian Development Bank. This is a 
critical moment for the ADB to play a leading role in ensuring 
that economic, financial, and infrastructure needs of the Indo-
Pacific reflect the values and policies of the United States as 
well as those of our allies and our partners in the region.
    We must leverage the full scope of U.S. economic tools to 
promote concrete foreign policy goals and expand collaboration 
with key allies and partners.
    Specifically, we must use these tools to counter the growth 
of state-directed economic engagement by China, which 
simultaneously distorts markets, pushes out American and allied 
companies, and undermines U.S. national security.
    Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. This 
is a critical position, perhaps today more than ever, because 
religious freedom is under attack across the globe, from 
Christians in Iran and in the Middle East to Uighur Muslims in 
China.
    Today, the United States needs a strong ambassador who will 
work tirelessly to sustain America's leadership in 
international religious freedom.
    And last, but certainly not least, I would like to focus on 
the nomination to be U.S. Ambassador to Argentina.
    Argentina is an important partner in terms of diplomacy, 
trade and economics, counter narcotics, counterterrorism, 
space, science, and technology.
    I look forward to hearing from the nominee about how we can 
strengthen the U.S. partnership with Argentina while also 
countering China's malign influence in the country and 
throughout Latin America.
    With that, I would like to turn it back to Chairman 
Merkley. Thank you.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator.
    And so now we are going to proceed with the testimony and 
we are going to do something a little unusual in that when 
Senator Kaine arrives he is going to give an introduction after 
the testimony has been presented by Mr. Marc Stanley and also 
after testimony has been done by Mr. Rashad Hussain.
    When we have completed those two testimonies we will go to 
Ms. Chantale, and Senator Tammy Duckworth is here to introduce 
her, and then Chris Van Hollen--Senator Chris Van Hollen of 
Maryland will introduce Dr. Adriana Kugler.
    Mr. Marc Stanley, I am not going to give an extended 
introduction now. Senator Kaine will make remarks later to add 
to the few points that I made earlier, and we are going to turn 
directly to your testimony.
    You have the floor.

    STATEMENT OF MARC R. STANLEY OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC

    Mr. Stanley. Thank you.
    Chairman Merkley and Ranking Member Hagerty, thank you for 
the opportunity to appear before you as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Argentine Republic.
    I am deeply grateful that President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken have asked me to serve, and I do want to thank Senator 
Kaine in advance for his leadership, his friendship, and what I 
hope will be a kind introduction. I look forward to working 
with him as chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.
    Serving in this role will truly be the honor of a lifetime 
and another humbling chapter in a family story that is unique 
to the American promise, a story that finds its roots in small 
villages in Belarus, Ukraine, and Poland.
    My father's family first made their way to Brooklyn, New 
York, with little to their name. My mother's father fled 
pogroms in the early 1900s and landed in London before my 
mother eventually crossed the Atlantic at age 19 to reach 
America's shores as well.
    My parents met at a Jewish singles dance on Long Island, 
and after marrying and having two sons they moved to Dallas, 
built a business and planted the seeds of a fruitful life.
    My younger brother and I were born in Dallas, first-
generation Texans. Although my father and two brothers have 
passed, and I miss them dearly, I am grateful that my 92-year-
old mother, Renee, and my brother, David, are still with us in 
Dallas.
    And Texas is where I met my extraordinary wife of 38 years, 
the love of my life, Wendy Hillebrand, and together we have 
been blessed every day by three incredible kids, Daryl, Paul, 
and Mikey, and their partners, Marshal, Nicky, and Jesse, and 
now one perfect granddaughter, Jed August Sosland. I want to 
thank my family and my friends for their love and for their 
support.
    Throughout my life, public service, the pursuit of justice, 
the desire to give back and repair the world, what in Judaism 
we call tikkun olam, have always been a central part of my 
identity as a young intern and staffer on Capitol Hill, as a 
lawyer, as a volunteer, as an activist in everything from the 
fight to rescue Soviet Jewry to the cause of a safer state of 
Israel, to leadership roles in national and local nonprofits, 
and serving in state and federal government.
    Now, if confirmed, I have the chance to continue forging 
that path on behalf of our nation. And I do not see this 
process simply one of ceremony. Argentina, Latin America's 
second largest country, is a critical partner in our 
hemisphere, and as the United States Ambassador, I intend to do 
my part to advance matters of mutual interest rooted in our 
mutual values.
    And I know I will do so in a truly beautiful country, a 
place where I would love meeting the people and exploring, 
walking the streets of Buenos Aires, hiking in Bariloche and 
getting drenched at Iguazu.
    I know I will be strengthened by the outstanding staff at 
our embassy, the distinguished members of the Foreign Service, 
and local Argentine staff who perform the quiet but vital work 
of diplomacy every day.
    And I will come to this position with clear priorities in 
mind. These priorities are described in my formal statement, 
which was submitted to the committee, but limited to five 
minutes I will highlight just a few goals and be happy to go 
into more details in response to your questions.
    First, COVID-19. Argentina has started to turn the corner 
on COVID-19 infections and the United States has played a great 
role. Ending the pandemic globally will benefit the United 
States, Argentina, and the entire world, and, if confirmed, I 
will continue to explore all avenues to assist Argentina in 
this global fight.
    The economy. Sadly, Argentina is experiencing significant 
economic challenges, including its huge IMF debt and a 
prolonged recession. If confirmed, I will work to support 
Argentina's efforts to address those challenges.
    Trade. Two-way trade has been shrinking, and some U.S. 
companies are leaving the field due to regulatory barriers. If 
confirmed, I will keep engaging the Argentine Government to 
address these challenges as we explore opportunities to expand 
U.S. trade and investment.
    Human rights. Argentina has not yet joined the United 
States and others in pressing hard enough for the protection of 
human rights and meaningful reforms in countries like 
Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua.
    And if confirmed, I plan to engage with Argentine 
leadership at all levels to seek ways to achieve our mutual 
goal of a hemisphere that honors our highest ideals.
    Finally, as Ambassador, I will make it clear that America 
is truly back, that our presence is a positive one, that we are 
interested in deepening our people-to-people ties.
    I am committed to traveling to all 23 provinces, to promote 
our businesses and promote our culture, and to remind our 
Argentine friends of everything that we have in common.
    Thank you for your time.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Stanley follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Marc R. Stanley

    Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank you 
for the opportunity to appear before you as President Biden's nominee 
to serve as the Ambassador to the Argentine Republic. I am deeply 
grateful that President Biden and Secretary Blinken asked me to serve.
    Serving in this role would truly be the honor of a lifetime--and 
another humbling chapter in a family story that is truly unique to the 
American promise.
    That story finds its roots in small villages in Belarus and 
Ukraine. My father's family first made their way to Brooklyn, New York, 
with little to their name. My mother's father fled pogroms in the early 
1900s and landed in London, before his daughter eventually crossed the 
Atlantic at the age of 19 to reach America's shores as well.
    My parents met at a Jewish singles dance on Long Island, and after 
marrying and having two sons, moved to Dallas, built a business, and 
planted the seeds of a fruitful life.
    My younger brother and I were born in Dallas--first generation 
Texans. Though we have lost our father and two brothers, whom I miss 
deeply, I am grateful that my 92 year old mother, Renee, and my brother 
David, are still with us in Dallas.
    And Texas is where I met my extraordinary wife, the love of my 
life, Wendy Hillebrand, and together, we have been blessed every day by 
three incredible children--Daryl, Paul, and Mikey--and now, one 
grandchild.
    I want to thank my family and friends for their love and support.
    Throughout my life, public service, the pursuit of justice, the 
desire to give back and repair the world--what in Judaism we call 
``tikkun olam''--have always been a central part of my identity: as a 
young intern and staffer on Capitol Hill, as a lawyer, as a volunteer, 
as an activist in everything from the fight to rescue Soviet Jewry to 
the cause of a safer state of Israel to leadership roles in local and 
national non-profits and in state and federal government.
    Now, if confirmed, I have the chance to continue forging that path 
on behalf of our nation. There is no possibility I find more thrilling 
or more humbling.
    Argentina, Latin America's second largest country, is a critical 
partner in our hemisphere, and as the United States Ambassador, I 
intend to do my part to advance matters of mutual interest, rooted in 
our mutual values.
    I know I will do so strengthened by the outstanding staff at our 
embassy--the distinguished members of the foreign service and local 
Argentine staff who perform the quiet but vital work of diplomacy every 
day.
    And I will come to this position with clear priorities in mind:

1. COVID-19
    Argentina has started to turn the corner on efforts to defeat a 
powerful second wave of COVID- 19 infections, and the United States has 
already donated 3.5 million vaccine doses to Argentina and connected 
the Argentines with our vaccine manufacturers for the purchase and 
delivery of more life-saving shots.
    Ending the pandemic globally will benefit the United States, 
Argentina, and the entire world. If confirmed, I will continue to 
explore all avenues to assist this global fight.
2. Economy
    Argentina is Latin America's third-largest economy, but a long 
history of economic instability has taken a toll on its productivity 
and competitiveness. Argentina has been in recession since 2018, and 
its government must construct a macroeconomic policy framework that 
will put it on the road to financial sustainability.
    If confirmed, I will work to support Argentina's efforts to address 
its economic challenges.
3. Trade
    Trade with Argentina is an essential pillar of our bilateral 
relationship. We remain Argentina's largest foreign investor, but two-
way trade has been shrinking and some U.S. companies are leaving due to 
regulatory barriers.
    If confirmed, I will keep engaging the Argentine Government to 
address these challenges as we explore opportunities to expand U.S. 
trade and investment in industries like mining, cybersecurity, pharma, 
and technology. I will continue the Embassy's work to advocate 
vigorously for U.S. businesses.
4. Human Rights
    Argentina and the United States enjoy a longstanding relationship 
founded on our fidelity to democracy, prosperity, security, and the 
protection of human rights across the Americas. But
    Argentina has not yet joined the United States and others in 
pressing for meaningful reforms in countries like Venezuela and Cuba.
    If confirmed, I plan to engage with Argentine leadership at all 
levels to seek ways to achieve our mutual goal of a hemisphere that 
honors our highest ideals.
5. PRC
    As the United States sees greater competition with the People's 
Republic of China in Argentina and elsewhere, I will make it a priority 
to hold everyone's feet to the fire, especially when products like 
below-market 5G technology are entering the marketplace and enabling 
China to access all data and information among Argentina's people.
    If confirmed, I will work with Argentine partners to uphold the 
rule of law and live up to the highest environmental, social, privacy, 
and labor standards worldwide.
6. Public Diplomacy/Closing
    Finally, as Ambassador, I will make it clear that America is truly 
back. That our presence is a positive one. That we are interested in 
deepening our people-to-people ties. I am committed to traveling to all 
23 provinces to promote our businesses and culture, and to remind our 
Argentine friends of everything we have in common.
    If you support my confirmation and offer me this chance to serve, I 
promise to cooperate with you to demonstrate the power of American 
values and to advance our nation's interests. It would be a true 
blessing and privilege and source of pride to craft this next chapter.

    Thank you.


    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Stanley. And we 
are going to adjust plans on the fly here as a courtesy to our 
fellow senators' schedules and so we are going to have Senator 
Tammy Duckworth introduce Ms. Chantale Wong and then have 
Senator Chris Van Hollen introduce Dr. Adriana Kugler.
    And then, I think, if Senator Kaine has arrived we will 
have him do his two introductions before we continue with the 
testimony.
    Let me turn it over to you, Senator Duckworth.

               STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY DUCKWORTH,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS

    Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is such an 
honor to get to be here today, and thank you to Ms. Wong for 
giving me the honor of introducing you.
    As a small child, she was only six years old when she 
separated from her parents in the Great Leap Forward. Chantale 
Wong knows what it is like to be hungry and homeless, and she 
has, tragically, experienced realities of grinding poverty.
    As I think you will see for yourselves today, on a very 
human level Ms. Wong possesses a unique compassion for and 
insight into the plights of hundreds of millions of people who 
need the kind of help that only large institutions with our 
partnership and support can provide.
    You have here today a deeply good and warm-hearted person 
who lived in China, Hong Kong, Okinawa, and Guam until she was 
21. She is also one of the best qualified nominees ever to sit 
before this committee as a presidential nominee to be our 
country's Executive Director of the Asian Development Bank.
    It is my deep pleasure to introduce her to you. I can 
honestly say that I have known about Chantale before she knew 
about me. She is truly an icon in the Asian-American community 
and I have always been grateful for her groundbreaking 
leadership and vision.
    It is because of pioneers like Chantale that many of us had 
such spectacular opportunities in public service. We first met 
in person at an alumni event at the University of Hawaii where 
we both earned our undergraduate degrees.
    Chantale worked in various agencies over her 28-year public 
sector career, a career that I could only aspire to when I was 
a student at the University of Hawaii. Her positions have 
included being at NASA, EPA, Interior, and the Office of 
Management and Budget.
    During the financial crisis of 2008 to 2009, she, at 
Treasury, helped to develop the framework for the financial 
instruments for the Troubled Asset Relief Program. She 
personally led the successful transformation of the federal 
budgeting process and even created a software tool that was 
used at over a dozen agencies. For that work, Chantale received 
the 2008 Presidential Award for Management Excellence during 
the George W. Bush administration.
    Chantale is the Founding Chair of the Conference on Asian 
and Pacific American Leadership, now in its 32nd year. CAPAL is 
dedicated to attracting young professionals to careers in 
public service and has provided opportunities for over 600 
young AANHPIs.
    She is also a member of the Advisory Board of Veterans for 
Global Leadership, which creates leadership opportunities for 
veterans going into careers of diplomacy, security, and 
development.
    Chantale joined the staff of the Asian Development Bank in 
Manila in 1999 as an environmental specialist to ensure that 
the bank's assessments complied with their environmental and 
social policies.
    She also led development and publication of ADB's first 
Asian Environmental Outlook in 2001. She was subsequently 
appointed by President Bill Clinton to the board of directors 
at the ADB where she represented the United States as the 
ultimate executive director and provided oversight of the 
bank's entire operations.
    Consequently, she has intimate familiarity with the bank's 
mission, culture, and impact. Chantale speaks fluent Mandarin, 
Shanghainese, and Cantonese and some Japanese, so maybe she can 
speak with you, the ranking member, Senator Hagerty.
    Her ethnic heritage, decades of public service, 
technological leadership, and executive level program 
management experience are exquisite preparation for this 
challenge of a lifetime.
    Her years of experience and expertise in international 
development finance, the environment, and technology makes her 
incalculably qualified for this role.
    She is a parent, a Catholic, a fellow Asian American and 
artist. She was John Lewis'--as has already been mentioned, she 
was John Lewis' personal photographer during his annual civil 
rights pilgrimages to Alabama--as you said, Mr. Chairman, that 
is where he first met her--and a member of the LGBTQ community. 
She is also a public servant, and I fully support Chantale 
Wong's nomination.
    Thank you.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you so much, Senator Duckworth, for 
that introduction.
    We are hoping, Ms. Chantale Wong, that when you testify you 
will testify in English.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Merkley. Quite a range of languages that you have 
mastered.
    And now Senator Chris Van Hollen will introduce Dr. Adriana 
Kugler.

              STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Chairman Merkley and Ranking 
Member Hagerty, and to my colleagues on the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee.
    I am very honored to introduce to you President Biden's 
nominee to be the next United States Executive Director of the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Dr. 
Adriana Debora Kugler.
    Over the course of her distinguished career, Dr. Kugler has 
dedicated herself to making the American dream more real for 
more people, a mission inspired by her own story as the 
daughter of two Colombian immigrants.
    She brings the experience, the integrity, and judgment and 
character required in the United States chief representative on 
the board of the World Bank Group.
    After earning her BA in economics and political science 
from McGill University and her Ph.D. from the University of 
California at Berkeley, Dr. Kugler quickly ascended to the 
heights of economics research and scholarship, earning posts at 
top-tier institutions and the World Bank, among other 
affiliations.
    Her vast body of research has confronted challenges of 
labor market inequities, unemployment issues, trade, 
immigration, health care, and more, and she has held the title 
of full professor at the McCourt School of Public Policy at 
Georgetown University since 2010.
    But beyond her many titles, Dr. Kugler has paired her 
academic credentials with hands-on experience in public policy 
arena to help change people's lives.
    From 2011 to 2013, she made history as the first Latina to 
hold the post of chief economist of the United States 
Department of Labor, and in that role she worked across 15 
departments and agencies to tackle issues of unemployment, 
workforce investment, Social Security, and more.
    I have had the privilege of working with Dr. Kugler when 
she was serving at the Department of Labor and I was serving in 
the House of Representatives, and I can testify both to her 
public policy expertise as well and, importantly, as their 
willingness to consult with and work with Congress as a full 
government partner.
    On a personal note, I am very glad that Dr. Kugler is not 
only a resident of my great state of Maryland, where she now 
lives with her husband and two children, but is also a graduate 
of Maryland public schools and was a Capitol Hill intern to 
Senator Mikulski.
    Her longstanding dedication to fighting for working people, 
supporting business growth, and breaking cycles of poverty 
makes our state proud to call her one of our own, and she is an 
exceptional candidate to represent the United States at the 
World Bank, where she will work with our international and 
other partners to unlock economic opportunity in developing 
countries so we can drive growth not only abroad but here at 
home for workers and businesses.
    To my fellow members of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, for these reasons and many more I urge you to 
support the President's nomination as the next United States 
Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction 
and Development, Dr. Adriana Kugler.
    I urge everybody to support her for this position. Thank 
you.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen. 
Senator Kaine is still not with us, according to his staff.
    We will still hold the other introductions and now we will 
be turning to the testimony of Mr. Rashad Hussain of Virginia 
to be Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom.

   STATEMENT OF RASHAD HUSSAIN OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
    AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM

    Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, and good morning, Chairman 
Merkley, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of the committee, 
and I want to thank Senator Kaine for his introduction.
    It is an honor to appear before you as the President's 
nominee for Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious 
Freedom. I am grateful to the President and to Secretary 
Blinken for placing the trust in me to pursue this work on 
behalf of the American people.
    I would also like to thank my family, my parents, my 
sister, Lubna, my brother, Saad, my wife, Isra, and our 
children--Sulaiman, Safiyyah, Sumayyah, and our youngest, 
Safurah, who turns 26 days old today. I am blessed to have your 
endless advice, support, and patience.
    Religious freedom is enshrined in our First Amendment and 
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a core American 
value and a human right, and I am humbled to be charged with 
the sacred calling to protect the freedom of religion for 
people all over the world.
    My family came to the United States from India, where my 
father was raised in a village with no electricity. I was born 
in Wyoming where my father worked in the mining industry, and I 
grew up in Texas.
    My mother was a physician, always encouraged me to use my 
life to serve others. I have spent nearly 15 years as a public 
servant, working in all three branches of government under 
Democratic and Republican administrations, upholding our 
Constitution, including as an attorney and as a diplomat.
    Collaborating with civil society from across the political 
spectrum to protect international religious freedom and 
alleviate human suffering has been some of the most meaningful 
and rewarding work of my life.
    During my time at the State Department, I worked in close 
partnership with civil society leaders on the Marrakesh 
Declaration, a landmark initiative on the protection of 
Christians and other religious minorities in Muslim-majority 
countries.
    As a part of our opposition to blasphemy laws and the 
criminalization of free speech, I led a process to end the 
annual passage of the U.N. resolution that harmed religious 
minorities around the world, and along with our Special Envoy 
to monitor and combat anti-Semitism I traveled twice to the 
Holocaust sites with imams from the United States and many 
other countries to address anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial.
    My work protecting human rights has taken me around the 
globe where I have met with civil society leaders, heads of 
state, and other senior government officials in countries such 
as Central African Republic, Egypt, Pakistan, India, Turkey, 
Indonesia, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Nigeria, and 
China, which continues its oppression of religious communities, 
including the ongoing genocide of the Uighurs.
    And I saw firsthand the trauma of the Rohingya living in 
refugee camps in Cox's Bazar and heard stories of the 
horrendous acts of violence and mass atrocities they endured.
    Respected members of this committee, I was on Capitol Hill 
on September 11th, 2001, as a staff member of the House 
Judiciary Committee. Since that day, I have been determined to 
do everything I can to protect our country and our national 
security interests.
    While at the Justice Department and Department of State, I 
worked on the prosecution of terrorism, national security 
cases, and other counterterrorism efforts, including countering 
terrorist propaganda often used to target religious minorities.
    As a Muslim American, I have seen the impact of bigotry and 
guilt by association tactics used against minority communities, 
including the message it sends and the danger it poses to young 
people.
    Congress has stood at the forefront of the work of 
protecting religious freedom since the International Religious 
Freedom Act of 1998 was passed on an overwhelming bipartisan 
basis. I am honored by the support of civil society and faith 
organizations from all across the political and religious 
spectrum and I look forward to our continued partnership.
    In an era of vigorous partisan debates, Americans continue 
to be, largely, of one mind regarding the importance of 
defending international religious freedom.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with the members of this 
committee and your staffs to extend this right to all. I will 
also leverage my existing relationships with Muslim-majority 
countries to protect the rights of religious minorities there.
    I will redouble efforts to broaden the coalition to hold 
China accountable for its horrific crimes against the Uighurs 
and its repression of other ethnic and religious minorities.
    I will look to build on the impressive work of Ambassador 
Sam Brownback, who expanded partnerships through the 
International Religious Freedom Ministerial and the 
International Religious Freedom Alliance, and the 
groundbreaking efforts of Ambassador David Saperstein, who 
institutionalized relationships with USCIRF and civil society 
organizations.
    Tomorrow the United States commemorates International 
Religious Freedom Day. Our country was founded on the 
conviction that everyone should be free to believe what they 
choose.
    Our own experience, our own example, is what compels us to 
advocate for the rights of the marginalized, the vulnerable, 
the oppressed, and the underrepresented peoples of the world.
    If confirmed, with the support of the American people, I 
intend to carry out the United States' abiding commitment to 
championing international religious freedom for everyone 
everywhere.
    Thank you for your consideration.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Hussain follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Rashad Hussain

    Good morning Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Risch, and members of 
the committee. It is an honor to appear before you as the President's 
nominee for Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. I 
am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for placing their 
trust in me to pursue this work on behalf of the American people. I 
would also like to thank my family--my parents, my sister Lubna and my 
brother Saad, my wife Isra, and our children, Sulaiman, Safiyyah, 
Sumayyah, and our youngest, Safurah, who turns 26 days old today. I am 
blessed to have your endless advice, support, and patience.
    Religious freedom is enshrined in our First Amendment and the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights; it is a core American value and 
human right. And I am humbled to be charged with the sacred calling to 
protect the freedom of religion of people all over the world.
    My family came to the United States from India, where my father was 
raised in a village with no electricity. I was born in Wyoming, where 
my father worked in the mining industry, and I grew up in Texas. My 
mother, who is a physician, always encouraged me to use my life to 
serve others. I have spent nearly 15 years as a public servant working 
in all three branches of government under Democratic and Republican 
administrations upholding our constitution, including as an attorney 
and a diplomat. Collaborating with civil society from across the 
political spectrum to protect international religious freedom and 
alleviate human suffering has been some of the most meaningful and 
rewarding work of my life.
    During my time at the State Department, I worked in close 
partnership with civil society leaders on the Marrakesh Declaration, a 
landmark initiative on the protection of Christians and other religious 
minorities in Muslim-majority countries. As part of our opposition to 
blasphemy laws and the criminalization of free speech, I led a process 
to end the annual passage of a U.N. resolution that harmed religious 
minorities around the world. And along with the Special Envoy to 
Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, I traveled twice to the Holocaust 
sites with Imams from the United States and many other countries to 
address anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial.My work protecting human 
rights has taken me around the globe, where I have met with civil 
society leaders, heads of state, and other senior government officials 
in countries such as the Central African Republic, Egypt, Pakistan, 
India, Turkey, Indonesia, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Nigeria, 
and China, which continues its oppression of religious communities, 
including the ongoing genocide of the Uyghurs. And I saw firsthand the 
trauma of Rohingya living in the refugee camps in Cox's Bazaar and 
heard stories of the horrendous acts of violence and mass atrocities 
they endured.
    Respected members of the committee, I was on Capitol Hill on 
September 11, 2001 as staff member of the House Judiciary Committee. 
Since that day, I have been determined to do everything I can to 
protect our country and our national security interests. While at the 
Justice Department and State, I worked on the prosecution of terrorism 
and national security cases and other counterterrorism efforts, 
including countering terrorist propaganda often used to target 
religious minorities. And as a Muslim American, I have seen the impact 
of bigotry and guilt by association tactics used against minority 
communities, including the message it sends and dangers it poses to 
young people.
    Far too many people around the world continue to face arrest, 
torture, discrimination, and even death on account of their beliefs.
    Antisemitism, Christian persecution, anti-Muslim hatred, and other 
forms of intolerance are on the rise. A staggering eighty percent of 
people worldwide live in environments with high or severe restrictions 
on religious freedom. These are not just statistics and bad laws--these 
are individuals taken from their families: the plight of the patriarch 
of the Eritrean Orthodox Church unable to leave his home to tend to his 
flock; the Saudi Government whipping and jailing blogger Raif Badawi 
for encouraging debate online; the Nigerian Government letting atheist 
Mubarak Bala sit in prison without charge for months; the Panchen Lama 
disappeared by the PRC and stolen from the global Tibetan Buddhist 
community; and the stories of Christians in Vietnam, the Ahmaddiya in 
Pakistan, and the Baha'i in Yemen. Their faiths may be different, but 
they share a common experience of persecution. I am committed to 
fighting, day in and day out, for their rights.
    Congress has stood at the forefront of this work since the 
International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 was passed on an 
overwhelming, bipartisan basis. I am honored by the support of civil 
society and faith organizations from all across the political and 
religious spectrum, and I look forward to our continued partnership. In 
an era of vigorous partisan debates, Americans continue to be largely 
of one mind regarding the importance of defending international 
religious freedom. If confirmed, I will work closely with the members 
of this committee and your staffs to extend this right to all.
    I will also leverage my existing relationships within Muslim-
majority countries to protect the rights of religious minorities there. 
I will redouble efforts to broaden the coalition to hold China 
accountable for its horrific crimes against the Uyghurs and its 
repression of other ethnic and religious minorities.
    I look to build on the impressive work of Ambassador Sam 
Brownback--who expanded partnerships through the IRF Ministerial and 
the International Religious Freedom Alliance--and the groundbreaking 
efforts of Ambassador David Saperstein, who institutionalized 
relationships with USCIRF and civil society organizations.
    Tomorrow, the United States commemorates International Religious 
Freedom Day. Our country was founded on the conviction that everyone 
should be free to believe what they choose. Our own experience, our own 
example, is what compels us to advocate for the rights of the 
marginalized, vulnerable, and underrepresented peoples the world over. 
If confirmed, with the support of the American people, I intend to 
carry out the United States' abiding commitment to championing 
international religious freedom for everyone everywhere.
    Thank you for your consideration.


    Senator Merkley. Mr. Hussain, thank you very much for your 
testimony.
    And now we are going to turn to Ms. Chantale Wong. Welcome.
    And I believe you may still be muted.

STATEMENT OF CHANTALE YOKMIN WONG OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES DIRECTOR OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT 
               BANK, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Ms. Wong. Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and 
distinguished members of the committee.
    I am deeply honored to have been nominated by President 
Biden to be the United States Executive Director to the Asian 
Development Bank. I am humbled by this privilege.
    I would like to start by thanking some important people in 
my life for their support: my mother, who is watching these 
proceedings with great pride from her San Francisco apartment, 
my daughter, Sara, my sister, Connie, as well as my dearest 
friend, Peter, and his wife, Klaudia Levin. I would also like 
to recognize my mentor for 30-plus years, the iconic Alice 
Rivlin, who we lost two years ago.
    My history has shaped me and instilled in me the values and 
passions that make me who I am. As mentioned, I was born in 
communist China. When I was six years old, in the middle of the 
tragedy of the Great Leap Forward and at tremendous personal 
risk, my parents arranged to have me smuggled, along with my 
grandmother, into Hong Kong in the bottom of a boat.
    I can still smell the food in the galley that I was not 
allowed to eat on that journey. That powerful and poignant 
memory is still with me today.
    During the Cultural Revolution, my father was sentenced to 
hard labor and my mother was a barefoot doctor in the 
countryside. That they even survived is a miracle and an 
experience too painful for them to recount.
    After I fled communist China, I did not see and hardly 
communicated with my parents for 21 years and until I could get 
them out. I was raised mostly by Catholic nuns who imprinted 
their faith and compassion on me.
    I can never repay my parents' sacrifice or the church's 
grace, but I have tried to pay it forward, living my life with 
the values that matter to me.
    I came to Washington in 1989 after receiving a Master's 
from Harvard Kennedy School of Government, and before that, a 
Master's degree in environmental engineering from the 
University of California Berkeley with a focus on wastewater 
management, and a Bachelor's in civil and structural 
engineering from the University of Hawaii.
    Ever since then, the consistent theme of my career has been 
dedicated to public service, environmental protection, and 
sustainable development.
    I know the Asian Development Bank well, having previously 
worked there first as a subject matter expert in Manila in 
1999, focused on ensuring that the bank's environmental 
assessments comply with their environmental and social 
safeguard policies.
    I led, as mentioned, the development and publication of the 
bank's first Asian Environment Outlook in 2001, and then was 
appointed by President Bill Clinton as the Ultimate Executive 
Director.
    I have had the extraordinary privilege of being appointed 
by President Obama to serve as Vice President for 
Administration and Finance and the Chief Financial Officer at 
the Millennium Challenge Corporation from 2011 to 2014.
    I believe that, if confirmed, this foundation will prepare 
me well to be the executive director to the largest regional 
multilateral development bank serving Asia and the Pacific.
    For more than five decades of its operations the bank has 
contributed to a dramatic reduction in poverty, from 1.5 
billion people in 1990 to 263 million in 2015 in its developing 
member countries.
    The COVID-19 pandemic has presented challenges, but the 
bank has moved swiftly to expand pandemic support and boost 
financial commitments.
    While I applaud the bank's launch of the Strategy 2030, if 
confirmed, I will work to focus the bank's resources on 
sectors, especially quality infrastructure, in countries where 
it can be most impactful, assure financial sustainability, and 
maintain world-class systems of governance, human resources, 
accountability, and oversight.
    Increased competition in the region from financiers with 
less transparency and weaker standards underscores one of the 
challenges the bank must address. In many ways, the United 
States have been an irreplaceable partner in helping Asia lift 
so many people out of poverty and disease.
    The American values of democracy, respect for human rights, 
and private enterprise remain the only viable path for 
sustainable inclusive development and poverty reduction.
    Now we have an opportunity to reengage with Asia and the 
Pacific, to promote the President's infrastructure, public 
health, and environmental policies. Working with members of 
this committee, we can have a permanent and constructive impact 
on billions of lives through presence, participation, and 
patience.
    Again, I am so grateful to you all for your consideration 
of this appointment. I would be delighted to answer your 
questions. Thank you very much.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Wong follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Chantale Yokmin Wong

    Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members 
of the committee, I am deeply honored to have been nominated by 
President Biden to be the next United States Executive Director to the 
Asian Development Bank. I am humbled by this privilege.
    I would like to start by thanking some important people in my life 
for their support--my mother, who is watching these proceedings with 
great pride from her San Francisco apartment, my daughter Sara, my 
sister Connie, as well as my dearest friend Peter and his wife Klaudia 
Levin. I would also like to recognize my mentor, the iconic Alice 
Rivlin, who we lost two years ago.
    My history has shaped me and instilled in me the values and 
passions that make me who I am. I was born in Communist China. When I 
was six years old, in the middle of the tragedy of the ``Great Leap 
Forward,'' and at tremendous personal risk, my parents arranged to have 
me smuggled along with my grandmother to Hong Kong in the bottom of a 
boat. I can still smell the food in the galley that I wasn't allowed to 
eat on that journey. That powerful and poignant memory is still with me 
today.
    During the Cultural Revolution my father was sentenced to hard 
labor and my mother was a barefoot doctor in the countryside. That they 
even survived is a miracle and an experience too painful for them to 
recount. After I fled Communist China, I didn't see and hardly 
communicated with my parents for 21 years and until I could get them 
out. I was raised mostly by Catholic nuns, who imprinted their faith 
and compassion on me. I can never repay my parents' sacrifice or the 
Church's grace. But I have tried to ``pay forward,'' living my life 
with the values that matter to me.
    I came to Washington in 1989 after receiving a master's from 
Harvard Kennedy School of Government and before that a master's degree 
in environmental engineering from the University of California, 
Berkeley with a focus on wastewater management, and a bachelor's in 
civil and structural engineering from the University of Hawaii. Ever 
since then, the consistent theme of my career has been dedicated to 
Public Service, environmental protection, and sustainable development.
    I know Asian Development Bank well, having previously worked there 
first as a subject matter expert in Manila in 1999 focused on ensuring 
that the bank's environmental assessments complied with their 
environmental and social safeguard policies. I led the development and 
publication of the Bank's first Asian Environment Outlook in 2001, and 
then was appointed by President Bill Clinton as an Alternate Executive 
Director. I had the extraordinary privilege of being appointed by 
President Obama to serve as Vice President for Administration and 
Finance, and Chief Financial Officer, at the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation from 2011 to 2014.
    I believe that, if confirmed, this foundation will have prepared me 
to be the Executive Director to largest regional multilateral 
development bank serving Asia and the Pacific. Over five decades of its 
operations, the Bank has contributed to a dramatic reduction in poverty 
from 1.5 billion people in 1990 to 263 million in 2015 in its 
developing member countries. The COVID-19 pandemic has presented 
challenges, but the Bank has moved swiftly to expand pandemic support 
and boost financial commitments.
    While I applaud Bank launch of Strategy 2030, if confirmed I will 
work to focus the Bank's resources on sectors, especially quality 
infrastructure, and countries where it can be most impactful; assure 
financial sustainability; and maintain world-class systems for 
governance, human resources, accountability, and oversight. Increased 
competition in the region from financiers with less transparency and 
weaker standards underscores one of the challenges the Bank must 
address.
    In many ways the United States has been the irreplaceable partner 
in helping Asia lift so many people out of poverty and disease. 
American values of democracy, respect for human rights, and private 
enterprise remain the only viable path for sustainable, inclusive 
development and poverty reduction. Now we have the opportunity to re-
engage with Asia and the Pacific to promote the President's 
infrastructure, public health, and environmental policies. Working with 
the members of this committee, we can have a permanent and constructive 
impact on billions of lives through presence, participation, and 
patience.
    Again, I am so grateful to you all for your consideration of this 
appointment. I would be delighted to answer your questions.
    Thank you


    Senator Merkley. Thank you. We so much appreciate your 
diverse experience and your expertise that you bring to bear 
and testimony today. Thank you.
    And now we will turn to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler of 
Maryland.

 STATEMENT OF DR. ADRIANA DEBORA KUGLER OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED 
TO BE THE UNITED STATES EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL 
BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS

    Dr. Kugler. Good morning, Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member 
Hagerty, and distinguished members of the committee, and thank 
you, Senator Van Hollen, for your very generous introduction.
    It is truly a privilege to have been nominated by President 
Biden to represent the United States as Executive Director of 
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. I am 
honored for the opportunity to appear before you today.
    I would like to begin by thanking my husband of 27 years, 
Ignacio Donoso, and our two outstanding children, Danny, who is 
a second-year student at the University of Pennsylvania, and 
Miri, a sophomore at Walt Whitman High School in Maryland.
    I am also tremendously grateful to my parents, Bernardo and 
Nelly Kugler, who have dedicated their lives to working on 
international development. I want to thank my family for their 
unwavering encouragement, support, and devotion throughout the 
years.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, as you know, the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was 
created in 1944 and was charged with channeling long-term 
development finance to help Europe and other countries to 
restore stability in the world.
    As the granddaughter of a family who fled Europe in 1939 to 
escape the Holocaust, sadly, leaving behind relatives who died 
in concentration camps, I am grateful that the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development was created to rebuild 
the world after the atrocities and destruction caused by World 
War Two.
    Since its formation, the role of the World Bank has 
expanded from being a lending bank investing in fiscal and 
human capital to also becoming a knowledge bank that shares and 
promotes best practices and development policies around the 
world.
    At present, the role of the World Bank and its leadership 
in multilateral institutions is as important as ever. Some of 
the most critical issues we face today, including the recovery 
from the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and a 
drastic rise in poverty, are truly global issues that require 
engagement with our allies around the world.
    If confirmed, I look forward to using my unique experience 
and skills in economic development, university administration, 
and government to help advance the goals of the U.S. in growing 
economic prosperity and creating greater stability around the 
world.
    For over two decades I have been doing research and 
analysis of economic development as a Professor of Public 
Policy and Economics, now at Georgetown University and 
previously in universities in Texas and Europe.
    In my work, I have studied how labor markets and social 
policies across the world can improve the lives of working 
people, help businesses create jobs, and help the least 
fortunate obtain education and training to get out of poverty 
and become self-sufficient.
    In addition, an important part of my work focuses on cost-
benefit analyses, which inform how to best spend taxpayers' 
money in programs with the highest return.
    Over the years, I have worked on evaluating projects on the 
ground and, thus, I also understand the real problems of 
implementing that need to be overcome when policy is put into 
practice.
    I firmly believe we are able to best advance U.S. goals if 
development assistance is guided by high standards of 
accountability.
    My work in university administration as Vice Provost of 
Georgetown University overseeing and developing policies for 
all faculty gave me practical experience in cementing good 
management practices.
    This experience will be useful for the U.S. Executive 
Director of the World Bank, particularly in advocating for 
accountability and transparency at this institution at the 
highest levels.
    My experience in government as Chief Economist at the U.S. 
Department of Labor helped me to understand the importance of 
breaking silos and working across agencies, building 
coalitions, and reaching out to different constituencies.
    This experience will be valuable for the work of the U.S. 
Executive Director, which requires close collaboration across 
the U.S. Government and the highest level of integrity, 
transparency, and accountability to U.S. taxpayers.
    I will also use these experiences to work with other 
shareholders in advancing our common objective to see well-
designed development projects that respond to the most pressing 
needs in countries.
    As a first-generation American and daughter of Colombian 
immigrants, I am so fortunate to have lived the American dream 
after having seen poverty and political instability up close.
    I have the deepest appreciation for the importance of 
upholding and sustaining democratic institutions, respecting 
the rule of law and human rights, and a strong commitment to 
help those less fortunate than me.
    If confirmed, I would commit to work tirelessly to achieve 
President Biden's goal of advancing U.S. values and interests 
by strengthening institutional capacity, investing in inclusive 
growth, encouraging fair and rules-based trade, and reducing 
poverty around the world.
    Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to come 
before you today. I would be happy to answer any questions from 
the committee.
    [The prepared statement of Dr. Kugler follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Adriana D. Kugler

    Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members 
of the committee. It is truly a privilege to have been nominated by 
President Biden to represent the United States as Executive Director of 
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. I am honored 
for the opportunity to appear before you today.
    I would like to begin by thanking my husband of 27 years, Ignacio 
Donoso, and our two outstanding children, Danny, who is a second-year 
student at the University of Pennsylvania, and Miri, a Sophomore at 
Walt Whitman High School in Maryland. I am also tremendously grateful 
to my parents, Bernardo and Nelly Kugler, who have dedicated their 
lives to working on international development. I want to thank my 
family for their unwavering encouragement, support, and devotion 
throughout the years.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, as you know, the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was created in 
1944 and was charged with channeling long-term development finance to 
help Europe and other countries to restore stability in the world. As 
the granddaughter of a family who fled Europe in 1939 to escape the 
Holocaust, sadly leaving behind relatives who died in concentration 
camps, I am grateful that the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development was created to rebuild the world after the atrocities and 
destruction caused by World War II. Since its formation, the role of 
the World Bank has expanded from being a lending bank, investing in 
physical and human capital, to also becoming a knowledge bank that 
shares and promotes best practices on development policies and economic 
growth around the world.
    At present, the role of the World Bank and U.S. leadership in 
multilateral institutions is as important as ever. Some of the most 
critical issues we face today, including recovery from the COVID-19 
pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and a drastic rise in poverty, are 
truly global issues that require engagement with our allies around the 
world.
    If confirmed, I look forward to using my unique experience and 
skills in economic development, university administration, and 
government to help advance the goals of the U.S. in growing economic 
prosperity and creating greater stability around the globe.
    For over two decades, I have been doing research and analyses on 
economic development as a Professor of Economics and Public Policy now 
at Georgetown University and previously in universities in Texas and 
Europe. In my work, I have studied how labor market and social policies 
across the world can improve the lives of working people, help 
businesses create jobs, and help the least fortunate obtain education 
and training to get out of poverty and become self-sufficient. I have 
seen how various public policies have yielded positive results while 
other policy reforms were not properly designed to achieve progress. In 
addition, an important part of my work focuses on cost-benefit 
analyses, which inform how to best spend taxpayers' money in programs 
with the highest return. Over the years, I have worked on evaluating 
projects on the ground and, thus, I also understand the real problems 
of implementation that need to be overcome when policy is put into 
practice. I firmly believe we are able to best advance U.S. goals if 
development assistance is guided by high standards of accountability.
    My work in university administration as Vice-Provost of Georgetown 
University, overseeing and developing policies for all faculty, gave me 
practical experience implementing good management practices, including 
the importance of aligning goals with incentives; putting in place 
accountability practices; and providing clear guidance and resources to 
implement human resource policies. This experience will be useful for 
the U.S. Executive Director at the World Bank, particularly in 
advocating for accountability and transparency at this institution at 
the highest levels.
    My experience in government as Chief Economist at the U.S. 
Department of Labor helped me to understand the importance of breaking 
silos and working across agencies, building coalitions, and reaching 
out to different constituencies. This experience will be valuable for 
the work of the U.S. Executive Director, which requires close 
collaboration across the U.S. Government, and the highest level of 
integrity, transparency, and accountability to U.S. taxpayers. I will 
also use these experiences to work with other shareholders in advancing 
our common objective to see well-designed development projects that 
respond to the most pressing needs in countries.
    As a first generation American and daughter of Colombian 
immigrants, I am fortunate to have lived the American Dream after 
having seen poverty and political instability up close. I have the 
deepest appreciation for the importance of upholding and sustaining 
democratic institutions, respecting the rule of law and human rights, 
and a strong commitment to help those less fortunate than me. If 
confirmed, I would commit to work tirelessly to achieve President 
Biden's goal of advancing U.S. values and interests by strengthening 
institutional capacity; investing in inclusive growth; encouraging fair 
and rules-based trade; and reducing poverty around the world.
    Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to come before 
you today. I would be happy to answer questions from the committee.


    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Dr. Kugler.
    And we have now been joined by Senator Kaine. We are going 
to invite Senator Kaine to do introductions for Mr. Marc 
Stanley and Mr. Rashad Hussain.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Merkley, Senator Hagerty, 
and all of my colleagues. It is a treat to sign on after a 
fairly contentious health meeting. I hope my friends, Marc 
Stanley and Rashad Hussain, have already acquitted themselves 
well. I have no doubt that they have. Let me tell you about 
both of them.
    Marc Stanley is a long-time friend, and Rashad Hussain is 
not somebody that I know personally that well but he is a very 
esteemed and qualified Virginian. They are both super qualified 
for the positions for which they are nominated.
    Let me start with Marc. I have known Marc for probably 
about 15 years. As you heard, he is a very experienced attorney 
in Texas with a great track record of success in the court.
    But he has also been a real rock star when it comes to 
public service and philanthropy. He is a founding member of his 
law firm and has done great work there. But his career actually 
began on Capitol Hill while he was a student at George 
Washington University and had the opportunity to work on the 
House Committee on Administration as an aide to Chairman Frank 
Thompson at that time.
    He has committed himself to serving his community in a 
number of ways, as a council member of the U.S. Holocaust 
Memorial Museum and also as chairman of the Texas Public 
Finance Committee.
    He is extremely well known for his devotion to his faith, 
Judaism, and public affairs done with others in the Jewish 
community in Texas, around the country, and around the world.
    I first met Marc when I was chairman of the Democratic 
National Committee during the early years of the Obama 
administration, and we bonded because we are both trial lawyers 
but also he has got a Richmond connection because his dad went 
to the University of Richmond.
    At every level of professional, philanthropic, and public 
service Marc has demonstrated excellence, character, and 
integrity, and he would do a wonderful job representing our 
country as Ambassador to Argentina.
    Rashad Hussain--Rashad hails from Falls Church, Virginia, 
right here in the area, and his nomination to be Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom is very important.
    I will start by just noting if you think he looks tired, he 
has got a one-month baby at home--I am sure that that might 
explain some sleep deprivation recently--in addition to three 
other children.
    Rashad has got a deep background in foreign affairs and 
also, in particular, law and religious freedom. He is currently 
Director of Partnerships and Global Engagement on the National 
Security Council, our advocacy for religious freedom around the 
globe. It involves heavy interaction and consensus building 
with stakeholder and civil society groups. His NSC role now is 
an important one.
    And prior to that, Rashad was senior counsel in the 
National Security Division of the Department of Justice and 
then before that he worked at the Justice Department serving as 
U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.
    If confirmed, Rashad would be the first Muslim Ambassador-
at-Large for International Religious Freedom. I know two of the 
previous ambassadors very well. We have had up a diverse 
representation of Americans from different religious 
traditions.
    But as the first Muslim ambassador it would be a good thing 
to show our commitment to religious freedom ourselves but also 
much of the persecution of religious minorities occurs in 
Muslim-majority countries and that gives Rashad, who has 
already demonstrated a sensitivity to this, an ability to 
promote and build partnerships to embrace respect for all 
faiths.
    He has been nominated or recommended by many organizations 
including the American Jewish Committee, the Inter Jewish 
Muslim Alliance, and the International Christian Concern.
    And the last thing I will say about Rashad is we would be 
very proud to have a Virginian in this position. The position 
was created by a lot of work done by former Virginia 
Congressman Frank Wolf, and it was Virginia in the 1780s that 
passed the statute of religious freedom that served as the 
basis for the First Amendment's protection of all, that in this 
country you will not be preferred or punished based on how you 
worship or not worship.
    It is a Virginia value that is an American value. I am 
proud to be here and represent a qualified Virginian for the 
position.
    Mr. Chair, thank you for letting me do my nominations out 
of order and I am looking forward to participating in the 
questions and answers with all these nominees.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Kaine.
    And it is now my privilege to provide the introduction for 
the Honorable Ramin Toloui, and he is a professor of the 
practice for international finance at Stanford University.
    He is a fellow at Stanford Institute for Economic Policy 
Research. His teaching and research focus on international 
economic policy, financial crises, and economic impact of 
artificial intelligence.
    Prior to joining Stanford, he had a two-decade career 
spanning public service and investment management. He served in 
the Obama-Biden administration as Assistant Secretary for 
International Finance at the Department of Treasury.
    He previously was global co-head of the Emerging Markets 
Portfolio Management at the Pacific Investment Management 
Company, overseeing more than $100 billion in investments.
    He began his career as a civil servant at the Department of 
the Treasury. He earned his AB degree in economics from Harvard 
University and a Master of philosophy degree in international 
relations from Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes 
Scholar.
    Welcome, and we look forward to your testimony.

    STATEMENT OF HON. RAMIN TOLOUI OF IOWA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE [ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS AFFAIRS]

    Mr. Toloui. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that introduction.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished 
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 
today as nominee to be Assistant Secretary for Economic and 
Business Affairs at the State Department.
    Thank you for considering my nomination, and I would also 
like to thank the committee staff for meeting with me before 
this hearing to discuss critical economic and foreign policy 
issues facing the United States.
    Thank you to President Biden for nominating me for this 
position and to Secretary Blinken for his support for my 
candidacy.
    I am thrilled that my mother, Alyce, is sharing the stage 
virtually with me from Iowa City where I was born and raised. 
My father, Ahmad, who passed away last year, is with us today 
in spirit. I am profoundly grateful for all that their love has 
made possible in my life.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, I welcome the opportunity, 
if confirmed, to return once again to public service. I started 
my career as a civil servant in the Treasury Department from 
1999 to 2006, serving in the International Affairs Division 
under Democratic and Republican presidents, President Clinton 
and President Bush.
    I worked on issues ranging from stabilizing economies in 
crisis from southeastern Europe to Latin America, to building 
an international coalition to combat terrorist financing in the 
wake of 9/11.
    Seven years ago, I was honored to be confirmed by the 
Senate as Assistant Secretary for International Finance at the 
Treasury Department. In that position, I was proud to play an 
important role in facilitating U.S. and International Monetary 
Fund assistance to Ukraine to resist Russian aggression, 
supporting economic stabilization in key countries in the 
Middle East and working to ensure that financial volatility in 
Europe and Asia did not disrupt the global and American 
economies.
    Outside of government, I have had the opportunity to expand 
my skills in ways that can contribute to more effective 
policymaking. During the past few years, I have been a 
professor of the practice of international finance at Stanford 
University, teaching the next generation of citizens and 
prospective policymakers about how to prevent and respond to 
financial crises, drawing on my experiences both in government 
and in the private sector.
    At Stanford, I also designed and taught one of the first 
university courses in the world on the economic impact of 
artificial intelligence, preparing graduates to grapple with 
the profound ways in which technology is poised to affect jobs, 
wages, industrial organization, and global competition.
    I hope to bring these insights on what it takes for 
Americans to thrive in this new technological era to the work 
of the State Department and the U.S. Government.
    If confirmed, I look forward to applying these skills and 
experiences across the broad range of issues in which the 
Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs at the State Department 
has an important role to play with a particular focus on three 
key challenges.
    First, we must secure a strong recovery from the COVID-19 
pandemic. This means working with the interagency and others 
countries to restore safe and sustainable international travel 
and commerce.
    It means addressing short-term supply disruptions and 
taking concrete actions to build more resilient supply chains 
for the future, especially in key areas like semiconductors and 
other critical sectors.
    And it means using commercial diplomacy in new ways to 
unlock novel opportunities in the post-pandemic world for U.S. 
businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
    Second, the United States must lead in shaping the norms 
and rules governing trade, commerce, and technology that will 
underpin the future global economy. This means working with 
like-minded nations to confront abusive policies by China that 
create unfair competition, disadvantage American workers, and 
conflict with American values.
    It means shaping global technology adoption and governance 
in ways that promote openness, security, and reliability, and 
reflect democratic rather than authoritarian principles in 
areas ranging from 5G to artificial intelligence to the digital 
economy, and it means cooperating with allies in areas like 
national security investment reviews and export controls to 
achieve shared objectives.
    Third, the United States must leverage economic tools to 
advance foreign policy objectives and respond to crises. Among 
other things, this means utilizing sanctions effectively in 
pursuit of U.S. economic--pardon me, diplomatic and national 
security goals.
    It also means deploying U.S. foreign assistance, including 
the expanded capacities of U.S. Development Finance Corporation 
to support sustainable economic development, achieve key 
climate goals, and advance strategic U.S. interests, and it 
means deploying these tools in collaboration with allies, 
partners, and multilateral institutions to bolster their 
effectiveness.
    Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you 
today and for considering this nomination. I look forward to 
answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Toloui follows:]


                   Prepared Statement by Ramin Toloui

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished Members of the 
Committee, I am honored to appear before you today as nominee to be 
Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs at the State 
Department. Thank you for considering my nomination. I also thank the 
committee staff for meeting with me to discuss critical economic and 
foreign policy issues facing the United States.
    Thank you to President Biden for nominating me for this position, 
and to Secretary Blinken for his support of my candidacy.
    I am thrilled that my mother, Alyce, is sharing this day virtually 
with me from Iowa City, where I was born and raised. My father, Ahmad, 
who passed away last year, is with us today in spirit. I am profoundly 
grateful for all that their love has made possible in my life.
    Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, I welcome the opportunity, if 
confirmed, to return once again to public service. I started my career 
as a civil servant in the Treasury Department from 1999 to 2006, 
serving in the international affairs division under Democratic and 
Republican Presidents, President Clinton and President Bush. I worked 
on issues ranging from stabilizing economies in crisis from 
Southeastern Europe to Latin America, to building an international 
coalition to combat terrorist financing in the wake of 9/11.
    Seven years ago, I was honored to be confirmed by the Senate as 
Assistant Secretary for International Finance at the Treasury 
Department. In that position, I was proud to play an important role in 
facilitating U.S. and International Monetary Fund (IMF) assistance to 
Ukraine to resist Russian aggression, supporting economic stabilization 
in key countries in the Middle East, and working to ensure that 
financial volatility in Europe and Asia did not disrupt the global and 
American economies.
    Outside of government, I have had the opportunity to expand my 
skills in ways that can contribute to more effective policymaking. 
During the past few years, I have been a Professor of the Practice of 
International Finance at Stanford University, teaching the next 
generation of citizens and prospective policymakers about how to 
prevent and respond to financial crises, drawing on my experiences both 
in government and the private sector. At Stanford, I also designed and 
taught one of the first university courses in the world on the economic 
impact of artificial intelligence (AI), preparing graduates to grapple 
with the profound ways in which technology is poised to affect jobs, 
wages, industrial organization, and global competition. I hope to bring 
these insights on what it takes for Americans to thrive in this new 
technological era to the work of the State Department and U.S. 
Government.
    If confirmed, I look forward to applying these skills and 
experiences across the broad range of issues in which the Bureau of 
Economic and Business Affairs at the State Department has an important 
role to play, with a particular focus on three key challenges:

    First, we must secure a strong recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. 
This means working with the interagency and other countries to restore 
safe and sustainable international travel and commerce. It means 
addressing short-term supply chain disruptions and taking concrete 
actions to build more resilient supply chains for the future, 
especially in key areas like semiconductors and other critical sectors. 
And it means using commercial diplomacy in new ways to unlock novel 
opportunities in the post-pandemic world for U.S. businesses, 
particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
    Second, the United States must lead in shaping the norms and rules 
governing trade, commerce, and technology that will underpin the future 
global economy. This means working with like-minded nations to confront 
abusive policies by China that create unfair competition, disadvantage 
American workers, and conflict with American values. It means shaping 
global technology adoption and governance in ways that promote 
openness, security, and reliability--and reflect democratic rather than 
authoritarian principles--in areas ranging from 5G to artificial 
intelligence to the digital economy. And it means cooperating with 
allies in areas like national security investment reviews and export 
controls to achieve shared objectives.
    Third, the United States must leverage economic tools to advance 
foreign policy objectives and respond to crises. Among other things, 
this means utilizing sanctions effectively in pursuit of U.S. 
diplomatic and national security goals. It also means deploying U.S. 
foreign assistance--including the expanded capacities of the U.S. 
Development Finance Corporation--to support sustainable economic 
development, achieve key climate goals, and advance strategic U.S. 
interests. And it means deploying these tools in collaboration with 
allies, partners, and multilateral institutions to bolster their 
effectiveness.

    Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you today and 
for considering this nomination. I look forward to answering your 
questions.


    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much. I appreciate the 
testimony. We have now had testimony from all five of our 
nominees, and before I turn to the period for questions, we 
have a set of questions that are standard for this committee to 
ask.
    I will ask you to all respond together. If your answer is 
yes, you can answer yes, and then I will pause if anyone wants 
to answer no. Then we will be able to hear you.
    And so do you agree to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Merkley. Did anyone wish to answer no to that 
question?
    [No response.]
    Senator Merkley. All right.
    Hearing none, second, do you commit to keep this committee 
fully and currently informed about the activities under your 
purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Merkley. Okay. Hearing no noes, do you commit to 
engaging in meaningful consultation while policies are being 
developed, not just providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Merkley. Thank you. And do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Merkley. Thank you all very much.
    As you undoubtedly understand, it is very important to the 
checks and balances of our government to be able to get 
information and insight from our key representatives in the 
executive branch and the various roles that you will be in.
    I will now turn to the period of questions. I encourage you 
to keep your responses as brief as you can so that you can have 
the joy of responding to more inquiries and not proceed to 
upset various senators by filibustering their questions. That 
is a privilege reserved only for the Senate floor.
    Mr. Stanley, let us begin with Argentina.
    As you assess the drivers of Argentina's persistent 
economic challenges that include inflation and substantial 
public debt that exceeds their gross domestic product, 
certainly, high poverty exacerbated by COVID-19, to what extent 
is the United States working multilaterally with IMF leadership 
as Argentina strives to negotiate a new debt restructuring 
plan?
    Mr. Stanley. Thank you for the question, and you are right. 
Argentina is a beautiful country. It is a beautiful tour bus 
that does not have the wheels on working right. The IMF debt of 
$45 billion is huge.
    The issue, though, is it is the Argentines' leadership 
responsibility to come up with a macro plan to pay this back 
and they have yet to do so. They say one is coming soon.
    The United States--the Biden administration has met with 
them even last week. The embassy in Buenos Aires and the State 
Department are engaged to try to find constructive ways to 
help. But in the end, it comes up to them to figure out a macro 
economic plan to put them back on track.
    And I just want to say COVID has, certainly, not helped the 
situation at all. The good news is they are back on their feet. 
But there is no more important issue than getting back on their 
feet because they are a great bilateral partner for us for 
trade and economics, and we need a partner that is economically 
healthy.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
    Mr. Hussain, the United States has utilized a variety of 
tools in response to human rights violations against ethnic and 
religious minorities in Xinjiang, China, including targeted 
sanctions, export controls, import restrictions.
    However, we continue to see enormous oppression of the 
Muslim Uighur community with very high-tech strategies to 
control and such that the impact has been that it is conducting 
genocide as established and determined under both the Trump 
administration and the Biden administration.
    What more should the United States be doing in this regard? 
What more can we do? Has what we have been doing been 
effective? Do we stay the course? Are there new strategies to 
implement?
    Mr. Hussain. Thank you for the question, Senator, and 
thanks for your leadership on this important issue.
    I share your deep concerns about China. China is one of the 
worst abusers of religious freedom in the world. I have visited 
Xinjiang province and have seen firsthand China's blatant 
disregard for the Uighur community, their oppression, the 
genocide that is occurring there, and for their disregard of 
human rights toward a number of religious communities, 
including the Tibetan Buddhists, Protestants, Catholics, and 
the Falun Gong.
    We will do everything in our power to make sure that we 
articulate those concerns in our report--the International 
Religious Freedom Report--that we speak directly to the Chinese 
about their policies and individual cases that we are concerned 
about as well, that we work closely with civil society around 
the world and that we use some of the tools that you have 
mentioned--sanctions, visa restrictions, export-import 
controls.
    And then one of the things that I want to make sure that we 
do is we work closely with some of the Islamic countries around 
the world that could be more vocal in speaking out about what 
is going on with the Uighur population specifically, as you 
mentioned.
    Some of those countries have expressed some concern, but I 
think if they are able to come together and apply more pressure 
to address this issue then we have a more significant chance of 
making an impact and helping the lives of people in China.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you.
    My last question for this round is to Ms. Wong, and given 
that the Asian Development Bank is in the process of reviewing 
its environmental and social safeguards policies, what would 
you plan to do as executive director of the Asian Development 
Bank to encourage the institution and other shareholders to set 
ambitious climate targets and to encourage the Asian 
Development Bank to prioritize clean energy solutions?
    [No response.]
    Senator Merkley. I believe you are still muted, but I am 
sure you are giving a great answer.
    [Laughter.]
    Ms. Wong. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    As you rightly point out, the Asian Development Bank is 
going through its safeguards policy review. It has not done it 
in 10 years so it is a really great opportunity for us to look 
at safeguards to not--make sure that we do not walk back from 
any of the social and environmental safeguards but that we move 
forward, particularly around climate change.
    I believe that we need to be using the Asian Development 
Bank as a tool to help countries move to a clean growth path, 
going forward, and so my effort will be to ensure that both 
environmental safeguards in the climate change area to look at 
sources of fuel to ensure that we are going forward with a 
clean energy path.
    Senator Merkley. Great. Thank you very much, and my time is 
up.
    I am going to turn to Senator Hagerty, and Senator Hagerty, 
I am handing over the gavel, which I cannot hand it to you 
physically. It is a cup. You can use whatever you would like on 
your desk.
    And since your questions are up next, I will try to be back 
by the end of your questions. If not, we will proceed to 
Senator Menendez upon the completion of the answers to your 
questions. Thank you.
    Senator Hagerty [presiding]. Honored to take over, Mr. 
Chairman. Thank you.
    And, first, I would like to just turn to Mr. Toloui to 
congratulate you on your nomination, to highlight the fact that 
in my previous job I worked very closely with your predecessor.
    It is an extremely strategic role that you will play, if 
you are confirmed, and I just want you to know that my staff 
and I look forward to working with you if you are confirmed to 
make certain that you are successful because we perceive, and I 
am sure all the members of this committee share the same view, 
that you are in a position to make an extraordinary difference.
    Next, I would like to turn to Mr. Hussain. First, I want to 
applaud you and your family and congratulate you for the 
addition of your newest family member. I know what that is 
like, but to your wife and your three older children, 
congratulations on the new addition. I do hope you get a little 
more sleep between now and the time you are confirmed, should 
you be.
    I also want to applaud Secretary of State Mike Pompeo for 
doing the right thing in making the determination that the 
Chinese Communist Party is, indeed, engaged in genocide and 
crimes against humanity with respects to Uighurs and the Turkic 
Muslim population in China.
    I also want to applaud Secretary of State Blinken for 
seeing that travesty and upholding that determination. The 
Chinese Communist Party persecute Uighurs and other Turkic 
Muslims because the teachings of Islam may undermine the 
ideology of the Chinese Communist Party.
    The United States should always remain a beacon of hope for 
those that espouse the freedom of religion.
    Mr. Hussain, I am concerned that the Biden administration 
may overlook the ongoing genocide in China in order to strike 
some sort of naive grand bargain on climate.
    If confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom, one of your responsibilities will be to help 
the Uighurs and the Turkic Muslims in China.
    Mr. Hussain, if you are confirmed, do you agree that the 
United States should never use the religious freedom and human 
rights of religious minorities in China as a bargaining chip in 
climate negotiations with the Chinese Communist Party?
    Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, Senator.
    Yes, I do agree. We have made it very clear from the first 
days in office. Secretary Blinken, as you noted, maintained the 
designation of the treatments and the oppression of the Uighurs 
as a genocide, and as I described, the number of tools that we 
intend to use in dealing with this issue.
    We will not relent in our efforts to help those that are 
suffering in China, including Uighurs and including other 
communities there, as I mentioned, the Tibetan Buddhists, the 
Protestants, the Catholics, and the Falun Gong and others.
    Senator Hagerty. I am pleased to hear that.
    Dr. Kugler, I will turn my next question to you. As I told 
Deputy Secretary of Treasury Adeyemo last week, I remain 
concerned about China's activities and their growing influence 
at the World Bank.
    Since its inception in 2003, the ``Doing Business'' report 
has ranked 190 countries according to indicators to see how 
easy it is to establish and grow private companies.
    Despite the ongoing crackdown on private businesses by the 
Chinese Communist Party, China's ranking somehow rose seven 
places in the last rankings. China ranked 31st in the 2020 
report, which was ahead of Switzerland by five places.
    As a lifelong businessman with significant experience in 
private investment, this makes no sense to me. However, it 
makes perfect sense when we see that Chinese malign behavior 
has been involved in setting these rankings.
    According to the Wall Street Journal, an independent 
investigation by an outside law firm concluded that former 
World Bank CEO Kristalina Georgieva and other leaders pressured 
staff to improve China's Doing Business 2018 rankings.
    The United States must do everything it can to protect the 
integrity of international institutions. My question for you is 
that, if confirmed, how will you ensure that China is not able 
to compromise the World Bank's values and actions?
    Dr. Kugler. Senator Hagerty, first, let me say that I 
deeply share your concerns about China's abusive behaviors, 
which not only undermine our U.S. values but they also try to 
undermine our rules-based global leadership system.
    As someone who has used data for more than two decades, I 
deeply believe that any data, any reports that come out of the 
World Bank need to be held to the highest standards of rigor, 
integrity, and transparency, and I would commit to doing that.
    I would work, certainly, with our allies, with like-minded 
shareholders at the bank, and with the management at the bank 
to make sure that these sort of manipulation of data does not 
occur into the future.
    Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that. I appreciate that very 
much and I take very seriously your commitment to push back 
against this type of malign behavior to influence these types 
of rankings.
    Now it is my honor to turn over the questions to Chairman 
Menendez.
    [No response.]
    Senator Hagerty. Chairman?
    [No response.]
    Senator Hagerty. If Chairman Menendez is not available, I 
would like to then turn it over to Senator Cardin, please.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and I 
appreciate very much this opportunity.
    First, let me express my thanks to all of our nominees and 
their families for their willingness to serve our country 
during these extremely challenging times. It is difficult, and 
we appreciate the sacrifices that you are making.
    I want to talk about President Biden's commitment that our 
foreign policy is going to be based in our values, our concerns 
about the growth of corruption, the autocratic regimes around 
the world, and that all of our tools of foreign diplomacy need 
to be focused at advancing our values, which is anti-
corruption, democracy, et cetera.
    If I may start with Ms. Wong in regards to the Asian 
Development Bank and its activities in Myanmar. Myanmar has 
made a sharp turn in the wrong direction with the military, 
again, having total control over the country.
    Explain to me how we can leverage our involvement through 
the bank in Myanmar to advance our goals of a more democratic 
society for the people of Burma.
    Ms. Wong. Thank you very much, Senator.
    I totally agree with you that the situation in Burma is 
dire. I actually was there in 2019. I spent quite a bit of time 
going around to villages and meeting local people. It is one of 
the poorest countries in that region, and what has happened to 
it is very difficult to imagine currently.
    I am actually not confirmed at the moment and it is not 
appropriate for me to take any particular position in terms of 
how to designate what happened in Burma, and so I am looking 
forward to getting briefed on that, if confirmed.
    Having said all that, I will definitely commit to you we 
will be evaluating each project. I will be relying on the 
Treasury team as well to going forward on looking at that and 
ensuring--totally agree that ensuring that democracy and human 
rights are forefront in those values that we will uphold in 
that particular country.
    Thank you.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that reply. As you know, at 
one time we had some of the toughest sanctions against Burma of 
any country in the world. We have relaxed that as they were 
moving forward on a democratic path within the country. Then we 
only--including the president of the United States making a 
visit. That did not seem to change the direction of the 
military.
    I think it is very important that we have a very strong 
position--a carrot-stick approach--that we are not going to 
give them benefits if they are not going to advance the goals 
that are important. I look forward to working with you in that 
regard.
    Ms. Wong. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Cardin. Mr. Stanley, thank you for your willingness 
to take on Argentina. I know your abilities and your skills, 
and I thank you for being willing to take on this challenge. I 
know you will do a great job.
    I want to talk about one of the issues you raised, that is, 
the human rights record in Argentina. When you look at its 
border areas, there is a lot of money laundering that takes 
place between Argentina and Paraguay and other countries in 
that region.
    We need to strengthen our capacity to fight corruption in 
our countries that have significant challenges. Tell me just a 
little bit about your strategy on making sure that anti-
corruption is a priority in our mission in Argentina.
    Mr. Stanley. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I am glad you are 
focusing on this.
    Secretary Blinken--I do not know if you saw last week--gave 
a tremendous speech in Ecuador talking about how we are going 
to grow democracies in the Western Hemisphere, and the first 
issue he wanted to talk about was corruption, which he said is 
estimated to cost up to 5 percent of global GDP, how it stifles 
investment, deepens inequities, et cetera.
    It is clear that corruption takes place in this tri-border 
area that you are talking about between Paraguay, Brazil, and 
Argentina, and the United States is fully engaged in trying to 
fight that there.
    There is tremendous cooperation with our defense agencies, 
with our intelligence agencies. We are doing a lot of 
exchanges. We are doing a lot of training. We are delivering a 
lot of anti-crime fighting equipment even. And so I am really 
proud of what is going on, but I think you are highlighting a 
very, very important issue.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Now it is my honor to turn this 
over to Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and 
congratulations to all of the nominees today. Thank you for 
your willingness to continue to serve this country.
    I would like to start with you, Mr. Stanley, with a more 
parochial issue and that has to do with an insurance company in 
New Hampshire, which was doing work in Argentina. They were 
shorted significant funding. They have been to court and have 
had the court rule in their favor, and I am hopeful that, as 
Ambassador, you will push the Argentine Government to pay off 
on the debt that they owe to this insurance company. I have 
asked this question of previous Secretaries of State and 
previous Ambassadors to Argentina.
    So far, no one has been successful, but I am counting on 
you and your good legal negotiating skills. Will you commit to 
working to do this?
    Mr. Stanley. Yes, Senator Shaheen. Thank you so much. There 
is nothing more important in our job than to represent 
Americans and American corporations that are trying to do 
business and, absolutely, I will investigate and see what I can 
do.
    I am surprised Judge Prado did not have success in that 
because he is a terrific lawyer and judge, who was the last 
ambassador.
    But I will, if confirmed, when I first get on the ground I 
will look at this immediately, and I will report back to you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. We stand ready in our office to 
provide any information that you need.
    My next question is for both Ms. Wong and Dr. Kugler. As I 
am sure you are aware, in 2019 the Congress passed the Women's 
Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act, which makes it 
part of our international development policy to try and address 
the factors that hinder women's economic empowerment.
    Can each of you talk about how you will work on that issue, 
if confirmed, at your appointments?
    Dr. Kugler, do you want to begin first?
    Dr. Kugler. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for 
this very important question.
    I do so much agree with you that gender disparities remain 
a big challenge around the world, and they have only become 
worse during the pandemic and the recent global crisis.
    It is very important that we continue to tackle issues of 
gender disparities, whether it is with regards to access to 
health, with regards to access to education, with regards to 
access to employment, and importantly, with regards to lack of 
access to finance, which hinders the progress of women 
entrepreneurs.
    I thank you for your support of that bill. I know the World 
Bank recently has introduced a new initiative called the We-Fi 
Initiative, which stands for Women Entrepreneurs Financial 
Initiative, introduced in 2017. They have disbursed some $300 
million in about 60 countries.
    But I do believe there is a lot of progress that still 
needs to be done. I, myself, have, for over two decades, 
devoted a good amount of my research efforts to looking to 
gender disparities in education and in employment.
    I am deeply committed to this issue. I would certainly be 
committed to working forward in terms of reducing gender 
disparities, working at the Board to push for projects that 
support women entrepreneurs and to make sure that we do not 
forget that this pandemic has hit women the worst around the 
world.
    Thank you very much.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Wong?
    Ms. Wong. Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for your leadership 
on this issue.
    When I was at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, we 
actually did a huge effort--in any project, any assistance that 
we do, we focus on women in the economy. And I would like to 
understand a little bit better, if confirmed, going into the 
Asian Development Bank if we could do something similar 
because, as Dr. Kugler has mentioned, it affects development, 
poverty. All of that affects women significantly more so 
because they are the backbones of the economy.
    And so understanding--in any of the projects that we go 
into understanding women and the economy and, particularly, in 
specific projects would be definitely my focus, going forward. 
Thank you very much.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you both very much. I hope you will 
commit to working with the State Department's Office of Global 
Women's Issues.
    And I have a final question for you, Mr. Toloui. As we talk 
about the challenges of American business and think about the 
intersection of that with what happens overseas, one of the 
things that has been absolutely critical to New Hampshire's 
economy and, I think, also to many other states throughout the 
U.S. has been the visa workers who come, both the students--the 
J-1 visa students who come in and work in the summertime--also 
the H-2Bs, which New Hampshire is a state with--agriculture and 
hospitality industry has relied on them, and the fact that we 
have had a limit on the number of people who can come into the 
U.S., not just this year but over the past four years of the 
previous administration, has really had a huge impact.
    And as we are looking at the workforce challenges that we 
have in this country right now, we need to figure out how we 
can get in those workers who have histories in the U.S. with 
our business employers and make sure that we can continue to 
provide that source of help for our businesses.
    Those folks do not want to stay here. They want to go back 
to their home countries. Those jobs are not jobs that union 
workers generally want. They do not have the kind of benefits 
and long-term support that most union workers need.
    Why cannot we get more of those workers into the United 
States? And what can you do, if you are confirmed, to make sure 
that we increase those numbers in a way that is important to 
American businesses?
    Mr. Toloui. Senator Shaheen, thank you very much for 
raising this issue. I can commit to you that, if confirmed, I 
would like to work with you and your staff as well as others on 
this committee on this issue to find ways forward to address 
all of the issues that you enumerated.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I will hold you to 
that.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Merkley [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator 
Shaheen.
    Thank you, Senator Hagerty. I am back. I will take the 
gavel back. And I believe, Senator, we do not have another 
Republican Senator with us is my understanding. That would mean 
Senator Kaine is up next.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and to these 
witnesses, very, very great.
    Let me ask a question of Mr. Stanley.
    Mr. Stanley, congratulations, first, and then an issue that 
has been a long-standing bipartisan issue in Congress is trying 
to do everything we can as the United States to work with 
Argentina so that it can hold accountable those who bombed the 
Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires in 1994, I believe.
    We have kept pressure on in a bipartisan way, but the 
Governments of Argentina have kind of been vacillating as to 
how vigorously they will pursue accountability for this 
terrorist attack.
    Should you be confirmed, I know this is an issue you know 
well and are deeply concerned about. What would be your intent 
as ambassador to Argentina to keep pressure on for appropriate 
accountability for those who--Lebanese and Iranians--who 
participated in this terrorist attack?
    Mr. Stanley. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and also thank you 
again for your introduction. That was really kind of you.
    This is a huge issue and this is not a Jewish issue. This 
is an affront on Argentina. In 1994, a terrorist organization 
came onto Argentine soil and blew up the Jewish Center. They 
had previously attacked the Israeli Embassy. Eighty-five people 
died, and they were not all Jews. Many were wounded.
    They have never gotten to the bottom line. No one has been 
called, like you said, to account for it.
    This is the rule of law and this is justice, and we do call 
on the Argentines to continue to focus on this. I am pleased 
that the Argentine Government in 2019 did declare Hezbollah a 
terrorist organization finally.
    I am pleased that President Fernandez recently was outraged 
by the appointment of one of the co-conspirators, allegedly, to 
leadership in the Iranian regime. But this was allegedly the 
Iranians funding Hezbollah and causing this kind of terror in 
South America, and I think all Argentines should be upset about 
it, and I think there should be a demand that this government 
and judiciary prosecute and find out who is responsible and get 
justice.
    Thank you so much.
    Senator Kaine. You bet. Mr. Stanley, I have great 
confidence that you will push as much as we can on this issue, 
and I appreciate so much your passion about it.
    Mr. Hussain, one of the things that really interests me 
about your background that strikes me as such good preparation 
for the position for which you are nominated was your work 
during the Obama administration on the Marrakesh Declaration, 
which I believe was in 2015 and 2016.
    This was an effort by politicians and scholars from 
countries in the Muslim world and elsewhere to join together in 
a declaration pushing Muslim-majority countries to treat fairly 
and equally religious minorities within their countries.
    Please tell the committee a bit about your role in the 
Marrakesh Declaration on the American side, your work on it, 
and I would like, Mr. Chair, to introduce that declaration into 
the record of this hearing.


    [The document referred to above is located at the end of 
this hearing transcript.]


    Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, Senator, and thank you for 
introducing me.
    When I began traveling around the Muslim world to work on a 
range of foreign policy issues and to build partnerships in the 
areas of education, entrepreneurship, health, science, and 
technologies, one of the things that became clear to me is that 
not all of these countries were protecting religious 
minorities, and I found it very disappointing and, to me, it 
was a moral obligation to do as an American, as a Muslim, 
everything that I could to make sure that Islam was not being 
used to justify the mistreatment of minorities.
    We worked in a number of countries. We worked in Egypt with 
the Coptic community. We took an interfaith delegation with a 
Coptic leader from the United States, a prominent imam.
    We worked in Tunisia and Morocco and Mauritania, Nigeria, 
the UAE, a number of countries and brought scholars together 
using our convening role to work on a set of protocols for the 
protection of religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries 
and worked very closely with civil society, worked with some of 
the leading Christian, Jewish, and Muslim leaders in the United 
States, prominent leaders and international religious field 
giants like Tom Farr, Chris Seiple, Bob Roberts, Ambassador 
Saperstein, leaders in the Muslim community, and it ended in 
the culmination of a declaration on the protection of religious 
minorities to denounce the treatment of the Christians and 
Yazidis by ISIS, in addition to a number of other examples, set 
forward a set of protocols and standards from within the 
Islamic tradition in addition to what we push as United States 
representatives--our values, our constitutional values, the 
U.N. Declaration of Human Rights.
    We also thought it would be effective and, in fact, one of 
the countries, Tunisia, there was a member of the parliament 
that adopted some of that language into the constitution that 
was being drafted at the time.
    We are starting to see some tangible impact from it but we 
really want to move forward on it and come together for a full 
implementation plan to continue this work.
    Senator Kaine. I think that work will be such good 
preparation for the position for which you have been nominated. 
I am proud to support you.
    And, Mr. Chair, I am going to hand it back and race to the 
floor to vote.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Kaine.
    Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations again to all the nominees.
    Dr. Kugler, Senator Hagerty sort of raised one of the 
questions I had regarding transparency at the World Bank, 
especially in light of the recent report on doing business 
where there was evidence that there were efforts to sort of 
cook the books with respect to China.
    Another question for you, which is that we have seen during 
this COVID-19 pandemic the gap between the world's haves and 
haves not grow even wider in terms of the great divergence 
between developed countries and undeveloped countries.
    And, obviously, it is not only the right thing to do, but 
it also serves the interests of the rest of the world if, 
currently, the underdeveloped world is doing better, both in 
terms of our own exports and jobs.
    Can you talk a little bit about--Dr. Kugler, about what you 
and the World Bank can do to address that growing divergence?
    Dr. Kugler. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen, for 
raising this important issue. As you know, the World Bank has 
committed some $100 billion dollars over the course of the 
pandemic and has disbursed about 60 percent of that amount.
    It has devoted most of these resources to low income and 
low middle income countries. That is good news in the sense 
that the World Bank is disbursing funds to those who are the 
neediest.
    Much of this money has gone to strengthen health structures 
and health systems, to support small businesses, but also to 
provide basic income support and food security to many who have 
fallen into poverty. About 150 million people have fallen into 
extreme poverty since the beginning of the pandemic.
    Having said that, there is some good progress. Some of 
these monies have been disbursed, but some of it has been 
disbursed slowly.
    One issue is to make sure that the rest of these funds and 
future funds, are disbursed more effectively and, again, 
continue to go to low-income and low middle-income countries, 
which are the ones that need it the most.
    There are a few tools that can be used to do that. But as 
was pointed out before, this has to be done with the right 
safeguards as well and with the right measures towards 
accountability because we know that corruption has also risen 
within this period of the pandemic and global crisis.
    Just like here in the U.S., one of the things that is 
holding countries back is not being able to address the 
pandemic. A key comparative advantage at the World Bank is in 
terms of its expertise on health.
    The World Bank could be doing more and engaging more in 
terms of helping the World Health Organization through its 
COVAX facility and others to facilitate the distribution of 
vaccines. That is key.
    I think once we address the issue of the pandemic, we can 
move on also to address the issue of the economic recovery, 
which is important, obviously, for these countries. It is 
important to reverse the rapid increase in poverty, but it is 
important for the U.S. because 95 percent of consumers live 
outside of U.S. borders. If we hope for our economy to also 
fully recover, we need the rest of the world to come back again 
in the same way.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you and I appreciate your answer, 
including underscoring that last point.
    Mr. Hussain, as you know, the Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom is an ex-officio member of the 
U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. They have 
consistently recommended that more countries be designated as, 
quote, ``countries of particular concern'' when it comes to the 
lack of full religious liberty.
    And yet, those countries have not been so designated by the 
executive branch. Can you just talk a little bit about that 
discrepancy?
    And, obviously, the United States and Secretary of State 
and others look at a range of issues, but your job will be to 
underscore the importance of religious liberty. How should that 
factor in to the U.S. State Department's overall designations?
    Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, Senator.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the 
Commission. They provide excellent research--excellent 
resources to advise the International Religious Freedom Office 
and Secretary of State and the administration.
    We will look at all of the data they provide and combine it 
with our research and our assessments and will advocate 
vigorously within the Department of State to use every tool at 
our disposal including, when appropriate, designations of 
countries of particular concern in making those recommendations 
as part of the policy process within the State Department.
    And there may be times when we--that there is a process by 
which different components within the State Department are able 
to make recommendations on those. But our job in the Office of 
International Religious Freedom is to make sure that all of the 
data is put forward on the religious freedom--the state of 
religious freedom in a particular country and to make the most 
vigorous case possible for using the most appropriate tools, 
including that designation.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I appreciate that. Thank 
you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen.
    And I do not believe that Senator Menendez is with us. But 
let me just pause for a moment if he is.
    Are there any other senators standing by in the electronic 
space? We do not see anyone. And, Senator Hagerty, did you have 
any closing comments or closing question you wanted to ask?
    Senator Hagerty. No. I would just like to thank you for 
conducting a great hearing today, Mr. Chairman. It has been my 
honor to serve alongside you as ranking member.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you very much for taking the gavel 
and for being here to pursue this important process of the 
Senate or in the confirmation of the nominees.
    I will close with one last question for Dr. Kugler. We have 
had the International Panel for Climate lay out a code red 
report saying we are in deep, deep trouble in terms of 
planetary warming.
    And yet, we have also had reports within the last week of 
extensive plans to massively expand the use of coal and of 
natural gas over this coming decade. Is it time for us to take 
a firm stand at the international banks and all sorts, not just 
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, to 
end the financing of fossil fuel projects or at least to use 
our weight towards that objective?
    Dr. Kugler. Thank you very much, Senator, for that 
important question.
    As President Biden has indicated, this is a key issue for 
this administration. It is the biggest existential threat of 
our time and I do believe that we need domestic action to go 
hand-in-hand with global leadership on climate change.
    There have been two good developments at the World Bank. 
The first one is that commitments for climate change and 
climate financing have increased substantially over the past 
few years--in fact, new commitments of 35 percent by 2025. I 
think that is a very important step that has been taken in that 
direction.
    The second thing is that there has been an increased effort 
to pay attention to how projects are funded and whether to 
support projects that produce fossil fuels.
    As I understand at this point, there has been an effort to 
make sure that we help countries transition from fossil fuels 
to cleaner forms of energy and I do think that it is important 
to consider each of these projects on their own merits. It is 
important to look at it in the context of country strategies.
    But we do need to make sure that the rest of the world, 
just like the U.S., makes progress in this direction because we 
cannot do it alone. We know China contributes 30 percent of 
greenhouse emissions and many other countries make big 
contributions as well.
    Domestic action alone is not going to do it. We need to, 
certainly, move countries through the projects that are funded 
by the World Bank to transition to sustainable development and 
to a green recovery as well.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you, Doctor, and I will just note 
that the administration put out guidance in August, I believe 
it was, that said in our international financial institutions 
they would oppose new coal projects, new oil projects or the 
financing of those, but listed a series of exceptions for 
natural gas.
    I just want to make sure people understand that natural gas 
is methane, that methane is far more damaging to the climate 
ounce for ounce, pound for pound, than is coal and it traps 
more heat, and that sustaining natural gas systems that leak 
enormous amounts of methane into the air is not compatible with 
an effort to globally attack a code red situation.
    I am just giving you my personal view. I am sure other 
members of the Senate would have a different view. I think it 
is a really important conversation because the impacts we are 
seeing in my home state in terms of fire, ocean acidification, 
warming streams, diminishing snow packs are all having 
calamitous impacts and other states are experiencing this in 
different ways.
    But it is an issue of which the planet cannot succeed 
without U.S. leadership, and so I am hoping that every time 
decisions come up one will remember we are in a code red 
situation and need to pivot quickly.
    I put solar panels on the roof of my house here in D.C., 
which is a small roof, and I was very surprised when I got the 
first monthly report for September that the average amount of 
energy trapped was 30 kilowatt hours per day, which means I 
could drive 120 miles in an electric car on just the sunlight 
on my roof every single day for the month of September.
    We have phenomenal--we have phenomenal technology at our 
disposal on wind and solar and many other possibilities, but we 
have to implement these technologies quickly.
    On that note, I will end, and now that I put that forward, 
Senator Hagerty, would you like to have any final comment?
    Senator Hagerty. Again, as you say, there will be differing 
opinions here. Having spent a good part of my life focused on 
the developing part of the world and having just left Asia to 
come to do this job, I want to see these nations make thorough 
progress. But I want to note the fact that China obliterates 
all the progress that developing nations make with their 
addition of coal-fired plants every year.
    We need to take a global perspective on this, not punish 
our own economy and take a unilateral disarmament approach. But 
let us look at this in a more holistic manner that takes into 
account America's interests first and work with our allies to 
make progress in a way that makes sense.
    I do not want us to see the utilization of our financial 
system, our regulations, and that sort of thing as an end run 
to address other issues.
    Thank you very much.
    Senator Merkley. Thank you, Senator, and thank you to our 
nominees, Mr. Stanley and Mr. Hussain and Ms. Wong and Dr. 
Kugler, and the Hon. Ramin Toloui. We are delighted to have you 
bringing your expertise to a new chapter of service.
    And I will note that the record for this hearing will 
remain open until the close of business on Wednesday, October 
27th. Questions for the record should be submitted no later 
than Wednesday. That is just tomorrow. Not much time. I want to 
keep moving--push to move forward.
    Thank you all very much and this hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:37 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator Robert Menendez

Cooperation
    Question. Argentina was our first Major Non-NATO in Latin America, 
and we have long-standing cooperation on security, non-proliferation, 
and climate issues, however, the U.S. and Argentina often hold 
divergent views over how best to promote democracy and stability in the 
hemisphere, as well as the roles of certain geopolitical actors.

   If confirmed, what priorities will you have for advancing our 
        bilateral cooperation with Argentina? Where do you expect the 
        greatest amount of progress in the bilateral relationship? 
        Where do you think cooperation will be more challenging?

    Answer. I understand the United States maintains a strong bilateral 
relationship with Argentina across a range of shared interests, 
including trade and investment, human rights, democracy, climate 
change, protection of the environment, cooperation on global health, 
defense, and security, and much more. If confirmed, I will ensure we 
make progress on some of the most pressing issues that include 
mitigating the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, ensuring strong 
commitments to combat climate change, and promoting democracy and human 
rights in the hemisphere and world.

Defending Democracy
    Question. Despite assaults on democracy in numerous countries 
across the Americas and the risks they pose for our hemisphere, the 
U.S. currently does not enjoy close coordination with Argentina on 
addressing democratic decay in countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, and 
Nicaragua. For example, Argentina last week abstained from voting on an 
OAS resolution condemning events in Nicaragua and calling for the 
release of political prisoners.

   How do you explain Argentina's decision to abstain from a vote on 
        Nicaragua at the OAS, especially given the country's own 
        history of atrocities under dictatorship?

    Answer. I was disappointed that Argentina, along with Mexico, 
abstained, on two separate occasions, from condemning at the OAS the 
egregious human rights violations by the Nicaraguan regime, though they 
did withdraw their ambassadors. Argentina historically sought to 
promote democracy and human rights without interfering in another 
state's internal affairs, a position that comes under strain when a 
regime such as Nicaragua's distorts its political process to dismantle 
democratic institutions. I understand Argentina is proud of its human 
rights record and is a member of the U.N. Human Rights Council. I found 
its vote in favor of a U.N. Human Rights Council resolution supporting 
the promotion and protection of human rights in Nicaragua encouraging. 
If confirmed, I will encourage Argentina to uphold its commitment to 
democracy and human rights on all opportunities and in all 
organizations.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to restore a 
shared, values-based approach to U.S. and Argentine efforts to address 
democratic backsliding in the hemisphere?

    Answer. Our peoples share a love of democracy, an understanding of 
the importance of a strong middle class, an emphasis on education, and 
a respect for diversity that make our cultures so rich. If confirmed, I 
will develop open and effective channels of communication with the 
Argentine public and Argentine officials to emphasize the importance of 
defending democratic values in our own countries and across the 
hemisphere.

IMF Flexibility
    Question. Argentina is currently struggling to deal with a debt 
payment crisis that is years in the making and seeks to recover from a 
deep economic contraction that saw GDP shrink 10 percent in 2020.

   What role would you advocate that the U.S. play with regard to 
        Argentina's growing debt crisis?

    Answer. The United States continues to support Argentina's 
engagement with the International Monetary Fund and encourage its 
Government to put forward an economic plan that shows how Argentina can 
return to growth, dismantle temporary market access restrictions, and 
maximize debt sustainability. If confirmed, I will advocate for a 
strong economic policy framework that provides a vision for private 
sector job growth, which would have the support of the United States 
and the international community.

    Question. While Argentina seeks flexibility from the IMF and was 
able restructure its private debt after a default in May 2020, how 
should the U.S. interpret the fact that the Argentine Government 
continues to service its debt payments to China?

    Answer. As members of the Paris Club, the United States expects 
Argentina to treat all creditors equally as it works to meet its 
international debt payment obligations. In June, Paris Club members 
(including the United States) provided flexibility and accepted 
Argentina's offer to make partial payments on the debt it owes to Club 
members, on the condition that Argentina demonstrates credible progress 
toward a new IMF program and abide by Club principles, which include a 
clause on the comparability of treatment of debt from all external 
creditors.

China's Influence
    Question. In the last decade, China built a space monitoring 
station in Patagonia--a facility which Argentine officials have 
admitted that they little oversight of and scant information about its 
operations.

   What is your assessment of the operations at China's space 
        monitoring station in Argentina? How should the U.S. view 
        China's role and influence in Argentina?

    Answer. I understand the PRC maintains the Neuquen station's 
purpose is peaceful space observation, but Argentina has no physical 
oversight of the station's operations. If confirmed, I will work with 
likeminded countries to encourage Argentina to require its space 
cooperation partners, including the PRC, to follow the fundamental 
principles of transparency, openness, and reciprocity.

AMIA Bombing
    Question. July marked 27 years since the 1994 bombing of the 
Argentine Jewish Mutual Association (AMIA) center in Buenos Aires that 
killed 85 people and wounded hundreds more. It is absolutely critical 
that the United States stand with the families of the deceased in 
demanding truth and justice and rejecting impunity in this case.
   If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that this issue is 
        among your top priorities for the bilateral relationship?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
administration to continue the discussions on this issue with Argentine 
counterparts.

    Question. Will you advocate that the Argentine Government pursue 
concrete enforcement action to hold Hezbollah and Iran accountable for 
their roles in the AMIA bombing?

    Answer. The United States stands with the people of Argentina in 
the search for justice, and we share the sorrow of the families of the 
victims of the AMIA and Israeli Embassy bombings. The Fernandez 
administration emphatically condemned the Iranian Government's decision 
to designate suspected AMIA plotters Ahmad Vahidi and Mohsen Rezai as 
Minister of Interior and Vice President of Economic Affairs. If 
confirmed, I will join my voice to theirs, and stress that the Iranian 
Government must cooperate fully with Argentine authorities to bring the 
perpetrators to justice.

    Question. Will you advocate that the Argentine Government, maintain 
and enforce terrorism designations on all those associated with the 
AMIA bombing that are on Argentina's terrorism list and those who have 
INTERPOL red notices in connection with the bombing?

    Answer. Yes. It is essential that Argentina maintain and 
aggressively enforce the terrorism designations that it has made, 
including that of Hizballah, and that it continues its longstanding 
effort to bring those responsible for the AMIA bombing to justice, 
especially those who have INTERPOL red notices.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, and as Secretary Blinken stated in September, 
I along with the Department will commit ourselves to the health, 
safety, and security of our personnel and family members serving 
domestically and overseas. This commitment extends to the handling of 
anomalous health incidents (AHI), also referred to as ``Unexplained 
Health Incidents.'' I would take these incidents seriously and would 
respond to them and report them consistent with Department guidelines.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. I understand that the Department encourages employees who 
suspect they may have been affected by an anomalous health incident to 
report the details of their situation to their Post Health Unit and RSO 
as soon as possible. No stigma attaches to such reporting, and I 
understand that the Department reminds Post RSOs and MED personnel to 
treat every report seriously, objectively, and with sensitivity. If 
confirmed, I will convene an Emergency Action Committee if the reported 
incident is a health-related incident in which the underlying causes, 
infectivity, and prognosis are not known.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. I understand the Department implemented a Baseline Testing 
Program: On June 1, 2021, the Department launched a pilot study for 
employees and adult family members who are relocating overseas or 
returning to the United States. This program includes a baseline 
medical examination in Washington DC to establish assessments for 
comparison in the event the employee and/or their EFMs report a 
potential an anomalous health incident.
    If confirmed, I will meet with my medical and RSO teams and ensure 
that they brief me on all past incidents and ensure they adhere to 
established protocols.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator James E. Risch

                          Western Hemisphere 

International Terrorism
    Question. In July 2019, President Mauricio Macri signed Decree 489, 
which created a framework for Argentina to designate terrorist 
organizations take law enforcement actions, such as asset freezes and 
travel bans entities associated with such designated foreign terrorist 
organizations.

   What is your assessment of the current Argentine Government's 
        commitment to enforcing Decree 489, including the designation 
        of Hezbollah as an FTO, the designations of Hezbollah 
        financiers in the Tri-Border Area (TBA), and the designations 
        of former and current Iranian officials who are on Argentina's 
        terrorism list?

    Answer. I understand the Fernandez administration decided to 
maintain the terrorist designation system created through Decree 489 
and with it the domestic designation of Hezbollah and Iranians charged 
in the AMIA case. The United States stands with the people of Argentina 
in the search for justice and we share the sorrow of the families of 
the victims of the AMIA and Israeli Embassy bombings.

    Question. Please explain in what concrete ways you will work with 
the Government of Argentina, if confirmed, to ensure robust enforcement 
of Decree 489.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to stress the importance of 
the Argentine Government aggressively enforcing the domestic 
designation system created through Decree 489, as well as the Iranian 
Government's responsibility to cooperate fully with Argentine 
authorities to bring the designated terrorists to justice.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing U.S. support 
for the Interpol red notices issued on current and former Iranian 
officials involved in the bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center?

    Answer. Yes. These individuals need to answer to the Argentine 
justice system, and the families of the victims deserve to see justice 
served.

International Monetary Fund (IMF)
    Question. The Fernandez-Kirchner Government is seeking to 
renegotiate the terms of a $57 Billion IMF loan launched in 2018 as the 
largest program in the Fund's history. The IMF has underscored the 
importance integrity and the rule of law as part of its loan 
requirements. Meanwhile, Vice President de Kirchner is under indictment 
related to allegations of her involvement in a corruption network set 
up by former President Nestor Kirchner.

   Will the administration insist that any IMF rescue package for 
        Argentina includes enforceable checks on Argentina's systemic 
        corruption?

    Answer. I understand the United States continues to support 
Argentina's engagement with the International Monetary Fund and 
encourages the Argentine Government to put forward an economic plan 
that shows how Argentina can return to growth, dismantle temporary 
market access restrictions, and maximize debt sustainability. The 
United States and the international community support a strong economic 
policy framework that provides a vision for private sector job growth 
and for combatting corruption. If confirmed, I would engage with the 
Argentine Government to encourage measures that promote stability, 
predictability, and transparency in the business and investment climate 
and fight corruption.

Anti-Corruption
    Question. I am concerned about reports that the Fernandez-Kirchner 
Government has neutralized the Anti-Corruption Office and the Financial 
Integrity Units, such as ceasing to alert the Argentine financial 
system of the risks associated with doing business with OFAC-designated 
Venezuelan individuals.

    Answer. I found Argentina's decision to pause the alerts issued by 
Argentina's Anti-Corruption Office and the Financial Integrity Units 
concerning, one of several regrettable decisions regarding Venezuela. 
If confirmed, I would engage with the Argentine Government to encourage 
measures that promote accountability and transparency and fight 
corruption, including full implementation of existing laws, each 
essential to strengthen Argentine democracy and to protect human 
rights.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to communicate clearly and 
often with the Argentine public and Government about U.S. concerns with 
this situation? Do you commit to work with the Argentine financial 
sector to address these concerns effectively?

    Answer. Yes.

                       East Asia and the Pacific

China
    Question. During the presidency of Cristina Kirchner, China and 
Argentina signed over 20 bilateral agreements. This strategic alliance 
spanned several industries, including military manufacturing, energy, 
and transport. If confirmed, do you commit to engage the Argentine 
public and Government on the threat posed by China's debt trap 
financing to their country's sovereignty and stability?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with Argentine partners to 
highlight the importance of competitive and transparent international 
trade, investment, and assistance rules that meet the highest 
environmental, social, and labor standards.

              Human Rights and International Organizations

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Argentina 
remained on Tier 1 due to its ongoing efforts to combat trafficking in 
persons in country.

   Given its sustained success, how will you work with the Argentinian 
        Government to continue their effective strategies if you are 
        confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure regular engagement 
with the Argentine Government and with civil society.

    Question. How can you work with other regional ambassadors to 
emulate Argentina's success to combat TIP?

    Answer. As a Tier 1 country since 2018, I understand Argentina made 
significant progress in combatting trafficking in persons and fully 
meets the TVPA's minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. 
If confirmed, I will work with the Argentine Government and my 
counterparts in the region to help Argentina share its best practices 
and serve as a leader in the hemisphere.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Argentina was identified having general societal respect for religious 
freedom but with reported anti-Semitic incidents and other hate crimes. 
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how 
will you work with the Ambassador At Large to find new ways to promote 
respect for religious minorities and counteract religious 
discrimination?

    Answer. Argentina has one of the world's largest Jewish communities 
and plays an important role in the global fight against anti-Semitism. 
The Argentine Government and the people of Argentina generally welcome 
and respect religious minorities, and that includes the Jewish 
community. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with the Ambassador-at-
Large to deepen our collaboration with the Government and to build upon 
Argentina's solid foundation of tolerance. Anti-Semitism has no place 
in Argentine society, just as it has no place in our own.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Argentina was identified 
as having serious human rights issues, including corruption, issues 
with the independence of the judiciary, forced labor, and more.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, on arriving in Argentina, I would make it an 
early priority to meet with members of the Government to address and 
advance human rights, and I will advocate for a particular focus on 
anti-corruption measures and judicial independence.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. I understand that the U.S. Embassy in Argentina has robust 
engagement with civil society, especially with human rights NGOs and 
raises concerns with the Argentine Government when appropriate. If 
confirmed, I would join with the officers already working on this issue 
to deepen this engagement with both civil society and the Argentine 
Government.

               State Department Management and Oversight

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19.

   What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Buenos Aires?

    Answer. I understand that while the pandemic has proven difficult 
for Argentina and for our embassy in Buenos Aires, embassy leadership 
has done an excellent job in maintaining morale through active 
communication with the community. Morale continues to improve as the 
pandemic subsides in Argentina.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale?

    Answer. Building morale depends on open communication. If 
confirmed, I will continue holding town hall meetings with the embassy 
community and get to know the team personally.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?

    Answer. I understand on November 1, the Department of State will 
kick off a formal process for all missions to develop a new four-year 
integrated country strategy (ICS) that aligns with the administration's 
priorities. These include issues highlighted in the Interim National 
Security Strategic Guidance, National Security Memoranda, the State-
USAID Joint Strategic Plan, and various Executive Orders including 
those on Climate Change, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and 
Accessibility, and Racial Equity in the federal government. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that each agency at Embassy Buenos Aires 
participates and fully invests in the ICS process.

Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have a hands-on management style of management while also 
empowering team leaders. I also deeply care about building 
relationships.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I envision a positive, collaborative, and 
productive relationship with the deputy chief of mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, my deputy chief of mission would serve as the 
embassy's chief operating officer, ensuring the effectiveness of all 
operations. I would also make the deputy chief of mission responsible 
for developing and mentoring staff.

    Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple 
U.S. Government agencies present?

    Answer. The chief of mission represents the U.S. President. The 
chief of mission must ensure consideration of the equities of each 
agency at post. If confirmed, I will have regular country team meetings 
which include the heads of all agencies at post. I will work to 
integrate the work of various agencies to achieve Mission goals.

    Question. In your experience, how important are interagency 
relationships within a post?

    Answer. To meet U.S. Government objectives in Argentina the mission 
would need to maintain positive and productive interagency 
relationships.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency 
disagreement within Embassy Buenos Aires?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will evaluate interagency disagreements 
within the context of the administration's priorities and objectives 
outlined in our Integrated Country Strategy.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide subordinates with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes, and if I am confirmed I will do so.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Diplomats can always engage more people more often on more 
issues, to the benefit of both countries. If confirmed, I plan to visit 
each province in Argentina and encourage embassy staff to continue to 
frequently get out of the embassy and out of Buenos Aires to meet 
Argentines where they live and where they work.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. We need to promote access to local populations to meet our 
objectives. The COVID-19 pandemic significantly impeded U.S. diplomats' 
ability to do so. If confirmed, I will work with all elements of the 
mission, including the embassy's health unit and regional security 
office, to ensure our diplomatic staff can safely travel throughout 
Argentina and engage with all local populations, and I will work with 
the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs to ensure sufficient funding 
to do so.

Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Argentina?

    Answer. I understand that Embassy Buenos Aires faces a challenging 
public diplomacy environment, but one with potential for growth. Many 
Argentines have traditionally held critical views of the United States. 
In fact, roughly half of the Argentine population views the United 
States unfavorably, according to recent polls. Despite this, many 
relate with the United States culturally because of the U.S. values of 
freedom of expression, respect for individual rights, and democracy. 
Since 2014, the number of Argentines studying in the United States rose 
by 20 percent, and U.S. students made Argentina a top-25 destination 
for study abroad. Argentina has an omnipresent and highly politicized 
media environment. Well-established, privately owned media 
organizations located in and focused on Buenos Aires dominate the 
market. Most of these organizations report favorably on the United 
States, but many smaller, less well-funded outlets consistently report 
on us negatively. Argentines avidly use social media; many get their 
news from social media and use those networks as platforms for 
political debates.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
in Argentina?

    Answer. I understand Argentina's highly polarized society and 
politicized media, widely dispersed population over a huge geographic 
area, and historical skepticism of the United States present public 
diplomacy challenges for U.S. diplomats.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. I understand that our public diplomacy messaging strategy 
in Argentina aligns with priorities established by the Department of 
State and within the mission's own Integrated Country Strategy. As 
anywhere in the world, the embassy in Buenos Aires must tailor 
messaging to communicate U.S. policy effectively to Argentine 
audiences.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Argentina personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage Mission personnel in an 
open and transparent manner.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. For years, I have expressed the need to hold accountable 
the perpetrators of the Argentine-Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) 
bombing in 1994. As you know, the AMIA bombing killed 85 people, and is 
one of the most tragic acts of anti-Semitism committed in our 
hemisphere in recent times.

   How can the United States and Argentina bring the AMIA bombers to 
        justice, and what would you do to bring about that justice?

    Answer. The United States remains united with the people of 
Argentina in the search for justice and we share the sorrow of the 
families of the victims of the AMIA and Israeli Embassy bombings.
    If confirmed, I will continue to stress that the Iranian Government 
has a responsibility to cooperate fully with Argentine authorities to 
bring the perpetrators to justice.
    Under the Fernandez administration, Argentina has greatly 
strengthened ties with the People's Republic of China, allowing 
increased Chinese investments in natural resources, the defense 
industry and even space cooperation. Many of these projects, under the 
banner of the Belt and Road Initiative threaten to ensnare Argentina in 
excessive debt and predatory loans.

    Question. What is your current assessment of Argentine-Chinese 
relations?

    Answer. The Government of Argentina seeks to advance an independent 
foreign policy, maintaining positive relations with great powers. The 
United States maintains a strong bilateral relationship with Argentina 
across a range of shared interests, from human rights and democracy to 
development. Many countries in the region seek to diversify trade and 
foreign investment to grow their economies, including with China. 
Argentina trades more with China than with any country other than 
Brazil, with $14 billion in total two-way goods trade in 2020.
    The United States remains among the largest foreign investors in 
Argentina, with 250 U.S. companies doing business locally.
    If confirmed, I will focus on expanding this robust trade and 
investment relationship with Argentina, including by working closely 
with all relevant U.S. interagency partners.
    I will also work with Argentine partners to highlight the 
importance of competitive and transparent international trade, 
investments, and assistance that meet the highest environmental, 
social, and labor standards.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps would you recommend this 
administration take to provide a viable alternative to Chinese 
Communist Party influence?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to advance our positive economic 
agenda in Argentina, including through supporting high-standard 
investment in infrastructure and economic development that creates jobs 
essential for regional pandemic recovery, he the impetus behind the 
``Build Back Better for the World'' or B3W initiative launched by the 
G7.
    With allies and partners, the United States helps build space for 
transparent private-sector infrastructure investment that upholds 
labor, environmental, and social safeguards and fosters inclusive 
growth in line with international best practices. You see these 
priorities and values reflected in the trade agreements into which we 
enter across the globe.

    Question. Specifically on space cooperation, the Kirchner 
administration signed an agreement in 2014 with China to operate a deep 
space station in the province of Neuquen. That agreement gives China 
wide freedom and restricts Argentina's sovereignty over its own 
commentary. If confirmed, will you advise Argentina to revisit the 
unfavorable terms of the agreement?

    Answer. The United States Government publicly discussed its 
concerns regarding the People's Liberation Army's efforts to develop 
bases around the world. Those concerns apply to the deep space station 
in Argentina that support's the PRC's space operations. If confirmed, I 
commit to raising these concerns with the Argentine Government.
    The Kirchner administration signed the agreement in 2014 and the 
Argentine Congress ratified it in September 2020. This makes it more 
important than ever to persuade Argentina to exercise oversight over 
the deep space station. If confirmed, I will urge Argentina to require 
its space cooperation partners, including the PRC, to follow 
fundamental principles of transparency, openness, and reciprocity. I 
will also encourage increased oversight over the station by helping 
Argentina use the ten percent of station's time to which the agreement 
entitles it. Finally, if confirmed, I will work with likeminded 
countries to push for a visit to the station in order get direct 
insight into this secretive facility.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. In recent years the Government of Argentina, under 
President Alberto Fernandez, has pivoted away from regional 
institutions that the United States has engaged in order to advance 
regional development and stability, as well as American national 
security interests. It has pivoted away from the Lima Group and toward 
regional regimes hostile to the United States.

   Please describe the degree to which this regional pivot by 
        Argentina undermines American national security interests.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would aim to address the underlying 
economic conditions that restrict Argentines and Americans from 
investing in Argentina's future. I would ensure that Argentina looks to 
the United States as its partner of choice, whether that partnership 
relates to trade and investment, security cooperation, or protecting 
democratic values, and I would press U.S. agencies and business not to 
overlook opportunities to expand work with Argentine partners. The 
United States supports and promotes the rules-based international order 
founded on respect for sovereignty, the rule of law, open markets, 
private sector-led economic growth, the free flow of commerce and 
information, and freedom of the seas. Due to Argentina's economic and 
diplomatic heft in Latin America, sustaining our bilateral relationship 
is crucial to U.S. interests, especially as the Western Hemisphere 
confronts the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftershocks.

    Question. Please assess what leverage the United States has for 
encouraging Argentina to reengage productively with regional 
institutions and pivot away from regional regimes hostile to the United 
States?

    Answer. In its foreign policy, Argentina historically prefers to 
strike a ``third way'' that seeks positive relations with great powers 
without prioritizing any single country. We share an interest in 
democratic states that have strong institutions, provide for their 
people, and are productive regional partners. I understand our 
diplomatic engagement aims to maintain a productive dialogue on 
regional and international issues and minimize the frequency and 
severity of points of friction between our policy goals. If confirmed, 
I would leverage Argentina's proud heritage of leadership on human 
rights and democracy and membership at the U.N. Human Rights Council to 
encourage strong public stands in support of democratic institutions 
and against human rights violations wherever they occur.

    Question. What leverage do you believe the United States should use 
to encourage Argentina to reengage productively with regional 
institutions and pivot away from regional regimes hostile to the United 
States?

    Answer. The United States and Argentina enjoy shared history and 
values, especially regarding protecting democracy and human rights. If 
confirmed, I will persistently call Argentina's attention to human 
rights violations and faltering democratic institutions and encourage 
Argentina to take strong public stands in international and regional 
institutions to protect and promote democracy and human rights.

    Question. Argentina remains a Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA), and U.S. 
defenses are entangled with Argentina's. However, the Fernandez 
Government has also deepened Argentina's relationship with the People's 
Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The 
Chinese have aggressively pursued trade and development deals with 
Argentina, which have recently acquired security dimensions: Argentina 
uses Huawei technology, purchases Chinese weapons, and allows Chinese 
military assets to be housed in the country.

   Please describe the degree to which you believe these security 
        dimensions, introduced by cooperation between Argentina and 
        China, undermine their ability to play a productive role as an 
        MNNA.

    Answer. Argentina helps make the Western Hemisphere safer and more 
prosperous when it engages as a constructive partner. Years of neglect 
and underfunding have limited Argentina's military capabilities 
relative to its G20 peers and curtailed its ability to support 
peacekeeping and provide humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. 
If confirmed, I would encourage deeper defense cooperation and expanded 
military training, building on our shared democratic values and vibrant 
human rights traditions, while ensuring U.S. businesses and agencies 
take advantage of opportunities to compete fairly for Argentine 
procurements. The United States has long been the Argentine military's 
partner of choice for equipment and training.

    Question. In light of these dynamics, do you believe that the U.S. 
should consider narrowing the scope of cooperation with Argentina, 
including in the context of Argentina's status as an MNNA?

    Answer. The United States should take every opportunity to expand 
cooperation. Our active engagement with the Argentine military through 
trainings and procurements will maintain our long-standing position as 
the Argentine military's partner of choice. Narrowing the scope of 
cooperation would have the opposite effect.

    Question. Last month, Argentina's Defense Ministry announced that 
the country will purchase fighter jets at a cost of up to $664 million, 
and according to public reports they are considering purchasing these 
assets from Russia or China.

   Please describe the degree to which you believe that Argentina's 
        purchase of such jets from Russia would undermine their ability 
        to play a productive role as an MNNA.

    Answer. The United States should take every opportunity to offer 
alternatives to Russian military systems. If confirmed, I will urge the 
Government of Argentina not to move forward with any potential military 
deals with Russia that risk the imposition of mandatory sanctions under 
CAATSA 231.

    Question. If Argentina purchases these jets from Russia, do you 
believe that the U.S. should consider narrowing the scope of 
cooperation with Argentina, including in the context of the country's 
status as an MNNA?

    Answer. If Argentina purchases jets from Russia, the United States 
should fully and aggressively implement the mandatory sanctions under 
CAATSA 231.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which you believe that 
Argentina's purchase of such jets from China would undermine their 
ability to play a productive role as an MNNA.

    Answer. The United States should take every opportunity to offer 
alternatives to PRC military systems, including fighter jets. Argentina 
choosing a PRC system would initiate a potential generational military 
industrial relationship that the United States should avoid at all 
costs.

    Question. If Argentina purchases these jets from China, do you 
believe that the U.S. should consider narrowing the scope of 
cooperation with Argentina, including in the context of the country's 
status as an MNNA?

    Answer. If Argentina purchases these jets from China, the United 
States should reevaluate the scope of cooperation with Argentina, while 
moving aggressively to offer alternatives for other Argentine military 
systems.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What is your understanding of morale in the office for 
the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom?

    Answer. It is my understanding that morale in the Office of 
International Religious Freedom has been consistently high across the 
last two administrations, owing to the strong leadership of my 
predecessors Sam Brownback and David Saperstein and the open and 
collaborative workplace Senior Official Dan Nadel has fostered over 
that period and the team has upheld.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to personally meet with each member 
of the team over my first few weeks on the job to solicit their 
opinions on what's working and where there might be room for 
improvement. I will also, from day one, enact an open-door policy where 
any team member can bring concerns or recommendations to me directly. 
Open and frequent communication is key to fostering an inclusive and 
maximally effective workplace.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will review where our mission currently 
stands, listen to those who have been laboring in this space, and cast 
clear vision and communicate clearly our strategy to advance religious 
freedom and religious engagement. I will clearly explain my reasons for 
any desired changes or new areas of emphasis and then solicit the views 
of the career leadership team and key team members to devise how our 
lines of effort could be tweaked most efficiently and beneficially in 
pursuit of these new priorities, always in alignment with our legal 
mandate. I will also champion an office-wide system of continuous 
feedback, assessment, and recalibration to ensure buy-in and sustained 
good counsel.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I endeavor to empower, to listen and learn from the diverse 
experts on my team, and to lead by example and through clear 
communication. I seek to ensure my teams are diverse and inclusive and 
that there is equity in the work and in our hiring and evaluation 
processes. I also seek to give my team members wide latitude and 
autonomy to take ownership of initiatives and make key decisions while 
also being a resource to them in case a new situation or any doubts 
arise. The obvious corollary to empowerment is training and 
development, which, if confirmed, I intend to liberally support across 
every function in the office. I hope to lead by example and hit the 
ground running, building on my previous experiences at the State 
Department.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate anyone under any circumstance. If confirmed, I will pledge to 
only provide respectful, clear, and constructive feedback to team 
members and will expect my managers to do the same and hold accountable 
anyone who does not.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I expect to continue to enjoy a close and 
collegial relationship with any deputy. The incumbent, IRF Director Dan 
Nadel, is a career Civil Servant who has been in this role for more 
than six years, and who has served since January as the Department's 
Senior Official for International Religious Freedom. I had the good 
fortune to collaborate with him on several important initiatives during 
my earlier tenure at the State Department, and I respect and trust Dan 
immensely. I look forward to working day in and day out with him on 
advancing religious freedom, if given the opportunity.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to delegate much of the day-to-day 
management of the office to the Office Director, consistent with the 
approach of my two immediate predecessors. I will also call on the 
Director to serve as my surrogate when I'm unavailable for official 
duties.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide 
subordinates with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance 
in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded 
in their roles?

    Answer. I strongly believe in providing respectful, clear, and 
constructive feedback on performance to every member of my team. Not 
only does this engender better performance, but it also engenders trust 
and mutual respect. Offering regular performance feedback signals that 
one values their team member and their professional development and 
wishes their success. In the same spirit, I look forward to receiving 
constructive feedback from my team on my own performance as well.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to each employee in my chain of command 
to improve performance and I will ensure high achievers are routinely 
rewarded for their contributions. I will expect my managers to do the 
same.

    Question. As religious freedom continues to decline around the 
world, how do you plan to elevate the issue of religious freedom as 
part of the U.S. foreign policy agenda?

    Answer. Promoting universal respect for human rights is a 
cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will work to ensure 
that the Department's reporting and assessments of the state of 
religious freedom continue to inform U.S. foreign policy decisions, 
including regarding countries that are U.S. allies. I will work 
diligently to promote international religious freedom for all at every 
opportunity and carry our American values into every engagement. It is 
very important that American diplomats around the world consistently 
advocate, both in public and private, for religious freedom for all. I 
will build on my prior experience and relationships at the State 
Department to hit the ground running, including by meeting early on 
with the heads of regional bureaus.

    Question. How do you plan on engaging with the Assistant-Secretary 
of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to ensure that 
religious freedom is included in our human rights agenda?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work seamlessly with the 
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to 
advance international religious freedom, as well as with other 
stakeholders such as the Ambassadors at Large for Global Criminal 
Justice, Women's Issues, and Trafficking in Persons. Secretary Blinken 
has clearly stated that our commitment to defending religious freedom 
goes back centuries and that we will continue to maintain America's 
longstanding global leadership on this topic. If confirmed, I will work 
with other bureaus, our missions around the world, and with partners 
across the interagency to realize this promise.

    Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the U.S. sends high-
level participation in the next International Religious Freedom 
Ministerial?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will attend, and I will work to do 
everything in my power to ensure high-level U.S. participation at the 
next International Religious Freedom Ministerial.

    Question. How do you assess the current use of Country of 
Particular Concerns designations? Are there areas of improvement?

    Answer. The religious freedom designations are an important part of 
the toolkit Congress has given the State Department to ensure 
consequences for governments, entities, and individuals responsible for 
religious freedom abuses and violations. If confirmed, I will support 
deploying the full range of these tools, including vigorously 
advocating for CPC designations when the criteria for such designations 
are satisfied. If confirmed, I pledge to carefully review the religious 
freedom designations process to determine any potential areas for 
strengthening. It is worth carefully reviewing the use of the IRF Act 
authority to provide waivers for certain countries and to ``dual hat'' 
sanctions for others, and I would aim to do so early in my tenure.

    Question. How do you assess the use of sanctions for religious 
freedom violations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support deploying the full range of 
tools Congress has given the State Department to deter religious 
freedom violations and abuses and to ensure consequences and promote 
accountability for governments, entities, and individuals responsible 
for such abuses and violations, including, where appropriate, financial 
sanctions and visa restrictions. Based on the particular circumstances, 
such sanctions can be effective, and I will support their use, as 
appropriate.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The treatment of Uyghurs in China is just one brutal 
example of the Chinese Government's long-standing disregard for basic 
human rights. The U.S. has consistently pushed the Chinese Government 
to end its repression of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, with no positive 
outcome. If confirmed, how will you strengthen existing U.S. policy to 
pressure China to respect the human rights of the Uyghurs? What more 
can the United States do to bring about accountability for crimes 
committed in Xinjiang and to encourage unfettered access by the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to the province? 
Additionally, would you support a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 
Olympics in Beijing to bring global attention the Chinese Government's 
ongoing human rights abuses including the genocide against the Uyghurs?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for 
those responsible for PRC human rights atrocities and abuses and 
support efforts to protect human rights in the PRC, including for 
religious and ethnic minorities.
    If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote 
accountability for those engaged in abuses, to include but not limited 
to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: visa 
restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and financial 
sanctions.
    If confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders in 
developing our approach, ideally a shared approach with allies and 
partners, in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing Games and 
Paralympic Games.

    Question. Since the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan, there has 
been a growing threat against vulnerable populations, including but not 
limited to, women, LGBTQI persons, ethnic minorities such as the 
Hazaras, and religious minorities such as the Shi'ites. If confirmed, 
what steps will you take to help protect minority religious groups in 
Afghanistan?

    Answer. During my trips to Afghanistan as Special Envoy to the OIC, 
I met with minority communities in Afghanistan, and I am deeply 
concerned about their safety. The images coming out of Afghanistan are 
heartbreaking and it is clear many people, including members of 
marginalized groups, are under grave threat. If confirmed, I will 
pursue all options to support individuals who have been, or are at risk 
of, discrimination and abuses including members of religious and ethnic 
minority groups, women, LGBTQI+ persons, and persons with disabilities.
    As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, our commitment 
to at-risk Afghans has no end date. Secretary Blinken said, ``We will 
use...every diplomatic, economic, political, and assistance tool at 
[our] disposal, working closely with allies and partners who feel very 
much the same way, to do everything possible to uphold'' their human 
rights and fundamental freedoms. ``And that's going to be a relentless 
focus of our actions going forward.'' If confirmed, I will be an active 
part of that effort, including working with Muslim-majority countries, 
civil society, and credible religious leaders who have spoken and 
written about the importance of protecting vulnerable populations in 
Afghanistan.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. You have written and spoken before in opposition to 
blasphemy and apostasy laws and particularly how they affect religious 
minorities. The Senate itself recently passed a resolution calling for 
the global repeal of blasphemy, apostasy, and heresy laws.

   If confirmed, how would you specifically advocate for the global 
        repeal of blasphemy, apostasy, and heresy laws, particularly in 
        those countries that regularly enforce them?

    Answer. Governments that claim for themselves broad powers to ban 
certain forms of expression all too often misuse that power to repress 
peaceful dissent and silence the voices of independent media, civil 
society activists, human rights defenders, political rivals, and 
members of religious, ethnic, and other minority groups. I understand 
this is why the United States uniformly opposes blasphemy, apostasy, 
and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently used to oppress members 
of minority religious communities, those whose religious beliefs differ 
from the majority, or those with otherwise minority views. Individuals 
also use these laws as a pretext to justify violence against those 
whose religion or ethnicity differs from their own or to settle 
personal grievances. When governments actively or passively support 
such individuals, instead of protecting members of minority groups, 
those in society who want to take the law into their own hands are 
empowered to use violence against these victims.
    If confirmed, I will build on my experience speaking directly to 
Muslim-majority countries that criminalize blasphemy, increasing 
pressure on governments to address abusive practices. I previously 
worked with Organization of Islamic Cooperation countries to eliminate 
the ``Defamation of Religions'' resolution at the U.N., which gave 
sanction to blasphemy laws. I will publicly oppose the enforcement and 
abuse of these laws, especially with criminal penalties, and will urge 
governments to repeal these laws. I would directly engage the U.N., 
likeminded partners, government officials and impacted communities 
locally, create a space for local advocates, defend the accused, and 
work to resolve individual cases, if confirmed.

    Question. In July, I and several Senators sent a letter to 
Secretary Blinken expressing how blasphemy laws in Algeria, in 
particular, have been used to discriminate against Ahmadi Muslims. As a 
Muslim yourself, in your opinion, should Ahmadis be considered Muslims?

    Answer. Yes, as stated in the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and 
religion. This includes the capacity of every person to declare his or 
her religious affiliation and to gather with others who share his or 
her beliefs. Like any religious group, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community 
and individual Ahmadi Muslims can choose to define themselves as they 
see fit. Governments should not harass, abuse, or discriminate against 
individuals on account of their beliefs or affiliation.

    Question. Do Ahmadi's have the right to profess to be Muslims 
without fear of persecution?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that everyone should be free to profess and 
to practice their beliefs and able to exercise this right without fear 
of abuse, harassment, or persecution.

    Question. As you know, both this and the previous administration 
determined that the Chinese Communist Party's treatment of the Uyghurs 
constitutes genocide. My and Senator Merkley's Uyghur Forced Labor 
Prevention Act would go a long way to end the financial incentives for 
the CCP's oppression of the Uyghurs. However, there are concerns that 
the Biden administration is open to sacrificing its commitment to human 
rights in order to gain Chinese cooperation in meeting emissions 
targets.

   In your opinion, is the genocide of the Uyghur Muslims a more 
        urgent concern that global climate change?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to promoting respect for human 
rights, including religious freedom, in the face of the People's 
Republic of China's (PRC) genocide and crimes against humanity against 
predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious 
minority groups in Xinjiang. If confirmed, I will not advise that the 
United States sacrifice vital U.S. interests for PRC promises on 
climate change. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate 
is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-PRC 
relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests.
    The United States is also committed to working with other 
countries, including the PRC, to tackle the climate crisis. We can both 
speak the truth about the PRC's human rights abuses, promote 
accountability for its atrocities, and work to reverse the effects of 
climate change. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with 
China will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can 
be, and adversarial when it must be.

    Question. Do you support the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC's use of forced labor in 
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. Despite growing international 
condemnation and extensive evidence of its human rights abuses and 
violations, the PRC continues to subject predominantly Muslim Uyghurs 
and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang 
to forced labor, detention in internment camps, forced sterilization, 
forced abortion, torture, and sexual violence.
    If confirmed, I will work diligently with you and members of this 
committee to address forced labor practices in China, including through 
legislative measures such as the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator Ted Cruz

China/Genocide
    Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is committing a 
genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities in the Xinjiang Uygur 
Autonomous Region (XUAR) that is ongoing. The Biden administration had 
sent differing signals about the degree to which administration 
officials assessed that genocide is indeed ongoing, but on March 22 
Secretary Blinken correctly emphasized ``the P.R.C. continues to commit 
genocide and crimes against humanity.''

   Do you agree with the assessment that the Chinese Government is 
        engaged in a genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities 
        in the XUAR that is ongoing?

    Answer. Yes. I agree with the Biden-Harris administration's 
position that the People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing 
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are 
predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious 
minority groups in Xinjiang. The crimes against humanity include 
imprisonment, torture, enforced sterilization, sexual violence 
including rape, and other forms of persecution. The PRC continues a 
government policy of widespread forced labor, including through the 
continued mass arbitrary detention of more than one million Uyghurs, 
and members of other Muslim minority groups in Xinjiang.

    Question. What role do you see for the State Department in 
countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights 
atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?

    Answer. I understand the State Department is working to employ all 
available tools to address the PRC's genocide, crimes against humanity, 
and human rights violations and abuses in Xinjiang, including the 
imposition of sanctions and visa restrictions, enforcement of import 
controls, and targeted tightening of export controls.
    If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights, 
including freedom of religion or belief, in the PRC and accountability 
for the persons and entities responsible for violations and abuses.
    If confirmed, I will also step up work with other countries, civil 
society, and others, both in the United States and around the world, on 
joint efforts to promote accountability for PRC perpetrators and to 
bring further global attention to the issue.

China/Dissidents
    Question. The PRC and CCP engage in sustained, systematic, and 
granular intimidation of dissidents in China and abroad. That 
harassment includes the abuse and imprisonment of dissidents' family 
members. Nury Turkel is a Uyghur-American lawyer and leading critic of 
the PRC's atrocities against and genocide of the Uyghurs. In addition 
to testimony, op-eds, speeches, and other activities he currently 
serves as the Vice Chair of the United States Commission on 
International Religious Freedom, The PRC is engaged in a campaign of 
intimidation to silence Turkel by targeting his family members. They 
refuse to let his ailing parents leave China and be reunited with him.
    This campaign directly harms US citizens: his parents have two sons 
who are U.S. citizens and five U.S.-born grandchildren, who they've 
never met. Additionally, the campaign is an effort to interfere in 
American internal affairs and exercise leverage over US policy on 
religious freedom
    U.S. officials have reportedly raised Turkel's case with the 
Chinese, but there has been no sustained follow-up and the Chinese are 
apparently under the impression the inquiries were pro-forma.

   What leverage does the US have to mitigate the harassment and 
        intimidation of family members of Chinese dissidents, 
        especially American citizens?

    Answer. As I understand, the United States has several tools to 
promote accountability for those responsible for abuses, to include but 
not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: 
visa restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and 
financial sanctions. The United States also coordinates implementation 
of these actions with like-minded governments.
    If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote 
accountability and I intend to raise individual cases with the PRC 
Government and insist that U.S. citizens wrongfully or arbitrarily 
detained be released, that coercive exit bans be lifted, and that the 
PRC refrain from using such measures in the future.
    As I understand, the administration is coordinating a whole-of-
government effort to combat transnational repression, which is the 
practice of authoritarian governments targeting dissidents and 
activists outside of their national borders. The U.S. Government is 
working to build international opposition to transnational repression, 
deter and hold accountable perpetrating governments, including the PRC, 
is working to protect human rights activists, journalists, political 
dissidents, defectors and other targets of transnational repressions. 
If confirmed, I will support these efforts.
    The United States opposes PRC efforts to repress its citizens or 
their family members, whether inside or outside of China. If confirmed, 
I will continue administration efforts to provide support for Uyghurs 
and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups, as well as 
other human rights defenders. I will coordinate with allies and 
partners to speak out against such actions and to provide protection to 
targeted individuals. If confirmed, I also commit to raising individual 
cases with my PRC Government counterparts.

    Question. Please commit to conveying to the Chinese that the United 
States expects and demands they allow Turkel's parents to be reunited 
with their American citizen children and grandchildren?

    Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China 
(PRC)'s mistreatment of Mr. Turkel's parents, to include blocking them 
from leaving China. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly on their 
behalf with the PRC Government, as well as on behalf of other families 
similarly targeted. I will convey to the Chinese that they should allow 
Turkel's parents to be reunited with their American citizen children 
and grandchildren. Based on my past record on China, Mr. Turkel has 
supported my nomination publicly, and I look forward to working with 
him, USCIRF, this committee, civil society, and governments to address 
the genocide of the Uyghurs.

    Question. Please commit that, if confirmed, you will use your 
office to highlight the plight of Turkel and other dissidents like him 
who are subject to intimidation and harassment by the PRC and CCP.

    Answer. The United States opposes PRC efforts to repress its 
citizens or their family members, whether inside or outside of China. 
If confirmed, I will continue administration-wide efforts to provide 
support for Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority 
groups, as well as other human rights defenders. I will coordinate with 
allies and partners to speak out against such actions and to provide 
protection to targeted individuals. If confirmed, I also commit to 
raising individual cases with my PRC Government counterparts alongside 
other senior USG officials.

CPC List
    Question. In December 2020, the Department of State designated 
Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) in response to 
pervasive and egregious violations of religious freedom.

   Do you believe Nigeria should remain or be removed from the State 
        Department's Country of Particular Concern list?

    Answer. I believe Nigeria should remain on the list. I am deeply 
concerned about the religious freedom situation in Nigeria, and I 
commit to advancing protection of this right in every country if 
confirmed. During previous travel to Nigeria, I met with Christian and 
Muslim leaders who are working together to counter terrorism and 
address attacks against religious communities. I believe the Nigerian 
Government must do more to address terrorism and violent crime and to 
increase accountability for those responsible. I will also continue my 
work of protecting Christian and other religious communities in OIC 
countries, including in Nigeria.
    Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority and plays a 
prominent role in our engagement with the Nigerian Government. I 
support continuing this work.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which you consider anti-
blasphemy laws to be acute threats to global or regional human rights?

    Answer. I consider anti-blasphemy laws a very serious threat to 
human rights, and I have consistently opposed them as well as apostasy 
and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently used to oppress members 
of minority religious communities, those whose religious beliefs differ 
from the majority, or those with otherwise minority views. Governments 
that claim for themselves broad powers to ban certain forms of 
expression all too often misuse that power to repress peaceful dissent 
and silence the voices of civil society. Individuals often use these 
laws as a pretext to justify violence against those whose religion or 
ethnicity differs from their own or to settle personal grievances. When 
governments actively or passively support such individuals, instead of 
protecting members of minority groups, those in society who want to 
take the law into their own hands are empowered to use violence against 
these victims.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you orient the office to mitigate 
the effects or erode the scope of blasphemy laws?

    Answer. Blasphemy laws jeopardize human rights and fundamental 
freedoms, including the freedoms of religion or belief and expression. 
If confirmed, I will press for the repeal of blasphemy laws and urge 
countries with these laws to provide their citizens with the rights 
enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
    If confirmed, I will publicly oppose the enforcement and abuse of 
these laws, especially with criminal penalties, directly engage the UN, 
likeminded partners, government officials to urge repeal of these laws 
and impacted communities locally, create a space for local advocates, 
defend the accused, and work to resolve individual cases, if confirmed.

    Question. Is the administration withholding $130 million in aid 
from Egypt on the basis of the conditions described in the Washington 
Post report? If the report is inaccurate, what parts are inaccurate?

    Answer. I have not been involved in any administration action on 
these issues. As I understand it, these issues are beyond the scope of 
the mandate of the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious 
Freedom. If confirmed and should I ever become involved in this work as 
the Ambassador-at-Large, I will consult with you and your staff for 
further discussion. More broadly, my understanding is the 
administration is putting human rights at the center of foreign policy 
and seeking concrete human rights improvements in Egypt--a goal I 
strongly support.

    Question. Please provide a list of any individuals, including if 
relevant, the 16 referred to in the Washington Post story, who are the 
subject of conditions imposed on aid to Egypt. For each individual on 
the list, please list the following:

     Their names;
     Their organizational affiliations;
     The specific charges that the Egyptian Government has 
            brought against them, which the U.S. is asking the 
            Egyptians to dismiss; and
     Whether the individual is a U.S. citizen, or if not, 
            whether the individual holds a Legal Permanent Resident 
            Card, or if not, if the individual has applied for 
            immigration or visa status and what that status is.

    Answer. I have not been involved in the administration's actions on 
these issues. As I understand it, these issues are beyond the scope of 
the mandate of the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious 
Freedom. If confirmed and should I ever become involved in this work as 
the Ambassador-at-Large, I will consult with you and your staff for 
further discussion. More broadly, my understanding is that the 
administration is putting human rights at the center of foreign policy 
and seeking concrete human rights improvements in Egypt--a goal I 
strongly support.

    Question. Additionally, for any individual on the list described 
above who is not a U.S. citizen, please also describe:

     The process through which the State Department or as 
            relevant the broader interagency reviewed the cases and 
            came to the determination that their cases should be used 
            as conditions for aid.
     Whether they are affiliated with groups that promote 
            Islamist ideologies, distribute anti-Semitic materials, or 
            distribute political disinformation.
     Whether the Biden administration intends to grant U.S. 
            visas to them should the Egyptian Government release them.

    Answer. I have not been involved in any administration action on 
these issues. As I understand it, these issues are beyond the scope of 
the mandate of the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious 
Freedom. If confirmed and should I ever become involved in this work as 
the Ambassador-at-Large, I will contact your staff for further 
discussion. More broadly, my understanding is the administration is 
putting human rights at the center of foreign policy and seeking 
concrete human rights improvements in Egypt--a goal I strongly support.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. Asia has the highest rates of malnutrition in the world, 
with 79 million children suffering from chronic malnutrition, and more 
than 32 million children suffering from acute malnutrition. This crisis 
affects not only the health and survival of these children, but the 
future economic productivity of the entire region. If confirmed, how 
will you ensure that the Asian Development Bank does all it can to help 
countries address this crisis of malnutrition?

    Answer. I share your concern with the high rates of chronic 
malnutrition in Asia and the Pacific, especially among children. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Asian Development Bank to 
explore how it can help address this crisis, working in close 
coordination with other development partners and focusing on those 
areas where it has more capacity and expertise.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. China is one of the largest borrowers of funds from the 
AsDB, although by all definitions, it is no longer a developing country 
by the World Bank's and AsDB's definitions. As you know, in May, the 
Senate passed as part of a larger China bill a directive to the U.S. 
Director of the AsDB to vote to prohibit future lending to China.

   In your opinion, should China be allowed to continue to borrow from 
        the AsDB given China's growing role as a source of investment 
        capital for other developing countries, as well as its ability 
        to finance projects, even in lesser-developed regions, through 
        domestic sources?

    Answer. I believe the Government of China meets the Asian 
Development Bank (AsDB)'s criteria for graduation, given its high per 
capita income, institutional capacity, and ample access to other 
sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will encourage the 
PRC's graduation as soon as possible, and will seek to advance this 
position by working with Treasury, Congress, and other U.S. colleagues 
as well as likeminded partners on the AsDB Board.

    Question. Do you believe that the AsDB's lending to China crowds 
out other nations in need of financing?

    Answer. Yes, the AsDB should focus its resources on countries with 
lower incomes and less access to other sources of development finance. 
If confirmed, I will work with likeminded AsDB shareholders to press 
AsDB to graduate PRC from borrowing.

    Question. If the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act is not passed 
and you are confirmed as the U.S. Director of the ADB, will you still 
vote to stop lending to China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United 
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well 
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. I will also work with 
AsDB to focus its efforts on the poorest and most vulnerable countries 
and will press PRC to assume appropriate roles and responsibilities at 
the AsDB, including its graduation from AsDB lending.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator John Barrasso

    Question. What level of influence does the United States have over 
the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) operations and ADB loan policy?

    Answer. As the co-largest shareholder of the AsDB and one of the 
largest donors to the Asian Development Fund, the United States is a 
leading voice on strategic, policy, and operational issues. The U.S. 
Executive Director's Office uses both formal engagement through the 
Board seat as well as informal discussions to advance U.S. policy 
priorities, often working with likeminded shareholders. The strong 
environmental, social, and fiduciary standards that the AsDB applies, 
robust accountability mechanism, and important role for independent 
evaluation all reflect U.S. influence over the AsDB.

    Question. Please discuss the current status of the ADB's portfolio 
in Afghanistan. What efforts is the Biden administration taking to 
curtail the Taliban's access to ADB resources?

    Answer. I understand that all AsDB activities, including design and 
approval of new projects and disbursements for existing projects, in 
Afghanistan are currently paused, and the United States supports that 
stance.

    Question. Does the ADB partner with China on its Belt and Road 
Initiative? If so, what is your view on that effort and how would you 
address it?

    Answer. I am not aware of any formal partnership between the AsDB 
and PRC's Belt and Road Initiative. If confirmed, I will work with U.S. 
Government colleagues and likeminded partners to emphasize that the 
AsDB should not seek to advance the bilateral initiative of a single 
shareholder, particularly if it is associated with social, 
environmental, and fiduciary standards that are weaker than the Bank's 
own high standards.

    Question. China is the world's second largest economy. It has 
access to capital and sizeable reserves in order to meet its own 
domestic development needs. China is also the world's largest official 
creditor. Yet, China continues to borrow billions of dollars from 
multilateral development banks.
    In 2016, China met the criteria for graduation from the World Bank, 
which the ADB uses as their threshold. Since then, China received $7.6 
billion and $1.8 billion in non-sovereign loans to China from the ADB.

   If confirmed, would you object to and vote against additional 
        financing and investments to China from the ADB?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United 
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well 
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. I will also encourage 
AsDB to focus its efforts on the poorest and most vulnerable countries 
and will press PRC to assume appropriate roles and responsibilities at 
the AsDB, including its graduation from AsDB lending.

    Question. What would be your strategy to end lending to China at 
the ADB?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United 
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well 
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. Working with U.S. 
Government colleagues, Congress, and likeminded partners on the AsDB 
Board, I will also encourage AsDB to focus its efforts on the poorest 
and most vulnerable countries and will press PRC to assume appropriate 
roles and responsibilities at the AsDB, including its graduation from 
AsDB lending.

    Question. There are currently 840 million people across the globe 
who do not have electricity. People who live in poor and developing 
nations want and need a stable energy supply to grow their economy and 
improve their lives.
    Energy is a critical tool to help countries alleviate poverty. Yet, 
multilateral development banks have been imposing restrictions on 
financing of traditional energy projects. These restrictions only 
exacerbate the global inequities of energy.
    To achieve its mission, the ADB must embrace, not exclude, 
affordable energy resources. Ultimately, the solution to energy poverty 
does not lie in limiting options but in using all available options.

   Are poverty alleviation and economic development the top priorities 
        at the ADB?

    Answer. Yes. The Bank's charter states that ``[t]he purpose of the 
Bank shall be to foster economic growth and co-operation in the region 
of Asia and the Far East and to contribute to the acceleration of the 
process of economic development of the developing member countries in 
the region, collectively and individually.''

    Question. When reviewing projects at the ADB, what criterion will 
you use in determining whether the United States will support energy 
development projects?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United 
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well 
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. I believe the AsDB 
should carefully consider the total costs of energy resources, 
factoring in the social cost of carbon and the long-term impact on the 
climate by burning unabated fossil fuels. It is important that the AsDB 
is part of the climate solutions by helping countries in the region 
transition toward a low-emission growth path, helping countries to 
decarbonize their energy generation, and reach Paris alignment while 
continuing to promote growth and poverty reduction.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the ADB is 
promoting all types of energy projects across the globe, including oil, 
gas, and coal?

    Answer. I believe the AsDB should carefully consider the total 
costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon and 
the long-term impact on the climate by burning unabated fossil fuels. 
It is important that the AsDB is part of the solution to climate change 
by helping countries in the region transition toward a low-emission 
growth path, decarbonizing their energy generation, reaching Paris 
Alignment while continuing to promote growth and poverty reduction.

    Question. Would you recommend the United States support financing 
of fossil fuel projects for developing countries at the ADB?

    Answer. I believe the AsDB should carefully consider the total 
costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon, all 
externalities, and the long-term impact on the climate by burning 
unabated fossil fuels. It is important that the AsDB is part of the 
solution to climate change by helping countries in the region 
transition toward a low-emission growth path, decarbonizing their 
energy generation, reaching Paris Alignment while continuing to promote 
growth and poverty reduction.

    Question. Along with the ADB, other development banks, including 
the World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 
and national development banks, are funding projects in ADB member 
countries.

   How will you ensure ADB is not duplicating efforts, creating 
        redundancies, and working at cross-purposes?

    Answer. There are a number of donor coordination mechanisms that 
ensure the MDBs work effectively together.
    First, Treasury's Office of Development Results and Accountability 
(ODRA) plays a key role in ensuring the coordination is robust, 
alerting the U.S. Executive Directors of any concerns. ODRA is the lead 
office in charge of reviewing all MDB operations, which provides good 
oversight over which MDB is involved in specific projects. This allows 
the U.S. Chair to draw attention to donor coordination issues across 
the MDBs, which has been helpful in reducing duplication.
    Next, the AsDB's resident missions coordinate with all donors in 
each country to help ensure division of labor and to reduce 
duplication, including with USAID and other bilateral agencies.
    MDBs, including the AsDB, prepare a Country Partnership Strategy 
(CPS) for each country of operations, describing the sectors in which 
they plan to engage, guided by both the country's own development 
strategy and the MDB's own corporate priorities. The AsDB Board meets 
to discuss each CPS, which tend to also be public documents.
    Finally, the AsDB also provides Regional Cooperation Strategies for 
AsDB-defined regions or subregions, which also provide us an 
opportunity to examine strategic priorities at a higher level.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator Ted Cruz

Constraints On Projects/Electrification
    Question. On January 27, 2021, President Biden issued an Executive 
Order (EO) 14008, on ``Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and 
Abroad,'' which mandated that the U.S. will ``immediately begin to 
develop a climate finance plan, making strategic use of multilateral 
and bilateral channels and institutions, to assist developing countries 
in implementing ambitious emissions reduction measures, protecting 
critical ecosystems, building resilience against the impacts of climate 
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned 
investments and away from high-carbon investments.''
    According to a 2019 study by the International Energy Agency, 
``Since 2000, overall energy demand [in Southeast Asia] has grown by 
more than 80 percent and the lion's share of this growth has been met 
by a doubling in fossil fuel use. Oil is the largest element in the 
regional energy mix and coal--largely for power generation--has been 
the fastest growing.''
    The Agreement Establishing the Asian Development Bank states that 
``The purpose of the Bank shall be to foster economic growth and co-
operation in the region of Asia and the Far East. and to contribute to 
the acceleration of the process of economic development of the 
developing member countries in the region, collectively and 
individually.''

   If confirmed, do you intend to limit U.S. support inside the Asian 
        Development Bank for projects related to the use of fossil 
        fuels?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and 
policies. The AsDB can play a vital role in expanding energy access in 
Asia and the Pacific while at the same time supporting ambitious 
emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building 
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital 
toward climate-aligned investments. AsDB should select energy projects 
that account for the full range of costs and externalities over the 
lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the private 
sector is capable of financing. AsDB should finance projects that 
utilize technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy 
efficiency that do not lock developing member nations into technologies 
that may soon be obsolete.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which you believe that 
further limits on the Asian Development Bank's support for investments 
related to the use of coal, oil, and gas, would affect the Bank's 
ability to fund active projects aimed at meeting energy demand in 
Southeast Asia, including your assessment about the demand for such 
projects.

    Answer. The AsDB can play a vital role in expanding energy access 
in Asia and the Pacific while at the same time supporting ambitious 
emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building 
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital 
toward climate-aligned investments. AsDB should select energy projects 
taking into account the full range of costs and externalities over the 
lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the private 
sector is capable of financing. AsDB should prioritize investments that 
include options for clean energy, innovation and energy efficiency to 
meet demand in Asia and the Pacific.

Constraints On Projects/China
    Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese 
Communist Party (CCP) take a whole-of-government and in many cases 
whole-of-nation approach to advancing their national security 
priorities. One prominent tool--which has been explicitly and 
extensively criticized by the Biden administration--is the use by the 
PRC and CCP of predatory debt diplomacy, in which they finance overseas 
projects and then leverage debt related to those projects for 
geopolitical concessions. China has extensively and specifically 
financed energy overseas projects, with a focus on fossil fuels. The 
two major Chinese policy banks--the Chinese Development Bank (CDB) and 
Chinese Export-Import Bank (EXIM)--funneled $196.7 billion into 
overseas energy projects between 2007 and 2016, and roughly 75 percent 
of their expenditures are related to fossil fuel projects.

   Please assess the degree to which limits on the Asian Development 
        Bank's support for projects related to the use of coal, oil, 
        and gas affect the ability of the Bank to serve as an 
        alternative to Chinese investments funneled through the CDB, 
        EXIM and other Chinese state institutions.

    Answer. The AsDB's transparency and adherence to safeguards are a 
critical part of its comparative advantage, and it should not lower 
standards in response to competition from PRC investment. The AsDB can 
play a vital role in expanding energy access and offering a high-
quality alternative to PRC finance in Asia and the Pacific while at the 
same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction, protecting critical 
ecosystems, building resilience against climate change, and promoting 
the flow of capital toward climate-aligned investments. To some extent, 
even the PRC has recognized this and announced it will cease government 
financing for international coal projects. AsDB should select energy 
projects taking into account the full range of costs and externalities 
over the lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the 
private sector is capable of financing.

Solar Panels/XUAR
    Question. In May the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur 
Region released an academic report based on research conducted at the 
Sheffield Hallam University's Helena Kennedy Centre for International 
Justice, which concluded that functionally the entire global solar 
panel industry utilized supply lines that run through Xinjiang, where 
the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party 
(CCP) are conducting an ongoing genocide against the Uyghurs that 
includes the use of slave labor. The report documented, inter alia, 
that 95 percent of solar panels rely on solar-grade polysilicon supply 
lines which run through Xinjiang account for approximately 45 percent 
of the world's solar-grade polysilicon supply, and that there are 90 
Chinese and international companies whose supply chains are affected by 
Uyghur forced labour.
    According to the Washington Post, officials from the office of the 
United States special presidential envoy for climate have briefed 
Congressional staffers that it will take up to a decade to move the 
global supply chain for solar panels away from Xinjiang.
    The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is implicated in Chinese green 
technologies, including solar panels, in a number of ways. In addition 
to supporting projects that utilize such parts, the Bank states that it 
supports and ``will continue to support the Government of the PRC's 
agenda to achieve high-quality, green development under the country's 
14th Five-Year Plan.''

   Can you commit that, if confirmed, you will use the voice and vote 
        of the United States inside the ADB to block support for 
        projects that would utilize or provide financing for solar 
        panels made in Xinjiang, with parts made in Xinjiang, or with 
        materials sourced to Xinjiang?

    Forced labor practices run counter to our American values as a 
nation, and they could expose consumers to unethical practices.

    As the administration has said, the United States and the world's 
leading democracies stand united against forced labor, and the United 
States is committed to take every measure to rid global supply chains 
from the use of forced labor.

    I understand that the U.S. Government has tasked agencies to put 
this into action, and if confirmed, I commit to work with all parts of 
the U.S. Government and my fellow Board members to do our part to seek 
to keep forced labor out of MDB-funded projects. If confirmed I will 
work with staff and board members to apply rigorous safeguards and 
standards to prevent human trafficking and forced labor.

China Investment
    Question. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) provides extensive 
support for projects in China. It states that ``In 2020, ADB committed 
around $2 billion for 12 sovereign loans and $406 million for seven 
non-sovereign loans (excluding B loans) for the PRC. This was 
supplemented by $12.7 million (inclusive of co-financing) for 27 
technical assistance projects.'' Cooperation with China by the ADB has 
been criticized on a number of fronts, including because supporting 
projects in China may `crowd out' other regional projects.

   Please describe the extent to which you support the continued 
        investment by the ADB into China?

    Answer. I believe PRC meets the AsDB's criteria for graduation, 
given its high per capita income, institutional capacity, and ample 
access to other sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will 
work with allies and partners in the region to seek PRC's graduation as 
soon as possible, and will seek to advance this position by working 
with Treasury, Congress, and other U.S. colleagues as well as 
likeminded partners on the AsDB Board.

    Question. Please assess the extent to which support by the ADB for 
projects in China ``crowds out'' investments from other potential 
recipients.

    Answer. The AsDB should focus its resources on countries with lower 
incomes and less access to other sources of development finance. If 
confirmed, I will work with likeminded AsDB shareholders to press AsDB 
to graduate China from borrowing.

Afghanistan
    Question. As of December 2020, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) had 
around $500 million in loans and grants extended to Afghanistan. As the 
Taliban seized control of Afghanistan in August, the Bank issued a 
statement saying it remains ``committed to supporting Afghanistan's 
economic and social development.''

   Please describe how you believe the ADB should approach financing 
        projects in Afghanistan, including measures that it should take 
        to avoid funneling money to the Taliban.

    Answer. I understand that the AsDB has paused its activity in 
Afghanistan. The international community, including the AsDB, should 
continue examining options to responsibly provide support to the Afghan 
people, while engaging in strong due diligence and application of 
appropriate safeguards to prevent the flow of funds to any entity 
supporting terrorism or other acts of violence against the United 
States.

    Question. Please describe what sorts of projects you believe are 
appropriate to either initiate or continue in Afghanistan, which are or 
would be funded by ADB.

    Answer. It is too early to say at this time. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with others in the U.S. Government, Congress, AsDB 
Management, and other AsDB Board members to examine options to provide 
support to the Afghan people while preventing the flow of funds to any 
person or entity seeking to harm the United States.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The International Development Association (IDA) financing 
for food security has nearly tripled since 2008, and the world is still 
facing an era of rising global hunger due to conflict, climate change, 
economic downturns, and now the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, how 
will you ensure that the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development will continue to prioritize combatting the global hunger 
crisis?

    Answer. I share your concern with the high rates of hunger and 
chronic malnutrition around the world, which have only deepened during 
the pandemic.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the World Bank to 
explore how it can do even more to help address this crisis, working in 
close coordination with other development partners and focusing on 
those areas where it has more capacity and expertise. In particular, I 
understand that this remains an important area of focus of IDA, with 
increasing attention to early engagement and crisis preparedness. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the World Bank supports efforts 
to address access to adequate food by creating employment opportunities 
and providing income support; providing food access to the poorest; and 
freeing up bottlenecks in agricultural supply chains.
    I also look forward to engaging with the Bank and other partners on 
issues that are closely related to food security, including addressing 
fragility, conflict, and violence; mitigating and adapting to climate 
change; and boosting quality infrastructure investment.

    Question. Lower-income countries are experiencing high debt 
burdens, effectively reducing their ability to finance their own 
development. If confirmed, how will you encourage active participation 
in debt relief initiatives and the development of new initiatives for 
new debt challenges?

    Answer. I fully share your concern about the increasing debt 
vulnerabilities many of the poorest countries face. The World Bank can 
play an important role in assisting countries with building debt 
management capacity, promoting debt transparency through debt data 
collection and reporting, and supporting countries participating in 
debt relief initiatives, such as the G-20 Common Framework.

    Question. The global COVID-19 pandemic has led to massive 
inequality in the economic and development trajectory of countries. 
What, in your view, needs to change at the World Bank to address the 
problem of inequality within and between countries? If confirmed, how 
will you encourage the World Bank to take the proper steps to combat 
global inequality?

    Answer. The World Bank can play an important role in addressing 
global inequality, given its twin goals of eliminating extreme poverty 
and promoting shared prosperity. If confirmed, I will advocate for a 
strong focus on inclusion in all World Bank projects. As control of the 
COVID-19 pandemic and access to vaccines will be critical to preventing 
the poorest countries from falling further behind during the recovery, 
I will encourage strong focus on vaccine finance and vaccine access for 
the poorest, working in close coordination with other international 
partners. If confirmed, I will continue to be a strong advocate for the 
World Bank to focus its resources on poorer countries, rigorously 
applying social and environmental safeguards, and maintaining robust 
accountability mechanisms. Within developing countries, the World Bank 
should focus on building debt management capacity and transparency; 
seek to address the drivers of fragility, conflict, and violence; 
promote gender equality and social inclusion, including through social 
safety nets and investments in the care economy; invest in human 
capital development; and support ambitious programs to mitigate and 
adapt to climate change.

    Question. In March 2021, the United Kingdom announced its intention 
to shift away from supporting fossil fuel projects overseas. The 
European Investment Bank--the world's largest multilateral lender -
announced it too will end virtually all support for oil, gas, and coal 
by the end of 2021. If confirmed will you advise the Secretary of the 
Treasury to support any fossil fuel projects?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and 
policies, including the guidance that Treasury recently released 
concerning MDB financing of fossil fuel projects. The World Bank can 
play a vital role in expanding energy access in developing countries 
while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction, 
protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against climate 
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned 
investments. The World Bank should select energy projects that account 
for the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of the 
project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is capable 
of financing. The World Bank should finance projects that utilize 
technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy 
efficiency, that do not lock developing countries into high-emissions 
trajectories or technologies that may soon be obsolete.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler by Senator John Barrasso

    Question. China is the world's second largest economy. It has 
access to capital and sizeable reserves in order to meet its own 
domestic development needs. China is also the world's largest official 
creditor. Yet, China continues to borrow billions of dollars from 
multilateral development banks.
    The World Bank classified China as being an upper-middle income 
economy. In 2016, China met the criteria for graduation from the World 
Bank. Since then, China received $9 billion from the World Bank.

   Do you support the World Bank continuing to lend to China?

    Answer. I believe the PRC meets the IBRD's criteria for graduation, 
given its high per capita income, institutional capacity, and ample 
access to other sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will 
press for the PRC's graduation as soon as possible, and will seek to 
advance this position by working with Treasury, Congress, and other 
U.S. colleagues as well as likeminded partners on the IBRD Board.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your strategy to end lending 
to China at the World Bank?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the PRC's graduation as soon 
as possible, and will seek to advance this position by working with 
Treasury, Congress, and other U.S. colleagues as well as likeminded 
partners on the IBRD Board. I understand that as part of the 2018 World 
Bank capital increase, World Bank Management committed to substantially 
reducing the share of lending to countries with incomes above the 
graduation threshold, increasingly targeting lending in countries with 
incomes above the graduation threshold on addressing remaining 
constraints to graduation, and more fulsomely identifying those 
constraints. I will encourage Management to continue implementing those 
reforms. I will also press China to assume appropriate roles and 
responsibilities at the World Bank, including its graduation from IBRD 
lending.

    Question. There are currently 840 million people across the globe 
who do not have electricity. People who live in poor and developing 
nations want and need a stable energy supply to grow their economy and 
improve their lives.
    Energy is a critical tool to help countries alleviate poverty. Yet, 
the World Bank has been imposing restrictions on financing of 
traditional energy projects. These restrictions only exacerbate the 
global inequities of energy.
    To achieve its mission, the World Bank must embrace, not exclude, 
affordable energy resources. Ultimately, the solution to energy poverty 
does not lie in limiting options but in using all available options.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the World Bank is 
        promoting all types of energy projects across the globe, 
        including oil, gas, and coal?

    Answer. I believe the World Bank should carefully consider the 
total costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon 
and the long-term impact on the climate by burning unabated fossil 
fuels. It is important that the World Bank is part of the solution to 
climate change by helping countries transition toward a low-emission 
growth path, decarbonizing their energy generation, reaching Paris 
Alignment while continuing to promote growth and poverty reduction.

    Question. Would you recommend the United States support financing 
of fossil fuel projects for developing countries at the World Bank?

    Answer. I believe the World Bank should carefully consider the 
total costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of 
carbon, all externalities, and the long-term impact on the climate by 
burning unabated fossil fuels. It is important that the World Bank is 
part of the solution to climate change by helping countries transition 
toward a low-emission growth path, decarbonizing their energy 
generation, reaching Paris Alignment while continuing to promote growth 
and poverty reduction.

    Question. Chinese firms are the largest recipients of World Bank 
contracts. Chinese firms won nearly a quarter of investment projects 
(by value) between 2016 and 2020. At the same time, numerous state-
owned Chinese firms have been debarred by the World Bank and other 
multilateral development banks for violating procurement policies.

   What are the risks and challenges posed by the World Bank's 
        reliance on Chinese firms for implementation of its development 
        projects? What is your plan to address this issue?

    Answer. The risks and challenges are similar to those facing the 
entire global economy from reliance on PRC firms and workers in global 
supply chains, including those related to governance, human rights, 
forced labor, cyber security, and disruptions to the PRC economy. If 
confirmed, I will advocate for strong focus in procurement policy 
implementation on value-for-money over the full project lifecycle, 
rather than awards to the lowest bidder, enhanced scrutiny on 
abnormally low bids, and added attention to building contracting 
capacity and transparency in public financial management in World Bank 
recipient countries.

    Question. In August, the World Bank halted funding for projects in 
Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of the country.

   Under what circumstances, if any, would you recommend the United 
        States support World Bank projects in Afghanistan under the 
        Taliban rule?

    Answer. I understand that the World Bank has paused its activity in 
Afghanistan. The international community, including the World Bank, 
should continue examining options to responsibly provide support to the 
Afghan people, while engaging in strong due diligence and application 
of appropriate safeguards to prevent the flow of funds to any entity 
supporting terrorism or other acts of violence against the United 
States.
    The Chinese Communist Party has been using its influence at 
multilateral institutions to bolster its own interests. A recent 
example is the scandal involving the World Bank's annual ``Doing 
Business'' report. Kristalina Georgieva, the current managing director 
of the International Monetary Fund, has been accused of directing staff 
to manipulate data to increase China's business ranking while at the 
World Bank. This was reportedly happening while the World Bank was 
actively courting China to raise funds for its General Capital 
Increase. This type of corruption is deeply concerning and undercuts 
the integrity of the World Bank. It damages the mission of the 
organization and undermines American interests and values.

    Question. What reforms need to be made at the World Bank in light 
of these serious allegations?

    Answer. I am also deeply troubled by these serious allegations. As 
someone who has worked for over two decades with data, I believe that 
any data and any reports produced by the World Bank need to be held to 
the highest standards of rigor, integrity and transparency.
    The WilmerHale report makes clear that there is a need to explore 
how to boost transparency, strengthen controls over data, and create a 
more respectful workplace, with strong protections for whistleblowers 
at the World Bank. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
partners at the World Bank and in the administration and Congress to 
advance such reforms.
    I also look forward to working with a wide variety of partners to 
examine how the World Bank can measure and report on countries' 
business climates while avoiding some of the shortcomings of the Doing 
Business Report, including those that may have contributed to this 
incident.

    Question. What steps will you take to ensure full accountability 
for this incident?

    Answer. I understand that there are ongoing investigations and 
internal processes related to the incident. If confirmed, I look 
forward to understanding further details regarding the incident and 
will promote steps to bolster accountability, boost transparency, 
strengthen controls over data, and create a more respectful workplace, 
with strong protections for whistleblowers at the World Bank.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler by Senator Ted Cruz

Constraints On Projects/Electrification
    Question. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 
(IBRD) is part of the World Bank Group. On January 27, 2021, President 
Biden issued an Executive Order (EO) 14008, on ``Tackling the Climate 
Crisis at Home and Abroad.'' Part 1, Section (g)(ii) of EO 14008 is a 
mandate on the Secretary of the Treasury to use the ``voice and vote'' 
of the United States to inter alia ``[d]evelop a strategy for how the 
voice and vote of the United States can be used in international 
financial institutions, including the World Bank Group and the 
International Monetary Fund, to promote'' the goals of the EO phasing 
out fossil fuels and promoting renewable energy.
    The World Bank has already been taking actions to limit its support 
for projects supporting the supply of energy through coal, oil, and 
gas, as well as nuclear power. The World Bank-related mandates in EO 
14008 seek to deepen and lock in those moves.
    Much of the developing world relies on fossil fuels for energy, and 
access to energy has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of 
poverty. By 2019 the number of people without electricity access had 
dropped to 770 million due in large part to increased access to fossil 
fuels.

   If confirmed, do you intend to limit U.S. support inside IBRD for 
        projects related to the use of fossil fuels?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and 
policies, including the guidance that Treasury recently released 
concerning MDB financing of fossil fuel projects. The World Bank can 
play a vital role in expanding energy access in developing countries 
while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction, 
protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against climate 
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned 
investments. The World Bank should select energy projects that account 
for the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of the 
project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is capable 
of financing. The World Bank should finance projects that utilize 
technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy 
efficiency, that do not lock developing countries into high-emissions 
trajectories or technologies that may soon be obsolete.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which you existing limits on 
IBRD's support for investments related to the use of coal, oil, gas, 
and nuclear power have affected efforts to support electrification in 
the developing world.

    Answer. The World Bank Group has continued to provide strong 
support for power generation and the provision of electricity to 
households throughout the developing world. According to the World 
Bank's corporate scorecard, during its FY 2019-2021 fiscal years, World 
Bank Group projects contributed to 316,738 gigawatt-hours of new 
electricity generation, of which 247,735 GWh were from renewable 
sources, and provided new or improved electricity service to 362.6 
million people.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which you believe that 
further limits on IBRD's support for investments related to the use of 
coal, oil, gas, and nuclear power would affect efforts to support 
electrification in the developing world.

    Answer. The World Bank can play a vital role in expanding energy 
access in developing countries while at the same time supporting 
ambitious emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building 
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital 
toward climate-aligned investments. The World Bank should select energy 
projects taking into account the full range of costs and externalities 
over the lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the 
private sector is capable of financing. The World Bank should 
prioritize investments that include options for clean energy, 
innovation and energy efficiency to meet demand in developing 
countries.

Constraints on Projects/China
    Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) takes a whole-of-
government and in many cases whole-of-nation approach to advancing 
their national security priorities. One prominent tool--which has been 
explicitly and extensively criticized by the Biden administration--is 
the use by the PRC and CCP of predatory debt diplomacy, in which they 
finance overseas projects and then leverage debt related to those 
projects for geopolitical concessions. China has extensively and 
specifically financed energy overseas projects, with a focus on fossil 
fuels. The two major Chinese policy banks--the Chinese Development Bank 
(CDB) and Chinese Export-Import Bank (EXIM)--funneled $196.7 billion 
into overseas energy projects between 2007 and 2016, and roughly 75 
percent of their expenditures are related to fossil fuel projects.

   Please assess the degree to which limits on the IBRD's support for 
        investments related to the use of coal, oil, and gas affect the 
        ability of the World Bank to serve as an alternative to Chinese 
        investments funneled through the CDB, EXIM and other Chinese 
        state institutions.

    Answer. The World Bank's transparency and adherence to safeguards 
are critical parts of its comparative advantage, and it should not 
lower standards in response to competition from PRC investment. The 
World Bank can play a vital role in expanding energy access and 
offering a high-quality alternative to PRC finance in developing 
countries while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions 
reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against 
climate change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-
aligned investments. To some extent, even the PRC has recognized this 
and announced it will cease government financing for international coal 
projects. The World Bank should select energy projects taking into 
account the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of 
the project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is 
capable of financing.

Solar Panels/XUAR
    Question. In May the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur 
Region released an academic report based on research conducted at the 
Sheffield Hallam University's Helena Kennedy Centre for International 
Justice, which concluded that functionally the entire global solar 
panel industry utilized supply lines that run through Xinjiang, where 
the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party 
(CCP) are conducting an ongoing genocide against the Uyghurs that 
includes the use of slave labor. The report documented, inter alia, 
that 95 percent of solar panels rely on solar-grade polysilicon, that 
supply lines which run through Xinjiang account for approximately 45 
percent of the world's solar-grade polysilicon supply, and that there 
are 90 Chinese and international companies whose supply chains are 
affected by Uyghur forced labour.
    According to the Washington Post, officials from the office of the 
United States special presidential envoy for climate have briefed 
Congressional staffers that it will take up to a decade to move the 
global supply chain for solar panels away from Xinjiang.

   Can you commit that, if confirmed, you will use the voice and vote 
        of the United States inside the IBRD to block any projects that 
        would utilize solar panels made in Xinjiang, with parts made in 
        Xinjiang, or with materials sourced to Xinjiang?

    Answer. Forced labor practices run counter to our American values 
as a nation, and they could expose consumers to unethical practices.
    As the White House has said, the United States and the world's 
leading democracies stand united against forced labor, and the United 
States is committed to ridding global supply chains--including, but not 
limited to, solar panels--from the use of forced labor.
    If confirmed, I commit to work with all parts of the U.S. 
Government and my fellow Board members to do our part to seek to keep 
forced labor out of MDB-funded projects. If confirmed I will work with 
staff and board members to apply rigorous safeguards and standards to 
prevent human trafficking and forced labor.

Afghanistan
    Question. As of August 2021, the World Bank was contributing more 
than $2 billion to fund 27 active projects in Afghanistan. As the 
Taliban seized control of Afghanistan, the World Bank evacuated its 
Kabul-based staff, but in an internal memo described by Reuters 
president David Malpass expressed hope the World Bank ``will be able to 
have a positive impact once the situation stabilizes.''

   Please describe how you believe the IRBD should approach financing 
        projects in Afghanistan, including measures that it should take 
        to avoid funneling money to the Taliban.

    Answer. I understand that the World Bank has paused its activity in 
Afghanistan. The international community, including the World Bank, 
should continue examining options to responsibly provide support to the 
Afghan people, while engaging in strong due diligence and application 
of appropriate safeguards to prevent the flow of funds to any entity 
supporting terrorism or other acts of violence against the United 
States.

    Question. Please describe what sorts of projects you believe are 
appropriate to either initiate or continue in Afghanistan, which are or 
would be funded by IRBD.

    Answer. It is too early to say at this time. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with others in the U.S. Government, Congress, World 
Bank Management, and other World Bank board members to examine options 
to provide support to the Afghan people while preventing the flow of 
funds to any person or entity seeking to harm the United States.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How do you view your role, if you are confirmed as 
Assistant Secretary, in leading our international economic efforts 
abroad?

    Answer. If confirmed, I think of the role of Assistant Secretary 
for Economic and Business Affairs as comprising three main components: 
(1) contributing to the crafting of U.S. Government policies at the 
intersection of economics and foreign policy by working closely with 
others in the State Department, the interagency, and Congress; (2) 
providing internal leadership--guidance, direction, and a sense of 
purpose--to the capable and dedicated professionals at the Department 
working on economic and business issues around the world; and (3) 
providing external leadership by advancing U.S. objectives in the 
diplomatic sphere and engaging with American businesses, workers, and 
other stakeholders. These roles extend across the range of functional 
areas in which the bureau is involved, including commercial and 
business affairs, trade policy, transportation, finance and investment, 
economic development, communications and information policy, and threat 
finance and sanctions.

    Question. What are your goals for this position? Where do you see 
the biggest challenges? Biggest opportunities?

    Answer. If confirmed, my goals as Assistant Secretary for Economic 
and Business Affairs would center on applying diplomatic tools to 
advance U.S. economic and business interests, and leveraging economic 
and business tools to advance U.S. foreign policy and national security 
interests.
    I would have a particular focus on three key objectives: (1) 
securing a strong recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic; (2) shaping the 
international norms and rules governing trade, commerce, and technology 
that will underpin the future global economy; and (3) leveraging 
economic levers such as sanctions and foreign assistance to pursue U.S. 
diplomatic and national security goals
    A key challenge will be to identify concrete ways to work with 
like-minded nations to confront abusive policies by China that create 
unfair competition, disadvantage American workers, and conflict with 
American values. This is also an opportunity to expand collaboration 
with allies, partners, and multilateral institutions that share our 
values, so that the future arc of commercial and technological 
evolution reflects democratic rather than authoritarian principles.
    I believe another key opportunity involves using U.S. commercial 
diplomacy in novel ways to expand opportunities for American workers 
and American businesses, particularly small- and medium-sized 
enterprises. The Championing American Business Through Diplomacy Act of 
2019 (CABDA) envisages a leading role for the State Department in this 
area. I look forward to working to make that vision a reality, if 
confirmed.

    Question. What additional tools would help enable you to achieve 
these goals?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will look to make sure that the hundreds of 
Civil Service professionals and Foreign Service Officers who work at 
the Department all over the world have the resources they need to 
advance the full range of U.S. foreign economic policy priorities. I 
will also look to strengthen the bureau's work to train and retain a 
diverse cadre of officers in the Department working on economic issues 
through expanding professional development opportunities and advocating 
for greater recognition and promotion of economic work. If confirmed, I 
look forward to continuing a dialogue with Congress on these issues and 
working together to achieve these goals.

    Question. What should be our goals, together with our allies, when 
it comes to the global economy and its recovery after COVID?

    Answer. If confirmed, I see three key goals for the Bureau of 
Economic and Business Affairs to contribute to the specific issue of 
global economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. First, the bureau 
must work with the interagency and with international partners to 
restore safe and sustainable international travel and commerce. Second, 
we must work with others in the U.S. Government, the private sector, 
and foreign partners to address short-term supply chain disruptions, as 
well as to take concrete actions to build more resilient supply chains 
for the future, especially in key areas like semiconductors and other 
critical sectors. Third, we must engage in commercial diplomacy in new 
ways to unlock novel opportunities in the post-pandemic world for U.S. 
businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
    As we look to the post-COVID world, the bureau also has an 
important role to play in shaping the international norms and rules 
governing trade, commerce, and technology that will underpin the future 
global economy, as well as realizing the vision of Build Back Better 
World (B3W) to mobilize investments in climate, health and health 
security, digital technology, and gender equity and equality.

    Question. How do you plan to pursue these goals, if you are 
confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to drawing upon the full range 
of tools and processes of economic statecraft to pursue these goals: 
tapping the expertise of the dedicated professionals in the Department 
and elsewhere in the U.S. Government, working closely with interagency 
colleagues and Congress to shape U.S. Government policies, engaging in 
productive partnerships with the private sector, and advancing these 
goals through diplomacy on the international stage.

    Question. How do we best compete with China, especially in critical 
new and emergent technologies like AI, genomics, robotics, and quantum 
computing?

    Answer. Preparing the United States to thrive in this technological 
era requires a multi-dimensional strategy. This includes making 
critical investments in our educational technological base at home to 
support domestic manufacturing in key sectors, as well as world-leading 
research and development (R&D) to support the creation, adoption, 
diffusion, and production of innovation in the United States. It 
includes working with allies and partners to take on abusive Chinese 
practices in the technology area, including theft of intellectual 
property and forced technology transfer, as well as to protect 
sensitive technologies by coordinating on tools such as investment 
reviews and export controls. It includes working with allies, partners, 
and multilateral institutions to shape the rules, norms, and standards 
governing the adoption and use of technology, so that future systems 
are open, secure, and reliable, reflecting democratic not authoritarian 
principles. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on 
the issues in these critical areas.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19.

   What is your understanding of morale in the Bureau of Economic and 
        Business Affairs?

    Answer. During the consultation process in connection to my 
nomination, I have been extremely impressed by the energy, knowledge, 
and commitment of the people in the bureau with whom I have met--from 
the career officials who have provided essential leadership in acting 
capacities during this transitional period, to the Foreign Service 
Officers and Civil Service professionals working on the front lines of 
critical economic issues. They have struck me as diligent in the 
technical aspects of their jobs, dedicated to the mission of the 
bureau, and highly motivated by making a difference for the United 
States.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to strengthen morale in the bureau 
by providing clear guidance on priorities and their connection to 
broader U.S. economic and national security goals, working to ensure 
our team has the resources they need to be successful, and doing 
everything I can to make sure that individuals in the bureau feel that 
their contributions are valued. If confirmed, I look forward to 
continued consultations with Congress on the priorities of the bureau 
and resources needed to make it as effective as possible.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?

    Answer. I would have three top priorities if confirmed--(1) secure 
a strong recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic by restoring safe and 
sustainable commerce, building more resilient supply chains, and 
reenergizing U.S. commercial diplomacy; (2) shape the international 
norms and rules governing trade, commerce and technology that will 
underpin the future global economy, which includes working with allies 
and partners to challenge abusive practices by China that undermine 
U.S. interests and values; and (3) leverage economic tools to advance 
foreign policy objectives and effectively respond to crises, including 
sanctions, foreign assistance, and multilateral coordination. I believe 
these issues are the right ones to create a unified mission and vision, 
and I will endeavor to organize our team around these issues.

Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. In my experience, the best way to tap the full energy, 
creativity, and dedication of team members is to create an environment 
in which they each feel that their individual efforts are valued and 
contribute meaningfully to a larger goal. To cultivate such an 
environment, my approach is to articulate clear goals and 
organizational mission, give team members sufficient latitude and 
autonomy to pursue that mission in novel ways and feel a sense of 
ownership, encourage dissent and challenges to conventional thinking, 
provide respectful feedback that maintains high standards and 
encourages professional growth, and demonstrate the importance of all 
managers in the organization acting on such values.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates. My goal will be to create a collegial, respectful, and 
collaborative work environment in the bureau, if confirmed.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy?

    Answer. The Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary (PDAS) for the 
Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs plays a key role managing 
bureau processes and ensuring strong interagency coordination. If 
confirmed, I look forward to finding creative ways to work in 
partnership with the PDAS to advance the bureau's mission, including 
addressing specific challenges as they arise.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will aim to establish an effective 
collaboration and partnership with the Principal Deputy Assistant 
Secretary (PDAS) for the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs that 
will best leverage our respective strengths to support the bureau's 
mission. I expect that this will include a substantial role for the 
PDAS in strengthening coordination and communication within the bureau, 
as well as with our partners across the Department, our interagency 
partners, the business community, and our economic officers in the 
field.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide 
subordinates with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance 
in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded 
in their roles?

    Answer. Yes, it is vital to provide team members with accurate and 
constructive feedback on their performance to encourage improvement, 
cultivate professional growth, recognize progress, and reward success. 
If confirmed, I am committed to doing so.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to achieve these goals.

    Question. What would you do, if confirmed, to strengthen the U.S. 
Foreign Service's Economic Corps as well as civil servants to ensure we 
are better postured to compete economically with China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to get the Foreign Service's 
Economic Corps and civil servants the resources and support they need 
to advance a foreign policy for the middle class, assist American 
businesses to compete and win on the global stage, and confront the 
PRC's economic abuses. If confirmed, I will work with the Under 
Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment to attract 
highly qualified economic foreign service officers and expert civil 
service officers from throughout the State Department, and to 
strengthen training and professional development in economic skills, 
infrastructure, and commercial diplomacy.

    Question. Will you commit to providing SFRC staff with 
opportunities to observe State Department technical assistance on 
economic issues, such as workshops or other programming on issues like 
countering predatory finance, proper tendering, bidding, and 
procurement, management of key economic sectors, and other relevant 
areas?

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, my understanding is that the Bureau of Economic and 
Business Affairs provides technical assistance in a few select areas 
and assists other Department bureaus, agencies, and partners that 
provide assistance in others. I understand the value of Congressional 
oversight. If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with 
Congress to provide visibility into the work the bureau supports that 
is important to our economic diplomacy efforts.

    Question. In your view, what role does the Development Finance 
Corporation play in countering China's state-directed economic 
investments?

    Answer. I applaud the work of Congress in passing the BUILD Act and 
believe that the establishment of the U.S. International Development 
Finance Corporation (DFC) was an important step in enhancing our 
economic tools. DFC investments can help advance important U.S. 
development and foreign policy objectives. I understand DFC reviews 
projects for criteria such as positive development impact, potential to 
fill the gap where traditional financing is unavailable, financial 
risk, and more. DFC can provide an alternative to PRC state-directed 
economic investments, help American companies compete and win overseas 
against Chinese companies, and offer potential partners and projects 
the option of values-driven investments informed by strong standards.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to strengthening the deal 
team model?

    Answer. Because U.S. Government tools to assist U.S. companies 
effectively compete abroad reside in a number of different agencies, 
interagency collaboration is paramount to the effectiveness of U.S. 
assistance efforts. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that the Deal Team Initiative launched in 
2020 has improved interagency coordination and therefore U.S. 
Government support for U.S. companies. If confirmed, I will work to 
build on this progress and further strengthen collaboration between the 
State Department and our trade and development agencies in Washington 
and overseas as envisaged in the Deal Team Initiative.

    Question. Do you commit to further advancing the objectives of the 
State Department's Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance Network?

    Answer. Public financing alone cannot close the global 
infrastructure gap over the next twenty years--we need to mobilize 
private financing for quality infrastructure, including in the Indo-
Pacific. Based on my consultations with State Department professionals, 
I understand that the participants in ITAN representing 14 U.S. 
agencies have collaborated to identify--and where possible provide 
support for--a large number of projects involving substantial 
investments. If confirmed, I will work to build upon the work of ITAN 
to date and continue helping foreign partners build better enabling 
environments to mobilize greater private sector financing in quality 
infrastructure investment through ITAN.

    Question. For projects that are intended to open up opportunities 
for further private sector investment, do you commit that the 
Department of State will actually engage with the private sector before 
determining whether to fund a project?

    Answer. Mobilizing private sector investment in infrastructure 
requires an understanding of the private sector's perspectives and 
incentives. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that many ITAN projects have a substantial 
focus on capacity building and technical assistance, including to shape 
an enabling environment for high-quality investment. If confirmed, I 
look forward to rigorous and regular consultations with the private 
sector on best practices and their views in pursuing infrastructure 
investments, so that U.S. Government assistance can be deployed as 
effectively as possible.

    Question. Do you commit that the Department of State's strategic 
infrastructure pilot will not be solely or primarily used to fund 
climate-related initiatives? There are other relevant national security 
and foreign policy interests that should also be addressed.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific 
Affairs implements the Strategic Infrastructure Fund (SIF) pilot. My 
understanding is that the SIF is designed to advance U.S. efforts to 
cultivate a free and open Indo-Pacific by defending markets against 
coercion by strategic competitors and supporting projects that are also 
of strategic value to the United States. If confirmed, I will work with 
colleagues across the Department so that the State Department is 
considering the full range of U.S. interests in infrastructure.

    Question. Do you believe the United States needs to advance a more 
robust trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific region? If so, what would you 
emphasize and what should our main goals be?

    Question. In my view, key goals for our trade policy should be 
supporting American working families, defending our values, and 
protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States. 
Based on my consultations with State Department professionals, my 
understanding is that trade policy in the Indo-Pacific is a key part of 
the administration's effort to Build Back Better. As President Biden 
has said, the United States is focused on making investments in U.S. 
workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements, 
including in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I intend to work with 
allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region to identify ways to 
advance cooperation in areas such as infrastructure, the digital 
economy, and energy to help lay the groundwork for a region that is 
open, connected, prosperous, resilient, and secure.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. China has long been one of the biggest violators of U.S. 
sanctions. I am particularly concerned with the lack of action against 
China and the purchase of Iranian oil in violation of U.S. law. Last 
month, Reuters reported the ``U.S. has reached out to China about 
cutting oil imports from Iran, officials say.'' The article quoted a 
senior U.S. official stating, ``[w]e are aware of the purchases that 
Chinese companies are making of Iranian oil.'' Yet, we have not seen 
sanctions by the administration on these purchases.

   If confirmed, what will you do to seek better cooperation from 
        China on sanction matters?

    Answer. I understand that the United States has been engaged with 
JCPOA participants, including China, in an effort to achieve a mutual 
return to compliance with JCPOA commitments with Iran. If confirmed, I 
will work with others in the administration to raise this issue with 
the Chinese as part of a dialogue on Iran policy. If confirmed, I will 
also work with others in the administration to counter Iranian 
sanctions evasion efforts by all who are involved, including Chinese 
entities.

    Question. Do you agree that any significant transaction involving 
Iran's energy sector, including the import of oil or petroleum 
products, violates U.S. sanctions?

    Answer. I understand that the current Iran-related sanction 
authorities remain in effect, including sanctions that address Iran's 
energy sector and certain transactions related to oil and petroleum 
products. To this end, if confirmed, I will work with others in the 
administration to constrain the Iranian regime's efforts to evade U.S. 
sanctions on its energy sector.

    Question. It has recently been revealed the Commerce Department has 
issued numerous licenses to allow billions of dollars in exports to 
Huawei despite the company's significant violation of sanctions on 
Iran.

   What are your thoughts on balancing the need to hold companies 
        accountable when they violate our laws, and the natural 
        reluctance to disrupt significant commercial activity?

    Answer. Ensuring American companies are competitive in the global 
economy is critical for our future prosperity. If confirmed, I will 
work with U.S. companies and others in the U.S. Government to 
strengthen the competitiveness of American businesses. At the same 
time, companies and individuals must comply with applicable U.S. law, 
including sanctions and export controls, when conducting business. 
Engaging in significant commercial activity does not exempt any of 
these actors from the need to fully comply with applicable U.S. law.
    If confirmed, I will work with our interagency colleagues, 
including those at the Departments of Treasury, Commerce, Homeland 
Security, and Justice, to ensure U.S. law is properly enforced. I will 
also press other states and international bodies to use all appropriate 
diplomatic, enforcement, and regulatory tools to curtail business 
activities that are contrary to U.S. foreign policy and national 
security objectives.

    Question. If confirmed, are you fully committed to carrying out the 
sanctions laws passed by Congress, even if you may disagree with the 
views of Congress?

    Answer. Sanctions are a vital tool to advance U.S. interests and 
values. I appreciate Congress's deep and continued interest in 
sanctions issues, and look forward to closely consulting on these 
issues, if confirmed. If confirmed, I am committed to following the 
laws passed by Congress, as well as using all of our diplomatic tools 
to address threats to our national security.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for EVs 
run through Xinjiang.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that China currently has a dominant 
position in the global lithium-ion battery supply chain. My 
understanding is that China is the largest market for lithium batteries 
and has a growing domestic demand for electric vehicles (EVs). If 
confirmed, I will work with the administration to assess the degree to 
which forced labor permeates supply chains for EVs, as well as other 
key sectors, and to address forced labor practices in Xinjiang and 
elsewhere in the PRC.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for EVs 
run through Xinjiang and involve the use of slave labor.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that the use of forced labor in Xinjiang is 
a significant problem that could impact a number of industries that are 
potential inputs to the EV industry. If confirmed, I will work with the 
administration to assess the degree to which forced labor permeates 
supply chains for EVs; support and advocate for the end of forced labor 
and elimination of human rights abuses in our global supply chains; and 
work to hold those accountable who knowingly contribute to these human 
rights abuses in our global supply chains.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for solar 
panels run through Xinjiang.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that China currently has a dominant 
position in the global solar panel supply chain. My understanding is 
that China controls a large proportion of the global supply chain for 
solar-grade polysilicon, much of which is manufactured in Xinjiang. If 
confirmed, I will work with the administration to assess the degree to 
which forced labor permeates supply chains for solar panels, as well as 
other key sectors, and to address forced labor practices in Xinjiang 
and elsewhere in the PRC.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for solar 
panels run through Xinjiang and involve the use of slave labor.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that the use of forced labor in Xinjiang is 
a significant problem that could impact a number of industries, 
including those involved in the production of solar panels. If 
confirmed, I will work with the administration to assess the degree to 
which forced labor permeates supply chains for solar panels; support 
and advocate for the end of forced labor and elimination of human 
rights abuses in our global supply chains; and work to hold those 
accountable who knowingly contribute to these human rights abuses in 
our global supply chains.

    Question. Please describe steps you would take, if confirmed, to 
untangle any advocacy or activities by EB related to ESG that might 
promote the use of products made in Xinjiang with slave labor.

    Answer. I believe forced labor in Xinjiang is a serious and 
important issue. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to work with 
the U.S. Government interagency, as well as allies and partners, to 
advocate for the removal of forced labor from key supply chains; 
cultivate diverse, secure, and reliable sources of supply for solar 
panels and advanced batteries, among other sectors; and develop more 
robust safeguards, enhanced auditing procedures, and greater 
transparency in the supply chain. If confirmed, I also commit to 
continuing to shine a light on forced labor practices, including 
through tools that underscore the risks for businesses and individuals 
of engaging with entities in Xinjiang and elsewhere. If confirmed, I 
commit to consult with you and other members of Congress on how we can 
work together to make concrete progress in this area.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which EB's mission and 
equities would be undermined by activation of NS2.

    Answer. I agree with the administration and significant bipartisan 
consensus in Congress that Nord Stream 2 is a Russian geopolitical 
project. In this context, the United States must be vigilant against 
Russia's potential use of energy to undermine Ukraine's economy and 
security, as well as broader European energy security. If confirmed, I 
commit to working with others in the administration, Congress, and our 
European allies and partners to support a more secure and sustainable 
energy future for Ukraine and to advance European energy security more 
broadly.

    Question. Please assess the threat posed to EB's mission and 
equities by Russia using energy as a weapon.

    Answer. Nord Stream 2 is a Russian geopolitical project. It is 
essential that the United States work with Germany and other allies and 
partners to reduce the risks posed by the pipeline to Ukraine and 
frontline NATO and EU countries and to push back against harmful 
Russian activities, including in the energy sphere. If confirmed, I 
will work with my administration colleagues to advance a more secure 
and sustainable energy future for Ukraine and other frontline NATO and 
EU Allies and partners, as well as work with others in the U.S. 
Government and Europe to confront any Russian attempt to weaponize 
energy flows against our allies and partners.

    Question. What do you assess is going wrong with sanctions 
enforcement

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that the United States has used sanctions 
to respond to Iranian sanctions evasion, including a designation in 
August of an Omani national for facilitating the sale and shipment of 
illicit Iranian oil. I expect the administration to continue to oppose 
Iranian sanctions evasion efforts, including those involving Chinese 
entities. If confirmed, I will work with others in the administration 
to raise this issue with the Chinese as part of a dialogue on Iran 
policy.

    Question. Please assess the benefits that China gets from such 
sanctions-busting.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, my understanding is that the administration is aware of 
reports that PRC-based companies are buying Iranian oil. If confirmed, 
I will work with others in the administration to raise this issue with 
the Chinese as part of a dialogue on Iran policy. If confirmed, I will 
also work with interagency colleagues to oppose Iranian sanctions 
evasion efforts, including those involving Chinese entities.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you act to prevent such sanctions-
busting.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with other countries to ensure 
they are aware of our current Iran-related sanctions as part of an 
effort to constrain the Iranian regime's efforts to evade U.S. 
sanctions and help our partners address sanctionable activity in their 
respective jurisdictions. Specifically, if confirmed, I will work with 
others in the administration to raise this issue with the Chinese as 
part of a dialogue on Iran policy. If confirmed, I will also work with 
interagency colleagues to oppose Iranian sanctions evasion efforts, 
including those involving Chinese entities.

    Question. Please describe any new significant sanctions that have 
been imposed on Iran since the inauguration of President Biden.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that since President Biden's inauguration, 
the administration has imposed sanctions on individuals and entities 
linked to Iranian intelligence and financial supporters of terrorist 
organizations including Lebanese Hizballah. I understand that in August 
the administration designated an Omani national for facilitating the 
sale and shipment of tens of millions of dollars' worth of illicit 
Iranian oil to obscure Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps-Quds Force 
(IRGC-QF) involvement. Further, I understand that the administration 
has targeted leaders of a kidnapping network closely linked to the 
Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and Security, as well as illicit 
actors who moved vast sums in order to support Hizballah and the IRGC-
QF. Most recently, in late October, I understand that the 
administration designated members of a network of companies and 
individuals linked to the IRGC's Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) program 
which has historically proliferated attacks against U.S. forces, our 
partners, and international shipping.

    Question. Please describe the details of any arrangements, deals, 
or agreements that are being contemplated by the Biden administration 
to reduce pressure on Iran other than reentry into the Joint 
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

    Answer. I have not been made aware of any arrangements, deals, or 
agreements contemplated to reduce pressure on Iran, based on my 
consultations with State Department professionals.

    Question. Please commit to enforcing IFCA sanctions related to the 
transport by Iran of fuel to Lebanon.

    Answer. I understand that the humanitarian situation in Lebanon is 
dire. I understand that U.S. Senior Advisor for Global Energy Security 
Amos Hochstein travelled to Lebanon in October to discuss sustainable 
solutions to Lebanon's energy crisis. If confirmed, I commit to 
following the law and pursuing the full range of efforts to constrain 
the Iranian regime's attempts to evade U.S. sanctions on its energy 
sector.

    Question. Please commit to enforcing Caesar Act sanctions related 
to the transport of fuel from Iran over Syria to Lebanon.

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to following the law and promoting 
accountability for the Assad regime and the atrocities it has committed 
in Syria, as envisaged in the Caesar Act.

    Question. Please describe to what extent you believe that it would 
be in America's national security interest for resources to go to the 
Government of Lebanon even if that government was controlled or unduly 
influenced by Hizballah.

    Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization. Based on my 
consultations with State Department professionals, I understand that 
the United States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. 
assistance from conferring benefits to Hizballah or any other terrorist 
group, including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk 
mitigation practices. I understand that U.S. economic aid is not 
provided directly to the Lebanese Government but implemented through 
trusted NGOs and international organizations. As part of its security 
assistance, my understanding is that the U.S. Government conducts End-
Use Monitoring (EUM) to mitigate the risk of unauthorized transfer or 
use of U.S. technology and equipment.

    Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis 
in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that the Houthis' military offensive, with 
continued Iranian support, is exacerbating an already-dire humanitarian 
crisis, placing at risk a million internally displaced persons who 
found refuge in Marib after escaping fighting in other parts of the 
country.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, my understanding is that the administration revoked the 
designations after taking into account warnings regarding the potential 
impact the designations could have had on commercial food shipments 
into Yemen and the provision of humanitarian aid. I understand that the 
administration listened to concerns voiced by the UN, humanitarian 
groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others, that the 
designations could have had a severe impact on Yemenis' access to basic 
commodities like food and fuel, which could increase the risk of 
famine. Based on my consultations, I understand that the short time 
that passed between the designations and the revocations limited the 
impact the designations had on humanitarian assistance and commercial 
imports, including food and other essential supplies.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that resolving the conflict in Yemen and 
bringing relief to the Yemeni people is a critical U.S. foreign policy 
priority. The Houthis' ongoing offensive on Marib runs directly counter 
to that goal, posing a dire threat to the humanitarian situation in 
Yemen and potentially triggering increased fighting throughout Yemen. 
Based on my consultations, my understanding is that the lifting of 
sanctions helps enable the delivery of life-saving food, emergency 
shelter, water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as 
essential non-food items, such as blankets and water containers.

    Question. Please describe how, if confirmed, you would position EB 
to enforce and/or deepen America's embargo on Cuba.

    Answer. I understand that since July, the administration has 
imposed four rounds of targeted sanctions against Cuban officials in 
connection with violence, repression, and human rights violations 
against peaceful protestors in Cuba, including numerous senior military 
officers and divisions of the armed forces responsible for violence 
against protestors. If confirmed, I will work with my State Department 
colleagues, others in the administration, and Congress to promote 
accountability for those who abuse human rights and repress the Cuban 
people.

    Question. Mexico has taken several actions that discriminate 
against American energy producers and favor state owned enterprises 
(SOEs), including through modifications of the country's Hydrocarbons 
Law, proposed constitutional reforms to the electricity industry, and 
predatory behavior that potentially violate key tenets of the USMCA. 
Please assess the degree to which this discrimination has undermined 
sustainable trade between the United States and Mexico.

    Answer. I understand that Mexico has adopted a series of 
administrative, regulatory, and legislative changes in its energy 
policies that undermine existing investments in the sector and the 
overall business climate. These measures are concerning and, if 
confirmed, I look forward to working with my USTR and State Department 
colleagues and others in the U.S. Government to understand the full 
scope and consequences of Mexico's actions.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you be able to 
take to halt and reverse these counterproductive steps?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my USTR and State Department 
colleagues and others in the interagency to express concern to Mexico 
about the direction of its energy policy, closely monitor these and 
other problematic policy changes, and identify steps that the U.S. 
Government and State Department can take to promote fair energy market 
access for the private sector.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which Mexico's recent actions 
in the electricity and energy production sectors are in violation of 
the USMCA.

    Answer. I understand that USTR has confirmed that the energy sector 
is covered under USMCA. While USTR would be in the best position to 
comment on their ongoing review of these measures and their 
implications for Mexico's commitment to a fair and open investment 
regime, as well as their consistency with Mexico's USMCA obligations, I 
would welcome the opportunity to look into this and consult with you, 
if confirmed.

    Question. Do you support the efforts and objectives of the EMGF?

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, my understanding is that the Eastern Mediterranean Gas 
Forum presents new opportunities for collaboration with allies and key 
partners to promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic 
prosperity throughout the region. I also understand that the EMGF 
announced earlier this year that it plans to work with specialists to 
discuss and promote gas decarbonization. If confirmed, I would consult 
with my colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy 
Resources, and European Affairs on how to coordinate our engagement and 
advance U.S. national interests in the initiative.

    Question. Do you support the United States continued involvement 
within the EMFG?

    Answer. If confirmed, I hope to work with others at the State 
Department and within the U.S. Government on continued U.S. involvement 
with the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum.

    Question. Do you support efforts by Israel and other regional 
partners to develop a sustainable natural gas infrastructure including 
through bilateral negotiations?

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that natural gas discoveries have helped 
redefine relationships and increase energy security in the Eastern 
Mediterranean, and that our partners building up capacity in renewable 
energy sources will further transform the energy landscape in this 
region. I support the development of sustainable, secure, energy 
sources by Israel and other regional partners, including through 
bilateral negotiations.

    Question. Can you evaluate the impacts of the EMFG on advancing 
peace and cooperation between Israel and regional partners?

    Answer. I understand that the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum 
presents new opportunities for collaboration with allies and key 
partners, including greater cooperation, energy security, and economic 
prosperity that supports Israel's greater integration in the region.

    Question. Can you evaluate the impact that completing the EastMed 
pipeline would have on providing Europe with an alternative to Russian 
supplied gas?

    Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department 
professionals, I understand that existing natural gas pipelines and 
pipelines already under construction provide energy diversification 
away from Russian gas in the region. My understanding is also that 
greater electricity interconnections between our partners to ensure our 
partners can generate reliable and sustainable electricity using 
renewable energy sources. If confirmed, I would work with other bureaus 
at the State Department and others in the U.S. Government to assess the 
numerous regional energy projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under 
consideration to advance these goals, including the EastMed Pipeline.

    Question. Do you support the continued development of the EastMed 
Pipeline?

    Answer. I understand that regional energy and electrical 
interconnections have the ability to increase our partners' and allies' 
energy security, diversify energy supplies, and aid in facilitating a 
stable and sustainable energy transition to adopt renewable energy 
sources. If confirmed, I would work with other bureaus at the State 
Department and others in the U.S. Government to assess the numerous 
regional energy projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under 
consideration to advance these goals, including the EastMed Pipeline.

    Question. What impact do you think this energy forum has on 
regional dynamics, including those related to diplomatic, economic, and 
security?

    Answer. I understand that the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum 
presents new opportunities for collaboration with allies and key 
partners and promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and 
economic prosperity in the region, which ultimately helps advances 
stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.



                               __________


                          The Marakesh Accords





      
      
      
   


  Christian and Jewish Organization and Leader Statements Supporting 
Nomination of Rashad Hussain for Ambassador-at-Large for International 
                           Religious Freedom


               Christian Persecution Watchdog Encourages 
                   Congress to Confirm Rashad Hussain


  https://premierchristian.news/en/news/article/christian-persecution-
   watchdog-encourages-congress-to-confirm-biden-s-religious-freedom-
                                nominee

            -- Tuesday, August 3, 2021 by Premier Journalist

    Open Doors USA, an organization that advocates for persecuted 
Christians worldwide, has expressed support for Joe Biden's recent 
appointment to Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom.
    The Biden administration announced four new appointees related to 
specific religious offices on Friday, with a distinct focus on Rashad 
Hussain, the nominee for Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom.
    Open Doors USA CEO David Curry said in a statement: ``Open Doors 
has repeatedly called on the Biden Administration to fill these 
critical roles to international religious freedom, and we are heartened 
by today's nominations. Rashad Hussain is a well-qualified nominee with 
a deep understanding of the factors at play in China, India, and 
elsewhere. We look forward to building together the diverse coalition 
of leadership necessary to counter the rising tide of religious 
persecution worldwide.''
    Curry notes that ``Mr. Hussain's experience could play a major role 
in addressing some of the most challenging issues facing Christians, 
especially in the Middle East and West Africa,'' and urges Congress to 
confirm this nominee quickly for the sake of religious freedom.
    Hussain has served in several administrations, including the Obama 
administration in 2009. He has also worked at the National Security 
Council. The Ambassador at Large will play a crucial part in 
coordinating foreign policy direction concerning the persecution of 
religious communities across the world. Open Doors believes that the 
United States should focus these priorities on the extreme violence 
against Christians in Nigeria, the genocide against Uyghurs in China, 
and the deteriorating state of religious freedom in India.
    Open Doors also expressed support for the other three appointees. 
They urged Senator McConnell and other Senators to fill these vacancies 
expediently.



                               __________


         Biden Names First Muslim Religious Freedom Ambassador


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
 ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html?utm--medium=widgetemail



(UPDATED) 12 Christian IRF advocates praise Rashad Hussain, Obama's OIC 
envoy, for his credentials and credibility. Two USCIRF commissioners 
and antisemitism envoy also named.--Jeremy Weber and Religion News 
Service; July 30, 2021


    The White House announced Friday a slate of nominations and 
appointments for top religious affairs roles, including the first 
Muslim American nominated to be the US ambassador-at-large for 
international religious freedom (IRF).
    President Joe Biden will select Rashad Hussain as his nominee for 
that post, filling a State Department slot vacant since former Kansas 
governor and US Senator Sam Brownback--who co-chaired a bipartisan IRF 
summit for 1,200 attendees this month--left at the close of the Trump 
administration.
    Hussain, who would need to be confirmed by the Senate, currently 
works as director for Partnerships and Global Engagement at the 
National Security Council. He previously served as White House counsel 
under President Barack Obama, as well as US special envoy to the 
Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and US special envoy for the 
Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications, among other 
roles.
    Knox Thames, who served as the State Department's special advisor 
for religious minorities during both the Obama and Trump 
administrations, told CT that Hussain was ``a strong pick.''
    ``He knows human rights and cares about religious freedom,'' said 
Thames. ``I saw firsthand how he raised these issues when he served as 
[OIC envoy]. I know he'll be able to hit the ground running from day 
one to combat religious persecution.''
    Judd Birdsall, a senior research fellow at the Berkley Center for 
Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at Georgetown University who served 
with Hussain at the State Department from 2009-2011, told CT that the 
nomination is a ``fantastic choice'' because Hussain has ``impeccable 
credentials, extensive diplomatic and legal experience, and unique 
credibility as a Muslim American.''
    ``I greatly respected his thoughtful, humble, and capacious 
approach to all things religion and diplomacy, including the promotion 
of religious freedom,'' said Birdsall. ``He understands the religious 
minority experience and is a passionate advocate for all those who 
suffer on account of their beliefs.''
    Also noteworthy is the speed of the nomination, coming at a similar 
pace to President Donald Trump's selection of Brownback as IRF 
ambassador after just six months.
    ``The most tangible measure of an administration's commitment to 
international religious freedom is the quality of its IRF ambassador 
nominee and the speed with which it makes that nomination,'' Birdsall 
told CT. ``Whereas President Bush took 14 months to announce his 
nominee for the job and Obama took 17, Biden is strongly signaling his 
commitment to the issue by taking only seven months to announce an 
outstanding nominee.
    ``By nominating a Muslim to serve as IRF ambassador, the Biden 
administration is decisively turning the page on an era in which a 
perception of anti-Muslim sentiment undermined the nation's reputation 
on religious freedom,'' he said. ``Rashad Hussain will help to restore 
America's credibility as a champion of tolerance and inclusion.''
    ``The task of advancing religious freedom is best done when all 
faiths work together,'' James Chen, vice president of global operations 
at the Institute for Global Engagement, told CT. ``So the Biden 
administration's appointment of Mr. Hussain is encouraging to see.''
    Bob Roberts, global senior pastor of Northwood Church and founder 
of Multi-Faith Neighbors Network, told CT he was ``so excited'' for 
Hussain's nomination.
    ``He will be incredible. He's a wise man of character,'' said 
Roberts. ``Him being a Muslim is a very positive thing, in that he will 
be able to walk into sensitive places in the world and be unparalleled 
in his ability to understand, speak to issues, and challenge right 
actions.
    ``We've had Christians in that role and a rabbi in David 
Saperstein,'' he said. ``A Muslim is a good choice.''
    ``President Biden's appointment of a Muslim [IRF ambassador] is a 
reminder that the US position on religious freedom has always been for 
people of all faiths and even for those who express no particular 
faith,'' Randel Everett, founder and president of 21Wilberforce, told 
CT.
    Elijah Brown, general secretary and CEO of the Baptist World 
Alliance, told CT that the nomination is a ``strategic development'' 
because Hussain ``brings a depth of experience across all three 
branches of the US government and a wide array of faith-based 
initiatives including Baptist-Muslim conversations.
    ``I join with many others in urging Congress to quickly confirm 
[him] to this ambassadorship,'' he said, ``as many--especially in light 
of the ongoing global pandemic--face unprecedented restrictions as they 
seek to live out their faith convictions.''
    Jeremy Barker, the Erbil-based Middle East program director at the 
Religious Freedom Institute, told CT that Hussain is ``a great choice'' 
who has ``done serious security and diplomatic policy work which will 
be vital in advancing religious freedom within an administration that 
had said it wants to prioritize human rights within its foreign policy.
    ``He is also a person of faith who takes his own religion seriously 
and understands that religious persecution strikes at something 
fundamental to an individual or community,'' said Barker.
    ``International religious freedom has been and should remain an 
issue with overwhelming bipartisan support. The Senate should move 
quickly to get Mr. Hussain confirmed and in the job,'' he said. ``The 
work is too important to be left undone and the Biden administration is 
to be commended for putting a qualified nominee forward early in the 
process.''
    ``Rashad's appointment demonstrates not only the importance the 
Biden administration places on religious freedom,'' said Saeed Khan, an 
expert on American Muslim communities at Wayne State University, ``it 
also shows the importance of the Muslim world to the administration 
both in terms of combatting Islamophobia and also promoting religious 
freedom in Muslim majority countries. Rashad's background will allow 
him to have a frank discussion with Muslim majority countries about the 
importance of religious freedom.''
    Biden is also expected to nominate Deborah Lipstadt as the next US 
special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism. Lipstadt is a 
professor at Emory University in Atlanta and a prominent Holocaust 
historian.She is the author of Antisemitism: Here and Now and is known 
for successfully defeating a libel suit brought against her by 
Holocaust denier David Irving.
    ``We are greatly heartened by the anticipated announcement of Prof. 
Lipstadt to continue our nation's fight against antisemitism both here 
and abroad,'' said Mark (Moishe) Bane, president of the Orthodox Union. 
``She is a leader with great moral courage; her dedicated work, clear 
voice in fighting Holocaust denial and preserving the memory of the 
attempted destruction of the Jewish people make her an exemplary choice 
for this role.''
    Lipstadt, who would have the rank of ambassador, also requires 
Senate confirmation. The anticipated announcement follows a May 24 
letter from several leading Jewish organizations calling on President 
Biden to address the recent rise in antisemitic attacks.
    ``The presence and efforts of an Ambassador to Monitor and Combat 
Antisemitism send a powerful signal to governments around the world 
that the U.S. takes combating antisemitism seriously and calls on them 
to do the same,'' the letter said.
    ``President Biden is to be congratulated for having moved 
relatively quickly in nominating people for religious freedom related 
posts,'' Paul Marshall, a veteran IRF scholar and author and the 
religious freedom chair at the Institute for Studies of Religion at 
Baylor University, told CT. He noted that Lipstadt is ``a skilled 
veteran'' and that Hussein's envoy roles had ``shown both his abilities 
and his commitment to religious freedom.''
    ``Having a Muslim in the religious freedom ambassadorship may allay 
the canard that this is simply a sop to the religious right,'' said 
Marshall, currently a senior fellow at the DC-based Religious Freedom 
Institute and the Jakarta-based Leimena Institute.
    Nadine Maenza, chair of the US Commission on International 
Religious Freedom (USCIRF), applauded the two nominations.
    ``We look forward to working closely with [them] to develop new 
ways for the United States to promote the freedom of religion or belief 
around the world,'' she stated in a press release. ``Global religious 
freedom violations continue to be a pervasive threat to our national 
security and global stability. [They] play an essential role in US 
efforts to counter that threat.''
    In addition, Biden plans to appoint two new commissioners to 
USCIRF: Khizr Khan and Rabbi Sharon Kleinbaum.Khan became famous in 
2016 when he and his wife, Ghazala, spoke during the Democratic 
National Convention as ``Gold Star'' parents, discussing their son, 
Humayun, a US Army captain who died in Iraq in 2004.
    Khan, a Harvard-educated Muslim immigrant, directly challenged 
then-candidate Trump's proposal to ban residents of Muslim-majority 
countries from entering the United States, accusing the business mogul 
of having sacrificed ``nothing--and no one.''
    ``Let me ask you, have you even read the United States 
Constitution? I will gladly lend you my copy,'' Khan said as he held 
aloft a worn booklet containing the text of the document.
    Khan, the founder of the Constitution Literacy and National Unity 
Project, runs his own law practice and has authored three books, 
including Founding Documents of the United States of America.
    Kleinbaum, for her part, already served as a USCIRF commissioner in 
2020 and leads the Congregation Beit Simchat Torah in New York City, a 
community that centers LGBT people. A human rights advocate, she also 
sits on Mayor de Blasio's Faith Based Advisory Council and serves on 
New York City's Commission on Human Rights. In addition, she is a board 
member of the New York Jewish Agenda and the New Israel Fund.
    ``Today's announcement underscores the President's commitment to 
build an Administration that looks like America and reflects people of 
all faiths,'' stated the White House.
    David Curry, CEO of Open Doors USA, told CT he was ``heartened'' by 
the Biden administration filling the critical IRF roles.
    ``Rashad Hussain is a well-qualified nomination with a deep 
understanding of the factors at play in China, India, and elsewhere,'' 
he said. ``We look forward to building together the diverse coalition 
of leadership necessary to counter the rising tide of religious 
persecution worldwide.''
    In a later press release, Open Doors welcome all four selections, 
stated Hussain's ``expertise could play a major role in addressing some 
of the most challenging issues facing Christians, especially in the 
Middle East and West Africa,'' and called on Senator Mitch McConnell to 
``fill the last remaining vacancy [at USCIRF] in a timely 
manner.''Former USCIRF commissioner and spokesman for President Trump's 
evangelical advisers Johnnie Moore congratulated Hussain and the other 
appointees and told CT he'll ``look forward to collaborating with each 
of them in order to advance the freedom of religion and belief around 
the world.
    ``There will, as always, be divergent points of view on certain 
ideas, policies, and strategies, but international religious freedom 
continues to be--and must remain--almost entirely bipartisan,'' he 
said. ``In fact, it must be nonpartisan. I intend on doing my part to 
keep it so.''
    Kori Porter, CEO of CSW USA, told CT she ``warmly welcomes'' 
Hussein and his ``excellent track record speaking out in support of 
religious minorities and against laws that violate freedom of religion 
or belief, including blasphemy laws.
    ``His nomination is an encouraging sign of the importance that the 
Biden administration places on religious freedom, which is particularly 
welcome as the world tackles the pandemic and worsening inequalities 
and rights violations,'' she said. ``We hope that Mr. Hussein will 
build on the excellent work of former ambassadors, particularly 
Ambassadors Saperstein and Brownback, in raising the profile of this 
fundamental human right.''
    Thomas Schirrmacher, secretary general of the World Evangelical 
Alliance (WEA), told CT the alliance has had ``great experience with 
Muslim friends filling strategic religious freedom positions,'' such as 
Ahmed Shaheed, the current UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion 
or Belief (interviewed by CT here). The WEA is currently ``building a 
strong global alliance with major Muslim actors who fight for religious 
freedom,'' he said, evidenced by a joint statement and book release 
with Indonesia's Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) at a DC event adjacent to 
Brownback's IRF summit.
    ``With Rashad, we get one of the most experienced diplomats in 
dealing with concerned governments, so there is no need for him to warm 
up,'' said Schirrmacher. ``He can start to change things 
tomorrow.''Jack Jenkins, Kathryn Post, and Joseph Hammond reported for 
RNS. Additional reporting by Jeremy Weber for CT.



                               __________


            U.S. Senate Should Quickly Affirm Texan Rashad 
                Hussain As Religious Freedom Ambassador


https://www.dallasnews.com/opinion/commentary/2021/10/21/the-us-senate-
    should-quickly-affirm-texan-rashad-hussain-as-religious-freedom-
                              ambassador/

                    By Bob Roberts and Chris Seiple
               The Dallas Morning News, October 21, 2021

    Since Roger Williams founded America's first Baptist church in 
Rhode Island in 1638, Americans have understood religious freedom to 
not only be the right thing to
    When the state forces people to believe something they don't want 
to, the state violates the most precious gift of God--liberty of 
conscience--and it creates resentment against the state. Williams' 
solution was simple: Let people believe whatever they want, and gain 
greater loyalty to the state. In other words, religious freedom is good 
for society, and for security.
    In 1998, Congress voted unanimously to create the position of the 
U.S. ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom. Religious 
freedom is not so much a bipartisan issue as it is a nonpartisan issue: 
it is in the marrow of our bones to defend someone's right to disagree 
with us. It is what most makes us American.
    We should know: we are a 6th generation Texan whose ancestor fought 
at the Alamo (Bob Roberts), and the fourth of eight Marines in two 
generations of Seiples, whose father served as the first U.S. 
ambassador for international religious freedom (Chris Seiple). 
Together, we have worked with our government across administrations and 
politics, working with every religious freedom ambassador and around 
the world for a religious freedom that protects the conscience and 
ensures the security of all citizens.
    Soon the U.S. Senate will consider President Joe Biden's nomination 
for ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom, Rashad 
Hussain, a Texan who grew up in Plano. We have known and worked with 
him for many years. He is a trusted and experienced diplomat and 
national security expert, having worked to protect our national 
security at the White House, Department of State, and Department of 
Justice in the past three presidential administrations, for Democrats 
and a Republican.
    For example, Rashad led America's successful effort to eliminate 
the ``Defamation of Religions'' U.N. resolution, a sort of global 
blasphemy law. He has led many multifaith delegations and diplomatic 
missions to places such as the Central African Republic, Egypt, 
Pakistan, Nigeria and Afghanistan to help protect vulnerable religious 
communities; and he actively supported visits by religious leaders to 
Holocaust sites to combat antisemitism. He has also worked as a 
national security law enforcement officer on counter-terrorism matters.
    That Hussain happens to be a Muslim is a bonus. His service in this 
role, and his honorable record of public service, exemplify the deep 
and widespread contributions that Muslim Americans make to our country 
on a daily basis, in all walks of life.
    As the first Muslim to serve in this role, Hussain would send a 
strong signal rejecting despicable anti-Muslim discrimination, 
stereotyping and hatred that we have seen in America and abroad. And, 
we should note, he is the perfect person to visibly and vocally defend 
the rights of religious minorities, especially Christians, in some 
Muslim-majority contexts that have struggled to promote religious 
freedom--as we have witnessed him do throughout his career.
    Because of these combined attributes, Hussain has the trust and 
support of interfaith groups and civil society across religious and 
political spectrums, including the U.S. Commission on International 
Religious Freedom, and Jewish and Christian leaders. We urge the rapid 
and unanimous confirmation of him.
    If confirmed to this role, Hussain will be the focal point for the 
American fight against global restrictions on religious freedom, which 
is at an all-time high. The Pew Research Center's global study of 
restrictions on religion found in 2019 that governments in 180 
countries harassed religious groups in some way, and that 57 countries 
have ``high'' or ``very high'' levels of government restrictions on 
religion. Christians face restrictions in 153 countries globally, the 
most of any religious group. Some religious communities are being 
subjected to horrific acts of genocide and crimes against humanity, 
including in places like China and Myanmar.
    The United States was not founded for a particular creed or race or 
tribe; it was founded on the truth that all men are created equal and 
are endowed by their creator with unalienable rights. Roger Williams 
believed that liberty of conscience was the cornerstone of 
civilization. As we continue to strive to meet his vision, one thing is 
certain: The diversity and dynamism of our multifaith and 
multireligious society are a source of strength and an example for the 
world. Hussain will help keep it so.


    Bob Roberts is the founder of GlocalNet, co-founder of Multi-Faith 
Neighbors Network, senior global pastor at Northwood Church in Keller, 
and host of the Bold Love podcast.
    Chris Seiple is president emeritus of the Institute for Global 
Engagement, a senior fellow at the University of Washington's Jackson 
School of International Studies, and global policy adviser to the 
executive leadership of the World Evangelical Alliance.
    They wrote this column for The Dallas Morning News.



                               __________


Christian Solidarity Worldwide Welcomes Nomination of US Ambassador for 
                    International Religious Freedom


        https://www.csw.org.uk/2021/08/03/press/5362/article.htm

    CSW warmly welcomes US President Joe Biden's nomination of Mr 
Rashad Hussain as the new US ambassador-at-large for International 
Religious Freedom.
    Mr Hussain is the first Muslim to be nominated for the role, and 
has a proven track record of standing up for the right to freedom of 
religion or belief, particularly in combatting anti-semitism and 
hostility towards Christians and other religious minorities in Muslim-
majority countries.
    His previous roles include White House Counsel under President 
Barack Obama, US Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic 
Cooperation and US Special Envoy for the Center for Strategic 
Counterterrorism Communications. His appointment as US Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom still needs to be confirmed 
by the US Senate. Previous post-holders include US Senator Sam 
Brownback and Rabbi David Saperstein.
    President Biden has also nominated prominent Holocaust historian 
Deborah Lipstadt as the next US Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat 
Antisemitism, and two new commissioners to the United States Commission 
on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF). The nominees are Rabbi 
Sharon Kleinbaum, who served as a USCIRF commissioner in 2020, and 
Khizr Khan, a lawyer and Gold Star parent who spoke movingly at the 
Democratic National Convention in 2016 about his son's death.
    CSW-USA's Chief Executive Kori Porter said: ``CSW congratulates 
Rashad Hussain on his nomination as the next US ambassador-at-large for 
International Religious Freedom. The announcement is an encouraging 
indicator of the importance the Biden administration places on the 
fundamental right to freedom of religion or belief. We hope that Mr 
Hussain will build on the excellent work of his predecessors, and look 
forward to working closely with him in pursuit of the promotion and 
protection of freedom of religion or belief around the world.''
    CSW`s Chief Executive Scot Bower said: ``CSW welcomes the 
nomination of Rashad Hussain and urges the US Senate to confirm his 
appointment. Once in post we encourage Mr Hussain to pay close 
attention to the situation of freedom of religion or belief in China 
and Nigeria in particular, ensuring that egregious violations of this 
fundamental human right by the Chinese Communist Party, and by state 
and armed non-state actors in Nigeria, are kept high on the Biden 
administration's agenda.''



                               __________


                Why the Senate Must Fast-Track Biden's 
                      Nominee on Religious Freedom


              WHILE RASHAD HUSSAIN'S CONFIRMATION WAITS, 
                MILLIONS ARE PERSECUTED FOR THEIR FAITH.

  https://religionnews.com/2021/10/13/why-the-senate-must-fast-track-
                  bidens-nominee-on-religious-freedom/

By David Curry\1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \1\ (David Curry is president and CEO of Open Doors USA, which 
advocates on behalf of those who are persecuted for their Christian 
faith. Follow on Twitter @OpenDoors. For more than 60 years, Open Doors 
USA has worked in the world's most oppressive and restrictive countries 
for Christians. Open Doors works to equip and encourage Christians 
living in dangerous circumstances with the threat of persecution and 
equips the Western church to advocate for the persecuted. Christians 
are one of the most persecuted religious groups in the world and are 
oppressed in at least 60 countries. For more information, visit 
OpenDoorsUSA.org.)


    (Open Doors)--Since President Joe Biden's inauguration, religious 
freedom advocates urged the administration to prioritize the 
appointment of a new ambassador-at-large for international religious 
freedom. The president listened to our pleas, and on July 30, Biden 
nominated Rashad Hussain, who currently serves as director for 
partnerships and global engagement at the National Security Council.
    Hussain is unable to step into his new role until he is officially 
confirmed by the United States Senate. But the legislative body is 
facing a ludicrous backlog of nominees also awaiting a hearing, and it 
could take months--if not years--for Hussain's name to be called.
    This post is not a run-of-the-mill government desk job. The IRF 
ambassador plays a critical role in human rights advancement worldwide 
at a time when state-sanctioned religious persecution has reached 
alarming levels. The Senate must fast-track Hussain's confirmation.
    According to Pew Forum's latest research, government restrictions 
on religion have steadily increased for over a decade. Social hostility 
toward people of faith remains high. Among the world's approximately 
2.3 billion Christians, more than 340 million are at high risk of 
discrimination because of their beliefs.
    Many high-profile religious freedom crises are well known. There's 
the ongoing genocide of Uyghur Muslims in northwest China, the targeted 
killing of thousands of Christians in Nigeria by Islamist militants, 
the use of blasphemy laws to imprison religious minorities in Pakistan 
and, most recently, the takeover of Afghanistan by the notoriously 
intolerant Taliban. Yet these instances represent only a fractional 
part of the overall problem.
    This ambassadorship is no small-time appointment. The role serves 
as the locus for a myriad of efforts aimed at advancing a core human 
right that has declined in recent years. The U.S. State Department, and 
specifically the Office of International Religious Freedom, compiles an 
annual report documenting concerns in nearly every country on earth. 
Most of the issues documented will never receive significant media 
attention and, if not for the State Department's report, would never be 
compiled into a single, easy to find repository.
    For outside observers, it may not be clear what the IRF ambassador 
does, beyond making public appearances and giving remarks calling for 
greater protections for religious freedom. This public role is an 
important task in its own right, but it's only a small part of the job. 
Much of the substantive work takes place in the relationships built by 
the IRF ambassador, both foreign and domestic. When reports emerge of 
Rohingya Muslims being driven from their homes in Myanmar, or of a 
Hindu family attacked for their faith in Pakistan, it is the IRF 
ambassador and the ambassador's team who often lead the way in focusing 
U.S. attention and bringing relief for the victims. In areas where 
government action may be limited, the IRF ambassador and the 
ambassador's office help connect faith leaders and nongovernmental 
organizations with the resources they need to make a difference.
    Hussain is undeniably qualified to step into these important shoes. 
He's an Ivy League-educated attorney, a professor at Georgetown Law 
School and the former U.S. special envoy to the Organization of Islamic 
Cooperation under President Barack Obama. His nomination was roundly 
welcomed by advocates from across the religious and political spectrum, 
and no political leader on either side of the aisle has articulated a 
compelling reason not to confirm him to the post.
    To Beltway insiders in Washington, D.C., it may seem motivated by 
special interest to call for the prioritization of the IRF ambassador 
confirmation. After all, hundreds of positions remain unfilled across 
the U.S. government. Yet it is exactly positions like this one, which 
address critical human rights concerns and enjoy broad bipartisan 
support, that should be prioritized.
    The situation for many people of faith around the world is bleak. 
Delaying urgent efforts to aid them is unconscionable, no matter which 
party you're from.



                               __________


   ERLC (Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission) Commends Filling of 
                         Religious Freedom Post


   https://www.baptistpress.com/resource-library/news/erlc-commends-
                   filling-of-religious-freedom-post/

              by tom strode, posted august 3, 2021 in erlc
    WASHINGTON (BP)--The Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty 
Commission commended President Biden's proposed filling of a vital 
executive branch post in the effort to protect people of faith around 
the world.
    Biden announced July 30 the nomination of Rashad Hussain as 
ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom. If confirmed 
by the U.S. Senate, Hussain--director for partnerships and global 
engagement at the National Security Council--will be the first Muslim 
to serve in the position since it was created in 1998 as part of the 
International Religious Freedom Act.
    The action came as the ERLC and other religious freedom advocates 
are urging the U.S. House of Representatives to approve legislation to 
combat China's genocidal campaign against Uyghur Muslims in the western 
part of the country. The U.S. Senate passed July 14 the Uyghur Forced 
Labor Prevention Act, which would prohibit products made with forced 
labor in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from being introduced 
into the American market. The House passed a similar bill nearly 
unanimously last September before the measure died in the Senate.
    Messengers to the Southern Baptist Convention's annual meeting 
adopted a resolution June 15 that condemned the Chinese Community 
Party's treatment of the Uyghurs and called for the U.S. government to 
take ``concrete actions'' to end the genocide. The SBC reportedly 
became the first Christian denomination to denounce China's campaign 
against the Uyghurs as genocide.
    ``One need only take a brief survey of the globe to see how 
religious freedom is under assault in multiple countries,'' the ERLC's 
Brent Leatherwood said in written comments. ``We have long called for 
America to be a bold voice for liberty against these oppressive 
regimes. Taking steps such as passing the Uyghur Forced Labor 
Prevention Act helps us project that voice.
    ``Similarly, naming a U.S. ambassador-at-large for international 
religious freedom helps us to consistently use that voice,'' said 
Leatherwood, the ERLC's vice president of external affairs and chief of 
staff. ``We appreciate the Biden administration prioritizing this 
appointment, and we stand ready to work with Mr. Hussain upon his 
confirmation to advance the fundamental human right of religious 
freedom internationally.''
    The ambassador-at-large serves as the primary adviser to the 
secretary of state regarding global religious liberty and also advises 
the president. He supervises the State Department's office of 
international religious freedom. If confirmed, Hussain will become the 
sixth person to fill the post since it was established 23 years ago. 
Sam Brownback, the previous ambassador-at-large, served during the last 
three years of the Trump administration.
    Biden also nominated Deborah Lipstadt as the special envoy to 
monitor and combat anti-Semitism. The Senate must confirm Lipstadt, 
professor of modern Jewish history and Holocaust studies at Emory 
University in Atlanta. She also was the founding director of the 
Institute for Jewish Studies at Emory. She would become the fifth 
special envoy since Congress established the anti-Semitism position in 
2004. A law elevating the post to the level of an ambassador was 
enacted in January of this year.
    In addition, the president appointed two members to the U.S. 
Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF): Khizr Khan, 
founder of the Constitution Literacy and National Unity Project, and 
Sharon Kleinbaum, rabbi of Congregation Beit Simchat Torah in New York 
City.
    USCIRF, a bipartisan, nine-member commission, and the Religious 
Freedom Institute (RFI) applauded the nominations of Hussain and 
Lipstadt.
    USCIRF's commissioners ``look forward to working closely with 
Rashad Hussain and Dr. Deborah Lipstadt, once confirmed, to develop new 
ways for the United States to promote the freedom of religion or belief 
around the world,'' said Nadine Maenza, the commission's chair, in a 
news release. ``Global religious freedom violations continue to be a 
pervasive threat to our national security and global stability.''
    The ambassador-at-large and special envoy ``play an essential role 
in U.S. efforts to counter that threat,'' she said.
    Thomas Farr, RFI's president, said his organization offered to the 
Biden administration in January its policy recommendations for global 
religious liberty, including the qualifications for a productive 
ambassador-at-large.
    Hussain ``admirably meets these standards,'' Farr said in a written 
statement. ``If America fails to defend the precious right of religious 
freedom--historically understood in our nation as the `first freedom'--
who else will defend it?''
    During the Obama administration, Hussain served as special envoy to 
the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and special envoy for strategic 
counterterrorism communications.
    Khan, a Muslim, is a lawyer and author whose son, U.S. Army Captain 
Humayun Khan, was killed in 2004 while serving in Iraq and received the 
Bronze Star with valor.
    Kleinbaum--who was appointed by Senate Majority Leader Charles 
Schumer to a previous USCIRF term--has led her congregation to ``become 
a powerful voice in the movement for equality and justice for people of 
all sexual orientations, gender identities, and expressions,'' 
according to the congregation's website. In addition to her advocacy 
for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) rights, she 
is in a same-sex marriage to Randi Weingarten, president of the 
American Federation of Teachers.
    R. Albert Mohler Jr. president of Southern Baptist Theological 
Seminary, questioned on his podcast Tuesday (Aug. 3) whether Kleinbaum 
would protect religious freedom in a clash with LGBTQ rights.
    ``Given her well-documented activism and her position on these 
issues, it's very unlikely that this rabbi would support religious 
liberty when it comes to something like the threat of the Equality Act 
inside the United States, much less around the world, where the United 
States under the State Department of the Biden administration is 
putting pressure on nations all over the world to adopt the basic 
understanding of the LGBTQ revolution,'' Mohler said, according to a 
transcript of ``The Briefing.''
    The House of Representatives passed the Equality Act in February, 
but the Senate has yet to act on it. The bill is a far-reaching gay and 
transgender rights proposal that opponents warn would have calamitous 
effects on freedom of religion and conscience, as well as protections 
for women, girls and unborn children.
    Khan and Kleinbaum replaced Trump appointees Gary Bauer and Johnnie 
Moore on USCIRF.
    USCIRF, which is made up of nine commissioners selected by the 
president and congressional leaders, tracks the status of religious 
liberty worldwide and issues reports to Congress, the president and the 
State Department.



                               __________


                 International Christian Concern (ICC)
                  Urges Confirmation of Rashad Hussain


        PRESIDENT BIDEN ANNOUNCES NOMINEES TO KEY INTERNATIONAL
                        RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ROLES

   https://www.persecution.org/2021/07/30/president-biden-announces-
         nominees-to-key-international-religious-freedom-roles/

07/30/2021 Washington, D.C. (International Christian Concern)--
International Christian Concern (ICC) has learned that President Joe 
Biden has announced his intent to nominate four individuals to key 
international religious freedom roles in his administration. The roles 
to be filled include the Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom (IRF), the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-
Semitism, and two Commissioners of the United States Commission on 
International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).
    Rashad Hussain, Biden's nominee for IRF Ambassador, currently 
serves as Director for Partnerships and Global Engagement at the 
National Security Council. Hussain also served in the Obama 
administration, where he spearheaded efforts on countering antisemitism 
and protecting religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries. If 
confirmed, Hussain would follow in the footsteps of Samuel Brownback, 
who served in the role under the Trump administration and was widely 
celebrated in advancing the cause of international religious freedom.
    The two nominees for USCIRF Commissioners, Khizr Khan and Rabbi 
Sharon Kleinbaum, both have a background in human rights advocacy. Khan 
immigrated to the United States in 1980 and founded the Constitution 
Literacy and National Unity Project. He is also a Harvard Law School 
graduate and is licensed to practice law before the Supreme Court.
    Rabbi Kleinbaum serves as spiritual leader of Congregation Beit 
Simchat Torah in New York. She also serves as a Commissioner on New 
York City's Commission on Human Rights and NYC Mayor Bill de Blasio's 
Faith-Based Advisory Council.
    Deborah Lipstadt, Biden's nominee for Special Envoy to Monitor and 
Combat Anti-Semitism, also has a strong background in advocacy against 
persecution and founded the Institute for Jewish Studies at Emory 
University.
    In response to the new nominations, Matias Perttula, Director of 
Advocacy at ICC, said, ``We here at ICC are excited to see a nomination 
for the position of Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious 
Freedom from the Biden administration. We hope to see a smooth 
confirmation process and look forward to working with Rashad Hussain to 
advance religious freedom globally.''



                               __________


 AJC (American Jewish Committee) Applauds Nomination of Rashad Hussain 
           to Head Office of International Religious Freedom


 https://www.ajc.org/news/ajc-applauds-nomination-of-rashad-hussain-to-
             head-office-of-international-religious-freedom

                                            July 30, 2021--New York


    American Jewish Committee (AJC) praised the Biden Administration 
for nominating today Rashad Hussain as United States Ambassador at-
Large for International Religious Freedom. He will be the first Muslim 
to serve in this position.
    ``Rashad Hussain is an impressive advocate of freedom of religion 
or belief in challenging diplomatic contexts,'' said AJC CEO David 
Harris. ``He is an ally in the global fight against antisemitism, 
including in is extensive engagement with the Muslim world, and an 
experienced advocate for building stronger Muslim-Jewish relations.''
    Hussain served as U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic 
Cooperation under President Obama. He has been an active supporter of 
the Muslim-Jewish Advisory Council, co-convened by American Jewish 
Committee.
    The Office of International Religious Freedom in the U.S. 
Department of State was created by the International Religious Freedom 
Act of 1998.



                               __________


            Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance Letter Supporting 
                     Confirmation of Rashad Hussain


         https://www.ijma-alliance.org/post/ijma-rashad-letter

                         IJMA--Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance
                                                 September 28, 2021
U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
423 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510-6225

Dear Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch, We are writing as a 
bipartisan coalition of American Jewish and Muslim leaders, and others, 
to express our full and enthusiastic support for the nomination of 
Rashad Hussain to be the next U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom.
    Ambassador Hussain was a founding member in 2019 of a national 
coalition of American Jews and Muslims, the Inter Jewish Muslim 
Alliance or IJMA. We at IJMA know Rashad well. He has worked for years 
both in government and in civil society on issues of international 
religious freedom. He has advocated for specific measures and programs 
to address antisemitism in Muslim-majority countries, to protect 
Christian and Muslim minorities throughout the world, and to combat 
religious bigotry regardless of its source. He works effectively with a 
very diverse range of persons and organizations, across lines of party 
and religion, as he demonstrated in IJMA and beyond.
    The Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance or IJMA was founded in January 
2019 by individuals and communal organizations of the two communities, 
to work together on projects that serve the interests of the entire 
nation. We promote understanding, civility and comity between our two 
communities as a model of American pluralism. One of our priority 
projects is addressing bigotry in each community directed towards the 
other community, through outreach and educational efforts. We address 
the most difficult issues in the Muslim-Jewish relationship. For 
instance, during the latest conflict between Israel and Hamas in May of 
this year, IJMA members unanimously agreed to a public statement 
against antisemitism and expressing sympathy for the victims of the 
conflict, the only Muslim-Jewish statement of its kind.
    US leadership on international religious freedom is urgently needed 
today, following deadly threats to minorities in Afghanistan, ongoing 
antisemitism in Europe and the Middle East, anti-Muslim oppression in 
China and Myanmar, and renewed violence against Christians in Africa 
and beyond. Rashad provided personal and policy leadership to our civil 
society group. We look forward to his ability to serve in this new 
role, once confirmed by the Senate, representing our nation as the 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom.
                                                 Sincerely,
                            The Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance (IJMA)



Mohamed Abubakr, President of the African Middle Eastern Leadership 
Project
Atiya Aftab, co-founder of the Sisterhood of Salaam-Shalom
Majid Alsayegh, Chairman of the Dialogue Institute
Wa'el Alzayat, CEO of Emgage Foundation
Adnan Ansari, Executive Director of Muflehun
Imam Abdullah Antepli, Duke University professor and co-director of 
Muslim Leadership Initiative of the Shalom Hartman Institute
Marshall Breger, Professor of Law at Catholic University
Dr. Georgette Bennett, Founder & President, Tanenbaum Center for 
Interreligious Understanding and Founder, Multifaith Alliance for 
Syrian Refugees
Rabia Chaudry, attorney and author
Richard S. Cohen, President of President of The Walden Group and 
Marcia's Light Foundation
Richard Foltin, religious freedom writer and consultant
Megan Hallahan, Executive Director of the African Middle Eastern 
Leadership Project
S.A. Ibrahim, former CEO of Radian Group Inc. and interfaith leader
Rizwan Jaka, Chair of Interfaith & Government Relations, All Dulles 
Area Muslim Society
Humera Khan, President of Muflehun
Suhail Khan, External Affairs Director, Microsoft Corp. and Vice 
President, IJMA
Moses Libitzky, President of Libitzky Property Companies of San 
Francisco
Maital Friedman, co-director of Muslim Leadership Initiative of the 
Shalom Hartman Institute
Imam Mohamed Magid, All Dulles Area Muslim Society and Chairman of 
Interfaith Peace Corps
Rabbi Jack Moline
Sharon Nazarian, Senior Vice President for International Affairs, Anti-
Defamation League (ADL)
Melanie Nezer, immigration and refugee policy expert
Sheryl Olitzky, co-founder of the Sisterhood of Salaam-Shalom
Rabbi David Saperstein, former Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom
Ann Schroeder, CEO of Global Source Partners, and board member of 
Dialogue Institute
Imam Talib Shareef, Masjid Muhammad, the Nation's Mosque and Vice 
Commander of the Muslim Americans Veterans Association
Robert Silverman, Lecturer at Shalem College and President, IJMA
Halie Soifer, Executive Director of the Jewish Democratic Council of 
America
      
                               __________


                        ADL--Jonathan Greenblatt


                            @JGreenblattADL

    Congratulations to Rashad Hussain for his historic nomination for 
@IRF--Ambassador at Large, and to Rabbi @Skleinbaum and @KMKhan--Law on 
being appointed as @USCIRF commissioners. @ADL's Task Force on Middle 
East Minorities looks forward to working with you



                               __________


         ADL--Sharon Nazarian, Senior VP, International Affairs


                           @sharon--nazarian

    I proudly joined this coalition letter of American Muslim and 
Jewish leaders writing to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to 
express our enthusiastic support for the nomination of Rashad Hussain 
to be the next US @IRF--Ambassador



                               __________


 The Religious Freedom Institute (RFI) Applauds President Joe Biden's 
 Nomination of Rashad Hussain as Ambassador at Large for International 
                           Religious Freedom


                NORTH AMERICA ACTION TEAM, PRESS RELEASE

  https://www.religiousfreedominstitute.org/news/biden-administration-
       announces-key-international-religious-freedom-appointments

                     Religious Freedom Institute / Tom Farr
                                                     August 2, 2021
    The Religious Freedom Institute (RFI) applauds President Joe 
Biden's nomination of Rashad Hussain as Ambassador at Large for 
International Religious Freedom, and calls upon the Senate to confirm 
his appointment as soon as possible.
    ``This is a critically important position in American foreign 
policy,'' said RFI President Tom Farr. ``We want President Biden and 
his administration to succeed at advancing religious freedom abroad. An 
increase in religious freedom will aid the victims of religious 
persecution, increase human and social flourishing, enhance global 
stability, and benefit American national security. RFI will continue to 
work with Biden administration officials to achieve these goals.''
    Farr went on to say, ``We are in the midst of a global crisis of 
religious freedom, which makes U.S. leadership critical. RFI provided 
its recommendations for international religious freedom policy to the 
Biden administration in January 2021, including the qualifications 
needed for an effective ambassador at large. Rashad Hussain admirably 
meets these standards. If America fails to defend the precious right of 
religious freedom--historically understood in our nation as the `first 
freedom'--who else will defend it?''
    ``Rashad Hussain is a wise choice for International Religious 
Freedom Ambassador, and I commend the Biden administration for the 
speed with which it made the nomination. Hussain is eminently qualified 
for the position, and as a man of faith, he understands that religious 
freedom is important because religion is important,'' said Ismail 
Royer, Director of RFI's Religious Freedom Action Team.



                               __________


              Elijah Brown, General Secretary and CEO of 
                       the Baptist World Alliance


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    Elijah Brown, general secretary and CEO of the Baptist World 
Alliance, told CT that the nomination is a ``strategic development'' 
because Hussain ``brings a depth of experience across all three 
branches of the US government and a wide array of faith-based 
initiatives including Baptist-Muslim conversations.



                               __________


             Thomas Schirrmacher, Secretary General of the 
                    World Evangelical Alliance (WEA)


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    ``With Rashad, we get one of the most experienced diplomats in 
dealing with concerned governments, so there is no need for him to warm 
up,'' said Schirrmacher. ``He can start to change things tomorrow.''
    [Schirrmacher] has had ``great experience with Muslim friends 
filling strategic religious freedom positions,'' such as Ahmed Shaheed, 
the current UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief 
(interviewed by CT here). The WEA is currently ``building a strong 
global alliance with major Muslim actors who fight for religious 
freedom,'' he said, evidenced by a joint statement and book release 
with Indonesia's Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) at a DC event adjacent to 
Brownback's IRF summit.



                               __________


            Kori Porter and Scott Bower, CEOs of Christian 
                          Solidarity Worldwide


        https://www.csw.org.uk/2021/08/03/press/5362/article.htm

    Kori Porter: ``[I] warmly welcome'' Hussain and his ``excellent 
track record speaking out in support of religious minorities and 
against laws that violate freedom of religion or belief, including 
blasphemy laws.
    ``His nomination is an encouraging sign of the importance that the 
Biden administration places on religious freedom, which is particularly 
welcome as the world tackles the pandemic and worsening inequalities 
and rights violations,'' she said. ``We hope that Mr. Hussein will 
build on the excellent work of former ambassadors, particularly 
Ambassadors Saperstein and Brownback, in raising the profile of this 
fundamental human right.''

    Scot Bower: ``CSW welcomes the nomination of Rashad Hussain and 
urges the US Senate to confirm his appointment. Once in post we 
encourage Mr Hussain to pay close attention to the situation of freedom 
of religion or belief in China and Nigeria in particular, ensuring that 
egregious violations of this fundamental human right by the Chinese 
Communist Party, and by state and armed non-state actors in Nigeria, 
are kept high on the Biden administration's agenda.''



                               __________


           AJC Applauds Appointment of Rashad Hussain to Head
               Office of International Religious Freedom


https://www.ajc.org/news/ajc-applauds-appointment-of-rashad-hussain-to-
             head-office-of-international-religious-freedom

    ``Rashad Hussain is an impressive advocate of freedom of religion 
or belief in challenging diplomatic contexts,'' said AJC CEO David 
Harris. ``He is an ally in the global fight against antisemitism, 
including in is extensive engagement with the Muslim world, and an 
experienced advocate for building stronger Muslim-Jewish relations.''



                               __________


 International Christian Concern/Persecution.org--Former Diplomat and 
        DOJ Attorney Rashad Hussain Nominated for IRF Ambassador


  https://www.persecution.org/2021/08/02/former-diplomat-doj-attorney-
                rashad-hussain-nominated-irf-ambassador/

    08/02/2021 United States (International Christian Concern)--The 
Biden administration has nominated a new Ambassador at Large for 
International Religious Freedom. Rashad Hussain is entering the 
confirmation process and is expected to be confirmed after which he 
will join the Department of State's Office of International Religious 
Freedom.Hussain brings a wealth of experience and knowledge to the 
position of IRF Ambassador. He is an attorney who served as an 
associate White House Counsel and as the United States Special Envoy to 
the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation under then President Barack 
Obama. Hussain also served in the Department of Justice as a trial 
attorney as well as a criminal and national security prosecutor. He has 
developed key partnerships and relationships abroad throughout his 
career and is well postured to press US interests in international 
religious freedom.
    Hussain was born in Wyoming to Indian American parents and would be 
the first Muslim to hold the post of IRF Ambassador. His educational 
background includes the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 
Harvard, and Yale.
    ``At International Christian Concern we are excited to see the 
Biden administration nominate Rashad Hussain for the post of Ambassador 
at Large for International Religious Freedom and are praying for a 
successful confirmation process as well as a strong continuation of 
Ambassador Brownback's legacy in international religious freedom. 
Christians in India, Pakistan, China, North Korea, Nigeria and across 
the Middle East need strong advocates in the United States to lead on 
advancing their fundamental human right to follow Jesus,'' said Matias 
Perttula, Director of Advocacy at International Christian Concern.



                               __________


 Open Doors USA urges swift confirmation of President Biden's pick for 
        Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom


  https://www.opendoorsusa.org/religious-freedom-newsroom/press-kits/

                                                     August 2, 2021
    SANTA ANA, Calif.--David Curry, CEO of Christian persecution 
watchdog organization Open Doors USA urges a swift appointment of 
Rashad Hussain, President Biden's nomination for the role of 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, announced 
today.
    ``Open Doors has repeatedly called on the Biden Administration to 
fill these critical roles to international religious freedom, and we 
are heartened by today's nominations. Rashad Hussain is a well-
qualified nominee with a deep understanding of the factors at play in 
China, India and elsewhere. We look forward to building together the 
diverse coalition of leadership necessary to counter the rising tide of 
religious persecution worldwide,'' said Curry.
    Curry said, ``Mr. Hussain's expertise could play a major role in 
addressing some of the most challenging issues facing Christians, 
especially in the Middle East and West Africa. We urge the Senate to 
take action on religious freedom by confirming his nomination 
quickly.''
    The Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom is the 
key coordinator for U.S. government policy on the persecution of 
religious communities around the world. Without multinational 
leadership committed to advocating for religious freedom, Curry says 
the condition of persecuted groups is not likely to improve anytime 
soon.
    Open Doors asserts top priorities for any new International 
Religious Freedom Ambassador must include the extreme violence against 
Christians in Nigeria, the genocide against Uyghur Muslims in China, 
and the deterioration of religious freedoms in India, among others. The 
core of religious freedom is a call for equality, tolerance and 
acceptance for all people of faith, no matter how or whether they 
choose to believe.
    Isaac Six, Director of Advocacy for Open Doors USA, said, ``We're 
glad to see the White House answer the call of Open Doors USA and many 
other groups who have been advocating for a qualified appointment to 
this position since the start of the Biden administration.''
    ``We also welcome the nomination of the Special Envoy to Monitor 
and Combat Anti-Semitism and the appointment of two new USCIRF 
Commissioners. We urge Senator McConnell to fill the last remaining 
vacancy on the Commission in a timely manner,'' said Six.



                               __________


Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission Commends Filling 
                       of Religious Freedom Post


   https://www.baptistpress.com/resource-library/news/erlc-commends-
                   filling-of-religious-freedom-post/

                                                     August 3, 2021
    The Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission 
commended President Biden's proposed filling of a vital executive 
branch post in the effort to protect people of faith around the world.
    Biden announced July 30 the nomination of Rashad Hussain as 
ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom. If confirmed 
by the U.S. Senate, Hussain--director for partnerships and global 
engagement at the National Security Council--will be the first Muslim 
to serve in the position since it was created in 1998 as part of the 
International Religious Freedom Act.
    The action came as the ERLC and other religious freedom advocates 
are urging the U.S. House of Representatives to approve legislation to 
combat China's genocidal campaign against Uyghur Muslims in the western 
part of the country. The U.S. Senate passed July 14 the Uyghur Forced 
Labor Prevention Act, which would prohibit products made with forced 
labor in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from being introduced 
into the American market. The House passed a similar bill nearly 
unanimously last September before the measure died in the Senate.
    Messengers to the Southern Baptist Convention's annual meeting 
adopted a resolution June 15 that condemned the Chinese Community 
Party's treatment of the Uyghurs and called for the U.S. government to 
take ``concrete actions'' to end the genocide. The SBC reportedly 
became the first Christian denomination to denounce China's campaign 
against the Uyghurs as genocide.
    ``One need only take a brief survey of the globe to see how 
religious freedom is under assault in multiple countries,'' the ERLC's 
Brent Leatherwood said in written comments. ``We have long called for 
America to be a bold voice for liberty against these oppressive 
regimes. Taking steps such as passing the Uyghur Forced Labor 
Prevention Act . helps us project that voice.
    ``Similarly, naming a U.S. ambassador-at-large for international 
religious freedom helps us to consistently use that voice,'' said 
Leatherwood, the ERLC's vice president of external affairs and chief of 
staff. ``We appreciate the Biden administration prioritizing this 
appointment, and we stand ready to work with Mr. Hussain upon his 
confirmation to advance the fundamental human right of religious 
freedom internationally.''



                               __________


 Johnnie Moore, Former USCIRF commissioner and spokesman for President 
                      Trump's evangelical advisers


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    Former USCIRF commissioner and spokesman for President Trump's 
evangelical advisers Johnnie Moore congratulated Hussain and the other 
appointees and told CT he'll ``look forward to collaborating with each 
of them in order to advance the freedom of religion and belief around 
the world.
    ``There will, as always, be divergent points of view on certain 
ideas, policies, and strategies, but international religious freedom 
continues to be-and must remain-almost entirely bipartisan,'' he said. 
``In fact, it must be nonpartisan. I intend on doing my part to keep it 
so.''



                               __________


                               Jim Wallis


                               @jimwallis

                                                              Aug 4
    I fully support the nomination of Rashad Hussain by @POTUS to be 
@IRF--Ambassador He has significant experience, depth of perspective, 
and broad concerns for people of all faiths. I've seen first hand his 
ability to relate to a broad cross section of very diverse people.



                               __________


                              Knox Thames


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    Knox Thames, who served as the State Department's special advisor 
for religious minorities during both the Obama and Trump 
administrations, told CT that Hussain was ``a strong pick.''
    ``He knows human rights and cares about religious freedom,'' said 
Thames. ``I saw firsthand how he raised these issues when he served as 
[OIC envoy]. I know he'll be able to hit the ground running from day 
one to combat religious persecution.''



                               __________


                    Institute for Global Engagement


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    ``The task of advancing religious freedom is best done when all 
faiths work together,'' James Chen, vice president of global operations 
at the Institute for Global Engagement, told CT. ``So the Biden 
administration's appointment of Mr. Hussain is encouraging to see.''



                               __________


  Chris Seiple, President Emeritus, Institute for Global Engagement & 
        Global Policy Adviser to the World Evangelical Alliance


         https://twitter.com/CSeiple/status/1451148806876286978

    ``@SenateDems should unanimously confirm Rashad Hussein as next US 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. Rashad 
embodies and firmly believes in liberty of conscience for everyone, 
everywhere. With @bobrobertsjr @dallasnews''



                               __________


  Bob Roberts, Senior pastor of Northwood Church and founder of Multi-
                        Faith Neighbors Network


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    Bob Roberts, global senior pastor of Northwood Church and founder 
of Multi-Faith Neighbors Network, told CT he was ``so excited'' for 
Hussain's nomination.
    ``He will be incredible. He's a wise man of character,'' said 
Roberts. ``Him being a Muslim is a very positive thing, in that he will 
be able to walk into sensitive places in the world and be unparalleled 
in his ability to understand, speak to issues, and challenge right 
actions.
    ``We've had Christians in that role and a rabbi in David 
Saperstein,'' he said. ``A Muslim is a good choice.''



                               __________


          Randel Everett, Founder and Pastor of 21Wilberforce


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    ``President Biden's appointment of a Muslim [IRF ambassador] is a 
reminder that the US position on religious freedom has always been for 
people of all faiths and even for those who express no particular 
faith,'' Randel Everett, founder and president of 21Wilberforce, told 
CT.
     ``I join with many others in urging Congress to quickly confirm 
[him] to this ambassadorship,'' he said, ``as many--especially in light 
of the ongoing global pandemic--face unprecedented restrictions as they 
seek to live out their faith convictions.''



                               __________


             Jeremy Barker, Middle East Program Director, 
                      Religious Freedom Institute


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    Jeremy Barker, the Erbil-based Middle East program director at the 
Religious Freedom Institute, told CT that Hussain is ``a great choice'' 
who has ``done serious security and diplomatic policy work which will 
be vital in advancing religious freedom within an administration that 
had said it wants to prioritize human rights within its foreign policy.
    ``He is also a person of faith who takes his own religion seriously 
and understands that religious persecution strikes at something 
fundamental to an individual or community,'' said Barker.
    ``International religious freedom has been and should remain an 
issue with overwhelming bipartisan support. The Senate should move 
quickly to get Mr. Hussain confirmed and in the job,'' he said. ``The 
work is too important to be left undone and the Biden administration is 
to be commended for putting a qualified nominee forward early in the 
process.''



                               __________


           Paul Marshall, Religious Freedom Chair, Institute 
               for Studies of Religion, Baylor University


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    ``President Biden is to be congratulated for having moved 
relatively quickly in nominating people for religious freedom related 
posts,'' Paul Marshall, a veteran IRF scholar and author and the 
religious freedom chair at the Institute for Studies of Religion at 
Baylor University, told CT. He noted that Lipstadt is ``a skilled 
veteran'' and that Hussein's envoy roles had ``shown both his abilities 
and his commitment to religious freedom.''
    ``Having a Muslim in the religious freedom ambassadorship may allay 
the canard that this is simply a sop to the religious right,'' said 
Marshall, currently a senior fellow at the DC-based Religious Freedom 
Institute and the Jakarta-based Leimena Institute.



                               __________


 Nadine Maenza, Chair of the US Commission on International Religious 
                            Freedom (USCIRF)


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    ``We look forward to working closely with [them] to develop new 
ways for the United States to promote the freedom of religion or belief 
around the world,'' she stated in a press release. ``Global religious 
freedom violations continue to be a pervasive threat to our national 
security and global stability. [They] play an essential role in US 
efforts to counter that threat.''



                               __________


                             Judd Birdsall


  https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
             ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html

    Judd Birdsall, a senior research fellow at the Berkley Center for 
Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at Georgetown University who served 
with Hussain at the State Department from 2009-2011, told CT that the 
nomination is a ``fantastic choice'' because Hussain has ``impeccable 
credentials, extensive diplomatic and legal experience, and unique 
credibility as a Muslim American.''
    ``I greatly respected his thoughtful, humble, and capacious 
approach to all things religion and diplomacy, including the promotion 
of religious freedom,'' said Birdsall. ``He understands the religious 
minority experience and is a passionate advocate for all those who 
suffer on account of their beliefs.''
    Also noteworthy is the speed of the nomination, coming at a similar 
pace to President Donald Trump's selection of Brownback as IRF 
ambassador after just six months.
    ``The most tangible measure of an administration's commitment to 
international religious freedom is the quality of its IRF ambassador 
nominee and the speed with which it makes that nomination,'' Birdsall 
told CT. ``Whereas President Bush took 14 months to announce his 
nominee for the job and Obama took 17, Biden is strongly signaling his 
commitment to the issue by taking only seven months to announce an 
outstanding nominee.
    ``By nominating a Muslim to serve as IRF ambassador, the Biden 
administration is decisively turning the page on an era in which a 
perception of anti-Muslim sentiment undermined the nation's reputation 
on religious freedom,'' he said. ``Rashad Hussain will help to restore 
America's credibility as a champion of tolerance and inclusion.''



                               __________


Material Submitted Supporting the Confirmation of Rashad Hussain to be 
        Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom


Submitted by The International Religious Freedom Roundtable

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]



Submitted by Multifaith International Religious Freedom Advocates
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

Submitted by Muslim American Civil Society Organizations







                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                       TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., by 
videoconference, Hon. Tim Kaine presiding.
    Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Shaheen, Markey, Van 
Hollen, Romney, and Young.
    Also Present: Senators Baldwin, Graham, and Hickenlooper.

             OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Good morning to everyone. I see my ranking 
member for this nominations hearing, Senator Romney, on the 
line. I think we will go ahead and get started.
    This meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is 
here to consider four important nominees to be ambassadors to 
countries that are good allies of the United States: Thomas 
Barrett to be Ambassador to Luxembourg, Jamie Harpootlian to be 
Ambassador to Slovenia, Scott Miller to be Ambassador to 
Switzerland and Lichtenstein, and Erik Ramanathan of 
Massachusetts to be Ambassador to Sweden.
    I want to congratulate each of you on your nominations to 
these important posts. I know a couple of you pretty well.
    Mayor Barrett, it is really good to see you, in particular, 
and I want to thank you for your willingness to serve and also 
the willingness of your families to have you serve. This is a 
family challenge and a family sacrifice and also a family 
opportunity.
    I have four distinguished Senate colleagues who will each 
introduce one of the nominees: Senators Baldwin, Graham, 
Hickenlooper, and Markey. We are going to turn to my colleagues 
first for these introductions before proceeding to open 
remarks, my opening remarks and Senator Romney's, and then to 
opening statements from the nominees.
    If I could ask Senator Baldwin to begin and introduce 
Thomas Barrett.

               STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY BALDWIN, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN

    Senator Baldwin. Thank you, Chairman Kaine. I am really 
honored to join you today to introduce Tom Barrett as you 
consider his nomination as United States Ambassador to the 
Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.
    Tom Barrett learned our strong Wisconsin work ethic as a 
young man, working his way through college as a parts worker, 
dock man, and as a factory worker at Harley-Davidson in 
Milwaukee.
    He received a BA Phi Beta Kappa from the University of 
Wisconsin Madison and a JD with honors from the University of 
Wisconsin Law School in Madison. After law school, he clerked 
for the Honorable Robert W. Warren, who was nominated by 
President Nixon to the Federal District Court for the Eastern 
District of Wisconsin, based in Milwaukee.
    With a deep commitment to public service, Tom has committed 
his life to working as a public servant, serving in the 
Wisconsin State Assembly, the Wisconsin State Senate, and 
working for five terms as a member of the U.S. House of 
Representatives, where I had the pleasure of calling him a 
colleague.
    He served on the Committee on Energy and Commerce, where he 
was a tireless advocate for job creation and worker training. 
He also served on the Banking and Financial Services, 
Government Reform and Oversight, and Judiciary Committees.
    Serving as mayor of Milwaukee since 2004, he has worked 
hard on economic development efforts, bringing billions of 
dollars in private investment across the city and working to 
create jobs and grow our economy.
    In addition to spearheading multiple clean green 
initiatives in the city to clean up rivers, parks, and 
brownfields, he has led the Great Lakes mayors in both Canada 
and the United States as chair of the Great Lakes and St. 
Lawrence Cities Initiative.
    Tom Barrett's long career of public service at the state 
and federal level, combined with years of hands-on business and 
management experience as mayor, demonstrate that he is well 
qualified to represent the United States of America as 
Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.
    I really thank you for giving me the opportunity to join 
you here today. I have known Mayor Barrett for many years, both 
as a colleague and a friend, and I strongly support his 
nomination and respectfully ask the committee to support his 
nomination as well.
    Thank you.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Senator Baldwin.
    Next, Senator Graham will introduce Ms. Harpootlian.

               STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM, 
                U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA

    Senator Graham. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and 
Ranking Member. It is my pleasure to introduce to you Jamie 
Harpootlian from South Carolina.
    Slovenia is a very important NATO ally. I was there not 
long ago. It is a beautiful place and a very dicey region. You 
want to send your best and I think Jamie was a great choice by 
President Biden. She is a graduate of Mary Baldwin College, 
which should go a long way with the chairman here.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Graham. She did really well there and went to 
Tulane Law School and graduated with distinction. She 
volunteered to be a hearing officer for the Department of 
Justice for the 9/11 Victims Compensation Fund. She is well 
known in South Carolina legal circles and practiced in federal 
court and has a really great reputation in our state as a 
problem solver.
    I just think President Biden did the country a great 
service by nominating Jamie to this important posting. She has 
the skill set, I think, to represent our country in a very 
honorable and effective way in a region where America's voice 
is important.
    Russia is up to no good all over that part of the world, 
and with Jamie there, she will keep an eye on the Russians and 
be a good ally to our friends in Slovenia. I completely 
wholeheartedly support her and I know that she has the support 
of people all over my state. She will do a great job for us.
    Jamie, congratulations, and hope you get through this thing 
quickly and I will come see you.
    Ms. Harpootlian. Thank you.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Senator Graham.
    Next, if Senator Hickenlooper is on, he will introduce Mr. 
Miller. Do I see Senator Hickenlooper?
    [No response.]
    Senator Kaine. I do not, so what I will do is I will go to 
Senator Markey. Senator Markey is going to introduce Mr. 
Ramanathan.
    Ed, please unmute.
    Senator Markey. Can you hear me now?
    Okay. Beautiful. Thank you, Tim.

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. It is my pleasure to introduce Erik 
Ramanathan to be our next ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden.
    Erik grew up in western New York, the son of public school 
teachers, and while New York is Erik's native home, 
Massachusetts is where he studied and spent much of his 
professional life and is his adopted home.
    Erik, his husband, Ranesh, and their son, Christopher, live 
on Heard Pond, one of our state's treasured national wildlife 
refuges outside of Boston. He is also a graduate of Harvard Law 
School.
    Some years after graduating he returned to Cambridge to run 
Harvard Center for the Legal Profession, whose mission is to 
help lawyers and instructors realize their full potential in 
their respective professions.
    After building a career as a life sciences attorney, Erik 
transitioned to the nonprofit sector, where for more than a 
decade he has served as the chair of the national public health 
services nonprofit, Heluna Health, and under Erik's leadership 
Heluna has grown to help our nation's frontline hospital 
workers in the battle against the dual opioid and COVID-19 
pandemics.
    His commitment to helping those in need will serve him well 
as he embarks upon this important role representing the United 
States. Our friendship with Sweden dates back to the first 
Swedish immigrants who arrived in Delaware in the middle part 
of the 17th century.
    Sweden was one of the first countries to recognize U.S. 
independence in 1783 and it has been a steady partner in 
advancing our common interests and values. Ingrained in 
Sweden's foreign policy is a commitment to equality, 
sustainable development, and human rights, all issues that Erik 
has championed in his professional career and public service.
    Sweden was one of the first countries in the world to 
commit to marriage equality, and the Kingdom is second to none 
in its commitment to gender equality.
    As Ambassador, Erik will bring to Stockholm his own 
lifetime of commitment to fighting for equality, and as the 
leader of the Board of Immigration Equality, Erik worked to 
champion the rights of LGBTI asylees.
    Erik is on the board of several education and professional 
development nonprofits in Massachusetts and spends his free 
time cleaning up the Sudbury and Concord River watersheds, 
whose beauty have inspired poets and authors alike.
    His accomplished career in law, the private sector, public 
health, and his service to his community make him a great 
choice to be our next Ambassador to Sweden.
    I urge swift confirmation for Erik, an adopted son of the 
Commonwealth, for this important post.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to testify.
    Senator Kaine. Senator Markey, thank you so much.
    Senator Hickenlooper has now joined us and he will 
introduce our fourth nominee, Mr. Miller.

            STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN W. HICKENLOOPER, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO

    Senator Hickenlooper. Great. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, 
and good morning to all of you. Good morning, Mr. Ranking 
Member, members of the committee.
    It is my privilege and my great honor to introduce Scott 
Miller, who is President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to 
the Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
    I have known Scott for almost 20 years and I cannot imagine 
a better person to be representing our country and negotiating 
on our behalf than Scott. If approved by this chamber, Scott 
will be headed to Europe and I think you could argue this will 
not be a moment too soon.
    There is a lot on the agenda in the months and the years 
ahead: navigating a global pandemic, facilitating an inclusive 
economic reality, recovery from that pandemic, shoring up the 
transatlantic relationship to counter an increasingly assertive 
China, an increasingly assertive Russia, defending democracy 
amidst the creeping spread of authoritarianism around the 
world, and addressing the existential threat of climate change 
at every level.
    Fortunately, Switzerland and Liechtenstein are enduring 
trusted partners on all of these issues as well as many others. 
They share our commitment to democratic values, the rule of 
law, free markets. They have similarly vibrant open economies 
like our own and they have strong bilateral collaboration based 
on stable political systems.
    Together, we have worked on controlling terrorism and 
cracking down on money laundering, worked to strengthen 
intellectual property rights, and much more. We have developed 
a robust economic and trade relationship and created 
opportunities for our mutual defense.
    As the home of several U.N. agencies, not to mention the 
World Trade Organization, Switzerland, in particular, is 
synonymous with this type of international collaboration that 
is so essential to addressing these and other transnational 
challenges.
    These types of forums are important sources for dialogue 
and many of the shared priorities highlighted today. I trust 
Scott's ability to be the appropriate voice of the U.S. in all 
of these rooms. He is the right leader for this moment.
    He has dedicated his life to expanding access to the 
American Dream. He is a national leader for LGBTQ equality. He 
has worked to boost STEM in K-12 public schools. He has helped 
provide over 5= million meals to Coloradans during the 
pandemic.
    He has experience in business but, more importantly, he has 
experience in life. He is fiercely committed to creating more 
seats at the table, investing in the success of the next 
generation. These kinds of efforts are critical to the 
innovation and dynamism of our country and its influence 
abroad. Scott again and again has risen to the occasion.
    I am confident that Scott will embody these American values 
of opportunity and equality in Bern. As I said before, I have 
known him for almost two decades and in terms of dealing with 
bringing people together, who are, let us say, disagreeing, in 
violent disagreement, I do not know anybody better than Scott.
    He is the kind of person you want navigating complex issues 
when people have serious disagreements. He has that knack for 
putting people at ease, focusing on the facts that really 
matter, and working to a conclusion--a successful conclusion.
    I support Scott's nomination to represent the United States 
in what some people call the Colorado of Europe--that would be 
Switzerland. I hope this committee will recognize how important 
his nomination will be and will support it wholeheartedly, and 
I will reach out to many of you and just have conversations on 
the side if we can find time.
    Thank you very much for your time. I yield back to the 
chair.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Hickenlooper. Great 
introductions. The four of you are lucky to have these Senators 
presenting you to the committee.
    I will now offer opening remarks and then that will be 
followed by Senator Romney's opening remarks. We will then hear 
from each of the nominees and then we will alternate questions 
beginning first me, then Senator Romney and then we will 
alternate by party.
    There are a set of votes scheduled at 11:00 a.m., and so 
just for the nominees, you might see some of us coming and 
going to make sure we do not miss votes. But let me just, 
again, congratulate each of the four of you on your 
nominations.
    Representing the U.S. as an Ambassador is a tremendous 
honor and it is a privilege, and based on your impressive 
professional backgrounds I know you can do these jobs and do 
them well.
    I also want to congratulate you for an experience that you 
will have, since none of you are career Foreign Service you are 
going to have probably for the first time in your lives, which 
is working in a very in-depth way with America's talented 
Foreign Service officers.
    As a member of this committee, I travel around the world 
and I am always just struck by the tremendous talent and 
patriotism of those that we have serving us abroad. And so 
should you be confirmed, that might be the most memorable and 
impactful part of your job is interacting with these great 
professionals.
    The countries that you represent, several of them, are 
small but they are mighty. They punch above their weight on the 
global stage because of strong economies and also entrenched 
democratic traditions.
    Luxembourg was a founder--a founding member of the United 
Nations and NATO and the EU. Due to the strength of its economy 
and financial sector, it is a critical partner in economic 
efforts including efforts to counter money laundering, tax 
evasion, and terrorism.
    Luxembourg has positioned itself to be a leader in many 
global industries and particularly the commercial space 
industry, which has significant ties to American companies.
    Switzerland provides an invaluable service to global peace 
and security as a host nation to many U.N. agencies and other 
international, governmental, and NGO organizations.
    We are in the midst of a combined $7.6 billion deal for 
Switzerland to purchase F-35 fighter jets and Patriot missiles. 
Switzerland has a long nonaligned tradition, but it also is a 
partner in global security efforts, which we appreciate.
    The cooperation of neighboring Liechtenstein is also very 
crucial to this issue of addressing international tax evasion. 
The combined mission of Switzerland and Liechtenstein is very 
important.
    Slovenia--Slovenia is approaching 20 years as a member of 
both NATO and the EU. Its economic and democratic gains during 
that time are a strong demonstration of the value of 
transatlantic integration and cooperation.
    Today, Slovenia is among the major proponents, the greatest 
proponents, of EU membership for Western Balkans nations, which 
is a foreign policy objective that the United States shares.
    Finally, moving further north to Sweden, Sweden is a leader 
in holding Russia accountable for aggression in Ukraine and 
throughout Europe and also a leader in countering Russian 
disinformation.
    Despite not being a NATO member, Sweden has been a very 
valuable security partner for the United States, an 
indispensable partner in Afghanistan and Iraq.
    The committee looks forward to hearing from each of you 
today and to asking you questions about the missions that you 
will undertake, should you be confirmed.
    I now turn to the ranking member, Senator Romney, for his 
opening comments.

                STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY, 
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH

    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the 
introductions made by our colleagues. I particularly appreciate 
the willingness of the nominees to serve our country in foreign 
posts, particularly, at such a critical time.
    We face a number of challenges, some among friends, 
deciding how we can collaborate together to be stronger and 
provide for our respective populations, but some relate to 
other nations.
    Russia, in particular, poses an ongoing threat to Europe 
and to places around the world. China has set its tentacles 
into Europe and is intending to become the leader of the world 
in military and economic terms, and so the work that we 
anticipate doing together with our friends and allies around 
the world is of critical importance.
    I have more extensive comments I will ask the chairman to 
include in the record. But with that introduction, we will be 
happy to turn to your statements and our respective questions.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Romney. We 
will now move to opening statements and I would like to do the 
opening statements in this order--first, Mayor Barrett, then 
Ms. Harpootlian, then Mr. Miller, finally, Mr. Ramanathan, and 
then we will begin with questions.
    Mayor Barrett, we will begin with you.

STATEMENT OF HON. THOMAS BARRETT OF WISCONSIN, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
       STATES OF AMERICA TO THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG

    Mr. Barrett. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished 
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you 
today as President Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to the 
Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.
    I also want to give a big shout out to my friend, Senator 
Baldwin, for her generous introduction and all the work she 
does for the people of the state of Wisconsin.
    I am truly humbled and honored by the trust and confidence 
the President and Secretary of State have placed in me. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this committee and the 
Congress to advance U.S. interests and priorities in 
Luxembourg.
    I am here today as a direct result of the love and support 
of my family. My wife, Kris, who just retired from teaching 
grade school, has been my best friend and partner for over 30 
years. Together, we are blessed with four children, Tom, Annie, 
Erin, and Kate. All of them are in their 20s. Each of them is a 
remarkable young adult.
    Growing up in Milwaukee, I was also blessed to have parents 
who set the example of how to be caring and responsible. My dad 
was a navigator in World War Two and taught my brother, 
sisters, and me the importance of being responsible.
    My mother lost her first husband during the Battle of the 
Bulge, and then met our father. She taught us resilience and 
caring.
    I have committed my life to public service. I have had the 
good fortune and honor to serve as an elected official for over 
36 years, first as a state legislator, next as a member of 
Congress for 10 years, and currently as mayor of the city of 
Milwaukee for the past 17 years.
    I am especially proud that my home state of Wisconsin is 
also the home of many people of Luxembourg descent. In fact, it 
is the home of the Luxembourg American Cultural Center, just a 
short drive from Milwaukee.
    The United States-Luxembourg relationship is strong, based 
on our shared history, our values and mutual interest, our 
strategic alliance and our economic ties.
    Luxembourg, as you mentioned, Mr. Chair, is a charter 
member of NATO and one of the founding members of the EU. It 
has also hosted numerous monuments to the American liberators 
after both world wars and is the final resting place for over 
5,000 American service members, including General George 
Patton.
    As a premier financial capital in Europe, Luxembourg is one 
of the U.S. economy's largest sources and destinations for 
investment. If confirmed, my number-one priority will be the 
safety and security of U.S. citizens abroad. There are 
approximately 3,100 U.S. citizens who reside in Luxembourg and 
30,000 U.S. citizens who visit annually.
    I also pledge to maintain the safety and security of our 
mission in Luxembourg. Luxembourg is a small country that is 
home to one of the largest financial centers in the Euro zone 
and, remarkably, the second largest investment fund center in 
the world, behind only the United States.
    Luxembourg is a world leader in green and sustainable 
finance. It is home to the world's first and largest green 
exchange for debt instruments. It is also home to the EU 
Investment Bank, which is the lending arm of the European 
Union.
    As mayor of Milwaukee, I have chaired the Great Lakes and 
St. Lawrence Cities Initiative and have worked to create green 
solutions to clean up rivers, parks, and brownfields. That is 
important because it is imperative that we work at all levels 
of government, domestically and internationally, to support 
President Biden's efforts to combat global climate change.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with Luxembourg on 
this important issue. I will work with Luxembourg to address 
this challenge in areas where it has a competitive advantage, 
such as sustainable finance. Luxembourg is also a pioneer and 
an important player in space and one of the original 
signatories of NASA's Artemis Accords in October 2020.
    In 2019, the United States and Luxembourg signed a 
groundbreaking agreement on space. If confirmed, I will 
continue to expand our civil, commercial, and defense 
cooperation in space.
    Luxembourg is in the heart of Europe, both psychologically 
and geographically, and I should note the size of its 
population is very close to that of Milwaukee. It is home to 10 
EU institutions and offices, including the European Court of 
Justice. It has produced three EU Commission presidents and it 
is a strong voice for institution building and rulemaking in 
the European Union.
    President Biden has emphasized the importance of our 
transatlantic relations and working with those who share our 
values. If confirmed, I will be honored to work with Luxembourg 
to advance our shared priorities and U.S. interests in 
Luxembourg.
    Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before 
you today. I would be happy to answer your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Barrett follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Thomas Barrett

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. I 
am truly humbled and honored by the trust and confidence the President 
and Secretary of State have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to 
work closely with this committee and the Congress to advance U.S. 
interests and priorities in Luxembourg.
    I am here today as a direct result of the love and support of my 
family. My wife Kris, who just retired from teaching grade school, has 
been my best friend and partner for over 30 years. Together, we are 
blessed with four children: Tom, Annie, Erin, and Kate. All of them are 
in their twenties. Each of them is a remarkable young adult.
    Growing up in Milwaukee, I was also blessed to have parents who set 
the example of how to be caring and responsible. My dad was a navigator 
in World War II and taught my brother, sisters, and me the importance 
of being responsible. My mother lost her first husband during the 
Battle of the Bulge and then met our father. She taught us resilience 
and caring.
    I have committed my life to public service. I have had the good 
fortune and honor to serve as an elected official for over thirty-six 
years; first as a state legislator, next as a member of Congress for 
ten years, and currently as Mayor of Milwaukee, for the past seventeen 
years.
    I am especially proud that my home state of Wisconsin is also the 
home of many people of Luxembourg descent. In fact, it is the home of 
the Luxembourg American Cultural Center, just a short drive from 
Milwaukee.
    The United States-Luxembourg relationship is strong, based on our 
shared history and values, mutual interests, strategic alliance, and 
economic ties. Luxembourg is a charter member of NATO and one of the 
founding members of the EU. It is also host to numerous monuments to 
the American liberators after both World Wars, and it is the final 
resting place for over 5,000 American service members, including 
General George Patton. As a premier financial capital in Europe, 
Luxembourg is one of the U.S. economy's largest sources and 
destinations for investment.
    If confirmed, my number one priority will be the safety and 
security of U.S. citizens abroad. There are approximately 3,100 U.S. 
citizens who reside in Luxembourg and 30,000 who visit annually. I also 
pledge to maintain the safety and security of members of our mission in 
Luxembourg.
    Luxembourg is a small country that is home to one of the largest 
financial centers in the Eurozone and, remarkably, the second largest 
investment fund center in the world, behind only the United States. 
Luxembourg is a world leader in green and sustainable finance. It is 
home to the world's first and largest ``green exchange'' for debt 
instruments. It is also home to the EU Investment Bank, which is the 
lending arm of the European Union.
    As Mayor of Milwaukee, I have chaired the Great Lakes and Saint 
Lawrence Cities Initiative and have worked to create green solutions to 
clean up rivers, parks, and brownfields. That is important because it 
is imperative that we work at all levels of government, domestically 
and internationally, to support President Biden's efforts to combat 
global climate change. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
Luxembourg on this important issue. I will work with Luxembourg to 
address this challenge in areas where it has a competitive advantage, 
such as sustainable finance.
    Luxembourg is also a pioneer and an important player in space, and 
one of the original signatories of NASA's Artemis Accords in October 
2020. In 2019, the United States and Luxembourg signed a groundbreaking 
agreement on Space. If confirmed, I will continue to expand our civil, 
commercial and defense cooperation in space.
    Luxembourg is in the heart of Europe both psychologically and 
geographically--and, I should note, the size of its population is very 
close to that of Milwaukee. It is home to ten EU institutions and 
offices, including the European Court of Justice; it has produced three 
EU Commission presidents; and it is a strong voice for institution 
building and rulemaking in the European Union.
    President Biden has emphasized the importance of our Transatlantic 
relations and working with those who share our values. If confirmed, I 
will be honored to work with Luxembourg to advance our shared 
priorities and U.S. interests in Luxembourg.
    Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today. 
I would be happy to answer your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Mayor.
    Ms. Harpootlian?

STATEMENT OF JAMIE L. HARPOOTLIAN OF SOUTH CAROLINA, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
      UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA

    Ms. Harpootlian. Chairman Kaine and Ranking Member Romney 
and distinguished members, thank you for inviting me to appear 
before you today. I am deeply grateful to President Biden for 
the confidence he has placed in me and I would also like to 
thank Senator Graham for his very generous remarks today.
    I would also like to take a moment to thank my husband, 
Richard Harpootlian, who has given me his constant support in 
this endeavor, and I would like to remember my parents, Charles 
and Margaret Lindler, who taught me by example to value public 
service.
    My father was a United States naval aviator who served in 
World War Two, Korea, and Vietnam, while my mother served in 
naval communications during World War Two. Later at home, she 
raised two daughters in Dad's absence--well, extended absences 
overseas.
    This past Friday, we laid Dad to rest at Arlington 
Cemetery. I would like to express my gratitude to the United 
States Government for providing a tremendously meaningful 
ceremony and resting place to honor its veterans.
    Our country has provided me rewarding opportunities for 
public service in my own career as an attorney, working in the 
federal judicial system, serving as a court-appointed special 
master in complex litigation, and serving the Department of 
Justice pro bono as a hearing officer for the 9/11 Victims 
Compensation Fund.
    In each role, I made pivotal decisions and managed 
conflicting positions and personalities. I learned that respect 
for the opinions of others and treating all people with dignity 
are essential for reaching consensus.
    Bringing people with divergent views together is necessary 
for progress, and overarching all, building and upholding trust 
is vital for success. If confirmed, I hope to use these skills 
to successfully advance U.S. interests and values in Slovenia.
    Slovenia and the United States have strong military, 
economic, educational, and cultural ties. Slovenia embraces 
transatlantic cooperation and shares our commitment to 
safeguarding democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and free 
and fair elections.
    Slovenia has made impressive contributions to a broad range 
of regional and global efforts to bolster stability, security, 
and peace. It has proven itself to be a strong and cooperative 
partner with the United States, a stalwart NATO ally, a leader 
in the EU, and a reliable partner in the U.N. and multilateral 
organizations.
    Slovenia contributes troops to almost every NATO mission 
across the globe. It participates in numerous EU and U.N. 
missions. This year, Slovenia committed to increase defense 
spending by 780 million euros through 2026, a significant step 
toward meeting its NATO Wales pledge commitment.
    It holds the EU Council presidency until the end of this 
year, where its focus is EU-NATO coordination, economic 
resilience and recovery, and stability in the Western Balkans 
for EU accession.
    To confront the security challenges of Russia and the 
People's Republic of China, strategic investments in Central 
Europe's energy transport and digital infrastructure, Slovenia 
shares our goals for strategic nuclear energy cooperation, 
protecting 5G communications networks, developing alternative 
infrastructure and renewable energy sources, and adopting a 
foreign direct investment screening mechanism.
    Slovenia welcomed the United States returned to the Paris 
Agreement and the Biden-Harris administration's reengagement on 
global climate change, and Slovenia has one of Europe's fastest 
growing economies with projected GDP growth of approximately 4= 
percent in 2021 and 2022.
    If confirmed, my top priority will be the safety and well 
being of U.S. citizens in Slovenia. I will work to strengthen 
our bilateral relationship with Slovenia using all the 
diplomatic tools available to me to build relationships, deepen 
understanding of the United States, and to counter 
disinformation.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure Slovenia's strong 
commitment to stability and security around the world remains 
steadfast, including its efforts toward Euro-Atlantic 
integration of the Western Balkans and to meeting its NATO 
defense spending commitments and capability targets, and I will 
look forward to working with our Special Presidential Envoy for 
Climate, John Kerry, to support Slovenia's actions on climate. 
We are stronger in confronting challenges when we work 
cooperatively with our allies.
    Thank you for your time and consideration.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Harpootlian follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Jamie L. Harpootlian

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this distinguished 
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. I 
am deeply grateful to President Biden for the confidence he has placed 
in me to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia.
    I would like to acknowledge that I am joined today by my husband, 
Richard Harpootlian, who has given me his unwavering love and support 
in this endeavor. Dick has been a fearless public servant and 
passionate advocate for fairness and justice throughout his life. I am 
proud of his lifelong efforts to right wrongs and be a force for good 
in the world.
    I also would like to remember my parents who taught me by example 
to value public service. My father was a United States Naval Aviator 
who served in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, while my mother served 
in naval communications during World War II and later at home raising 
two daughters in her husband's extended absences overseas.
    Our country has provided me rewarding opportunities for public 
service in my own career as an attorney--working in the federal 
judicial system, serving as a court-appointed special master in complex 
litigation, and serving the Department of Justice pro bono as a hearing 
officer for the 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund. In each role, I made 
pivotal decisions and managed conflicting positions and personalities. 
I learned that respect for the opinions of others and treating all 
people with dignity are essential for reaching consensus. Bringing 
people with divergent views together is necessary for progress. And 
overarching all, building and upholding trust is vital for success. If 
confirmed, I hope to use these skills to successfully advance U.S. 
interests and values in Slovenia.
    Slovenia and the United States have strong military, economic, 
educational, and cultural ties. Slovenia embraces transatlantic 
cooperation and shares our commitment to safeguarding democracy, the 
rule of law, human rights, and free and fair elections.
    Slovenia is a Central European country with a population of two 
million that has made impressive contributions to a broad range of 
regional and global efforts to bolster stability, security, and peace. 
It has proven itself to be a strong and cooperative partner with the 
United States, a stalwart NATO Ally, a leader in the EU, and a reliable 
partner in the U.N. and multilateral organizations.
    Slovenia contributes troops to almost every NATO mission across the 
globe. It participates in numerous EU and U.N. missions. This year, 
Slovenia committed to increasing defense spending by 780 million euros 
through 2026; a significant step toward meeting its NATO Wales Pledge 
commitment to spend at least 2 percent of its GDP on defense by 2026. 
It holds the EU Council presidency until the end of this year, through 
which it is emphasizing EU-NATO coordination, supporting economic 
resilience and recovery, and working to bolster stability in the 
Western Balkans for EU accession. And it participates in several 
successful bilateral programs with the United States to support strong 
military relationships.
    To confront the security challenges of Russian and People's 
Republic of China (PRC) strategic investments in Central Europe's 
energy, transport, and digital infrastructure, Slovenia shares our 
goals for strategic nuclear energy cooperation, protecting 5G 
communications networks, developing alternative infrastructure and 
renewable energy sources, and adopting a foreign direct investment 
screening mechanism.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure Slovenia's strong commitment to 
stability and security around the world remains steadfast, including 
its efforts toward Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans, 
and to meeting its NATO defense spending commitments and fulfilling 
NATO Capability Targets.
    Slovenia welcomed the United States' return to the Paris Agreement 
and the Biden-Harris administration's reengagement on global climate 
change. One of the top priorities of the Slovenian EU Council 
presidency is advocating for reduction of greenhouse gases by at least 
55 percent by 2030 and reaching carbon neutrality in 2050. If 
confirmed, I will work with our Special Presidential Envoy for Climate 
John Kerry to support Slovenia's actions on climate.
    Slovenia has one of Europe's fastest growing economies with 
projected GDP growth of approximately 4.5 percent in 2021 and 2022. 
Positive economic factors include a well-educated, multilingual 
workforce, and technical expertise.
    If confirmed, my top priority will be the safety and well-being of 
U.S. citizens in Slovenia. I will work to strengthen our bilateral 
relationship using all the diplomatic tools available to me to build 
relationships, deepen understanding of the United States, and to 
counter disinformation. And I will foster our shared vision of 
democracy. We are stronger in confronting challenges when we work 
cooperatively with our allies.
    It would be the greatest honor of my life to serve in this 
capacity. Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to 
your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Harpootlian, and we will next 
hear from Mr. Miller.
    You need to unmute, Mr. Miller.

    STATEMENT OF SCOTT MILLER OF COLORADO, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
  STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SWISS CONFEDERATION, AND TO SERVE 
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR 
   EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF 
          AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF LIECHTENSTEIN

    Mr. Miller. That is about right.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Kaine. You will not be the last either.
    Mr. Miller. Apologies. Thank you, Chairman Kaine, and thank 
you, Ranking Member Romney. I would also like to thank my dear 
friend, Senator Hickenlooper, for his introduction. You are not 
only an exceptional friend, but you were a terrific mayor and 
governor, and I am so proud to call you my Senator.
    To each member of the committee, please accept my gratitude 
for the privilege of speaking with you today as the President's 
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to both the 
Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
    I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
their confidence in my ability to serve in this role, and will 
work on behalf of our great country and to represent the 
interests of the American people.
    If I am privileged enough to do so with the confidence of 
this committee, it would be the greatest honor of my life. I 
would like to thank my entire family, and while he will not 
enjoy me singling him out, I am so proud to be joined today by 
my husband, Tim Gill, albeit virtually.
    He is no doubt wincing right now as he is watching as he 
enjoys attention and praise about as much as a root canal. But 
without Tim's love and support and without his tireless work on 
behalf of LGBTQ people everywhere, I would not be sitting in 
front of this committee today.
    A lifetime of experience has prepared me for this moment. I 
worked as a banker at UBS and a management consultant at 
Accenture. I also joined my husband, Tim, as co-chair of the 
Gill Foundation, where together and with so many others we have 
advocated for the full equality of all Americans.
    In our home state, we have devoted considerable resources 
and effort to enhance the lives of our fellow Coloradans 
through STEM education, public broadcasting, and programs to 
fight food insecurity.
    Over the course of my career in finance, philanthropy, and 
civil rights advocacy, I have learned the importance of 
nurturing friendships and building coalitions, and to view 
those with whom I may disagree with today as future friends and 
partners tomorrow.
    If confirmed, I vigorously look forward to applying this 
principle to America's relationships with Switzerland and 
Liechtenstein to the benefit of all three.
    To that end, I would like to outline four policy priorities 
that will guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland and 
Liechtenstein, if confirmed.
    My top priority will be ensuring the safety and well being 
of Americans in Switzerland and Liechtenstein as well as the 
broader mission community.
    Two, to deepen ties and cooperation through the lens and 
application of our core values, including support for 
democracy, respect for universal human rights, and the 
promotion of peace and security.
    Three, to increase support for the United States and our 
policies through active engagement with both host governments 
and civil society, as well as through educational, cultural, 
and people-to-people ties and exchanges.
    Four, to grow our already strong economic and commercial 
relationship to advance America's competitive advantage in both 
countries. I believe we have untapped potential to gain greater 
access for American products to the Swiss and Liechtenstein 
markets. If confirmed, I would work hard to realize that 
potential.
    I would like to take a moment to say that growing up as a 
shy kid on the Western Slope of the great state of Colorado, 
being in this remarkable place today would have been impossible 
to imagine. Indeed, that young boy too often felt, as many 
LGBTQ kids often do, that there was no place for him.
    I am here today thanks to countless heroic Americans who 
dedicated their lives to ensuring that someone like me could 
grow up to enjoy all the promises and responsibilities of this 
wonderful country, and I want to pledge to this committee and 
to the American people that, if confirmed, the security and 
vital national interests of the United States and its citizens 
would be my priority.
    I would work tirelessly to further deepen and enhance our 
bilateral relationships with Switzerland and Liechtenstein, and 
I will look for every opportunity to increase trade, foster 
development, and promote cultural exchanges and understanding 
between our nations.
    I would pursue all this work shoulder to shoulder with the 
remarkable and very talented U.S. Foreign Service officers and 
local Embassy staff in Bern, who have already done so much to 
advocate on behalf of the United States and who could not be 
praised enough for their dedication and public service, and, if 
confirmed, I would proudly serve the United States with 
integrity, humility and compassion.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and all the members of the 
committee, I thank you so much for the opportunity to testify 
today. I am happy to answer any questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Miller follows:]


                   Prepared Statement of Scott Miller

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the 
committee, I am grateful for the privilege of speaking with you today 
as the President's nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to 
both the Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
    I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence in my ability to serve in this role and to work on behalf of 
our great country and to represent the interests of the American 
people. If confirmed by this committee, serving as Ambassador would be 
the greatest honor of my life.
    He won't enjoy me singling him out, but I am so proud to be joined 
today by my husband, Tim Gill. I would not be here without his support.
    A lifetime of experience has prepared me for this moment. I worked 
as a banker and as a management consultant. I also joined my husband 
Tim as co-chair of the Gill Foundation where, together and with so many 
others, we have advocated for the full equality of all Americans. In 
our home state, we have devoted considerable effort to enhance the 
lives of our fellow Coloradans through STEM education, public 
broadcasting, and programs to fight food insecurity.
    I'd like to take a moment to say that growing up as a shy kid on 
the Western Slope of the great state of Colorado, being in this 
remarkable place today would have been impossible to imagine. Indeed, 
that young boy too often felt, as many LGBTQ kids too often do, that 
there was no place for him.
    Over the course of my career, I've learned the importance of 
nurturing friendships and building coalitions--and to view those with 
whom I may disagree today as future friends and partners tomorrow. If 
confirmed, I look forward to vigorously applying this principle to 
America's relationships with Switzerland and Liechtenstein, to the 
benefit of all three.
    To that end, I'd like to outline four policy priorities that will 
guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland and Liechtenstein, if 
confirmed:

   My top priority will be ensuring the safety and well-being of 
        Americans in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, as well as of our 
        broader mission community.
   Two, to deepen ties and cooperation through the lens and 
        application of our core values, including: support for 
        democracy, respect for universal human rights, and the 
        promotion of peace and security.
   Three, to increase support for the United States and our policies 
        through active engagement with both host governments and civil 
        society, as well as through educational, cultural, and people-
        to-people ties and exchanges.
   Four, to grow our already strong economic and commercial 
        relationship to advance America's competitive advantage in both 
        countries. I believe we have untapped potential to gain greater 
        access for American products to the Swiss and Liechtenstein 
        markets. If confirmed, I will work hard to realize that 
        potential.

    I am here today thanks to countless heroic Americans who dedicated 
their lives to ensuring that someone like me could grow up to enjoy all 
the promises and responsibilities of this wonderful country.
    I want to pledge to this committee and to the American people that, 
if confirmed, the security and vital national interests of the United 
States and its citizens would be my highest priority. I would work 
tirelessly to further deepen and enhance our bilateral relationships 
with Switzerland and Liechtenstein. And I would look for every 
opportunity to increase trade, foster development, and promote cultural 
exchanges and understanding between our nations.
    I would pursue all this work shoulder to shoulder with the 
remarkable and talented U.S. Foreign Service officers and local Embassy 
staff in Bern, who have already done so much to advocate on behalf of 
the United States, and who cannot be praised enough for their 
dedication and public service.
    If confirmed, I look forward to proudly serving the United States 
with integrity, humility, and compassion.
    Mr. Chairman, ranking member and all the members of the Committee--
I thank you so much for the opportunity to testify today.
    I am happy to answer any questions you have.


    Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Mr. Miller.
    And Mr. Ramanathan, please, your opening comments.

STATEMENT OF ERIK D. RAMANATHAN OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN

    Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of 
the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you, and 
thank you to Senator Markey for that kind introduction and for 
his service.
    I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to 
Sweden, and I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
their confidence in me. Endless gratitude goes to my husband of 
more than 30 years, Ranesh Ramanathan, the love of my life and 
constant companion on life's journey, whose kindness, humor, 
and devotion in the face of the countless challenges we have 
navigated are unparalleled, and to my 16-year-old Chris, who 
inspires me every day with fresh perspective and boundless 
potential, and who drives me to want to make our country and 
the world we share a better place for future generations.
    With Chris' future in mind, I made the decision 15 years 
ago to pivot from a successful private sector career in law and 
life sciences to a portfolio of service roles where I felt I 
could have a larger-scale impact.
    Combining my fire-tested corporate and legal experience 
with lessons learned fighting for the civil rights and well 
being of the LGBTQ and HIV-positive communities, I reckoned 
that I could be an effective leader bringing stakeholders from 
disparate backgrounds together in pursuit of bigger missions.
    Collaborative service became my compass as I built an 
academic platform at Harvard Law and took on a constellation of 
nonprofit leadership roles, culminating in a decade leading the 
board of Heluna Health.
    With perseverance, Heluna grew tenfold larger and 
transformed into a true catalyst to meet the public health and 
community resilience challenges facing tens of millions of 
Americans, including the direct and indirect effects of the 
COVID-19 pandemic.
    I am deeply proud of the diverse and talented team of 
professionals who join together every day to make this life-
changing work possible.
    If confirmed, I plan to apply and foster a similarly 
vigorous service ethic, creative and collaborative mindset, and 
seriousness of purpose to expanding and deepening our historic 
close friendship and like-minded partnership with Sweden.
    The relationship in diplomacy between our people both 
bilaterally and on the global stage can have a tremendously 
positive impact on our shared prosperity over the course of 
decades to come.
    I look forward to continuing to listen and learn from many 
stakeholders and, if confirmed, I see three core priorities at 
the outset.
    First, enhancing bilateral and regional security efforts. 
If confirmed, my foremost priority will always be the safety 
and security of Americans in Sweden, including personnel and 
family members of Embassy Stockholm.
    But our shared security interests extend further. As a 
NATO-enhanced opportunities partner, Sweden has made robust 
contributions on the international stage.
    If confirmed, I look forward to building on this history 
and on our bilateral statement of intent to support 
interoperability and coordination as Sweden increases 
investments in its defense and security infrastructure and 
capabilities.
    Second, growing and deepening bilateral economic ties. The 
U.S. and Sweden are two of the world's leading innovators, with 
robust business and technology ecosystems deeply intertwined 
with academic, civil society, and government collaboration.
    As both nations recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, we 
should focus not only on reopening for business but also on 
unlocking new sources of job opportunity and mutual prosperity, 
such as joint pursuit of green technologies.
    Increasing bilateral exports and job-creating foreign 
direct investment in the U.S. can contribute to economic 
prosperity in both nations while providing a stronger and more 
secure counterbalance to trade and investment with partners who 
may seek to compromise intellectual property or sensitive 
infrastructure.
    Third, collaborating to address key existential challenges 
of our time on the global stage. Not only is Sweden a strong 
partner in foreign policy, but it is also an ideal collaborator 
in many unprecedented challenges facing the world, most notably 
fighting climate change, combating COVID-19 and preventing 
future pandemics, promoting democracy, protecting human rights, 
and safeguarding the rules-based international order.
    If confirmed, I eagerly await working with the talented 
team at Embassy Stockholm to build on their successes and 
advance these shared goals together. I look forward to 
partnering with Congress to further U.S. priorities in Sweden, 
and I enthusiastically await hearing from people across Sweden, 
sharing our ideas and deepening people-to-people ties as we 
strive toward a better tomorrow.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look 
forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Ramanathan follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Erik D. Ramanathan

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to be 
the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Sweden, and I thank President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
    Endless gratitude goes to my husband of more than 30 years, Ranesh 
Ramanathan, the love of my life and constant companion on life's 
journey, whose kindness, humor, and devotion in the face of the 
countless challenges we've navigated are unparalleled. And to my 16-
year-old, Chris, who inspires me every day with fresh perspective and 
boundless potential, and who drives me to want to make our country and 
the world we share a better place for future generations.
    With Chris' future in mind, I made the decision 15 years ago to 
pivot from a successful private sector career in law and life sciences 
to a portfolio of service roles where I felt I could have a larger-
scale impact. Combining my fire-tested corporate and legal experience 
with lessons learned fighting for the civil rights and well-being of 
the LGBTQ and HIV+ communities, I reckoned that I could be an effective 
leader bringing stakeholders from disparate backgrounds together in 
pursuit of bigger missions.
    Collaborative service became my compass as I built an academic 
platform at Harvard Law and took on a constellation of nonprofit 
leadership roles, culminating in a decade leading the board of Heluna 
Health. With perseverance, Heluna grew tenfold larger and transformed 
into a true catalyst to meet the public health and community resilience 
challenges facing tens of millions of Americans, including the direct 
and indirect effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. I am deeply proud of the 
diverse and talented team of professionals who join together every day 
to make this life-changing work possible.
    If confirmed, I plan to apply and foster a similarly vigorous 
service ethic, creative and collaborative mindset, and seriousness of 
purpose to expanding and deepening our historic close friendship and 
like-minded partnership with Sweden.
    The relationship and diplomacy between our people--both bilaterally 
and on the global stage--can have a tremendously positive impact on our 
shared prosperity over the course of decades to come. I look forward to 
continuing to listen and learn from many stakeholders and if confirmed, 
I see three core priorities at the outset:

   First, enhancing bilateral and regional security efforts. If 
        confirmed, my foremost priority will always be the safety and 
        security of Americans in Sweden, including personnel and family 
        members of Embassy Stockholm. But our shared security interests 
        extend further. As a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner, 
        Sweden has made robust contributions on the international 
        stage. If confirmed, I look forward to building on this history 
        and on our bilateral Statement of Intent to support 
        interoperability and coordination as Sweden increases its 
        investments in its defense and security infrastructure and 
        capabilities.
   Second, growing and deepening bilateral economic ties. The U.S. and 
        Sweden are two of the world's leading innovators, with robust 
        business and technology ecosystems deeply intertwined with 
        academic, civil society, and government collaboration. As both 
        nations recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, we should focus not 
        only on reopening for business but also unlocking new sources 
        of job opportunity and mutual prosperity such as joint pursuit 
        of green technologies. Increasing bilateral exports and job-
        creating foreign direct investment in the U.S. can contribute 
        to economic prosperity in both nations, while providing a 
        stronger and more secure counterbalance to trade and investment 
        with partners who may seek to compromise intellectual property 
        or sensitive infrastructure.
   Third, collaborating to address key existential challenges of our 
        time on the global stage. Not only is Sweden a strong partner 
        in foreign policy, but it is also an ideal collaborator in many 
        unprecedented challenges facing the world, most notably 
        fighting climate change, combating COVID-19 and preventing 
        future pandemics, promoting democracy, protecting human rights, 
        and safeguarding the rules-based international order. Among 
        other efforts, Sweden has pledged over $500 million for global 
        vaccine equity. Sweden is a respected leader in combating 
        climate change and pledged to double its climate aid to over 
        $1.8 billion by 2025. If confirmed, I look forward to 
        strengthening our partnership with Sweden to address these 
        global challenges.

    If confirmed, I eagerly await working with the talented team at 
Embassy Stockholm to build on their successes and advance these shared 
goals, together. I look forward to partnering with Congress to further 
U.S. priorities in Sweden. And I enthusiastically await hearing from 
people across Sweden, sharing our ideas, and deepening people-to-people 
ties as we strive toward a better tomorrow.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look forward to 
your questions.


    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much for all of your opening 
testimonies. Before we begin precise questions about the 
countries and your missions, should you be confirmed, I do have 
a set of standard questions that I want to ask to all the 
nominees, so if the four of you could all unmute yourself.
    These are questions that enable the committee to stress the 
importance that we place on responsiveness by all officials in 
the executive branch to this oversight committee, and we ask 
these because they give you an idea of what we will expect from 
you. I would ask each of you on the following questions to 
provide just a yes or no answer.
    First, do you agree to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Second, do you commit to keep this committee 
fully and currently informed about the activities under your 
purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Third, do you commit to engaging in 
meaningful consultation while policies are being developed, not 
just providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. And finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and our designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for those answers. Let me begin 
now with Mayor Barrett.
    Mr. Mayor, you talked briefly about the fact that 
Luxembourg is positioning itself well to be a center of the 
commercial space industry. This is a particular interest in 
Virginia because more rockets are shot out of Wallops Island 
than out of either Florida or California, and both NASA and 
commercial space is a growing industry sector here.
    Talk to us a little bit about the U.S.-Luxembourg 
cooperative agreement of 2019, and should you be confirmed what 
you might do to try to enhance our cooperation on commercial 
space activities.
    Mr. Barrett. Thank you very much for that question, Mr. 
Chairman, and if confirmed, I will continue the strong 
relationship that we have developed with Luxembourg. Luxembourg 
and the United States have been working closely together and 
you mentioned the accord that we reached with them.
    There is the Artemis Accord, which, obviously, creates a 
mechanism for us to return to the moon. There is the efforts to 
do what we can with them or independently on space exploration.
    And I think both of those, as well as some of the work that 
we have been doing with them on satellites, for example--the 
investment they are making in satellites, which goes towards 
their defense spending goal--I think all of those position us 
in a very, very good way to continue to work together.
    I think that there is a strong foundation there and, again, 
if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I want to continue 
that relationship and make it even stronger.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Mayor.
    Mr. Miller, Switzerland has this long-standing commitment 
to neutrality but it does contribute to NATO missions in Kosovo 
and other U.N. and EU security operations.
    How do you evaluate Swiss contributions to international 
security and what might you do to encourage them consistent 
with their own domestic traditions to take an even more forward 
leaning role?
    Mr. Miller. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I think we know that Switzerland is clear-eyed when it 
comes to their approach in dealing with other nations and what 
they are doing around the world, and that they have a keen 
interest in making sure to address any threat to the 
international order.
    Both Switzerland and Liechtenstein are committed allies. I 
am very lucky, if confirmed, to step into this role of having 
not only a partner in these missions but to be able to have the 
high-level discussions that we are able to have with both 
Switzerland and Liechtenstein and in our work, broadly, in 
Europe.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you.
    Ms. Harpootlian, you talked in your opening testimony about 
Slovenia's commitment to greater defense investment. They have 
one of the lowest levels of investment in terms of GDP 
percentage of NATO allies.
    They have indicated a desire to ramp up that investment. 
Does that defense modernization plan present opportunities for 
the United States and U.S. companies?
    Ms. Harpootlian. Thank you for the question, Senator, and I 
appreciate the opportunity to address it.
    Slovenia--this past year they have increased their defense 
spending by =780 million and that is a significant increase 
from any of the prior years. I feel as if we are making 
progress in the right direction.
    If I am confirmed, I will continue to push Slovenia to 
meeting those goals. Right now, they are scheduled for 2026 to 
meet the 2 percent guidelines and that includes NATO capability 
targets and force modernization.
    Senator Kaine. I would encourage you. I am glad to see them 
make those commitments. There may well be opportunities for 
U.S. companies and others to be involved in helping Slovenia 
reach those goals and I know you will focus on those.
    Finally, to Mr. Ramanathan, Sweden has been a very strong 
partner in countering Russian aggression and one area that they 
particularly focused on is trying to counter disinformation. 
This is an area where we have had challenges here. We are a 
robust First Amendment society and that sometimes means that a 
lot of disinformation crowds up all of our inboxes.
    What is Sweden doing that we might emulate or how could we 
and Sweden partner together on anti-disinformation efforts?
    Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    Sweden takes a very clear-eyed view on disinformation--
particularly from Russia. There has been increased malign 
activity relating to disinformation and misinformation 
campaigns. They have a whole of government approach to 
combating disinformation, and we coordinate with Sweden on 
monitoring and pushing back on those kind of campaigns.
    If confirmed, I look forward continuing to collaborate on 
monitoring and pushing back on disinformation campaigns, and 
also on using public diplomacy and interacting with media, both 
traditional and social media, and in-person conversations, of 
course, with the people of Sweden to ensure that our messages 
and priorities are clear and that that too can be a way of 
pushing back on disinformation.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you for that answer.
    Senator Romney?
    Senator Romney. Mayor Barrett, a number of us were 
concerned as we saw that Luxembourg signed on to the Belt and 
Road Initiative that China has been promoting throughout the 
world, and I am interested in your perspective, if you have 
that at this stage, about what the status of that is in 
Luxembourg and what you think our objectives might be with 
regards to communicating with Luxembourg on that topic and 
perhaps encouraging them to take a course which is less 
favorable to China.
    Mr. Barrett. Senator Romney, thank you for that question, 
and I hope I got the gist of it. My terminology is a little 
sketchy right now.
    But it sounded like you were asking about the Belt and Road 
Initiative and the fact that Luxembourg has signed on to it, 
which it has, in fact, one of the few Western European 
countries that has done so.
    Luxembourg prides itself on having good relations--
investment relations--with many countries throughout the world 
and that, I think, is one of the factors that led it to signing 
this.
    At the same time, obviously, as a key member of the 
European Union it recognizes that it is working with its 
neighbors. I think we are also fortunate that because of our 
strong historic ties, our economic ties, our community of 
interests in terms of democracy, that that provides a 
checkpoint, if you will, and we will make sure that we will 
continue to work but--with Luxembourg.
    And if I am confirmed, I, certainly, plan to work with 
Luxembourg to make sure that they understand, which I am very 
confident that they do, the challenges that come from that 
Chinese initiative.
    Again, I think that because of our historic ties, I think 
that that puts us in a good place. But it is something that, if 
confirmed, I am very, very sensitive to and mindful of the 
challenges that it presents.
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mayor. I apologize if you could 
not hear me but your response was spot on to the question I 
asked. I appreciate that.
    Mr. Barrett. Thank you.
    Senator Romney. Ms. Harpootlian, I am interested in your 
perspective on how the people of Slovenia and the leadership of 
Slovenia looks at Russia when they think Russia's objectives 
might be in the Balkans. What type of commitment do you think 
we can make to supporting the independence of the Balkans from 
Russia influence?
    But I guess the beginning of that question is do you have a 
sense of how the leadership in Slovenia and the people of 
Slovenia consider Russia objectives, what they consider them to 
be with regards to the Balkans?
    You are muted. I am sorry.
    Ms. Harpootlian. Thank you for the question, Senator, and I 
am happy to address it. I, first, want to point out that 
Slovenia is a very strong NATO ally and it shares our 
democratic values and interests.
    Slovenia's heart is in the West and that is something to--
it is important to remember that when we are talking about 
Russia and China engagement.
    The fact is that Russia and Slovenia do have an active 
economic relationship and they have cultural ties and 
diplomatic ties, and they have engaged in high-level visits.
    But Slovenia is very aware of issues regarding 
destabilization and, in particular, the fact that by virtue of 
geology and existing infrastructure Russia provides virtually 
all of Slovenia's natural gas.
    In response to that, Slovenia and the United States have 
been working together. They have signed a Memorandum of 
Understanding on civil nuclear cooperation for clean and safe 
nuclear energy.
    Slovenia is very interested in developing a second nuclear 
reactor and the U.S. is interested in competing for providing 
the technology on that. The U.S. also supports Slovenia in an 
initiative called the Three Seas Initiative and that is 
designed to develop infrastructure on north-south access, which 
would compete with the old Soviet east-west infrastructure 
lines. All of these are steps that Slovenia is taking to create 
independence from Russia influence in the country.
    I hope that answered your question.
    Senator Romney. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, I think my time is up. I will turn back to 
you and I will get a chance to continue with the others in the 
next round.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Romney.
    Senator Shaheen is next.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Chairman, and congratulations 
to each of the nominees, and thank you for your willingness to 
serve the country at this critical time.
    My first question is, really, for each of you, and I have 
been following very closely for a number of years now the 
impact of what is known as Havana syndrome or anomalous health 
incidents on American personnel around the world and, sadly, we 
have now seen attacks against personnel on all continents 
except Antarctica.
    Obviously, the State Department personnel are one of the 
main targets of these attacks. I want to ask each of you--
because I understand that the State Department includes a 
briefing on AHIs as part of the ambassadorial seminar program 
that you are required to attend.
    I want to to ask each of you if, if confirmed, you will 
commit to attending the ambassadorial seminar on AHIs and seek 
a classified briefing with the State Department once you are 
confirmed.
    If I could just have everyone respond either positively or 
negatively to that.
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. That was a good leading 
question. You all passed with flying colors.
    Ms. Harpootlian, I want to start with you on another issue 
because I think Slovenia--I chair the European Affairs 
Subcommittee of Foreign Relations, and I think Slovenia is a 
beautiful country and of all of the countries in the Balkans 
that made up the former Yugoslavia, Slovenia has done probably 
the best job, at least it has been the most successful in 
integrating with the West and the EU.
    But I fear now that we are beginning to see some 
backsliding in Slovenia, and there are recent developments that 
may curtail the full and free operation of an independent media 
and civil society there.
    Can you talk about how you will approach this issue with 
Bratislava and how you will connect what might happen there 
with that backsliding to the potential for Russia and China to 
make inroads in Slovenia?
    I am sorry. I think you are still on mute.
    Ms. Harpootlian. I am so sorry. My apologies. Thank you for 
the question.
    Senator Shaheen. That is--we have all been going through a 
whole year and a half of being on mute, so we understand.
    Ms. Harpootlian. There are a lot of issues that you have 
presented in your question that are very important. I think 
that, first and foremost, Slovenia embraces transatlantic 
cooperation. Democratic values are the foundation of our 
transatlantic alliance with Slovenia.
    In Slovenia, there are multiple parties. It is a multi-
party system with a well entrenched system of checks and 
balances. It is unlikely that in Slovenia you would ever have 
one party taking control. Right now, there are nine parties 
sitting in Parliament.
    You mentioned Bratislava. But in Ljubljana, I think that 
the focus is wanting to be a good member of NATO, a good member 
of the EU where, as you are well aware, Slovenia currently 
holds the EU Council presidency, and it is working toward 
accession of the Western Balkan states into the EU, which, if 
that happens, they have certain thresholds for the Copenhagen 
criteria in order to demonstrate that they are a stable 
democracy, that they have freedom of the press, they respect 
human rights, and Slovenia is working very hard on those issues 
and pushing for the EU accession.
    It will not happen anytime soon. But by striving to create 
stable democracies in those countries, I think that we are 
going to combat the issues that you have raised.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, and thank you for correcting my 
misspeaking on Bratislava rather than Ljubljana.
    [Laughter.]
    Ms. Harpootlian. But, if confirmed, I will support Slovenia 
in its efforts to support democracy throughout the region and I 
look forward to having the opportunity to do that.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, I know I am almost out of time. But I would 
really like to ask Mr. Ramanathan a question about Sweden 
because, as we know, competition in the Arctic is becoming even 
more critical today and we are seeing increasing incursions by 
Russia into the Arctic.
    And so what I would like to know is, if confirmed, Mr. 
Ramanathan, how you will engage not just in Sweden but within 
the State Department and with ambassadors for the other Arctic 
nations about the role of the United States and how we can 
cooperate with our allies in the Arctic.
    Mr. Ramanathan. Of course, Sweden, like the United States, 
is an Arctic nation and we are represented together on the 
Arctic Council, which is the premier forum for governance 
around Arctic--issues ranging from environment, sustainable 
development of the Arctic, scientific research, and so forth.
    You also referred to military buildups by Russia. 
Obviously, the Arctic Council does not include security matters 
and those are left to sovereigns.
    But we do have a strong relationship with Sweden on the 
defense and security front and, if confirmed, I look forward to 
collaborating with Sweden on our continued efforts towards 
interoperability and coordination, defense activities under 
both our bilateral agreements as well as their NATO-enhanced 
opportunities partner status, and addressing these issues, 
going forward.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Absolutely. Unless--I think Senator Young 
was next in the queue, but I am not sure he is currently signed 
on. Senator Young, are you with us?
    [No response.]
    Senator Kaine. If not, Senator Van Hollen, you are up next.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
    Mr. Miller, a couple of questions about Swiss practices 
when it comes to banking and bank secrecy and other issues.
    As you know, Switzerland is the world's largest offshore 
financial center, managing about a quarter of global cross-
border assets, which is, of course, an astounding number.
    Over the years, issues regarding bank secrecy and taxation 
have become irritants in U.S.-Swiss relations. How would you 
assess Switzerland's current compliance with the U.S. Foreign 
Account Tax Compliance Act and the OECD automatic exchange of 
information agreement?
    Mr. Miller. Thank you, Senator, and it is good to see you 
again.
    My background in finance and, in particular, working at UBS 
has given me a front row seat to this particular topic. I was 
lucky enough to work for UBS for a decade many years ago, but 
many of the--this particular topic popped up while there.
    And what I would like to say is, unfortunately, there were 
incidents of the past of us not being able to get the 
information that we wanted as it related to U.S. citizens and 
their banking in Switzerland.
    I do believe, through a series of actions by the Department 
of Justice and continued negotiations by Treasury, that we do 
have greater confidence and insight into the foreign--into 
FATCA. I am trying to not use acronyms, but this is the 
Government.
    But I do believe we are--we feel very confident in our 
dealings with Switzerland as it relates to the banks and I know 
banks there are anxious to switch from a Tier--they are 
currently a Tier Two model where banks report directly to the 
United States to switching to a model, a Tier One, that would 
allow the Swiss Government to do the reporting and, in turn, 
would allow reciprocal information to go from the U.S. to 
Switzerland as well.
    Senator Van Hollen. Got it. I appreciate that.
    As you know, one of top priorities of this administration 
has been to prevent a race to the bottom when it comes to 
corporate taxation in developed countries, and one of the great 
success stories, of course, has been the President and 
Secretary Yellen's ability to get the G-20 to adopt the idea of 
a 15 percent minimum global corporate tax rate.
    I saw Switzerland did sign on in July. But as you well 
know, the local cantons there have lots of power within 
Switzerland. How do you assess--how are you going to, if 
confirmed, use your influence to make sure that Switzerland 
moves to comply with the goal?
    Mr. Miller. Again, thank you, Senator.
    Again, thanks to the efforts not just of this 
administration but also the previous administrations, the 
conversations that we have had with Switzerland of reducing 
their dependence and reliance on using reduced corporate taxes 
has started to diminish and Switzerland, as you did point out, 
did sign on the guidelines of the international taxation OECD 
of committing to the 15 percent global tax rate.
    And, if confirmed, I think the most important part of this 
job is for me to communicate with my interlocutors the 
importance of a level playing field and that would be, as you 
pointed out, with each canton because of their decentralized 
government.
    But I think that is a skill that I have and I look forward 
to those conversations.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I think we need to 
work quickly in this area.
    Mayor Barrett, congratulations. Good to see you, and I have 
a question--a similar question with a little different twist, 
but related to Luxembourg.
    How responsive has Luxembourg been, in your opinion, to 
U.S. and international concerns about money laundering and tax 
evasion? Luxembourg is often named as one of those tax havens. 
Can you just comment on that, briefly?
    Mr. Barrett. Thank you for the question, Senator. It is 
great to see you.
    I, certainly, think it has made progress in the last eight 
years and I am pleased to see the progress that it has made. 
Also, as you noted in your previous conversation about the G-20 
and the minimum tax rate has agreed to that as well, which I 
think is an important step.
    But I think it is important to note that the Financial 
Action Task Force, which is the international watch dog that 
periodically goes to the countries to make sure there is no 
money laundering or illegal money, will be in Luxembourg this 
month, actually, and I intend, if I am confirmed, to look very 
carefully at what the Financial Action Task Force 
recommendations are and then work with the Luxembourg 
Government to make sure those become a reality.
    But I think it has made progress and I think that that is 
something we should recognize and applaud and give positive 
reinforcement to.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Appreciate it. And thank 
you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Kaine. Absolutely. I do not believe there are 
additional Senators on.
    Senator Romney, you indicated you had other questions. I 
will go back to you. I will have some additional questions 
after you unless we have other senators who join.
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Just a couple of comments. As we talk about international 
tax rates we do not know exactly what is going to happen here, 
of course, but I do think there is a difference between leaders 
coming together over a social event and drinks and meetings and 
saying, hey, let us all agree to a 15 percent international tax 
rate and that actually becoming the law, having passed by 
their--being passed by their respective parliaments and 
congresses and so forth. I think there is a big gap between 
that.
    I would not want to see a circumstance where we, in our 
nation, took action, which would then not be matched by other 
nations and put our enterprises at a competitive disadvantage. 
Depending on what we do here, it will be important to make sure 
that other nations follow through as well.
    Let me turn to Mr. Miller with regards to our relationships 
in Switzerland, obviously, a nation which is given to high 
standards of human rights historically, a nation which 
considers itself to be a leader on various social issues, and I 
wonder how they square that with a relatively friendly 
relationship with China, China carrying out genocide.
    I mean, in this day and age for a nation to be carrying out 
genocide is really inexplicable and I wonder whether the Swiss 
are going to be able to continue to look away from the reality 
of what is happening in China and whether you might be able to 
help them understand that their interests really lie in 
becoming closer and closer with those nations which honor the 
same types of values they have long said they espouse.
    Mr. Miller. Thank you, Senator Romney.
    As you aptly point out, how we approach China, our greatest 
competitor, is a focus that all of us, if we are lucky enough 
to be confirmed, will have to address.
    The good news for me in a potential, if confirmed, 
relationship with Switzerland is that Switzerland does already 
have in a long-standing meeting and dialogue that they have had 
with People's Republic of China, starting since 1991.
    Unfortunately, due to COVID, many of these conversations 
have been postponed. But also I would like to point out that 
Switzerland did come out and join the criticism of the 
situation in Xinjiang and also the Uighurs--the situation that 
is, obviously, happening with the Uighurs.
    I do hope that Switzerland will be proactive in 
reestablishing that conversation, that annual conversation, to 
make sure that they understand that China is doing these 
practices, and I think that it is also incumbent upon the Swiss 
Government to be proactive in having a dialogue with the 
companies based in Switzerland to make sure that they 
understand also the risks of doing business in China.
    I am fully aware of, and I think we all are, on this, as we 
testified today, the threat that China poses is significant and 
we must work with all of our interlocutors on making sure in 
our meetings that they understand that, despite needing the 
economic relations, perhaps, with the People's Republic that it 
is also still okay to criticize them and hold them accountable 
and to make sure that we are pushing them to do better every 
day.
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Miller.
    Mr. Ramanathan, Sweden has shown a lot of backbone relative 
to, perhaps, other countries in the world as it relates to 
Russia and to China, for that matter, and China has retaliated 
against a number of Swedish businesses, Ericsson among others.
    Do you have a sense of whether there is backsliding on the 
part of the leadership or the business community in Sweden? 
Meaning, are the backbones still strong and how can we 
encourage them to continue to have the kind of strength they 
have had in the past? Because we may need to step in and show 
them that if they are punished by one side they could be more 
rewarded by the other.
    Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you for the question.
    And my sense is that the backbone of Sweden is strong, 
indeed. While they are a trading nation reliant on trade for 
half of their GDP, they understand and are clear-eyed about 
what that means with respect to China, the need to protect 
sensitive infrastructure, intellectual property, and the like.
    You mentioned 5G and Ericsson. Obviously, they--as you may 
be aware, the administrative courts in Sweden have upheld 
Swedish regulations banning Huawei and ZTE from Sweden's own 5G 
build out, which I think sends an important signal about the 
continued focus on protecting sensitive infrastructure.
    Obviously, Ericsson has also invested, opening a new $134 
million plant in Texas working on 5G equipment and other 
investments in the United States on that front, and we have 
been a good partner of Ericsson's.
    I think these are indications that things are very, very 
strong. But, if confirmed, I look forward to continuing that 
close dialogue and continuing to ensure that we are creative 
and collaborative in ways that we find to ensure our mutual 
security and prosperity.
    Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Ramanathan.
    Mr. Chairman, I turn back to you. I have asked the 
questions I came with.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Kaine. Excellent. Thank you, Senator Romney.
    And there is no other members on the call who have not 
asked questions in the first round. I will ask a couple more 
questions, and then if no one else joins we will adjourn. There 
are votes now on the floor. But I have a question, first, for 
Mr. Miller.
    I was intrigued when Switzerland made the decision to buy a 
$5.5 billion contract to buy F-35s from the United States 
because there were less expensive offers on the table, both 
from Boeing and a French manufacturer, and then also a 
Spanish--a Spain-Italy-U.K.-Germany conglomerate. But the Swiss 
made the decision to go with the more expensive U.S. 
technology.
    And I just was wondering, as somebody who is not an expert 
on Swiss politics, I was wondering if you might explain that to 
me. I think that is a heartening sign but I am curious how I 
should interpret that.
    Mr. Miller. I am not fully familiar to the sensitive 
negotiations as it relates to the sale of United States defense 
equipment. But what I can attest to is to American greatness 
and our exceptional military aircraft and ground to base--
ground to air base missile defense.
    And I think Switzerland, again, wanting to strengthen our 
very, very strong bilateral relationship with the United States 
as a replacement to the F-18 aircraft that they have used for 
many years, see this as a familiar relationship and a known 
quantity as they look to replace their strategic air defense 
capabilities.
    I would love nothing more once I am fully briefed on the 
sensitive background of this to follow up with you. But I, 
again, am really heartened by this and I think, obviously, that 
the Swiss Government made a fantastic decision and I look 
forward to helping complete that deal, if confirmed.
    Senator Kaine. I think it is interesting. It probably has 
something to do, I would imagine, just intuiting also with the 
interoperability of the F-35 as a platform that many nations 
that are allied with the United States are now embracing, and a 
desire not only to have a capacity but to have a capacity that 
is interoperable is probably one of the reasons. But I would 
love to know more about that.
    And finally, Mr. Ramanathan, one more question for you that 
is also just something I want to understand, not being an 
expert on Swedish politics. Sweden has been an absolute global 
leader in acceptance and permanent resettlement of refugees 
from Syria, from Iraq, from Afghanistan.
    There are proposals on the table in Sweden that would 
significantly curtail this. How do you assess kind of the 
current Swedish dynamic regarding this long-standing tradition 
of being welcoming to refugees from places of danger and 
violence in the world?
    Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you, Senator, for that question. The 
Swedes have been a very welcoming country to asylees over the 
years and current UNHCR quota refugees. They take about 5,000 
refugees per year and recently announced that because they were 
unable to take 5,000 refugees in 2020 because of COVID pandemic 
issues that they will actually add the deficit to what they are 
doing this year and will take about 6,400 refugees and asylees.
    And Sweden has, of course, been a close partner in 
Afghanistan and otherwise, and they have taken over 650 asylees 
from Afghanistan as one part of that commitment.
    I expect--if confirmed, I will look forward to continuing a 
close dialogue about asylee and refugee issues and about human 
rights in general.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Ramanathan.
    If there are no more questions for the witnesses, and I 
believe there is no additional senators who have joined, the 
record for the hearing is going to remain open until the close 
of business tomorrow, Wednesday, November 3rd.
    Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted 
no later than the close of business tomorrow if you are a 
member of this committee, and I would encourage the nominees, 
if there are questions submitted, please try to answer fully 
and expeditiously so that the committee can consider your 
nominations as soon as possible.
    Thanks again to all the nominees for your willingness to 
serve. Congratulations on being nominated.
    And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 11:17 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Thomas Barrett by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would take every report of an anomalous 
health incident very seriously, and do all in my power to investigate, 
protect those affected, and respond. I believe these incidents pose a 
threat to the health of U.S. personnel. I would share information on 
the latest updates and how our Mission would respond should such a case 
arise.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to take every report of an anomalous 
health incident very seriously, and do all in my power to investigate, 
protect those affected, and respond quickly. I would make sure affected 
individuals are treated promptly.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I absolutely commit to meeting with medical 
staff and the RSO at post to discuss past reported incidents and ensure 
all protocols are being followed. The health and security of Mission 
personnel would be my top priority.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Thomas Barrett by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons 
report, Luxembourg remained on Tier 1 due to its sustained efforts to 
combat human trafficking, but during the last reporting period, courts 
issued more lenient sentences which undermined trafficking efforts.

   If confirmed, how will you engage with the Government of Luxembourg 
        on this issue?

    Answer. Luxembourg continues to take trafficking in persons issues 
seriously and has been a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue 
with the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and 
Luxembourg authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise 
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of the Luxembourg 
Government. I will urge the Government of Luxembourg to take further 
concrete actions to address the recommendations from this year's 
Trafficking in Persons Report, including the issue of lenient sentences 
for convicted human traffickers.

    Question. In the 2020 reporting period, the 2020 State Department 
Report on International Religious Freedom indicated that Anti-Semitism 
incidents increased from 2019 from 47 to 64.

   If confirmed, what steps can you take to address this issue?

    Answer. Luxembourg takes religious freedom seriously and is 
committed to countering anti-Semitism. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism and 
other U.S. officials to engage with government authorities, civil 
society, and religious actors to encourage cooperation and take further 
steps to combat and condemn all manifestations of anti-Semitism, 
particularly in light of the global rise in anti-Semitism.

    Question. How will you engage with civil society and the Government 
to promote better societal respect for all religious minorities?

    Answer. to promote respect for human rights and fundamental 
freedoms, including for members of religious minority groups. As I 
understand, the U.S. Embassy in Luxembourg enjoys strong and 
longstanding relationships with religious leaders and civil society 
organizations supporting the rights of members of minority groups and 
advocating for access to justice for vulnerable communities. I would 
also work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom and other U.S. officials to promote the freedom of 
religion or belief for all.

    Question. According to the 2020 State Department Human Rights 
Report, there were no significant human rights abuses reported in 
Luxembourg. However, there is always work to be done.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and civil 
        society to bolster human rights in thecountry?

    Answer. Luxembourg is a key partner in promoting human rights, 
including efforts to promote them globally. If confirmed, I will 
continue to foster and encourage Luxembourg's positive track record in 
the area of human rights promotion, including Luxembourg's efforts to 
responsibly apportion development assistance in a manner that 
encourages respect for human rights and dignity.

    Question. What do you consider to be the top human rights priority?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will look to prioritize human rights in all 
their forms and encourage the Government of Luxembourg to continue to 
be a key partner for the United States in this regard. I believe that 
the top human rights priority is respect for others. With respect as 
our core value, we can work to include that in all our actions as a 
nation and as individuals.

    Question. Mission Luxembourg has been under enormous stress over 
the past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Luxembourg?

    Answer. Luxembourg and all of Europe was hit hard by COVID. Travel 
and other restrictions, heightened uncertainty, health concerns, and 
family obligations have been stressful for Mission Luxembourg officers 
and their families. If confirmed, I pledge to work with my team to 
address concerns and strengthen morale in the Mission.

    Question. Mission Luxembourg has been under enormous stress over 
the past few years due to COVID.

   How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
        Luxembourg?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the safety and morale 
of the Mission is of paramount importance to me. I appreciate the 
wealth of talent and experience of the current team and will ensure 
that they know that I will do everything I can to take care of them and 
their families. If confirmed, when I arrive, I will hold a Town Hall to 
seek input from all members of the Mission. I will also work with my 
management team to see how we can work together to address ongoing 
concerns from employees in the Mission and create an environment where 
people feel safe and can thrive. I will meet regularly with all 
sections of the Mission to share my appreciation for the invaluable 
work and contributions they make and listen to their concerns.

Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Luxembourg?

    Answer. As Mayor of Milwaukee since 2004, I have worked hard to 
create a unified administration where communication, cooperation and 
coordination are paramount. I understand that motivating people and 
providing resources to accomplish our goals are key to success. If 
confirmed, I will work with my country team to establish clear goals 
and empower my staff to reach them.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I work hard to create a team approach. I appreciate and 
seek input from all members of my team. I also understand that, as team 
leader, I am ultimately responsible for my team's actions and 
decisions.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As a long time public servant, I understand how to work 
with limited resources and other career public servants. If confirmed, 
I believe as a team we will be able to use what resources we have to 
accomplish targeted goals.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new Chiefs of Mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes, I do believe that it is important to integrate myself 
into the Embassy operations and culture. If confirmed, I intend to 
proactively support and participate in activities set up by the Mission 
for Mission employees and families. I will maintain the smooth 
operation of the Embassy by following the established regulations and 
protocols. I am looking forward to becoming a part of the Mission 
family.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not believe it is constructive to berate 
subordinates in public or private. If there are issues, I will address 
them professionally and constructively.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy 
Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to have an excellent, professional 
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to support the Deputy Chief of 
Mission's role in the day-to-day management of the Mission and as my 
key advisor.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. Public diplomacy 
is an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.

   How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
        access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to encourage officers to meet with 
contacts as the COVID situation allows, and to travel around the 
country to meet a diverse range of Luxembourgers. As mayor, I 
understand and embrace the value of people-to-people exchanges, and I 
intend to promote U.S. policies by supporting the Mission's public 
diplomacy programming.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Luxembourg? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. The media environment in Luxembourg is professional, 
modern, respectful, multi-lingual, and mildly partisan. If confirmed, I 
will work with the public diplomacy section to raise the profile of 
U.S. priorities, such as in space cooperation, economic ties, and 
climate challenges. As the population ages, traditional support from 
those who recall the U.S. liberation of Europe have less salience. I 
will work with my public diplomacy section to build closer ties with 
the youth in Luxembourg, so they too understand the important role the 
United States played in the history of Luxembourg.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my public diplomacy section 
to tailor messages on policy priorities with the realities on the 
ground. I will work with my team to communicate with Main State and 
make sure that our messaging resonates with Luxembourgers. I will also 
encourage creative ways of sharing our message to appeal to targeted 
audiences.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received an unclassified briefing on the anomalous 
health incidents, and have followed the issue in the news. If 
confirmed, I commit to receiving additional, classified briefings on 
the incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will maintain detailed records of the 
incident and share it with the State Department and others to 
contribute to the investigation.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will take every measure to keep our staff 
safe and secure and would take any report of an anomalous health 
incident very seriously. I will do my best to ensure those affected 
receive the attention they deserve, that incidents are investigated 
fully, and that we work with the appropriate offices and agencies to 
ensure required reporting, investigation, potential countermeasures, 
and provision of medical care. I would share what information I can 
with my team and the mission community-remaining cognizant of people's 
medical privacy.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Jamie L. Harpootlian by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top 
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand there is a 
major interagency effort to investigate what is causing the incidents 
and how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do 
my utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous health incidents 
receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I consider 
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the 
Embassy community.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their 
family members who report a possible health incident will receive 
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will 
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees 
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington 
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these 
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting 
these members of our Embassy teams. I also consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Jamie L. Harpootlian by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons 
report, Slovenia remained on Tier 1 for fully meeting the minimum 
standards to eliminate trafficking. The Government also convicted more 
traffickers and adopted a national anti-trafficking plan.

   If confirmed, how will you continue to engage with the Government 
        on this issue to capitalize on the success of their trafficking 
        efforts?

    Answer. Slovenia continues to take trafficking in persons issues 
seriously and is a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue with 
the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Slovenian 
authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise trafficking in 
persons at the highest levels of the Slovenian Government. I will urge 
the Slovenian Government to take further concrete actions to address 
the recommendations from this year's Trafficking in Persons Report. 
Specifically, I will encourage the Government of Slovenia to increase 
efforts to identify victims among vulnerable groups, ensure all victims 
have access to services, and increase efforts to identify victims of 
labor trafficking.

    Question. How can you work with regional Ambassadors to use 
Slovenia as a model for other surrounding countries not on Tier 1 but 
aspiring to be?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with regional Ambassadors to 
highlight best practices in Slovenia to other surrounding countries not 
on Tier 1. For example, NGOs in Slovenia noted continued strong 
cooperation with police on the identification of sex trafficking 
victims, as police continued to invite NGO care-providers to police 
interactions with commercial sex establishments to assist in victim 
identification. The United States encourages all governments to pursue 
strong cooperation between civil society and law enforcement to 
identify trafficking victims and to provide assistance.

    Question. According to the 2020 State Department Report on 
International Religious Freedom, Slovena lacks general respect for 
religious freedom with noted Anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim incidents in 
the reporting period.

   Please describe your plan of engagement, if confirmed, with the 
        host government and civil society to increase societal respect 
        for religious freedom.

    Answer. Slovenia's constitution provides for freedom of religion or 
belief; other laws and policies contribute to the generally free 
practice of religion in Slovenia. There were, however, occasional 
reports of societal abuses or discrimination, including incidents of 
anti-Muslim hatred in 2020. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
together with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious 
Freedom, as well as the Department's Special Envoy to Monitor and 
Combat Anti-Semitism, to bolster societal respect for the freedom of 
religion or belief and the rights of members of religious minority 
groups.

    Question. In the 2020 State Department Human Rights Report, 
Slovenia was identified as having significant human rights abuses, 
including threats of violence against journalists. Ending this threat 
and impunity for violence against journalists remains a challenge 
globally.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and civil 
        society to bolster human rights in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs, 
and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in 
Ljubljana enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil 
society on human rights and democracy issues. Civil society has played 
an important role in promoting accountability of elected leaders, 
driving meaningful reform, supporting the rights of members of minority 
groups and access to justice for vulnerable communities, and 
strengthening independent media.

    Question. What do you consider to the top human rights priority?

    Answer. Media freedom is essential to a free and democratic 
society. Slovenia has an open media environment, yet some government 
actors have called into question the integrity of media outlets and 
launched verbal attacks on journalists. The Government also has 
withheld financial support required by law to the national press 
agency. Friends should be able to discuss difficult topics with each 
other, and this is an area where we have to engage with the Slovenian 
Government. If confirmed, I will have these conversations to emphasize 
the importance of media freedom.

    Question. How can you work with the Government to improve their 
efforts to protect journalists?

    Answer. Media freedom is fundamental to a free and democratic 
society. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of media freedom 
and urge the Government of Slovenia to strongly condemn and, if 
appropriate, thoroughly investigate such threats and any violence 
against journalists. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Embassy 
continues to track this issue closely and will also prioritize 
continued outreach to members of the Slovenian press to continue to 
develop their ability to safely carry out their profession and to 
promote good governance and anti-corruption objectives through 
investigative journalism.

Embassy Management
    Question. Mission Slovenia has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Slovenia?

    Answer. Slovenia has enforced strict national lockdowns. The 
American and local employees at Embassy Ljubljana have dealt with 
significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful for their 
service, despite the difficulties. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
listening to, and supporting, Embassy employees, including the Deputy 
Chief of Mission, to better understand the impact of the pandemic on 
the mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Slovenia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission 
to ensure that we create an atmosphere in which our staff knows that 
they can bring serious issues to us and know that they are being heard 
at the highest level. I will do personal outreach to the staff when I 
arrive at Post and will ensure that everyone in the Mission understands 
that my highest priority is the safety and security of the team. If 
confirmed, I will promote training and professional development, and 
ensure that all staff members are aware of the employee and family 
support resources that the Department offers to assist employees.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Slovenia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a 
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and 
transparent communications throughout the Mission by sharing 
information, and seek ways to support and ensure the safety and 
community of the Mission--both American and local staff. I will treat 
the team with respect and professionalism and give them the tools they 
need to do their jobs. I believe that all members of U.S. Embassy 
Ljubljana are one team working for the good of the U.S.-Slovenia 
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American 
people, and, if confirmed, my goal will be to have everyone inspired to 
work in that direction.

Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have a collaborative management style. I believe in 
sharing information and empowering my team, being open to ideas and 
suggestions from throughout the mission, and providing clear guidance 
and decisions as needed to lead. If confirmed, I will regularly engage 
with members of my team and always seek to create a space for open 
dialogue, creativity, and diversity of thought.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously 
reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the 
needs of each mission. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we 
use our available resources as effectively as possible to advance our 
top policy priorities. If necessary, I would advocate for additional 
resources to carry out our mission.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador 
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Ljubljana and to 
schedule opportunities for regular coordination and planning of Embassy 
operations. I also will create opportunities for more informal meetings 
and events with members from across the Embassy community, so that I 
have a strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy 
morale.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy 
Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I hope to establish a high constructive 
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission, who will be my trusted 
partner, confidante, and alter ego in managing and leading the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working 
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). The DCM must be 
fully engaged and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission 
management should the Deputy need to step in to lead. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with my DCM once I arrive in Ljubljana to 
collaboratively work through the best division of labor in managing the 
Mission.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
        access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would lead by example to demonstrate the 
importance of getting outside of our Embassy. Access to and engagement 
with local contacts and populations is an important part of our work 
overseas. If confirmed, I look forward to participating in public 
outreach with all parts of society, including students, non-
governmental organizations, academics, scientists, and the media, and 
will encourage the diplomats of Embassy Ljubljana to do the same.

Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Slovenia? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. In Slovenia, as throughout the world, COVID-19 has affected 
in-person public diplomacy programming. Recently announced new travel 
rules, once implemented, should alleviate the perceived imbalance in 
measures that make travel to the United States restrictive for 
Slovenes. U.S. public diplomacy programming supports Mission goals 
through student and scholarly exchanges, media engagement, educational 
outreach, speaker series, support for culture and the arts, and 
entrepreneurship, bilateral trade and investment ties. If confirmed, I 
look forward to engaging with the Slovenian public to increase dialogue 
about a range of issues and build support for our policies.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section 
to closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Ljubljana-based 
public diplomacy professionals to ensure that there is a unified 
approach to highlighting the key U.S. messages and policies in Slovenia 
and around the world. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety 
of different social media platforms to deliver tailored messages on 
U.S. foreign policy priorities, promote Embassy activities and events, 
provide information on security, voting, and other topics to U.S. 
citizens, and communicate with the Slovenian public.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have already received an overview at the unclassified 
level on potential anomalous health incidents reported by U.S. 
Government personnel in regions around the world. If confirmed, I look 
forward to receiving an in-depth briefing on the incidents before I 
depart for my post. Protecting the health and safety of members of my 
team is my very highest priority.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of 
our employees and their family members as my top priority. If 
confirmed, I will vigorously and diligently support the Department's 
established reporting and care protocols for possible anomalous health 
incidents.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing 
of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, 
the health, safety, and security of Embassy Ljubljana staff, their 
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest 
priority. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with the Embassy community 
to discuss these issues. If confirmed, I also commit to meeting with 
the RSO and medical staff to ensure that I am most prepared to protect 
the safety of Embassy Ljubljana staff in case any potential anomalous 
health incidents are reported.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Scott Miller by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top 
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major 
interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and 
how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my 
utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous health incidents receives 
immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I will consider it my 
primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their 
family members who report a possible health incident will receive 
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will 
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees 
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington 
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these 
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting 
these members of our Embassy teams. I will also consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Scott Miller by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons 
report, Switzerland remained on Tier 2 due to ongoing lacking efforts 
by the Government to hold traffickers accountable, fund victim 
services, and without legal safeguards to protect victims.

   Please explain, in detail, how you plan to engage with the Swiss 
        Government, if confirmed.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Deputy Chief of Mission 
and Country Team to develop and implement both a short and long-term 
strategy of engagement with government officials, business leaders, and 
civil society in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. If confirmed, I would 
work with my Country Team to prioritize engagement with Swiss and 
Liechtenstein Government officials and entities based on policy needs 
and priorities. If confirmed, I would also more closely consider 
engagement with Swiss and Liechtenstein Government entities and 
officials who may seek greater U.S. Government interaction.

    Question. Please explain why you believe the Swiss Government has 
not made serious and sustained efforts to combat trafficking in 
persons.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Swiss and Liechtenstein 
interlocutors understand the United States is committed to combating 
trafficking in persons in Switzerland, Liechtenstein, and beyond. While 
the Swiss Government is making significant efforts to address this 
issue, lenient sentencing, resulting in 60 percent of traffickers 
receiving fully suspended sentences or fines, undercut efforts to hold 
traffickers accountable. The Government did not report the number of 
trafficking investigations for the third year in a row, reported fewer 
convictions, and continued to lack sufficiently disaggregated data on 
trafficking. For the third consecutive year, the Government decreased 
victim identification and remained without a national standardized 
identification and referral mechanism.

    Question. According to the 2020 State Department Report on 
International Religious Freedom, Anti-Semitic incidents in Switzerland 
were in the hundreds but on the decline from previous reporting 
periods.

   How can you use regional ambassadors and the Special Envoy to 
        Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism to emulate other successful 
        regional programs in Switzerland?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of International 
Religious Freedom to promote universal respect for freedom of religion 
or belief in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. I will also work with both 
the Office of International Religious Freedom and the Office of the 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism to ensure the Embassy 
recommends, develops, and implements policies and programs to combat 
discrimination and promote tolerance. I will also engage with various 
religious communities across Switzerland and Liechtenstein to better 
understand where challenges remain and raise these challenges with the 
Governments of both countries. Finally, if confirmed, I will seek to 
promote inter-religious dialogue among religious groups in Switzerland 
and Liechtenstein.

    Question. Please describe your plan of engagement, if confirmed, 
with civil society to increase societal respect for religious freedom.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations, religious minorities, and government entities to assess 
and increase societal respect for religious freedom, develop programs, 
and advocate for appropriate policies and reforms.

    Question. In the 2020 State Department Human Rights Report, 
Switzerland was identified as having no significant human rights 
abuses. However, there is always work to be done.

   If confirmed, how can you promote religious freedom and tolerance 
        with federal and cantonal government officials?

    Answer. Switzerland's constitution guarantees freedom of faith and 
conscience, and the penal code prohibits discrimination against any 
religion or its members. Switzerland also has an independent judicial 
system capable of holding accountable those who commit hate-based 
crimes. If confirmed, I will work closely with federal and cantonal 
government officials--as well as civil society and religious 
minorities--to promote religious freedom and advocate for appropriate 
policies and reforms. If confirmed, I will also work with my team to 
ensure we leverage a whole-of-government approach in engagement with 
federal and sub-national officials, such as initiatives focused on 
promotion of interfaith tolerance by cantonal officials and local 
procedures.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and 
civil society to bolster human rights in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations and government entities to assess and bolster human 
rights and advocate for appropriate policies and reforms. If confirmed, 
I will work with my team to ensure we leverage the whole-of-government 
and U.S. subject matter experts to develop engagement and reporting 
strategies that effectively bolster human rights in Switzerland and 
Liechtenstein.

    Question. What do you consider to the top human rights priority?

    Answer. The protection of fundamental human rights was a foundation 
stone in the establishment of the United States over 200 years ago. 
Since then, a central goal of U.S. foreign policy has been the 
promotion of respect for human rights, as embodied in the Universal 
Declaration of Human Rights. Partnering with Switzerland and 
Liechtenstein on supporting democracy around the world not only 
promotes such fundamental American values as religious freedom and 
worker rights, but also helps create a more secure, stable, and 
prosperous global arena in which the United States can advance its 
national interests. If confirmed, I would commit to deepening 
cooperation with my host governments on promoting respect for human 
rights wherever they are under threat.

Embassy Management
    Question. Mission Switzerland and Mission Liechtenstein have been 
under enormous stress over the past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Switzerland 
        and Mission Liechtenstein?

    Answer. Like most overseas Posts, Embassy Bern has endured strict 
host nation mitigation measures and varying conditions in response to 
the COVID-19 pandemic. Consequently, American and local employees at 
Embassy Bern have dealt with significant challenges posed by COVID-19. 
Beyond the pandemic, Embassy Bern has a lean staffing pattern across 
multiple sections. I am grateful for their service, despite these 
difficulties. If confirmed, I will prioritize meeting with and 
supporting Embassy employees, including the Deputy Chief of Mission, to 
understand the impact of the pandemic and lean-staffing patterns on the 
mission. If confirmed, I will advocate for more resources for Embassy 
Bern as appropriate to ensure our staffing aligns with mission 
priorities and needs.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Switzerland and Mission Liechtenstein?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize meeting with and supporting 
Embassy employees, including the Deputy Chief of Mission, to understand 
the impact of the pandemic and lean-staffing patterns on the mission. 
If confirmed, I will advocate for more resources for Embassy Bern as 
appropriate to ensure our staffing aligns with mission priorities and 
needs. I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission to ensure we create 
an atmosphere in which our staff knows that they can bring serious 
issues to us and know that they are being heard at the highest level. I 
will do personal outreach to the staff when I arrive at Post and will 
ensure that everyone in the Mission understands that my highest 
priority is the safety, security, and resiliency of the team. If 
confirmed, I will promote work/life balance, training, and professional 
development, and ensure that all staff members are aware of the 
employee and family support resources that the Department offers to 
assist employees.

Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Switzerland and Mission Liechtenstein?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission 
and Country Team to ensure our mission priorities and plans incorporate 
input and suggestions from diverse stakeholders, are well-known, and 
are communicated effectively through venues like Town Halls and Country 
Team meetings. I would consider it a priority to ensure the mission and 
vision is unified and clear to all under my authority.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. Management is a critical responsibility for any chief of 
mission. If confirmed, I want Americans and local staff under my 
leadership to feel heard, respected, and engaged; and I plan to set the 
tone by my example, which includes being considerate, communicative, 
consistent, and calm. I would also seek to develop and grow new leaders 
through mentorship and appropriately challenging tasks and roles. If 
confirmed, I would work closely with the Council on Inclusion and 
Diversity to adopt and model best practices. I would be available and 
present for my entire team. If confirmed, I would seek to ensure my 
team maintains a healthy work-life balance while ensuring the mission 
is complete.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to advance mission policies and 
priorities shoulder-to-shoulder with the remarkable and talented U.S. 
Foreign Service officers and local Embassy staff in Bern, who have 
already done so much to advocate on behalf of the United States, and 
who cannot be praised enough for their dedication and public service. I 
understand the State Department continuously reviews its priorities, 
organization, and staffing relevant to the needs of each mission. If 
confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we use our available 
resources as effectively as possible to advance our top policy 
priorities. If necessary, I would work with my Deputy Chief of Mission 
and Country Team to advocate for additional resources to carry out our 
mission.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new Chiefs of Mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador 
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Bern and to schedule 
opportunities for regular coordination and planning of Embassy 
operations. I will also create opportunities for more informal meetings 
and events with members from across the Embassy community, so that I 
have a strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy 
morale.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy 
Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I hope to establish a positive relationship 
where my Deputy Chief of Mission will be my trusted partner, 
confidante, and alter ego in managing and leading the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working 
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). The DCM must be 
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission 
management should the Deputy need to step in to lead. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with my DCM to collaboratively work through the 
best division of labor in managing the Mission.
Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
    Question.  It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of 
posts abroad to meet with local actors, including host government 
officials, non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
        access all local populations?

    Answer. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. If confirmed, I will encourage all parts of the mission 
to engage regularly with the widest possible range of the local 
population, across the entire country, while always working to ensure 
the safety and security of everyone on our team.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Switzerland? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. COVID-19 has affected in-person public diplomacy 
programming in Switzerland, as it has everywhere. Recently announced 
new travel rules, once implemented, should help alleviate increased 
skepticism about the perceived imbalance between measures that make 
travel to the United States restrictive for the Swiss. U.S. public 
diplomacy programming supports Mission goals through student and 
scholarly exchanges; media engagement; educational outreach; speaker 
series; support for culture and the arts; and entrepreneurship, 
bilateral trade and investment ties. If confirmed, I look forward to 
engaging with the Swiss public to increase dialogue about a range of 
issues and build support for our policies.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section 
to closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Bern-based public 
diplomacy professionals to ensure that there is a unified approach to 
highlighting the key U.S. messages and policies in Switzerland and 
around the world. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety of 
different social media platforms to deliver tailored messages on U.S. 
foreign policy priorities; promote Embassy activities and events; 
provide information on security, voting, and other topics of interest 
to U.S. citizens; and communicate with the Swiss public.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received an overview at the unclassified level on 
potential anomalous health incidents reported by U.S. Government 
personnel in regions around the world. If confirmed, I look forward to 
receiving an in-depth briefing on the incidents before I depart for my 
post.

    Answer. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of 
our employees and their family members as my top priority. If 
confirmed, I will energetically support the Department's established 
reporting and care protocols for possible anomalous health incidents.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health 
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family 
members. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing 
of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed, 
the health, safety, and security of Embassy Bern staff, their family 
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest 
priority. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with the Embassy community 
to discuss these issues. If confirmed, I also commit to meeting with 
the Regional Security Officer and medical staff to ensure that I am 
most prepared to protect the safety of Embassy Bern staff in case any 
potential anomalous health incidents are reported.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Scott Miller by Senator Tim Kaine

F-35 Sale
    Question. Earlier this year, Swiss voters approved in a referendum 
a $5.5 billion deal for Switzerland to purchase Lockheed Martin F-35s 
as its next-generation fighter jet, along with a $2.1 billion agreement 
to buy Patriot surface-to-air missiles from Raytheon. The Swiss 
Government chose the F-35s over competing bids from Boeing, Dassault 
(France), and a Germany-Spain-Italy-UK conglomerate. The decision 
followed an analysis from the Swiss Federal Council assessing that the 
F-35 offered the highest overall benefit at the lowest overall cost--
costing around $2 billion less than the next lowest bidder.

   The Swiss Government and Swiss voters clearly recognized the value 
        of the F-35. And the F-35 offers capabilities over and above 
        the economic considerations. How do you assess Switzerland's 
        decision to buy F-35s from the United States, over options from 
        European competitors? As Ambassador, how will you build on this 
        success?

    Answer. Switzerland's decision to acquire $6.5 billion in F-35 
fighters will contribute to a lasting, mutually beneficial security and 
technological partnership for decades to come. The Swiss government 
conducted a systematic, unbiased, and transparent competition. Not only 
would Switzerland derive the benefit of the F-35's interoperability 
capabilities with the United States and allied European nations, but 
the acquisition would bolster diplomatic and political partnerships 
with the United States and its European allies. If confirmed, I will 
continue to advocate energetically for U.S. defense systems, which I 
believe deepen our bilateral cooperation, provide our partners with the 
best strategic and fiscal value, and strengthen economic benefits for 
both of our countries.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Erik D. Ramanathan by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I agree these incidents must be taken seriously and pose a 
threat to the health of U.S. personnel. I understand a major 
interagency effort is underway to investigate what is causing the 
incidents and how the Embassy community can be protected, and this 
issue remains a top priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If 
confirmed, I will do my utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous 
health incidents receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, 
and I will consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety 
and security of the Embassy community.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their 
family members who report a potential anomalous health incident will 
receive immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I 
will communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected 
employees and their family members and work together with partners in 
Washington and the interagency to do what we can to protect against 
these incidents and to find the cause of what has been afflicting these 
members of our Embassy teams. I consider it my primary responsibility 
to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy community.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and the 
RSO at post to discuss any past reported incidents and to ensure that 
all protocols are being followed.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Erik D. Ramanathan by Senator James E. Risch

Sweden
    Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons 
report, Sweden remained on Tier 1 for continued efforts to eliminate 
trafficking in persons. However, authorities in Sweden investigated 
fewer trafficking cases and investigated fewer victims. They also 
delayed the National Support Program (NSP) for victim assistance.

   If confirmed, how will you engage with the Government of Sweden on 
        this issue?

    Answer. The Government of Sweden fully meets the minimum standards 
for the elimination of trafficking. The Swedish Government continued to 
demonstrate serious and sustained efforts, considering the impact of 
the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-trafficking capacity. As part of a 
four-year project, the Government allocated 18 million krona ($2.2 
million) to strengthen labor market regulation compliance efforts and 
review compliance developments, including efforts to prevent forced 
labor. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Swedish authorities to 
advance bilateral cooperation on this issue. I will work to encourage 
the Swedish Government to increase proactive identification and 
assistance for victims, particularly among vulnerable groups, and 
encourage consistent and sufficient funding for victim services.

    Question. In the 2020 State Department Report on International 
Religious Freedom, the country report on Sweden indicated several anti-
Semitic incidents and one against an 11 year-old Christian boy.

   Please describe your plan of engagement, if confirmed, with the 
        host government and civil society to increase societal respect 
        for religious freedom.

    Answer. Sweden's constitution protects ``the freedom to practice 
one's religion alone or in the company of others'' and prohibits 
discrimination based on religion. However, anti-Semitism is rising 
around the world at an alarming rate. Although levels of anti-Semitism 
are lower in Sweden than in some other parts of Europe, I view any 
increase in anti-Semitism with serious concern. In October 2021, the 
Swedish Government hosted foreign leaders, Holocaust survivors, and 
internationally renowned activists in Malmo for a forum aimed at 
promoting Holocaust remembrance and combating anti-Semitism. If 
confirmed, I look forward to building on the important pledges made at 
the Malmo forum and commit to coordinating with the State Department's 
Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues, the Special Envoy to Monitor and 
Combat Anti-Semitism, and the Ambassador-at-Large for International 
Religious Freedom to combat anti-Semitism and religious intolerance in 
all its forms and to promote freedom of religion or belief for all.

    Question. In the 2020 State Department Human Rights Report, Sweden 
was identified as having no significant human rights abuses. However, 
there is always work to be done.

   If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and civil 
        society to bolster human rights in country?

    Answer. The Swedish Government has undertaken a ``Drive for 
Democracy,'' which centers democracy and human rights in its foreign 
policy, including via security cooperation and international 
development efforts. Since launching its Drive in 2016, Sweden has 
hosted over 600 ``Democracy Talks'' at Embassies across the globe, 
engaging more than 1.7 million people. The Swedish Government also 
pursues a ``feminist foreign policy'' approach, which emphasizes the 
impact of global events on women and children and seeks to include 
women in conflict resolution, negotiation, and diplomacy. If confirmed, 
I look forward to building on these efforts and working with the 
Swedish Government and civil society to promote democracy, human 
rights, and global norms. The U.S. Embassy in Stockholm has strong 
relationships with civil society organizations in Sweden, and I commit 
to working closely with them to advance human rights and promote our 
shared values.

    Question. What do you consider to the top human rights priority?

    Answer. Sweden's commitment to promoting human rights and gender 
equality makes it a respected moral leader in international affairs. If 
confirmed, I particularly look forward to working with the Government 
of Sweden to combat human rights issues connected to large-scale 
displacement of refugees, including related issues of persecution, 
discrimination, human trafficking, and religious intolerance.

Embassy Management
    Question. Mission Sweden has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Sweden?

    Answer. Mission Sweden has faced challenges posed by COVID-19, and 
I am thankful for their continued service. If confirmed, the health and 
safety of the personnel and family members of Mission Sweden will be my 
first priority, and I look forward to working with the talented team of 
locally employed staff, U.S. Direct Hires, and their families, and 
ensuring that everyone on my team understands they are valued and has 
my support.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Sweden?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated 
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure, 
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all 
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Swedish relationship and the 
interests of the United States and the American people.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Sweden?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and 
continuous communication throughout the Mission. We are all one team 
working together to advance the U.S.-Swedish relationship and in the 
interests of the American people, so I will ensure this collaborative 
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, U.S. Embassy 
Stockholm is committed to a diverse and inclusive workforce that fully 
represents and supports many different cultures, backgrounds, and 
perspectives to provide a productive workplace for all people from all 
walks of life. I was pleased to learn the Embassy is staffed with a 
very diverse workforce with over 25 nationalities represented among our 
local staff. Diversity makes our Mission strong by bringing different 
perspectives and enhancing creativity and if confirmed, I look forward 
to working with the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.

Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. The foundation of my management style is focused on 
service, collaboration, and creativity. We are all public servants and 
one team working on a common goal--to advance the bilateral 
relationship between the United States and Sweden and to effectively 
advocate for the American people. I look forward to meeting people 
face-to-face, understanding their goals, and ensuring we are all 
working collaboratively as one team. If confirmed, I will work to 
ensure the Embassy fully represents and supports many different 
cultures, backgrounds, and perspectives to provide a productive and 
innovative workplace that lifts up the voices of each member of the 
team.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we use our 
available resources as effectively as possible to advance top policy 
priorities for the U.S.-Swedish relationship and the American public. I 
have long admired the dedication and service to country of career 
Foreign Service officers, and if confirmed, look forward to working 
with them and drawing upon their experience and expertise. I value 
respect, professionalism, and creative thinking and welcome divergent 
points of view.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes, I believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to 
integrate themselves into embassy operations and culture. If confirmed, 
I intend to meet with the personnel at Embassy Stockholm, including 
U.S. Direct Hires and locally engaged staff, to fully understand their 
roles and responsibilities and how I can best support, guide, and 
advocate for them. I look forward to working closely with the Deputy 
Chief of Mission and will rely on the experience and expertise of the 
talented staff to help determine how I can best integrate into and 
enhance embassy operations.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy 
Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive 
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) centered on trust 
and collaborative service. I envision the relationship as a 
partnership: a career official that brings experience and institutional 
knowledge on whom I can depend on and work closely with to ensure the 
success of the overall Mission, while still retaining ultimate 
responsibility and accountability for steering our course.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to building a foundation of 
trust and a highly collaborative working relationship with the DCM. If 
confirmed, I will entrust the DCM with responsibility for the day-to-
day operations of the Mission and the DCM should keep abreast of policy 
issues to be able to serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence. If 
confirmed, I plan to consult with the DCM on a range of issues.

Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
    Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get 
outside of the Embassy to meet with local actors, including host 
government officials, non-governmental organizations, and citizens. If 
confirmed, I plan to exchange ideas with people from all parts of the 
country to hear their views and promote our shared goals. I will use 
both social and traditional media to reach people across Sweden, to 
directly and indirectly engage with the Swedish public. If confirmed, I 
will work with the Embassy team to continue leveraging engagements with 
the media, cultural and educational exchange organizations, and 
individual interactions to expand the people-to-people bonds that are 
the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Sweden? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. The United States has strong academic, cultural, and 
professional exchanges with the people of Sweden. The COVID-19 pandemic 
has been a challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully engage 
face-to-face with host country nationals. As conditions improve, U.S. 
diplomats have started in-person engagements and programs again. If 
confirmed, I look forward to utilizing both traditional and social 
media to engage with the Swedish public, in addition to in-person 
programs.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral 
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American 
people. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance 
security cooperation, expand economic and trade relations, strengthen 
Arctic collaboration, and deepen people-to-people ties. I will work to 
counter adverse influence and mis- and disinformation through 
engagements with traditional media, communication via social media, 
institutional outreach and personal interactions, and through a variety 
of public diplomacy programming. Working with the public diplomacy 
team, we will tailor our messaging in a way that the Swedish public is 
most receptive to.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received a briefing at the unclassified level on the 
anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel 
around the world. If confirmed, I commit to seeking full briefings at 
the appropriate classification levels before my departure to post and 
learning how I can best protect all Embassy personnel and respond to 
any future incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the personnel and 
family members of Embassy Stockholm, and American citizens in Sweden, 
will always be my first priority. In the event of an anomalous health 
incident, I commit to maintain detailed records of the incident, share 
the information with the State Department and other embassies, and 
ensure open communication to contribute to the investigation.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of Embassy personnel, 
their families, and American citizens in Sweden will always be my first 
priority. This is an issue I take very seriously and is a top priority 
for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I will ensure that anyone 
affected receives immediate medical attention and that personnel and 
family member concerns are heard. If confirmed, I will communicate with 
our workforce to share information as appropriate and provide care for 
affected employees and their family members. I understand there is an 
ongoing interagency investigation to identify the cause, and I am 
committed to supporting this investigation.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                      WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 1, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., in 
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, 
Risch, Johnson, Young, Barrasso, Cruz, Rounds, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senator Warner.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. Good morning. We are here today to consider 
the nominations for four important positions: Ambassador John 
Bass to be the Under Secretary for Management, Mr. Scott Nathan 
to be the chief executive officer for the U.S. International 
Development Finance Corporation, Ambassador Mark Brzezinski to 
be the Ambassador to Poland, and Mr. Michael Adler to be the 
Ambassador to Belgium.
    Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. I 
appreciate your willingness and that of your families because 
we understand families are part of the sacrifice to serve our 
country in this capacity.
    Before I start any comments, I understand that our 
colleague from Virginia, from the great Commonwealth of 
Virginia, the former Governor of Virginia, Senator Warner, is 
here to introduce Mr. Nathan.
    Senator Warner?

               STATEMENT OF HON. MARK R. WARNER, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Warner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate that 
recognition, and to you and Ranking Member Risch and members of 
the committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to make 
an introduction.
    I know Ambassador Bass a bit, but I know Mark Brzezinski--
Ambassador Brzezinski and Michael Adler very well. You have got 
an extraordinary panel in front of you today.
    But we all get called upon sometimes to do these 
introductions but today is something that is very special to me 
because I get the chance to introduce and present to the 
committee somebody who is a close friend, trusted confidante, 
and somebody I know who is going to be an excellent choice to 
lead the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, my 
friend, Scott Nathan.
    I have known Scott for more than 15 years. I first got to 
know him in my waning days, as you mentioned, when I was--still 
had a real job, governor, and Scott was introduced to me 
initially as a like-minded adviser on security issues, having 
come up in the business world and then transitioned to the 
public sector.
    Scott, I think--and I say this particularly to my friends 
on the Republican side--brings a very pragmatic outside 
perspective to the issues of economic diplomacy, trade policy, 
emerging markets, and international development.
    Over the years, I have come to appreciate Scott's wisdom 
and expertise, and I can tell you he is practical, 
collaborative, and very independent minded. But I have also 
gotten to know him as a friend.
    I do not want to steal his thunder, but he has got his 
wife, Laura, and his two kids, Asher and Lia, check behind him. 
I have got to know them, frankly, since they have been born. 
But I have seen him and his family on the personal side and 
this is a--these are good people.
    My message to you today is I think the DFC is a incredible 
valuable tool. Senator Risch and I serve on the Intelligence 
Committee together and we know the challenges our nation faces 
as we compete with China and other adversaries in terms of 
economic development.
    I think in Scott you are going to find somebody who is 
uniquely suited for this job. He comes here with both law and 
business degrees in hand. He had an extraordinarily impressive 
career in the private sector for almost two decades.
    He worked in the investment business, becoming a very 
prominent partner on a major fund where he also served as the 
role of risk management, something I think, again, that is 
terribly important in this new role with the DFC. He then 
transitioned to government service, working at both OMB doing 
policy work and the State Department where he worked in 
promotion of American economic interests abroad, again, 
something that I think will serve him well at the DFC.
    I know you have got a lot in front of you. I will skip 
through all these wonderful other descriptions of the important 
role of the DFC. But I can think of no one that I am prouder to 
introduce, prouder to present and give more full-fledged 
endorsement to than my friend, Scott Nathan.
    And with that, I thank the chairman and the ranking member 
for the courtesy of allowing me to go first.
    Thank you, sir.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Warner, for that glowing 
introduction of Mr. Nathan. I know that being governor is an 
exalted status but some of us believe that being a U.S. Senator 
is a real job as well.
    On that note, I will let you go to some other important 
meeting that I am sure that you have at the Intelligence 
Committee.
    Senator Risch. Senator Shaheen and I also have ideas on the 
governorship. At some point in time----
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Shaheen. Yes, thank you.
    The Chairman. I just realized I am surrounded by former 
governors. All right.
    Ambassador Bass, it is good to see you again before the 
committee. You have a long and distinguished public service 
trajectory that I believe will serve you well upon your 
confirmation to be the Under Secretary of State for Management.
    As you well know, Secretary Blinken inherited a damaged and 
depleted department, as I documented in a committee report last 
year, ``Diplomacy in Crisis.'' The last administration's 
repeated assault on State Department personnel, management, and 
resources were unconscionable and dangerous for long-term U.S. 
foreign policy interests. Confidence in leadership decayed and 
key bureaus were gutted.
    In fairness, as I have acknowledged before, many 
institutional, budgetary, and morale problems are also the 
result of multiple administrations and congressional action and 
inaction as well. That is why I believe there is now broad 
bipartisan consensus that critical efforts needed to be taken 
to address core structural and resource issues that have too 
long plagued the department.
    While I was encouraged to hear Secretary Blinken's speech 
on State Department modernization in October, I hope you will 
provide us some more specifics today on how you intend to 
execute each of the five pillars he outlined, particularly on 
how you plan to build capacity on critical issues like cyber 
and technology, climate and global health, and to improve 
diversity at the department.
    Separately, I would like to take a moment to speak about 
your recent work in Afghanistan, as this committee would also 
be interested in hearing your views on the evacuation efforts 
that you helped oversee this past August.
    While the State Department performed heroically in that 
effort, the fact of the matter is that the department and the 
United States never should have been in the position where that 
sort of desperate heroism was necessary.
    To my mind, and this is directly relevant to the job that 
you have been nominated for, it speaks to serious shortcomings 
in the department's planning and contingency response capacity.
    I recognize that today's hearing is not a post-mortem on 
Afghanistan. But I am interested in what lessons you learned 
from this experience and how you will apply those lessons as 
the Deputy for Management, if confirmed.
    Mr. Nathan, congratulations on your nomination. I 
appreciate your visit with me yesterday. If confirmed, you will 
be leading an agency that is without question an important new 
asset for advancing U.S. economic competitiveness in the global 
economy, alleviating poverty and improving opportunity, growth, 
and stability in countries, all of which are incredibly 
important U.S. foreign policy objectives.
    However, during the DFC's brief history there have been 
many questions raised, from the decision to grant authorities 
to the DFC to pursue domestic deals under the Defense 
Production Act to the series of projects in upper middle income 
countries to over promising on prospective investments. There 
is a need for a cultural reset at the DFC.
    Yet, the agency has demonstrated its potential, coming into 
existence at a critical moment for enhancing U.S. development 
finance policies and programs with a significant potential to 
be a vehicle to provide support to our friends and allies who 
are under increasing economic and diplomatic pressure from 
Beijing.
    I look forward to hearing your vision for ensuring the DFC 
is fulfilling the BUILD Act's mandate to pursue projects that 
advance clear development outcomes while also taking strategic 
approaches for advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives.
    This includes the importance of addressing the climate 
crisis, the need to convert the global economy to clean energy, 
as highlighted during last month's COP26.
    Ambassador Brzezinski, welcome back to the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee. Your nomination comes at a critical time 
for Poland, and I must note the United States' steadfast 
commitment to Poland's security. As you know, Poland is a 
longtime friend and NATO ally, and nothing will undermine our 
commitment to supporting Poland and defending NATO's Eastern 
flank.
    The illegitimate Lukashenko regime's use of migrants and 
hybrid tactics at borders--Poland's border is unacceptable and 
inhumane. Poland is on the front lines and the United States 
will always support Poland in defending its territorial 
integrity and security.
    However, while Poland's security is of utmost importance, 
we must also underscore that NATO is strengthened by our 
commitment to democratic values and human rights.
    To that end, I am deeply concerned by continued attacks on 
the independence of Poland's judiciary. In Warsaw, it will be 
your job to urge the Polish government to live up to its 
commitments as a NATO ally that supports a vibrant judiciary, 
free press, and rights for all of its citizens, and I am 
confident you are the right choice to represent the United 
States in Warsaw.
    Finally, Mr. Adler, congratulations on your nomination. I 
trust that, if confirmed, you will draw from your experience in 
the private sector to advocate for U.S. interests in Belgium.
    As you know, hundreds of U.S. firms are represented in 
Belgium. In 2020, it was the thirteenth largest recipient of 
U.S. exports and we appreciate Belgium's support for the U.S.-
EU Trade and Technology Council to further strengthen 
transatlantic ties.
    In addition, we are grateful for Belgium's partnership in 
the global coalition to defeat ISIS. Belgium is a NATO partner, 
a leader on human rights and democracy, and I look forward to 
getting you to Brussels as soon as possible to continue to 
strengthen our relationship with that important ally.
    We look forward to each of your testimonies. Let me turn to 
the distinguished ranking member, Senator Risch, for his 
comments.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    First of all, on the nomination of Under Secretary of State 
for Management, this position is not only responsible for 
keeping our diplomats safe and embassies functioning properly 
but also supporting and improving the State Department 
workforce. It plays a crucial role in helping coordinate State 
Department operations with this committee.
    There are enormous pressures on State Department personnel 
that need immediate attention. Embassy personnel are being 
attacked in what State is awkwardly calling anomalous health 
incidents. All of us, on a bipartisan basis, are very concerned 
about this situation. We have struggled to get straight answers 
out of the department on what is going on.
    Moreover, in many posts, our diplomats are having trouble 
getting outside of the embassy walls to meet with the local 
population, putting a serious strain on their ability to 
advance vital U.S. national interests. We know Russian, 
Chinese, and Iranian diplomats do not have these restrictions.
    Determining the future of this workforce and how it 
operates is one of the most important responsibilities of this 
position and one that could have ramifications for years, if 
not decades. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these 
important issues.
    On the nomination of CEO of the U.S. International 
Development Finance Corporation, the DFC has the potential, the 
potential, to serve as one of the most influential tools to 
unleash the power of the private sector, lift countries out of 
power and counter the predatory state-sponsored development 
models pursued by strategic competitors.
    To that end, the DFC should focus on two core missions. It 
should promote economic freedom through support for private 
sector-led growth in developing countries and it should protect 
economic freedom through investments in sectors of strategic 
significance to the United States.
    Investments in the digital economy, advanced technologies, 
energy infrastructure, supply chains, and public health are 
critical in an era of strategic competition with China and to 
provide alternatives to state-directed investments. Senator 
Warner's reference to the Intelligence Committee and our work 
in overseeing these types of matters is important and, 
certainly, this agency plays a crucial role there.
    Last month, I sent a letter to the DFC expressing serious 
concerns that 18 of the 21 current solar project sourced panels 
are from China, even after revelations of forced labor in 
China's solar industry. That situation is unacceptable and 
unsustainable. If confirmed, I expect you to fix it and make 
sure DFC's supply chains do not touch forced labor.
    Additionally, the agency's keen interest in pursuing deals 
in wealthy countries is inexplicable. The DFC must shrug off 
its old OPIC mindset and fully embrace the new agency's dual 
missions. It must strike a healthier balance between pursuing 
projects with a greater development focus and those guided by 
strategic interests.
    On the nomination of our Ambassador to Poland, I will 
associate myself with the remarks of the chairman regarding our 
commitment to Poland and its security. Poland is under a 
growing threat from Russia and its proxy, Belarus. I am glad to 
see a growing U.S. troop presence there. But being an ally 
requires more than just military cooperation. Values matter.
    The Polish Government seems set on consolidating its 
control over previously free media and to terminating the 
largest U.S. investment in Poland, Discovery Media's ownership 
of TVN.
    Both decisions are counter to the commitments to human 
rights and freedom of speech we expect that our allies will 
maintain. I expect to hear your thoughts on all of these 
critical issues.
    Finally, on the nomination of Ambassador to Belgium, 
Brussels is home to many European NGOs and international 
organizations as well as headquarters of the EU and NATO. It is 
an important post, especially within the context of Brussels' 
influential position in European politics.
    Like in many European countries, China has sought to expand 
its influence in Belgium by purchasing stakes in important 
Belgian companies, particularly ports. I would like to hear how 
you plan to address this growing issue, should you be 
confirmed.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    All right. We will start the testimonies. We will start 
with Mr. Nathan and just work our way down the dais. We would 
ask you to summarize your comments in about five minutes or so. 
Your full statements will be included for the record, without 
objection, and feel free to introduce any members of your 
family that are here.
    Mr. Nathan?

  STATEMENT OF SCOTT NATHAN OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO BE 
  CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF THE UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL 
                DEVELOPMENT FINANCE CORPORATION

    Mr. Nathan. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
members of the committee, thank you for having me here today 
and for the time you and your staff have spent with me prior to 
this hearing.
    Senator Warner, thank you for your kind introduction and 
for your friendship over many years.
    With me here today are my wife, Laura, and our two 
children, Asher and Lia. I am grateful for their love today and 
every day. My parents and my brother are also watching this 
hearing and I want to acknowledge their role in getting me to 
this moment.
    I am honored to be nominated by President Biden to be the 
chief executive officer of the U.S. International Development 
Finance Corporation. Throughout this confirmation process, I 
have relied on the input, guidance, and support of the current 
acting as well as the former leadership of both DFC and its 
predecessor, OPIC.
    I am deeply grateful to Adam Boehler, Ray Washburne, 
Elizabeth Littlefield, Rob Mosbacher, Jr., David Bohigian, 
Edward Burrier, and Dev Jagadesan. The value and spirit of 
these conversations reflect the broad support for this agency.
    I also want to thank the fantastic group of hardworking 
professionals at DFC as well as throughout the interagency, 
whom I have so far met in preparation for this confirmation 
process.
    This is an exciting and important time for DFC. The agency 
is less than two years old but the expectations for it are 
high. DFC was created with bipartisan support and a consensus 
that it could be an effective tool of U.S. foreign policy.
    The needs of the developing world are too great to meet 
with government resources alone, and DFC can be a catalyst for 
bringing private capital to worthy projects. By bringing 
together OPIC and DCA through the BUILD Act, setting a new dual 
mandate both developmental and strategic, and providing 
expanded tools and investment targets, Congress has challenged 
DFC to make a greater impact.
    My consultations with members of this committee and staff 
have been very valuable. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with Congress to shape and to continue to grow DFC's 
capabilities and capacity so that it can properly fulfill the 
responsibilities it has been given.
    DFC mobilizes capital for private sector-led growth in the 
developing world and provides a clear alternative to state-
directed investments by authoritarian governments. DFC's 
product offering gives developing countries a positive choice 
reflecting our democratic values for meeting their 
infrastructure and economic needs.
    While investing in private sector companies and projects, 
DFC can insist on transparency, rule of law, financial 
sustainability, and high environmental and labor standards. 
Unlike some of our strategic competitors, we do this with no 
strings attached.
    I believe in the power of the private sector, free markets, 
and inclusive economic growth to improve lives and bring 
countries out of poverty.
    I entered adulthood right as the Cold War was coming to a 
close. Just months after I graduated college, the Berlin Wall 
fell and the world changed dramatically. For the first time, 
millions in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union tasted 
freedom and could pursue their own economic liberty.
    This sea change profoundly impacted me. I lived in the 
region during this time of wrenching change and great optimism, 
and after completing law school and business school, I focused 
my early career primarily on emerging markets, especially in 
these economies in transition.
    After nearly 20 years in the investment business, I was 
fortunate to have the opportunity to devote the second chapter 
of my career to public service in roles at the Department of 
State and OMB.
    At State, I focused on commercial advocacy for U.S. 
companies, economic diplomacy, and the promotion of 
entrepreneurship. The challenges facing the developing world 
can seem overwhelming but the opportunity for DFC to be part of 
the solution is enormous.
    If confirmed, I will draw on my investment, managerial, and 
government experience to help DFC pursue this mission. I will 
work hard to make sure the agency has the right strategy, 
resources, structure, processes, to efficiently and effectively 
source and analyze investment opportunities and to properly 
measure and monitor those that make it into the portfolio.
    I am so grateful to have been born in this country. I would 
be proud to, again, have the opportunity to work on behalf of 
the American people and represent the interests of the United 
States.
    Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to 
your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Nathan follows:]


                   Prepared Statement of Scott Nathan

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for having me here today and for the time you and 
your staff have spent with me prior to this hearing.
    Senator Warner--thank you for that kind introduction and for your 
friendship over many years. With me here today is my wife Laura and our 
two children, Asher and Lia. I am grateful for their love and support 
today and every day. My parents and my brother are also watching this 
hearing and I want to acknowledge their role in getting me to this 
moment.
    I am honored to be nominated by President Biden to serve as the 
Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development Finance 
Corporation.
    Throughout this confirmation process, I have relied on the input, 
guidance, and support of the current acting, as well as the former 
leadership of both DFC and its predecessor OPIC. I am deeply grateful 
to Adam Boehler, Ray Washburne, Elizabeth Littlefield, Robert Mosbacher 
Jr., David Bohigian, Edward Burrier, and Dev Jagadesan, many of whom 
are watching today. The value and spirit of these conversations reflect 
the broad support for this agency. I also want to thank the fantastic 
group of hard-working professionals at DFC, as well as throughout the 
interagency, whom I so far have met in preparation for this 
confirmation process.
    This is an exciting and important time for DFC. The agency is less 
than two years old, but the expectations for it are high. DFC was 
created with bipartisan support and a consensus that it could be an 
effective tool of U.S. foreign policy. The needs of the developing 
world are too great to meet with government resources alone and DFC can 
be a catalyst for bringing private capital to worthy projects. By 
bringing together OPIC and DCA through the BUILD Act, setting a new 
dual mandate (both developmental and strategic), and providing expanded 
tools and investment targets, Congress has challenged DFC to make a 
greater impact.
    My consultations with members of this committee and staff have been 
very valuable. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to 
shape and to continue to grow DFC's capabilities and capacity so that 
it can properly fulfill the responsibilities it has been given. 
Collaboration with the DFC's interagency partners will also be crucial.
    DFC mobilizes capital for private sector-led growth in the 
developing world and provides a clear alternative to state-directed 
investments by authoritarian governments. DFC's product offering gives 
developing countries a positive choice, reflecting our democratic 
values, for meeting their infrastructure and economic needs. While 
investing in private sector companies and projects, DFC can insist on 
transparency, rule of law, financial sustainability, and high 
environmental and labor standards. Unlike some of our strategic 
competitors, we do this with no strings attached.
    I believe in the power of the private sector, free markets, and 
inclusive economic growth to improve lives and bring countries out of 
poverty. I entered adulthood right as the Cold War was coming to a 
close. Just months after I graduated college, the Berlin Wall fell, and 
the world changed dramatically. For the first time, millions in Eastern 
Europe and the Former Soviet Union tasted freedom and could pursue 
their own economic liberty. This sea change profoundly impacted me. I 
traveled throughout and lived in the region during this time of 
wrenching change and great optimism. After completing law school and 
business school, I focused my early career primarily on emerging 
markets, especially in these economies in transition.
    After nearly twenty years in the investment business, I was 
fortunate to have the opportunity to devote the second chapter of my 
career to public service in roles at the Department of State and OMB. 
At State, I focused on commercial advocacy for U.S. companies, economic 
diplomacy, and the promotion of entrepreneurship.
    The challenges facing the developing world can seem overwhelming. 
But the opportunity for DFC to be part of the solution is enormous. If 
confirmed, I will draw on my investment, managerial, and government 
experience to help DFC pursue this mission. I will work hard to make 
sure the agency has the right strategy, resources, structure, and 
processes to efficiently and effectively source and analyze investment 
opportunities and to properly measure and monitor those that make it 
into the portfolio.
    I am so grateful to have been born in this country. I would be 
proud to again have the opportunity to work on behalf of the American 
people and represent the interests of the United States. Thank you for 
considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Ambassador Bass?

STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN R. BASS OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, NOMINATED 
         TO BE AN UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE (MANAGEMENT)

    Mr. Bass. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished 
members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to 
appear before you as the President's nominee to be Under 
Secretary of State for Management.
    I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
the opportunity to, again, serve the nation if I am confirmed.
    I am joined today by my wife, Holly, a fellow diplomat who 
has represented our nation in Afghanistan and five other 
countries, and I am enduringly grateful for her love and 
support.
    My sister, Kristin, is also with us today, and we are 
joined in spirit by an extended family that includes the one we 
are blessed with by birth and marriage and the family we have 
made through shared service and sacrifice overseas.
    I would like to begin this morning by honoring, first, the 
memory of the Marines, Navy corpsman, and soldier who died 
while protecting the rest of us, working to evacuate fellow 
Americans and at-risk Afghans from Kabul in late August. Their 
loved ones have been and remain in our thoughts and prayers 
every day.
    It has been an honor to serve three previous times as a 
presidential appointee and I welcome this new opportunity, 
subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to give back 
to an institution that I love but one that I and many 
colleagues have not always liked.
    I swore my first oath to support and defend the 
Constitution in 1988, and since then, the world and the issues 
and challenges at the center of American diplomacy have changed 
a great deal.
    But how we work at State as representatives of our 
government and as diplomatic practitioners has not kept pace 
with the times. The reasons for this are complex. They reflect 
the choices of multiple administrations on both sides of the 
aisle.
    But the result is an institution that relies too heavily on 
its dedicated professionals to bridge the gap between what 
State's infrastructure, technology, and practices enable and 
what our responsibilities to the nation actually require. And 
as the President, Secretary Blinken, members of this committee, 
and many outside observers have underscored, it is past time to 
remedy that.
    If confirmed, I will do everything I can to prepare the 
State Department to tackle the challenges we will face in the 
coming years, and concurrently with your support and 
partnership I will do my best to ensure the women and men of 
the State Department have the guidance and receive the 
resources they need today to help our fellow citizens protect 
the country's interests, promote our prosperity, and uphold our 
values in 195 countries and nearly 200 international 
organizations worldwide.
    Much of the public attention focuses on our headquarters 
here in the Capitol and the remarkable work of thousands of 
talented Civil and Foreign Service professionals serving here.
    I believe the department's greatest impact, though, occurs 
well beyond the Beltway. Patriotic Americans and dedicated 
local staff in our embassies and consulates, colleagues working 
in 98 offices in 31 states across our country, they all serve 
our nation where it matters most, as demonstrated by their 
unstinting effort during the pandemic to bring home over 
100,000 Americans and other residents, even while we were 
enduring staffing shortages and draw downs ourselves.
    If confirmed, I will work to reinforce our focus on the 
field and that includes doing everything possible to support 
and care for colleagues and family suffering from anomalous 
health incidents even as we work to uncover the cause of those 
incidents, and it also means managing sensibly threats and 
risks so our people can engage, persuade, and represent the 
nation in every environment overseas.
    Diplomacy is a contact sport and who we dispatch can matter 
as much as what they do or what they say, and as Secretary 
Blinken recently underscored, our diversity as a nation in 
backgrounds, gender, race, religion, and ethnicity is among our 
greatest competitive advantages.
    We sell ourselves short and undercut our service to all 
Americans if we fail, if we continue to fail, to capitalize on 
that strength, and I am committed to expanding efforts to 
attract talented Americans from all walks of life to join the 
department's team, to enable them to thrive as representatives 
of the United States, and to support them throughout a career 
so that our department truly reflects the richness and 
diversity of America.
    We face significant challenges as a nation and as the 
oldest Cabinet department, and it will take sustained focus and 
resources for the department to most effectively advance our 
interests and help middle and working class Americans prosper 
in the years ahead.
    In my prior appointments, I benefited from close 
coordination with members of this committee and the wider 
Congress, and, if confirmed, I intend to work closely with you 
on these compelling priorities.
    Thank you again for this opportunity to appear today and I 
welcome your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Bass follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Hon. John R. Bass

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of the 
committee: thank you for this opportunity to appear before you as the 
President's nominee to be Under Secretary for Management. I want to 
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the opportunity to 
again serve the nation, if confirmed.
    I'm joined today by my wife Holly, a fellow diplomat who has 
represented our Nation in Afghanistan and five other countries. I am 
grateful for her love and support. My sister Kristin is with us today. 
We are joined in spirit by an extended family that includes the one we 
are blessed with by birth and marriage, and the family we have made, 
through shared service and sacrifice overseas.
    I begin this morning by honoring the memory of the Marines, Navy 
Corpsman and soldier who died while protecting the rest of us working 
to evacuate fellow Americans and at-risk Afghans from Kabul. Their 
loved ones have been in our thoughts and prayers every day.
    It has been an honor to serve three previous times as a 
presidential appointee. I welcome this new opportunity, subject to the 
advice and consent of the Senate, to give back to an institution that I 
love--but one that I and many colleagues have not always liked.
    I swore my first oath to support and defend the Constitution in 
1988. Since then, the world, and the issues and challenges at the 
center of American diplomacy, have changed a great deal. But how we 
work at State, as representatives of our government and as diplomatic 
practitioners, has not kept pace with the times.
    The reasons for this are complex. They reflect the choices of 
multiple administrations on both sides of the aisle. The result is an 
institution that relies too heavily on its dedicated professionals to 
bridge the gap between what State's infrastructure, technology and 
practices enable--and what our responsibilities to the nation actually 
require. As the President, Secretary Blinken, this committee and many 
outside observers have observed--it is past time to remedy that.
    If confirmed, I will do everything I can to prepare the State 
Department to tackle the challenges we will face in the coming years. 
Concurrently, with your support and partnership, I will do my best to 
ensure the women and men of the Department have the guidance, and 
receive the resources they need today--to help our fellow citizens, 
protect the country's interests, promote our prosperity and uphold our 
values in 195 countries and nearly 200 international organizations 
worldwide.
    Much public attention focuses on State's headquarters here in the 
capital and the remarkable work of thousands of talented civil and 
foreign service professionals. I believe the Department's greatest 
impact, though, occurs well beyond the Beltway. Patriotic Americans and 
dedicated local staff in our embassies and consulates; colleagues 
working in 98 offices, in 31 states, across the country--they all serve 
our nation. The Department's unstinting effort to bring over 100,000 
Americans and other residents home during the pandemic, even while 
reducing our own staff, is a dramatic recent example.
    If confirmed, I will work to reinforce our focus on the field. That 
includes doing everything possible to support and care for colleagues 
and families suffering from anomalous health incidents, as we work to 
uncover the cause of these incidents. It also means managing sensibly 
threats and risk so our people can engage, persuade and represent the 
nation in every environment overseas.
    Diplomacy is a contact sport. Who we dispatch--to help Americans in 
harm's way, to negotiate with governments and companies, to advance our 
interests--can matter as much as what they do or say. As Secretary 
Blinken recently underscored, our diversity as a nation--in 
backgrounds, gender, race, religion and ethnicity--is among our 
greatest competitive advantages. We sell ourselves short, and undercut 
our service to all Americans, if we fail to capitalize on it. I am 
committed to expanding efforts to attract talented Americans from all 
walks of life to join the Department's team, enable them to thrive as 
representatives of the United States and support them throughout their 
careers, so that we truly reflect America.
    We face significant challenges as a nation--and as the oldest 
cabinet Department. It will take sustained focus and resources for the 
State Department to most effectively advance our interests and help 
middle and working-class Americans prosper in the years ahead. In my 
prior appointments, I benefitted from close coordination with members 
of this committee and the wider Congress. If confirmed, I intend to 
work closely with you on these compelling priorities.
    Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you. I 
welcome your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Ambassador Brzezinski?

STATEMENT OF HON. MARK BRZEZINSKI OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND

    Mr. Brzezinski. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 
appear before you today. It is an extraordinary honor to be 
President Biden's nominee to become the next U.S. Ambassador to 
Poland.
    I am accompanied today by my brother, Ian Brzezinski, no 
stranger to this committee, who served on the Republican staff 
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for a number of 
years.
    Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to thank the 
staff of U.S. Embassy Warsaw, U.S. Consulate Krakow, and 
Consular Agency Poznan for generations of hard work. It is with 
genuine admiration and respect that I have witnessed their 
dedication since my first visit to Poland in 1990.
    I last appeared before this committee in 2011. I am proud 
of what I accomplished as U.S. Ambassador to Stockholm. The 
embassy team advanced Sweden's partnership with NATO, including 
key counterterrorism goals.
    We cemented important partnerships on energy 
diversification and brokered Volvo's first ever investment in 
the United States that brought thousands of high-paying 
manufacturing jobs to South Carolina.
    With the Swedes, we embraced the memory of Raoul Wallenberg 
and the importance of not being indifferent to the Jewish 
community.
    I know Poland well. I am a child of parents cast on 
America's shores by World War II. My late father, Zbigniew 
Brzezinski, was born in Warsaw. He lived his first 10 years of 
life in Przemysl, now located on the border of Poland and 
Ukraine.
    By luck, my grandfather was assigned to be Consul General 
in Montreal just before Nazi Germany invaded Poland in 1939. 
Had his family been caught in Warsaw, they likely would have 
suffered a similar fate of other Polish diplomats under the 
Nazis--death.
    My father did not speak fluent English until he was 15 
years old. In our family, the words Niech zyje Polska--``Long 
Live Poland''--and Jeszcze Polska nie zginela--``Still Poland 
is not defeated'' meant something. Shared values and the 
willingness to defend them.
    My mother, the sculptor, Emilie Benes, who is watching 
today, is a refugee from Czechoslovakia. The child of Czech 
diplomats, she made it to Berkeley, California, in the middle 
of World War II, her ship attacked by German U-boats on the way 
from London to the United States. I am here before you today 
thanks, truly, to the grace of God.
    As a Fulbright Scholar, I was assigned between 1991 and 
1993 to research and write about Poland's new Constitutional 
Tribunal. My book, ``The Struggle for Constitutionalism in 
Poland,'' tells the successful story of Poland's developing 
constitutional and rule of law institutions after the collapse 
of communism.
    Respect for enduring constitutional arrangements became a 
central test of the effective operation and growth of free 
market democracy. It still is, and, if confirmed, I will 
continue to promote our shared commitments to uphold 
fundamental freedoms and the rule of law as essential to 
democracy and central to the U.S.-Polish relationship.
    In particular, I will continue to underscore to Polish 
authorities the importance of an impartial judiciary, 
independent media, and respect for the human rights of all, 
including LGBTQI+ persons and members of other minorities.
    The U.S. and Poland have a historic friendship. But we must 
also agree to share responsibilities for humanity's future and 
the democratic principles of the West.
    If confirmed, first and foremost, I will commit myself to 
the safety and security of everyone working for Mission Poland 
and to the safety and security of U.S. citizens living, 
working, and traveling in Poland.
    I will also commit to continue and strengthen our security 
cooperation with our stalwart ally, Poland, where the enduring 
rotational presence of some 4,500 U.S. troops defends NATO's 
Eastern flank. I will deepen and broaden the partnership 
between Poland and the United States to spearhead economic 
growth in the region, including through the Three Seas 
Initiative.
    If confirmed, I will work with Poland to support the 
government and people of a peaceful and whole Ukraine as well 
as the aspirations of the Belarusian people for a democratic 
Belarus.
    I will partner with Poland to promote investment in clean 
energy, including renewable energy, hydrogen-based energy, and 
help to bring zero-emission nuclear energy to Poland.
    If confirmed, I will commit myself to deepening the U.S. 
bilateral cooperation and advancing U.S. policy priorities in 
Poland.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Brzezinski follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Mark Brzezinski

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, 
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
    It is an extraordinary honor to be President Biden's nominee to 
become the next U.S. Ambassador to Poland.
    Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to thank the staff of 
U.S. Embassy Warsaw, U.S. Consulate Krakow, and Consular Agency Poznan 
for generations of hard work. It is with genuine admiration and respect 
that I have witnessed their dedication since my first visit to Poland 
in 1990.
    I last appeared before this committee in 2011. I am proud of what I 
accomplished as U.S. Ambassador in Stockholm. The Embassy team advanced 
Sweden's partnership with NATO, including key counterterrorism goals. 
We cemented important partnerships on energy diversification and 
brokered Volvo's first-ever investment in the United States that 
brought thousands of high-paying manufacturing jobs to South Carolina. 
With the Swedes, we embraced the memory of Raoul Wallenberg and ``the 
importance of not being indifferent'' to the Jewish community.
    I know Poland well. I am a child of parents cast on America's 
shores by World War II. My late father, Zbigniew Brzezinski, was born 
in Warsaw. He lived his first ten years in Przemysl, now located on the 
border of Poland and Ukraine. By luck, my grandfather was assigned to 
be Consul General in Montreal just before Nazi Germany invaded Poland 
in 1939. Had his family been caught in Warsaw, they likely would have 
suffered a similar fate of other Polish diplomats under the Nazis--
death.
    My father did not speak fluent English until he was 15 years old. 
In our family, the words ``Niech zyje Polska'' [``Long Live Poland''] 
and ``Jeszcze Polska nie zginela'' [``still Poland is not defeated''] 
meant something: Shared values and willingness to defend them.
    My mother, the sculptor Emilie Benes, who is watching today, is a 
refugee from Czechoslovakia. The child of Czech diplomats, she made it 
to Berkeley, California, in the middle of World War II, her ship 
attacked by German U-boats on the way from London to the United States.
    I am here before you today thanks truly to the grace of God.
    As a Fulbright Scholar, I was assigned between 1991 and 1993 to 
research and write about Poland's new Constitutional Tribunal. My book 
``The Struggle for Constitutionalism in Poland,'' tells the successful 
story of Poland developing constitutional and rule of law institutions 
after the collapse of Communism. Respect for enduring constitutional 
arrangements became a central test of the effective operation and 
growth of free market democracy. It still is, and if confirmed, I will 
continue to promote our shared commitments to uphold fundamental 
freedoms and the rule of law as essential to democracy and central to 
the U.S.-Polish relationship. In particular, I will continue to 
underscore to Polish authorities the importance of an impartial 
judiciary, independent media, and respect for the human rights of all, 
including LGBTQI+ persons and members of other minorities.
    The U.S. and Poland have an historic friendship, but we must also 
agree to share responsibilities for humanity's future and the 
democratic principles of the West.
    If confirmed, first and foremost, I will commit myself to the 
safety and security of everyone working for Mission Poland and to the 
safety and security of U.S. citizens living, working, and traveling in 
Poland.
    I will also commit to continue and strengthen our security 
cooperation with our stalwart Ally Poland, where the enduring 
rotational presence of some 4,500 U.S. troops defends NATO's Eastern 
Flank. I will deepen and broaden the partnership between Poland and the 
United States to spearhead economic growth in the region, including 
through the Three Seas Initiative. If confirmed, I will work with 
Poland to support the Government and people of a peaceful and whole 
Ukraine, as well as the aspirations of the Belarusian people for a 
democratic Belarus. I will partner with Poland to promote investment in 
clean energy, including renewable energy, hydrogen-based energy, and 
help to bring zero-emission nuclear energy to Poland.
    If confirmed, I will commit myself to deepening U.S. bilateral 
cooperation and advancing U.S. policy priorities in Poland.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look 
forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Adler?

   STATEMENT OF MICHAEL M. ADLER OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTEN-TIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF BELGIUM

    Mr. Adler. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of 
this distinguished committee, thank you for the privilege of 
appearing before you today. I am deeply grateful to President 
Biden for the confidence he has placed in me to become the 
United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Belgium.
    I would like to acknowledge my three children, their 
spouses, my seven grandchildren. They have all given me 
unwavering love and support in this endeavor to serve my 
country.
    My commitment to public service is driven by my love of 
family, who motivate me to make our country and the world a 
better place for them and for the future. Endless gratitude 
goes to the love of my life, my wife, Judy, for almost 50 
years.
    Judy has been my partner and has always been devoted and 
supportive of the numerous initiatives and causes that I have 
been involved in and led. Judy made it possible for me to 
pursue all my business and civic endeavors.
    I would also like to recognize Judy's parents, Ellen and 
Fred Selling, who were both Jewish immigrants and fled Germany 
from Nazi persecution. After moving to the United States, Fred 
joined the U.S. Army during World War II and served as a 
translator. He helped to liberate concentration camps in 
Germany.
    I would also like to remember my parents, who taught me by 
example the importance of public service, social justice, and 
community service. Bunny and Sam were proud Americans.
    My father, Sam, served as a pilot in the United States Army 
Air Corps during World War II. He was stationed in the South 
Pacific. My parents set the groundwork for my community 
involvement.
    With the values they instilled in me, I worked hard to 
become a leader in important institutions in my community, such 
as Mount Sinai Medical Center and Florida International 
University, among other organizations.
    This opportunity to serve my country in Europe is a 
testament to America's democracy and it is a result of the 
values my family has instilled in me and my efforts to make 
them proud. My and Judy's parents serve as my inspiration and 
they would be so proud to see my family embrace this incredible 
opportunity.
    In this role, I hope to inspire my children and my 
grandchildren to dedicate their lives and make their community 
and the world a better place.
    First and foremost, if confirmed, I will work with Belgium 
officials at all levels of government to advance American 
interests, protect the safety and security of American 
citizens, and promote American and democratic values. Freedom 
of speech, freedom of press, and freedom of religion are values 
that both our countries hold dear.
    If confirmed, I will also look forward to working with 
dedicated FSOs of the department, ensuring their safety and 
security. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Belgium 
Government to address collective security concerns.
    Working together, we can advance our shared law enforcement 
and counterterrorism priorities at home and abroad, 
strengthening the transatlantic bond with NATO and the EU and 
pursue U.S. interests in NATO.
    To that end, I will encourage Belgium to fulfill its Wales 
Defense Pledge commitments to spend 2 percent of GDP on defense 
by 2024.
    If confirmed, I will work to advance our economic interests 
in Belgium, where more than 900 American companies support 
120,000 jobs. In 2020, our combined bilateral trade was 
approximately $72.6 billion.
    Belgium is the thirteenth largest U.S. exports and we are 
Belgium's largest trading partner outside the EU. Belgium is 
home to the Interuniversity Microelectronics Center, or IMEC, 
which is other digital technologies.
    Belgium is also a key global logistics hub. It plays a 
leading role in vaccine warehousing and distribution to Europe 
and the world. If confirmed, I will work with our Commerce 
Department and our embassy economic experts to strengthen an 
already robust and successful partnership.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work diligently to lead our 
mission team and to work closely with all agencies to deepen 
our historic alliance with the Belgian government and Belgian 
people.
    Let me conclude, again, noting how great an honor it would 
be to serve in this capacity. Thank you for your time and 
consideration. I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Adler follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Michael M. Adler

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this distinguished 
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. I 
am deeply grateful to President Biden for the confidence he has placed 
in me to become the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Belgium.
    I would like to acknowledge my three children, their spouses and my 
seven grandchildren. They have all given me unwavering love and support 
in this endeavor to serve my country. My commitment to public service 
is driven by my love of family, who motivate me to make our country and 
the world a better place for them and for future generations.
    Endless gratitude goes to the love of my life, my wife, Judy Adler. 
For almost 50 years, Judy has been my partner and has always been 
devoted and supportive of the numerous initiatives and causes that I 
have been involved in and led. Judy made it possible for me to pursue 
all my business and civic aspirations.
    I would also like to recognize Judy's parents, Ellen and Fred 
Selling, who were both Jewish immigrants and fled Germany from Nazi 
persecution. After moving to the United States, Fred joined the U.S. 
Army during World War II and served as a translator. He helped to 
liberate concentration camps in Germany.
    I also would like to remember my parents, who taught me by example 
the importance of public service, social justice, and community 
service. Bunny and Sam were proud Americans. My father Sam served as a 
pilot in the United States Army Air Corps during World War II; he was 
stationed in the South Pacific. My parents set the groundwork for my 
community involvement. With the values they instilled in me, I worked 
hard to become a leader in important institutions in my community, such 
as Mt. Sinai Medical Center and Florida International University, among 
other organizations.
    This opportunity to serve my county in Europe is a testament to 
America's democracy, and it is a result of the values my family has 
instilled in me and my efforts to make them proud. My and Judy's 
parents serve as my inspiration, and they would be so proud to see my 
family embrace this incredible opportunity. In this role, I hope to 
inspire my children and my grandchildren to dedicate their lives to 
making their community and the world a better place.
    First and foremost, if confirmed, I will work with Belgian 
officials at all levels of government to advance American interests, 
protect the safety and security of American citizens, and promote 
American and democratic values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the 
press, and freedom of religion are values that both our countries hold 
dear. If confirmed, I also look forward to working with the dedicated 
FSOs of the Department and ensuring their safety and security.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with the Belgian Government to 
address collective security concerns. Working together, we can advance 
our shared law enforcement and counterterrorism priorities at home and 
abroad, strengthen the Transatlantic bond with NATO and the EU, and 
pursue U.S. interests in NATO. To that end, I will encourage Belgium to 
fulfill its Wales Defense Investment Pledge commitments to spend two 
percent of GDP on defense by 2024.
    If confirmed, I will work to advance our economic interests in 
Belgium, where more than 900 American companies support 120,000 jobs. 
In 2020, our combined bilateral trade was approximately $72.6 billion. 
Belgium is the 13th largest market for U.S. exports, and we are 
Belgium's largest trading partner outside the EU. Belgium is home to 
the Interuniversity Microelectronics Center, or IMEC, which is a 
leading research and development center for cutting-edge semiconductor 
and other digital technologies. Belgium is also a key global logistics 
hub; it plays a leading role in vaccine warehousing and distribution to 
Europe and the world. If confirmed, I will work with our Commerce 
Department and our Embassy economic experts to strengthen an already 
robust and successful partnership.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work diligently to lead our mission 
team and to work closely with all agencies to deepen our historic 
alliance with the Belgian Government and the Belgian people.
    Let me conclude by again noting how great an honor it would be to 
serve in this capacity. Thank you for your time and consideration. I 
look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much. Thank you all for your 
testimony. We will start a round of five questions.
    Before I recognize myself, let me ask questions on behalf 
of the committee as a whole. These are questions that we have 
asked every nominee for every position and I would, simply, ask 
each of you verbally to respond yes or no to the question.
    These questions speak to the importance the committee 
places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive 
branch and that we will be expecting and seeking from you.
    First, do you agree to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited? We will just go down the line.
    [All witnesses respond in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses respond in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Ambassador Brzezinski, did I hear you say 
yes?
    Mr. Brzezinski. Yes.
    The Chairman. Okay. Thank you.
    Do you commit to engaging in meaningful consultation while 
policies are being developed, not just providing notification 
after the fact?
    [All witnesses respond in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. And, finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses respond in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. All right. Thank you. All of the nominees 
have answered yes to all those questions. Let me start by 
recognizing myself.
    Ambassador Bass, you made a comment during your opening 
statement that there is a gulf or an opening between that which 
your--you all who work for the State Department are expected to 
achieve and that what you are given the tools to achieve. Talk 
to me a little bit about what that gulf is and how you intend 
to bridge it.
    Mr. Bass. Thank you, Senator.
    It has several dimensions. First is staffing shortages 
where we have not even hired to attrition in recent years so we 
have got a deficit. We are asking, therefore, people, 
particularly overseas, to do more than one job or do more than 
one can reasonably do in a period of time.
    Secondly, our technology is way behind. We, essentially, 
have an analog organization, in many respects, for a digital 
age. We have not leveraged data expertise in the ways we 
should.
    Thirdly, I do not think we are developing people 
professionally across their career to be prepared to take on 
new challenges, particularly interdisciplinary challenges that 
involve a greater awareness of technology, whether it is cyber 
and emerging technologies, global health, climate change, you 
name it.
    And thirdly, I think we continue to have too many processes 
and regulations in place that impede innovation, creativity, 
and collaboration, and end up with stovepipes and silos of 
excellence that hinder our ability to mobilize resources to 
deal with the most pressing challenges we face.
    The Chairman. I appreciate that explanation of what you 
believe is the gulf and, especially on the third one I totally 
agree with you. I have been doing this for 30 years. I believe 
there is too much of an impediment to the type of flow of 
information, experience, and ability that does not happen. I 
hope you will make that one of your priorities.
    I mentioned in my opening remarks this is not a post-mortem 
on Afghanistan, but more so what does that say about the 
department's ability to be prepared in advance? Not that one 
can fully see everything that would happen in a circumstance 
like that, but the ability to have that contingency ability, 
which, from my own perspective, is not quite one of the 
attributes of the department. What do you see is necessary to 
do?
    Mr. Bass. Senator, I think we really need to focus on a 
couple of things intently. First and foremost, we need to 
rethink how we approach crisis management in the digital age 
when information is more rapidly available, when many people 
who might care about folks in harm's way, whether they are our 
own citizens or local nationals, are getting regular updates 
personally from them in ways that was not the case, for 
example, 15 years ago when we were taking people out of 
Lebanon--southern Lebanon in 2006.
    We have to create and utilize a wider range of ways and 
tools to communicate with Americans in harm's way with other 
people we are trying to support and use that information to 
more effectively communicate with those who are concerned about 
those people, including members of this committee and your 
colleagues in Congress and your staffs.
    The second thing I would say is I think we need to relook 
our organizational model for crisis management, which is pretty 
effective for short-duration crises that are limited in scope 
or geography but which wear pretty quickly when we get into 
week-long endeavors where we are potentially looking for folks 
to sustain that effort strictly on a volunteer basis.
    I think we have got to improve training and resources 
available so we have got that cohort ready to go when we need 
it.
    The Chairman. And on specific, as it relates to 
Afghanistan, I hope we will create a referral process for other 
government agencies, U.S. citizens, and residents to alert the 
State Department of Afghans in need of evacuation. Still, my 
staff has flagged a number of cases over the last several 
months, many of which remain unresolved. That lack of response 
or resolution is disturbing.
    Can I get a commitment from you that you will take action 
on these cases working with others--I understand this will not 
solely be you--in a timely way?
    Mr. Bass. If I am confirmed, absolutely, Senator.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Mr. Nathan, let me go to you. We talked a little bit about 
the bit of the inherent tension that was created in the DFC 
between the development needs that are, clearly, the focal 
point of the agency and then the strategic needs that we have.
    Can you talk to me a little bit about how you see managing 
that inherent tension?
    Mr. Nathan. Thank you for the question and thank you very 
much for the conversation about this subject yesterday.
    The BUILD Act laid out a dual mandate for the corporation, 
both developmental and strategic, but also directed the 
corporation to focus on the poorest countries in the world.
    While focusing on the poorest countries of the world, 
mobilizing private capital to worthy projects that can help 
their development, it is also important to think about the 
strategic foreign policy concerns of the United States.
    I believe that good development is good for our national 
security and can help meet the challenges posed by our 
strategic competitors.
    The Chairman. As we face the challenge of China we have 
countries that have stepped to the forefront of challenging 
China, including countries like Lithuania, and I will hope that 
we will find ways when we can to focus on helping countries 
like that that are meeting the challenge. It is a test for the 
West, at the end of the day, and the DFC, I think, can play a 
role in that.
    Finally, Ambassador Brzezinski, you, obviously, have a 
great deal of history here. But I do hope that I can get a 
commitment from you that if you are confirmed that the 
questions of democracy and human rights that I feel in Poland, 
particularly in the judiciary and the question of free press, 
are issues that you will press with the Polish government, even 
as we are steadfast in support of their territorial security 
and their relationship with us as a strong NATO ally.
    Mr. Brzezinski. If confirmed, Senator, absolutely, and the 
two things you state are true at the same time. Poland's 
borders must be secure and democratic growth and renewal should 
occur in Poland.
    And with regard to your point about media freedom, media 
freedom is a core democratic element and we have been watching 
closely what has been happening with TVN24 and its license 
renewal. The law that threatened it in the Polish parliament, 
the Sejm, has been put on ice, colloquially speaking as they 
put it, in Warsaw.
    But there is another bite at the apple that the regulators 
could have in February with TVN7, which is the entertainment 
channel of the TVN Group, and we are encouraged by Polish 
President Duda's words that he will veto any law that threatens 
media freedom because media freedom is a core element of a 
robust democracy.
    Thank you, Senator.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Bass, I am going to start with you. I think I speak for 
every member of this committee when I say that the health 
incidents known as Havana syndrome are at the very top of our 
list of things that need to be addressed.
    This is not a partisan issue by any stretch but is of great 
concern to all of us in Congress, particularly this committee. 
Have you had anything to do--first of all, I assume you are 
read in on most of this stuff as far as what is going on on 
Havana syndrome?
    Mr. Bass. Senator, I have not yet had the opportunity to 
get the full brief on the classified elements because of my 
status as a nominee.
    Senator Risch. Right. And I would urge you that the very 
first thing you do after you raise your right hand and take the 
oath is get into a SCIF and get a briefing on this. There is a 
lot of people, there is a lot of different agencies, that are 
working on this. But we sure need a lot better answers than 
what we have been getting.
    I would urge you, when you make your list of things that 
you want to accomplish, you put this right at the top because 
this is of critical importance to all of us.
    Mr. Bass. Senator, as a three-time chief of mission, my 
guiding principle was always the concept of duty of care. The 
well being and lives of everybody serving overseas in my 
mission was entrusted to me and I took that responsibility very 
seriously.
    And if I am confirmed for this role, I plan to apply that 
same principle to the entire workforce, particularly our 
colleagues who are suffering from whatever is causing these 
incidents, and I think we owe them our very best ability to 
care for them even while we try to figure out what is going on. 
And I am going to make sure that the components of the 
department that report to me directly, that I am responsible 
for their performance, understand that this is their top 
priority.
    Senator Risch. I appreciate that.
    Moving briefly to the issue of risk, obviously, security 
measures are very, very important. I am assuming that you--
having the background that you have--are familiar with the--
complaints is probably too strong a word but the concern of the 
employees regarding their ability to get out and about because 
of restrictions from the department. Are you aware of those 
concerns?
    Mr. Bass. Not only aware of them but have experienced them 
personally at different points in time myself. Yes, Senator.
    Senator Risch. You are probably in a good place to take a 
review of this and I urge you to give it a review once you get 
in because we do get that, those of us that travel out and that 
sort of thing. And I think a good--first of all, we all know 
you have to have security but you also need a balance, and when 
you look at the restrictions on our diplomats versus the--our 
competitors' diplomats there is a wide gap there and we need to 
catch up to them.
    I hope you will do that. I hope you will take a look at 
that.
    Mr. Nathan, I want to talk for a bit about the--about some 
of the developments. I wrote a letter recently, which I 
referred to in my opening statement--I assume you heard that--
regarding the solar projects and the fact that we are very 
concerned that we are going to find U.S. taxpayers' money 
finding their way in the pockets of people that are employing 
slave labor in China. This is a real concern for us.
    Can you have a look at that when you get into the agency 
and get back to me on that issue?
    Mr. Nathan. Absolutely. Taxpayer money should never be used 
to support forced labor.
    Senator Risch. I think--I do not think you will get any 
argument from any member of Congress in that regard. But for 
some reason, I think this has slipped through the cracks. If 
you would take a look at it we would really appreciate it.
    Mr. Brzezinski, obviously, I think the biggest challenge 
that the United States faces on a foreign relations field is 
the challenge from China, and Poland, like every other country, 
faces that challenge.
    Can you give me your thoughts on China's influence in 
Poland and the direction that is going?
    Mr. Brzezinski. Thank you, Senator, and thank you and your 
staff for the Risch report that you did on Chinese malign 
influence in Europe last year. I not only have studied it 
closely but in Ambassador School recommend it to every 
participant to read through, as it provides case studies of the 
deceptive practices China has been pursuing in Europe to 
advance its geopolitical role and position.
    Senator Risch. Mr. Chairman, we need this man confirmed 
immediately.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. Brzezinski. With regard----
    The Chairman. Maybe we could talk to Senator Cruz.
    [Laughter.]
    Mr. Brzezinski [continuing]. With regard to Poland, let me 
particularly flag the Three Seas Initiative and support of it 
through the DFC and the importance of that, because if there is 
a bulwark against broad Chinese expansionism in Central Europe 
it is that, and I look forward to fulsomely engaging with my 
embassy team and country team to support the Three Seas 
Initiative.
    But lastly, just anecdotally, reading the Polish press--
Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita--cover what Huawei has been 
doing in Poland, and I have been watching closely the 
investigation of particular individuals associated with Huawei 
and look forward to learning more about how we can join with 
our Polish friends to push back on this challenge.
    Senator Risch. Thank you very much. My time is up. But let 
me just conclude by saying I want to associate myself with the 
remarks of the chairman regarding human rights issues and the 
values. Those are--obviously, Poland is a strong, strong ally 
of ours, will be for a long time, but values matter. They are 
important to us, and I know you will put that at the top of 
your ledger also.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank 
you to all four of you for being willing to serve often, once 
again, this country abroad. We are deeply appreciative of your 
commitment to defending the security of this nation.
    I know a lot of work goes into preparing for a confirmation 
hearing like this, but now you will have to get ready to sit 
and wait because we will move you out of this committee and 
then you will run into the Republican blockade that exists on 
ambassadors on the floor of the United States Senate.
    I cannot imagine anything more dangerous than not having an 
ambassador, an incredibly qualified ambassador, in Poland right 
now as Russia amasses troops on Ukraine's border, as Putin and 
Lukashenko use migrants to destabilize Poland and Europe. And 
so I am glad that you are here.
    But this is a mounting national security crisis for this 
country, the fact that we have 85 pending State Department 
nominees, half of which are before this committee, half of 
which have cleared the committee and are on the floor.
    Ambassador Bass, I wanted to ask you about this because you 
are an experienced diplomat. You are going to be in charge of 
overseeing the management of the department.
    I just came back from Belfast and London where there is a 
very complicated, very important negotiation happening around 
the Northern Ireland Protocol. Could compromise the Good Friday 
Agreement, something that the United States cares deeply about.
    We do not have an ambassador to Dublin. We do not have an 
ambassador to London. We do not have an ambassador to the EU. 
It makes it kind of hard to conduct diplomacy without people in 
those top posts.
    What impact does it have when we have a lack of ambassadors 
in place in so many key places around the world?
    Mr. Bass. Senator, thank you. I think it creates, first and 
foremost, a degree of uncertainty for host governments and 
companies and others in that society about whether the person 
in charge is really speaking on behalf of the nation at the 
highest levels of our government.
    We have got great talented, dedicated professionals serving 
as charges all around the world. But they are a bit out of 
position and I think too often people look at them as a 
temporary solution and, particularly, if they are trying to 
advance our interests in ways that are uncomfortable or create 
a clash for the local government.
    There is a tendency to want to wait them out. So definitely 
has an impact on our ability to be effective overseas.
    Senator Murphy. These charges are excellent. But make no 
mistake, there are countries in which charges cannot get 
ambassador-level meetings. There is a different level of public 
diplomacy that can be conducted by a charge than an ambassador. 
There is just a fundamental difference, no matter how qualified 
and experienced many of these charges are.
    A second question for you, Ambassador Bass, let me first 
just associate myself with the remarks of the ranking member on 
this question of pushing our diplomats out beyond the wire.
    Both he and I have legislation--complementary legislation--
that we hope you will take a look at that could reset the 
incentives to allow our diplomats to be out there representing 
America beyond the walls of the embassy.
    But I wanted to ask you a specific question around 
vaccinations for Americans abroad. We have vaccinated our 
diplomatic employees but we have a lot of Americans living 
abroad in countries where the host country is not actually 
vaccinating noncitizens so our citizens living abroad have only 
the choice to come back to the United States in order to get 
vaccinated.
    Can you commit to being in a conversation with this 
committee about how we may be able to find at least limited 
means in certain specific countries to be able to provide 
access to vaccinations for Americans living abroad?
    I know this is a big project and may be beyond the scope of 
the State Department if we talk about every American living 
abroad. But there may be a way to target this to those who have 
no other option than the American government.
    Mr. Bass. Senator, I would welcome the opportunity, if 
confirmed, to work closely with you on this to find ways to 
ensure that Americans are getting, at a minimum, equal access 
to vaccines on local economies, from local governments, 
particularly in the vast majority of cases where our medical 
professionals, because they are not licensed in those 
countries, are unable to do that directly. Happy to follow up 
with you.
    Senator Murphy. And, Mr. Nathan, thanks for our time 
together. Just a quick word from you on the opportunities to 
fund energy projects abroad.
    We have expanded out the mandate of DFC to allow for 
energy-financing projects to be done in nondeveloping nations. 
But as we talk about China and Russia, this is a particular 
opportunity for the DFC to go out and build renewable energy 
capability in countries that are desperate to find sources 
other than petro dictator regimes like Russia.
    Mr. Nathan. Thank you for the time that we spent together 
and thank you for that question.
    Under the European Energy Security and Diversification Act, 
the corporation is authorized to operate in Europe for energy-
related projects and that would be a priority of mine.
    Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Schatz?
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank all of 
you for your willingness to serve and for your sacrifice.
    Let me start with you, Mr. Nathan. The United States needs 
a long-term development finance strategy for the Pacific. DFC 
has been given a set of new tools to meet the needs of our 
partners in the Pacific, and I get that not every worthy 
project will pencil out but we can collaborate with our 
partners in the Pacific that are also financing projects in the 
region to do more to support economic growth with less risk to 
the taxpayer.
    Can you talk about where the opportunities are for DFC to 
use newer financing products, use newer techniques like 
technical assistance, feasibility studies, to expand our 
development work in the Pacific?
    Mr. Nathan. Yes. Thanks for the question and for the 
conversation we had about this subject in preparation for the 
hearing.
    The BUILD Act gave the DFC new tools and expanded 
authorities. As you mentioned, technical assistance is one of 
them in order to prepare countries which may not have the 
enabling environment to accept investment.
    We also were given the equity investment tool, which gives 
much more flexibility and the possibility of going out on the 
risk spectrum for making investments. The BUILD Act has given 
DFC tools to make important and impactful investments in the 
region and elsewhere.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you. Can you talk a little bit about 
why it is important that DFC step up its commitment on climate-
focused development as part of the mission, particularly in the 
Pacific?
    Mr. Nathan. First and foremost, the climate crisis impacts 
the developing world and the people who live there greatly, 
potentially, more than anywhere else in the globe. It is 
important to find projects that are climate linked, which could 
include smart agriculture, water systems, in addition to power 
generation, so that these countries are prepared for dealing 
with the climate crisis.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Ambassador Brzezinski, we have seen backsliding with the 
Polish government, particularly on press freedom. Reporters 
Without Borders has cautioned that the government is pushing 
for greater state control of the media by censoring private 
outlets or forcing to close those who will not comply.
    Can you talk about what you will do to elevate press 
freedom?
    Mr. Brzezinski. Thank you.
    First of all, we will speak directly with the Polish 
government regarding the importance of press freedom and human 
rights, generally. I mean, I come as an ambassador with a very 
clear message, America embraces equality, and that will be 
something that U.S. Embassy Warsaw will absolutely project and 
has been over the many generations of U.S. ambassadors that 
have been there before me.
    I have been watching with concern what you report, Senator, 
about democratic backsliding. It is important to stress that 
Poland's role as a NATO ally is partly about its keeping its 
commitments, not just militarily but, as Senator Menendez said 
earlier, about its commitments on values.
    There are international commitments for Poland to keep as a 
NATO member, as an EU member, and as an upcoming chair of the 
OSCE. And so we will be watching that closely.
    And then lastly, there is the self-interest associated with 
the business angle. Business is attracted to places 
characterized by legal certainty. Places that are more legally 
certain attract more business, and that is something that is 
relevant to both Americans and Poles.
    Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Ambassador Bass, a lot of routine consular services were 
either cancelled or moved online, and you briefly mentioned 
this earlier during the hearing but I would like you to flesh 
out where you think some of the changes that were made that 
were temporary ought to be made permanent and what other kinds 
of technologies and processes ought to be explored in order to 
move the State Department and consular services in particular 
into the information age.
    Mr. Bass. Thanks, Senator.
    You know, from my perspective, one of the most important 
things we do is provide those services to American citizens in 
issuing passports and facilitating business travel and tourism 
to the states through visa services.
    We have gotten, I think, more agile in identifying where we 
have excess supply, if you will, capacity to support high-
demand embassies. We are now doing quite a bit more remote 
adjudication.
    We are continuing to explore ways to reduce the range of 
people for whom an in-person appearance is required so that we 
are only really focusing on interviewing those people who are 
particularly high risks or for other reasons come to mind like 
that. And we are looking at----
    Senator Schatz. Are these permanent changes that are--or do 
you anticipate these being permanent changes? Are these 
precipitated in part by the pandemic or was this already 
underway?
    Give me a sense for where we are and, I guess, give me some 
reassurance that we are not going to snap back to the old way 
where everyone has to stand in line and wait to get a stamp.
    Mr. Bass. These are changes that have come about as 
adaptations to the limitations due to the pandemic, and we are 
currently in the process of looking at which of those we can 
apply as best practices and standardizing them, going forward, 
and if I am confirmed, very much intent on doing as much of 
that as we can.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations 
to each of you on your nominations and, if confirmed, I look 
forward to working with you.
    Ambassador Bass, I would like to begin with you, and very 
much appreciated your thoughtful responses on how to make the 
State Department work better and be worthy of the dedicated 
personnel who work there.
    I was also pleased to hear your mention of AHIs and your 
commitment to ensuring that people who are affected are taken 
care of. I know the State Department has made some significant 
progress in addressing that. That is very much appreciated.
    One of the things that I understand the State Department 
does for new ambassadors is to have briefings and as part of 
that Ambassador School there is a briefing on AHIs.
    Can I ask you, Ambassador Brzezinski, and you, Mr. Adler, 
if you will attend those briefings and ensure that you are up 
to date on how the State Department is dealing with Havana 
syndrome, or AHIs?
    Mr. Adler. Absolutely.
    Mr. Brzezinski. Absolutely.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Brzezinski, you were quite eloquent in talking 
about Poland's history and the partnership that the United 
States has had with Poland, and I appreciated that and I think 
that is why I am so disappointed to see what is happening in 
Poland now.
    And despite assurances that we have been given on things 
like media freedom, I still have real questions about how 
Poland is approaching some of these issues, on TVN24, for 
example.
    While they have renewed their license, the Polish regulator 
is still--my understanding is still contemplating asking the 
Constitutional Tribunal to review foreign ownership in media 
and so that would put us back at square one.
    I hope that you will be very direct with the leadership of 
Poland about the importance of media freedom, of values, and 
why that matters, and their engagement in the EU and in NATO 
really depends on their continued commitment to the values that 
they embraced but now seem to be backsliding on.
    Can I ask you how you will approach that?
    Mr. Brzezinski. Thank you so much, Senator, for that 
question.
    And yes, it is almost ironic that we find ourselves in our 
relationship with Poland in the situation that you described, 
Senator, and when you think about the genesis of post-communist 
Poland out of Solidarity, what was the newspaper that supported 
the Solidarity movement? Gazeta Wyborcza, which, of course, 
stands for Election Gazette, one of the free newspapers that 
emerged out of the Solidarity movement.
    The movement was, in part, driven--its essence was about 
free media and lack of infringement on media freedom and so 
forth. And so we will be watching closely what the regulator, 
KRRit--KRRit is what it is called, its acronym--as February 
approaches, not too far away, when it comes to TVN7, the 
entertainment dimension or the entertainment piece of the TVN 
Group and its license renewal.
    And we will also be watching for the status of the media 
law that was put on ice and, again, we were encouraged by 
President Duda's words that he will veto any law infringing 
media freedom.
    But this is something that we will work on with other 
friends of Poland's as well to make a unified and common 
message about values because, indeed, that is part of the 
international commitments that Poland agreed to when it joined 
NATO and the EU, and it would be highly ironic of Poland, as 
chair of the OSCE, and it is the next chair after Sweden----
    Senator Shaheen. Right.
    Mr. Brzezinski.--to infringe media freedom while being the 
chair of the OSCE. We will be watching closely, Senator.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Having said that, I do very 
much appreciate Poland's willingness to support the opposition 
figures from Belarus who have moved into Poland looking for a 
safe haven and, at the same time, I think that has been very 
important in standing up to Lukashenko and what he is doing in 
Belarus.
    They have not been as helpful, I think, with respect to the 
migrants who have been used as, really, a weapon by Lukashenko 
and Putin against the West and against Poland.
    Again, what can we do to continue to support Poland in 
their efforts to house opposition figures and yet make it clear 
that the treatment of migrants is not helpful in the overall 
goals that they are trying to achieve?
    Mr. Brzezinski. It is a great question, and it is important 
to note that there are almost 1 million Ukrainian refugees who 
have found their home now in Poland and are assimilating and 
thriving quite well as an immigrant community in Poland having 
to flee what is happening in Ukraine, especially around cities 
like Bratslav and others.
    And I completely join you, Senator, in saluting Poland's 
support of the opposition leaders like Svetlana Tikhanovskaya 
who are standing up against the Lukashenko regime.
    And to just take a step back and think, and just I ask 
myself who would do what Lukashenko is doing, luring the 
poorest people of the world to Belarus to march through those 
dark forests, cold forests near Bialystok and Bialowieza, to be 
projected across the border? It is stunningly cruel, and we 
will work together with our friends in Poland and Europe to 
address that.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    First, I would like to turn my question to Mr. Nathan. Good 
morning, Mr. Nathan. Congratulations. It is good to see you 
here in person.
    You know, when we spoke in October, I said that the 
Development Finance Corporation would play a critical role in 
advancing the strategic interest of the United States and this 
is because the DFC has the mandate and the resources to address 
critical national security challenges while they catalyze 
investment and help emerging markets.
    As ambassador to Japan, I signed the MOU as representative 
of the United States to partner with both Japan and Australia 
to drive economic growth in emerging markets and to provide an 
alternative to state-directed initiatives.
    The DFC should continue to focus on addressing critical 
national security challenges posed by malign actors such as 
China and Russia. As part of that effort, the DFC needs to be 
able to partner with middle and high income countries to 
counter China.
    Mr. Nathan, if you are confirmed, would it help if Congress 
provided the DFC with more flexible authorities to invest in 
middle and high income countries which would offer the DFC more 
tools to enhance national security?
    Mr. Nathan. Thank you very much for the question, Senator, 
and thank you also for the great conversation we had a few 
months ago. I really appreciate it.
    The BUILD Act gave the corporation expanded authorities and 
expanded tools and, if confirmed, I look forward to helping the 
corporation take full advantage of those tools to do as you 
say, to help counter the malign influence of state-directed 
investments by authoritarian governments. That is a very 
important objective as laid out in the BUILD Act.
    In terms of expanding the operating authorities for the 
DFC, the European Energy Security and Diversification Act has 
done that in Europe for energy-related projects, and I look 
forward to working with you and your colleagues to see if there 
is further expansion that would make sense.
    Senator Hagerty. If you are confirmed, I look forward to 
working with you as well to see if you need any further 
flexibility.
    You mentioned Europe and energy. I would like to go to 
another quick question. This is about energy in developing 
countries. Most developing countries need fossil fuels to keep 
their economies going, meaning that many cannot yet rely on 
green energy.
    If there is a project that would enhance development to 
help us compete with China and it reduces emissions but it does 
involve investment in fossil fuel energy, would you throw it 
aside just because it involves fossil fuel energy and leave 
them stuck with their legacy energy sources?
    Mr. Nathan. No, I would not. The DFC is not restricted in 
terms of what kind of technology choice it makes for energy 
projects. Access to reliable and sustainable energy is critical 
for development. In the last year, in 2021, there have been two 
projects--in Sierra Leone and in Iraqi Kurdistan--that the DFC 
funded that were gas projects.
    Senator Hagerty. Got it. I----
    Mr. Nathan. These were highly developmental.
    Senator Hagerty. Good. I just want to see us not be 
theologians about this and be practical and pragmatic about 
helping these countries because it is possible to reduce their 
emissions while still getting them to a cleaner point.
    Ambassador Bass, I would like to turn my question to you. 
Secretary Blinken put you in charge of the evacuation effort in 
Afghanistan to help get American citizens and permanent 
residents, citizens of allied nations, SIV applicants, and 
Afghans at risk out. Yet, that evacuation resulted in the death 
of 13 Americans, including Staff Sergeant Ryan Knauss in my 
home state of Tennessee. I have a couple of basic questions to 
ask you about what happened in Afghanistan.
    First, Ambassador Bass, do you consider the way that the 
United States withdrew from Afghanistan a success?
    Mr. Bass. Senator, I think those of us on the ground did 
the best we could with what we had to work with in the time 
constraints we had. The fact that we are still working to get 
people out signals we did not have 100 percent success in that 
period.
    But I can assure you that there are thousands of career 
professionals who have invested parts of their lives in 
Afghanistan who continue to work in various ways to support the 
effort in the years ahead.
    Senator Hagerty. I understand. My staff are involved in 
that, too. How would you grade your own performance as the 
coordinator for Afghan relocation efforts?
    Mr. Bass. As I noted, I did the best I could with what we 
had to work with on the ground. I am proud of the people we 
were able to save but I think every day about the people, many 
of whom I know personally, who are still inside Afghanistan we 
were not able to reach.
    Senator Hagerty. I would just like to highlight the fact 
that to this day, though the U.S. Foreign Secretary has 
resigned to take responsibility for Afghanistan, though the 
Dutch foreign minister has resigned to take responsibility for 
Afghanistan, no one yet in this administration has been held 
accountable for the 2021 withdrawal that resulted in deaths and 
mayhem and embarrassment to the United States.
    General Mark Milley, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of 
Staff, even conceded that Biden's withdrawal from Afghanistan 
was, and I quote, ``a strategic failure.''
    Ambassador Bass, I understand you were operating under 
tough circumstances. Indeed, I do. Ultimately, you were 
responsible for managing the on-the-ground evacuation effort in 
Afghanistan at the Kabul airport. Instead of being held 
accountable for your part in the failures of the Afghanistan 
withdrawal, the Biden administration now wants to promote you.
    If confirmed, you will have even more responsibilities and 
oversee all aspects of management at the State Department. The 
fact that you are here today highlights the culture and lack of 
accountability at the State Department.
    As the former U.S. ambassador to Japan, I understand 
firsthand that the State Department lacks a rigorous process to 
ensure that accountability is at the center of the State 
Department. This needs to change and it needs to change now.
    As the ranking member on the Subcommittee on State 
Department Management, I am committed to fixing this enduring 
problem at the State Department in addition to a number of 
other structural issues.
    Ambassador Bass, do you agree that Congress should take a 
leading role in reforming and modernizing the State Department, 
even including new legislation?
    Mr. Bass. Senator, I, if confirmed, would very much look 
forward to working with you on key parts of our modernization 
agenda and on ensuring that we are always respectful of the 
principle of oversight and we are operating and consistent with 
that principle.
    Senator Hagerty. That is exactly the commitment I am 
looking for, that you will commit to work with us and continue 
to testify in front of the subcommittee, if you are confirmed. 
I appreciate that commitment.
    Mr. Bass. You have it.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. The time of the senator has expired.
    Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to all of you on your nominations. I have had a 
chance over the years to meet all of you in some capacity or 
another and I am confident you will all serve our country well 
in the positions for which you have been nominated and look 
forward to supporting those nominations.
    Ambassador Bass, I think the last time I saw you was in 
Afghanistan. It was a number of years ago. Thank you for your 
service there, Turkey, Georgia, other countries, and I am 
pleased to see you nominated for this position.
    I think you would agree, based on your experience, that if 
we are going to continue to retain and recruit talented Foreign 
Service officers we need to do everything we can to support 
their families as they move around the world in service to the 
country. Would you agree with that basic premise?
    Mr. Bass. Absolutely, Senator, and I really appreciate your 
sustained commitment to supporting our families.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I just want to ask you a 
couple questions in that regard, because Senator Sullivan and I 
teamed up a number of years ago to borne the Foreign Service 
Caucus. The idea was to have a group of senators, bipartisan 
group, supporting the mission and the families.
    And we then introduced the Foreign Service Families Act, 
and I want to thank the chairman and the ranking member of this 
committee for supporting that effort, which is now part of a 
substitute amendment in the NDAA--the National Defense 
Authorization bill--which we all hope to pass in the coming 
days.
    But we are going to go to conference with the House so I 
just want to ask you a couple questions. I was overseas 
visiting one of our embassies recently and a constituent from 
Maryland came up and told me that their son, their child, could 
not get into the University of Maryland because of the 
residency length requirements.
    A number of years ago, in order to address that issue with 
military families who also move around the world Congress 
passed legislation to make sure that students--kids in military 
families would be able to get that in-state tuition. Do you 
agree that that is something that we should extend to Foreign 
Service families?
    Mr. Bass. I do, Senator.
    Senator Van Hollen. There is also, as part of that coverage 
for military families, they are allowed to terminate some of 
their, for example, cell phone contracts if they are deployed, 
essentially, on short notice. Do you agree that we should 
extend that same benefit to Foreign Service families?
    Mr. Bass. I think those kinds of practical arrangements 
would make all the challenges that our families face in moving 
frequently that much more bearable, so yes.
    Senator Van Hollen. And another finding that was reached as 
part of the State Department Quadrennial Diplomacy and 
Development Review--this was a number of years ago now--was it 
is important to seek opportunities for the spouses of Foreign 
Service officers because we have many families with two working 
spouses.
    And would you agree that it is important for every mission 
to look for every opportunity to provide employment to the 
spouse where appropriate?
    Mr. Bass. Absolutely, and not only to look for 
opportunities within the mission but to ensure that work 
agreements--bilateral work agreements that are in place, 
whether they are formal or informal, are being adhered to and 
that we are creating as many opportunities as we can on the 
local economy for people as well.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Again, we hope to get this 
over the finish line, a number of--a little ways still to go.
    I do also want to associate myself with the comments of the 
ranking member and Senator Murphy about allowing our diplomats 
to get outside the fortress. Obviously, security is important. 
We recognize that. But it is also very important that Foreign 
Service officers get to know the country and the people that 
they are sent on our behalf to represent.
    I hope you will work with us on that front, too. I think 
that is a common consensus among most diplomats and Foreign 
Service officers.
    If I could turn, Mr. Nathan, to you. Congratulations on the 
nomination, and I chair the Africa Subcommittee. Senator Rounds 
is the ranking member. We are very focused on trying to 
increase U.S. investment and development in Africa, both to 
support African economies and also to help facilitate 
Maryland--U.S. business investment and jobs here in the United 
States.
    Can you just briefly talk about your strategy with respect 
to Africa--you mentioned a couple of investments in Sierra 
Leone, other investments--and anything in particular you are 
doing on the digital front?
    Mr. Nathan. Thank you for the question, Senator.
    If I am confirmed, I definitely will be interested in 
focusing on Africa. The agency in the last year has made 
investments from vaccine manufacturing in South Africa and 
Senegal to, as you mentioned, energy investments in the full 
range of both communications technology, water, sanitation, 
health-related investments.
    Africa is an area of focus for the DFC and I believe in 
2021 was the area of the largest investment commitment.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right.
    I would just in closing, Mr. Chairman, say that China has 
five times more investment right now in Africa than we do. We 
have a lot of reasons we want to be there and invest. But we 
have a long way to go to do what I think we should be doing to 
fully engage.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, and thank you for your leadership 
on the--our Foreign Service families. Appreciate it.
    Senator Barrasso?
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Bass, I want to, first, follow up on some 
comments by Senator Hagerty. In August, President Biden oversaw 
a tragic mismanaged withdrawal from Afghanistan. The withdrawal 
is an epic failure--poor planning, zero strategy.
    Instead, this administration had cobbled together a last-
minute disorganized plan. People raced to the airport, 
Americans and allies left behind, and 13 soldiers lost their 
lives, including Riley McCollum of Wyoming. Tragic. 
Unnecessary.
    You were the coordinator for Afghan relocation efforts. You 
headed up the State Department's efforts to evacuate American 
citizens and Afghans. You know of the failures of the 
withdrawal.
    As Senator Hagerty said, nobody has been held accountable. 
Who at the State Department should be held accountable for the 
strategic failures and the disorganized plan?
    Mr. Bass. Senator, I had a narrow view, if you will, of the 
evacuation itself. I could see from the perimeter of the 
airport to the horizon and I can tell you about the heroic work 
of so many on the ground.
    From my perspective, I think it requires a bit more time 
and distance to understand the whole effort. I was not involved 
in the effort before August 17th so I cannot speak to the 
amount of planning that occurred or did not occur.
    But I agree with you that it is important for us to 
undertake a robust lessons learned exercise so that we are 
better positioned in the future, and as I indicated earlier, I 
think one of the things we need to do is relook at our crisis 
management structure and organization and capabilities so we 
are better prepared for complex crises in the future.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
    Mr. Nathan, Senator Van Hollen asked about the African 
Subcommittee and you said you were interested in focusing on 
Africa. One of the issues that you mentioned was energy.
    Senator Van Hollen mentioned the fact that China is 
investing five times more in Africa than we are and I am going 
to focus on that energy component that you just said of which 
you are interested because I know what China is doing in 
Africa.
    The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation 
needs to provide financing for energy projects that are most 
suitable to the needs of developing countries, and I see you 
were kind of, like, oh my God, this is where he has gone 
because you know what a bad job is happening right now.
    In April, this administration announced the DFC is going to 
halt all fossil fuel investments by 2030 to achieve a net-zero 
carbon emissions portfolio by 2040. China is not going to do 
that.
    Also announced that the DFC is going to make one-third of 
its entire investment commitments to be focused on climate 
change starting in just two years. Your limitation on CO2 
emissions for new projects is equivalent to one 400-megawatt 
combined cycle gas plant a year, meaning over the entirety of 
the life of the future of the world you are only committed to 
eight natural gas power plants globally, forever. Eight natural 
gas power plants is not going to end energy poverty in 
developing countries.
    Worldwide, 759 million people are living without 
electricity. Stable, affordable, reliable electricity is the 
best way to help developing countries climb out of poverty. 
China knows it. We know it. This administration needs to 
understand it.
    Traditional energy projects are still the most affordable 
and still the most reliable. No modern economy will run on only 
variable renewable power. You are a smart man. You have to 
understand this.
    A country needs continuous abundant energy to run a 
manufacturing plant, a data center, or a hospital. The things 
you are talking about doing require lots of energy. Abandoning 
important energy projects slowly--this is going to slow our 
effort to reduce poverty and it is going to make China more 
powerful.
    You do not have to take my word for it. Listen to the 
leaders of another country. Let us talk about Uganda. October 
24th, this year, the president of Uganda wrote an opinion 
editorial in the Wall Street Journal, ``Solar and Wind Force 
Poverty on Africa.'' You are forcing poverty on Africa, the 
policies of this administration.
    I ask, Mr. Chairman, this article be submitted for the 
record.
    The Chairman. Without objection.
    [The information follows:]
    Senator Barrasso. The president of Uganda has said Africa 
cannot sacrifice its future prosperity for Western climate 
goals. I could go on and on about this.
    I would just say, if confirmed, when you ensure the 
International Development Finance Corporation promotes an all-
of-the-above energy policy or are you going to be handcuffed to 
a policy that says we are going to let China take over with 
energy in Africa because we have our heads stuck in the sand?
    Mr. Nathan. Senator, I agree with you that access to 
reliable sustainable electricity is a critical component of 
development. I look forward to working with you and the 
committee to find ways to do that. I believe that it will have 
great development impact to bring electricity and clean power 
to the people of the developing world.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. My time is 
expired.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Let me thank all four of you for your 
willingness to serve.
    Ambassador Bass, I am going to follow up on Senator 
Hagerty's point. He and I are chair and ranking member on the 
State Department Subcommittee. And yes, there are lessons to be 
learned from Afghanistan, lessons learned over four 
administrations that led to the results that we saw this past 
month or two.
    But one thing is clear. When we look at the training 
opportunities for State Department personnel, there is major 
areas of concern in regards to the number of personnel that are 
available in order to go through training, the length of the 
training, the type of the training, et cetera.
    We held a hearing in our subcommittee and we were 
disappointed that we were not able to have a representative 
from GTM present at that hearing, and I guess my request to 
you, if confirmed, do you agree to work with our subcommittee 
and to make sure that representatives of the agencies that are 
under your responsibility are available to us in order to 
develop a strategy as to how we can deal with, as we see it, 
the shortages in training opportunities for State Department 
personnel?
    Mr. Bass. Yes.
    Senator Cardin. I thank you for that. We want to work 
together on this, the two of us. We recognize that there is 
need to take a look at the State Department. It has not been 
done for a while, and we look forward to, if you are confirmed, 
working with you to see how we can work Congress with you to 
provide that type of experience so that we have the people that 
have the proper training in the key positions rather than as it 
has been addressed too many times today that is not the case.
    Mr. Brzezinski, I want to follow up a little bit on the 
Poland issue. I was at the Three Seas conference in Bulgaria. I 
had a chance to have a good conversation with President Duda on 
several issues.
    But I really do think Poland is at a crossroads today. The 
countries that are under the dominance of the former Soviet 
Union made great strides, including Poland, in becoming a 
member of NATO and EU.
    But we see the backsliding today, the prime example being 
Hungary but Poland also is not too far behind in some of the 
actions that they have taken in regards to the protection of 
democratic institutions.
    I appreciate the fact that you say that it will be high on 
your list of conversations that you are going to have with the 
Polish government. But I think it has to be backed up by more 
than just conversations.
    Their observations of support for democratic institutions 
do not bode well with internationally recognized standards. I 
would hope that we will be pretty definitive about Poland's 
future very much linked to its democratic commitments.
    And you mentioned the OSCE chair in office. I think that is 
a really great example that we can use that where Poland should 
want to display its firm commitments to the OSCE principles 
when it has the chair in office.
    Mr. Brzezinski. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for 
hosting the hearing you did a few weeks ago with the Helsinki 
Commission on Poland. That resonated broadly, including in 
Poland and was covered widely including the statements by the 
witnesses.
    Your point could not be more important, and I just cannot 
stress enough that Poland's role as a NATO ally and a NATO 
member and an EU member are linked to the commitments about 
democratic values and democratic practice.
    And if there is a U.S. foreign policy that is characterized 
by bipartisan consultation and engagement and agreement, it is 
U.S. policy towards Poland over the decades, and I can just 
invoke Richard Lugar and Senator Hank Brown and others who were 
titans in bringing a fulsome bipartisan approach to the future 
of Poland.
    And your point about democratic backsliding is heard loud 
and clear, and I look forward to engaging this committee and, 
hopefully, to welcoming you and members of this committee and 
members of the Senate to Poland to consult and engage directly 
with the Poles on this critically important issue.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that.
    Mr. Adler, I just really want to put on the record and 
maybe get a very quick response, Belgium--there are some issues 
that we have concern. Probably the most is its use of 
technology and relationship with China companies. We have 
talked a little bit about China and the impact China is having 
in regards to American national security interests.
    But I would like to get your thoughts as to how you see 
your role, if confirmed, in dealing with the penetration of 
China in technology in Belgium.
    Mr. Adler. Thank you, Senator. It is a very important 
issue.
    As I mentioned in my opening remarks, IMEC is a major 
factor in semiconductors. But let me go to the point that you 
raise. I think what is most important is that we have to 
respect that Belgium has trade relations that are appropriate.
    But at the same time, you just cannot accept trade and 
investment. What you need to do is make sure that you evaluate, 
you investigate, you know who you are doing business with and 
what they are doing. I will have that as an important part of 
the communications to the Belgium government.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, for this hearing, and thank you to all of today's four 
nominees for your willingness to serve, to continue to serve.
    I have worked with all four of you at different stages in 
the course of my career here in the Senate and I am greatly 
encouraged that our President nominated four well-qualified and 
experienced professionals for these important roles.
    Let me turn, if I could, first, to Mr. Nathan, nominee to 
lead the Development Finance Corporation. Thank you for our 
conversation about the challenges and opportunities ahead.
    I believe you have a perfect background for leading the 
Development Finance Corporation. I look forward to working with 
you if you are confirmed.
    As someone who has invested in and advised investors in 
multiple contexts and different projects across different 
business sectors and geographies, could you just concisely 
explain why the DFC's equity authority can help drive the 
transformative development outcomes that many of us who helped 
craft and support the BUILD Act had in mind when the DFC was 
created?
    Mr. Nathan. Thank you, Senator, and thanks for the 
conversation we had in your office yesterday.
    Equity authority is an important tool that the BUILD Act 
gave DFC. It allows--it would allow DFC to go further out on 
the risk spectrum, open up the aperture of potential projects 
focused on the poorest countries where the operating 
environment can be more difficult. It gives us a seat at the 
table.
    One of the intentions, I understand, behind giving DFC 
equity authority was to put it on equal footing with other 
development finance institutions, our allies, and also with 
multilateral development banks.
    Senator Coons. That is exactly right, and I look forward to 
working with you to remove some of the obstacles that prevent 
the DFC from using that authority the way it was intended.
    We are still in the middle of a pandemic globally. One of 
the areas that I am hopeful the DFC can make a significant 
difference is in vaccine production. There has already been 
some investment, as you referenced, some exploration at least 
in Senegal and South Africa.
    How could the DFC support scaling up vaccine production in 
the developing world in places like Latin America, Southeast 
Asia, as well as Africa that could both help us get out of this 
pandemic and prepare for the next?
    Mr. Nathan. This is an important issue, as you say, not 
only for the current situation we are in but also preparing the 
globe for any potential further pandemics. DFC has made 
investments in the last year in India--a substantial 
investment--for diversifying vaccine manufacturing capacity, 
South Africa and Senegal. It is a pattern that, if confirmed, I 
would be very interested in repeating throughout the developing 
world.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. I look forward to working with 
you.
    If I might, Ambassador Bass, just briefly tell me, if you 
would, how you would prioritize making sure that our Foreign 
Service reflects the whole diversity of the United States.
    I think it is one of our greatest strengths. How will you 
improve issues like promotion, attrition, and prioritize 
diversity in hiring and promotion?
    Mr. Bass. Thanks, Senator. It absolutely is one of the 
key--in many respects, the key challenge we have in front of us 
today. I think we need to look at the whole effort. We need to 
question our assumptions about how we hire people, how we 
evaluate talent and select them.
    As the Secretary noted a couple of weeks ago, it is no 
longer the case that the talented Americans who want a career 
that involves a significant chunk of their professional lives 
overseas that their only option or one of a few options is the 
State Department, and I think we still have a selection process 
that is geared too much to that assumption.
    I think we need to use, creatively, all of the hiring 
authorities we currently have to broaden that pool that is 
coming in. I think we need to do a much better job of 
proactively supporting individuals from underrepresented 
communities as they take on this career.
    I think we need to do a better job of professional 
development throughout and I think we need to prioritize 
selecting for advancement people who are not only good 
diplomats externally facing but who are promoting inclusive 
leadership and team building and collaboration within the 
organization.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, I see I am out of time. I look forward to 
working with Ambassador Brzezinski and Mr. Adler in your roles. 
I am hopeful my colleagues will work quickly to confirm both of 
you.
    I recently led a bipartisan delegation in countries where 
we do not have an ambassador. It weakens our ability whether to 
help the Poles stand up to the conduct of Belarus to it is to 
help our close partners and allies, Belgium, make good 
decisions in terms of supply chains and investment in 
partnership. I look forward to working with the chair and 
ranking member on getting these good folks confirmed.
    Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Welcome. 
Congratulations to each of the nominees.
    Mr. Brzezinski, as I am sure you know, the Senate is going 
to be debating today sanctions on Vladimir Putin's Nord Stream 
2 pipeline. This committee has long opposed that pipeline with 
an overwhelming bipartisan majority but that bipartisan 
commitment has been fractured, but perhaps it has not yet 
cracked. And I, and my colleagues on the other side of the 
aisle, are currently in an intense granular negotiation over 
how best to proceed.
    I have imposed holds on a number of nominees at both the 
State Department and the Treasury Department in an effort to 
force the Biden administration to comply with the law and stop 
the Nord Stream 2 pipeline.
    My colleagues on the Democratic side of the aisle disagree 
with the use of that leverage to try to stop this disastrous 
pipeline from going online and, indeed, it appears likely that 
we are going to be voting both on Senator Risch's sanctions 
legislation, which I emphatically support, but also what is 
functionally a side by side from Chairman Menendez that would 
impose sanctions on Russia if and only if Russia invaded 
Ukraine.
    The reason that is suddenly so important is when Nord 
Stream 2 goes online, the odds of Russian tanks rolling into 
Ukraine will have increased dramatically, and my colleagues on 
the Democratic side of the aisle know that. They understand 
that.
    It is anticipated that most, if not all, Democrats will 
vote for these sanctions on Russia after the fact if Russia, in 
fact, invades Ukraine. Among the sanctions they will vote for 
are sanctions on Nord Stream 2 after the fact if Russia invades 
Ukraine.
    It strikes me that if it is not in America's interest, if 
is not in Europe's interest, if it is not in the world's 
interest for Russia to invade Ukraine, the way to stop it and 
the time to stop it is before the fact rather than after the 
fact by voting for the sanctions that both Democrats and 
Republicans have supported repeatedly, the sanctions that had 
worked, that had stopped Nord Stream 2 until President Biden 
surrendered those bipartisan sanctions in a massively 
unjustified gift to Vladimir Putin that has now put a target on 
Ukraine.
    The reason Chairman Menendez is introducing these sanctions 
is because the chairman understands the risk of Ukraine being 
invaded has increased and increased dramatically because of 
Biden's surrender to Putin.
    But, of course, our Ukrainian allies are not the only ones 
who are endangered by Nord Stream 2 and by Russian aggression. 
When the Biden administration struck its deal with Angela 
Merkel in July, Poland and Ukraine together issued a joint 
statement saying that the deal, quote, ``cannot be considered 
sufficient to effectively limit the threats created by Nord 
Stream,'' and that calls on the United States and Germany to 
address the security crisis in the region and that commits that 
Ukraine and Poland will work together with their allies and 
partners to oppose Nord Stream 2 until solutions are developed 
to address the security crisis created by Nord Stream 2.
    They further wrote, quote, ``This decision has created a 
political, military, and energy threat for Ukraine and Central 
Europe while increasing Russia's potential to destabilize the 
security situation in Europe, perpetuating divisions among NATO 
and European Union member states.''
    Mr. Brzezinski, if you are confirmed, you will be our 
country's ambassador to Poland at a time when they feel that 
the decisions from President Biden have put their own national 
security at grave risk and you will be faced with the 
challenges of understanding and addressing those very real 
concerns.
    First, I would like to ask you, how do you understand the 
Polish position to be on Nord Stream 2 and do you agree with 
that position?
    Mr. Brzezinski. Thank you, Senator, for that very important 
question.
    Energy has been used as a weapon now for years by Vladimir 
Putin, particularly to try to weaken and intimidate Russia's 
neighbors immediately to the west. It is an incredibly 
important question, and when I appeared before this committee 
in 2011 in advance of going to Sweden, I made clear that I was 
against the pipeline at that time. I think it is a bad idea, 
and I note also that President Biden and Secretary Blinken have 
said the same thing.
    The Polish position, as you intimated, is clear. They are 
against the pipeline and they are worried about what is 
happening in the East. Secretary Blinken recently expressed 
deep appreciation for Poland's vocal support for Ukraine's 
sovereignty and territorial integrity in his phone call with 
Polish Foreign Minister Rau.
    He noted that the United States, Poland, and other allies 
and partners are united in imposing significant costs on Moscow 
for its military aggression and malign activities.
    Senator Cruz. Would it be better to prevent that aggression 
before the fact or after an invasion occurred?
    Mr. Brzezinski. Absolutely, clearly, before the fact and I 
think it is important that Secretary Blinken is in Latvia today 
and yesterday to consult with NATO allies regarding what is 
happening in the East and what to do next, and then he will go 
to Stockholm to meet with OSCE partners, in part, on the same 
topics.
    I can tell you, if confirmed, Senator, as Ambassador to 
Poland that I will be unwavering and deeply committed in 
support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and 
I am going to work with Poland, our ally, and other partners to 
address Russia's destabilizing activities in the region.
    What Lukashenko has done on the border of eastern Ukraine 
in those forests in Bialowieza is outrageous, and I will keep 
you and this committee apprised and consult with this committee 
and engage with this committee accordingly.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Very briefly.
    Mr. Brzezinski, I want to--I ran out of time and I wanted 
to touch on one other subject that I think will be helpful for 
other nominees, as we go forward.
    We had a situation where a person who was nominated to be 
ambassador to the U.N. had given a speech that was regarding 
China and it was significantly softer than it should have been.
    She deeply regretted that. She recanted it here at the 
hearing. I supported her. I felt it was one step that that she 
took that did not color everything else that she did, and I 
still stand by that.
    In 2019, you gave a speech at the China Development Forum 
in Beijing, which I now understand you have some reservations 
about also, and I wanted to give you the opportunity to clear 
the record.
    But, more importantly, I think it is important that people 
such as yourself who have a history of dealing so well in 
foreign relations matters resist in giving these kinds of 
speeches, and they are unfortunate and then when people come 
here they have to backtrack on it.
    I wanted to give you a chance to clear the record on that, 
if you would, please.
    Mr. Brzezinski. Thank you, Senator, for that important 
question and, again, thank you for the case studies that you 
and your leadership and your staff pulled together in the Risch 
report on China's malign activities in Europe that you did last 
year.
    I wish I had read that report before I did that speech. 
That speech was a family narrative that goes back to my 
family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship and I meant 
to invoke and draw perspectives and observations from that 
family narrative.
    It was also about hope, misplaced hope, about diplomacy, 
having--being the answer to the problems that we have with 
China.
    Your report edified me. As I said, I have shared with my 
fellow students in Ambassador School how important it is and 
now I feel, personally, it should be required reading. But 
more--I would also offer this, Senator. I would be happy to 
continue this conversation in a classified session to offer 
examples of what I did as ambassador in Stockholm between 2011 
and 2015 with regard to the challenges and the threats your 
report so clearly edifies because I think that you will see 
that I walk the walk, sir, and will continue to walk the walk, 
if confirmed, and get a chance to go to Poland and, of course, 
walking the walk most--among most important policy steps one 
can take is with the Three Seas Initiative and our support of 
that through the DFC because that will be an important 
institution, among others, in terms of pushing back on China's 
malign influence in Europe.
    But, absolutely, I would like to amend the narrative I 
offered in that speech and to take more into account what had 
happened in Hong Kong, what had happened vis-a-vis Taiwan and 
elsewhere.
    Senator Risch. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Let me just close out this session with a couple of 
observations for the record because I would be remiss if I did 
not.
    The situation in Afghanistan preceded with the previous 
administration under President Trump making decisions that, 
ultimately, led to what I think was an irreversible course.
    When you enter into a surrender agreement in which you, 
ultimately, say to the Taliban, we are going to get out on a 
date certain, something that my Republican colleagues have 
railed against in every iteration it has ever taken place, when 
you reduce the troop level before the new administration comes 
in to a troop level that cannot sustain security, when you, 
ultimately, release thousands of Taliban prisoners and give 
them to the Taliban to augment their fighting capacity, and, 
for the most part, you say nothing during that time period, it 
is really hard to understand the lack of concern then and the 
concern now.
    We all agree that we have to find ways to be better about 
when we have to deal with an emergency. But as much as none of 
us liked the end result, that result was in the making and 
there were no voices at that time suggesting that, in fact, 
that was not a good crisis to move.
    Finally, on the question of Nord Stream, it is clear that I 
have supported sanctions against Nord Stream. I would have 
liked to have seen sanctions posed on Nord Stream during the 
totality of the hundreds of miles that were being laid under 
the Trump administration for which there were no sanctions 
until the final day of President Trump being in office.
    The belief that somehow Nord Stream alone is going to stop 
the Russians and Putin from, potentially, invading Ukraine is 
beyond belief. That is why the amendment that I will offer, 
assuming we move ahead, is the mother of all sanctions on 
Russia, swift and a whole host of other elements, which, 
clearly, get to the heart of Putin, his pocket, and his 
cronies.
    And in that regard, to send that clear message now before 
the Russians make any calibration in terms of taking any 
offensive action against Ukraine is critically important. It is 
not an after the fact reality. It is before the fact of what 
takes place so that the Russians will understand clearly and 
unequivocally what the consequences will be to them. To me, 
that is far more powerful.
    Now, with that, I was about to close this hearing but I see 
Senator Markey is coming in and if he wants to get in his 
questions really quick, we will so observe it.
    Senator Markey?
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
    Wednesday morning in the United States Senate is like the 
old TV show ``Supermarket Sweepstakes.'' They scheduled four 
separate hearings simultaneously, all beginning at the same 
time.
    And so I apologize to you, and, Mr. Chairman, I will not 
take any extended time except to just recommend Scott Nathan as 
just an exemplary public servant, someone who will make a huge 
difference. His background in finance, his experience in the 
public sector, just makes him the perfect person to take on 
this huge responsibility that the United States has to play in 
this coming generation.
    I did not want to take up any unusual amount of time, Mr. 
Chairman, other than I just wanted to make that point and to 
thank everyone else who is here for all of your great 
willingness to commit to serving our country.
    Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Markey.
    The record of this hearing will remain open until the close 
of business on Thursday, December 2nd. I would ask our 
colleagues that questions for the record be submitted no later 
than that time.
    I would urge the nominees to answer the questions 
expeditiously and fully. Sometimes when nominees are skimpy in 
their answers or are not substantive in their answers it causes 
members to not agree to move the nominee forward at a business 
meeting.
    That does not mean we need a treatise. But by the same 
token, it means be responsive and to do it as quickly as 
possible. And if that happens, we hope to get your nominations 
before a business meeting with the cooperation of the ranking 
member.
    With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:59 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Scott Nathan by Senator Robert Menendez

Equity Investments Fix
    Question. The current method DFC Equity Investments are scored for 
budget purposes assumes a 100 percent loss on all investments, and, 
therefore, requires a one-to-one dollar offset for those investments. 
This budget method negatively affects the ability of DFC to fully 
utilize one of the most promising new tools established in the BUILD 
Act and consumes scarce foreign assistance resources. Resolving this 
antiquated budgeting method will require this administration, including 
you, to provide the leadership to work with Congress to resolve this 
problem or other programs will be put at risk of a funding shortfall.

   Will you commit to engaging with the Office of Management and 
        Budget, the National Economic Council and the National Security 
        Council on the need to apply a more accurate budgeting method 
        to the DFC's development financing programs?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would engage with interagency partners 
including the Office of Management and Budget, the National Economic 
Council, and the National Security Council in support of present value 
scoring for equity. Equity investments are an important part of DFC's 
financial toolkit.

    Question. How many equity deals has DFC done in the past fiscal 
year? How many are in the pipeline for FY 2022? How has DFC implemented 
its approach to equity?

    Answer. As the nominee, I do not have access to DFC's pipeline. I 
have asked existing DFC personnel to respond to these questions 
regarding equity.
DFC Response
    In FY 2021, DFC supported twelve projects (10 investment funds and 
2 direct equity) valued at $239 million. In FY 2020, DFC supported six 
projects (5 investment funds and 1 direct equity) valued at $120 
million. For FY 2022, there are 29 projects (20 investment funds and 9 
direct equity) being considered, valued at $645 million in total.
    DFC's approach focuses on addressing the shortfall in equity 
capital required to address major gaps in critical infrastructure and 
to support economic growth and job creation in emerging markets. DFC 
invests in projects that support the development of infrastructure, 
technology, financial services, and global health, as well as general 
economic development. DFC will continue to refine this approach based 
on its investment experience and developmental outcomes.

2X Women's Initiative.
    Question. As the United States International Development Finance 
Corporation (DFC) supports efforts around the world so that global 
prosperity and security is increased, it must ensure that it does not 
neglect critical populations. If programs aim to use taxpayer dollars 
in the most efficient way, programs must follow the evidence and ensure 
that the needs, challenges, insights, and power dynamics of all genders 
are included in all DFC projects.

   How do you plan to ensure that the DFC fully meets its mandate in 
        the BUILD Act [Sec. 1451 (f)] to ``prioritize the reduction of 
        gender gaps and maximize development impact by working to 
        improve women's economic opportunities'' throughout the DFC's 
        entire portfolio?

    Answer. I believe that gender investments need to be viewed 
holistically to address the unique challenges women face globally in 
accessing financing and unlocking the investment opportunity that 
results from valuing women as entrepreneurs, leaders, employees, and 
customers. In my briefings as nominee, I have learned that DFC has 
hired additional gender experts, who are working to develop a gender 
strategy and ensure that in supporting transactions proper analysis is 
considered on how the projects impact women and girls. It is my 
understanding that DFC has integrated questions into its screening and 
monitoring questionnaires to assess the gender diversity of each 
supported project's ownership, leadership, employees, and customers 
both at the time of origination and during the life of the DFC 
investment.

    Question. Will you commit to disclosing:

   Project-level information on the amount of WEE investment the DFC 
        has made for each project; and

   What amount was mobilized by the private sector; and what the 
        results and learnings are so we can better understand the value 
        of these investments and replicate those investments that have 
        the most impact?

    Answer. I am committed to increasing public disclosure of project-
level data. To accomplish this, I commit to seek resources to further 
invest in the Corporation's technological capabilities and re-evaluate 
current processes to enable greater transparency. I also commit to 
thoughtfully consider collecting and disclosing additional project-
level data from our private sector partners, as well as disclose 
lessons learned from investments, in a way that does not significantly 
increase their reporting burden or compromise the trust they put in DFC 
to protect their confidential business information from competitors.

Advancing Human and Worker Rights
    Question. The BUILD Act includes provisions on ensuring that DFC 
does no harm in terms of human and worker rights, and that the agency's 
activities enhance rights-based development.

   What steps will you take to implement this rights mandate?

    Answer. I am aware of the BUILD Act provisions related to human and 
worker rights. It is my understanding that DFC reviews all projects for 
potential impacts to human and worker rights. During such reviews, DFC 
social impact experts identify potential risks and require commensurate 
mitigation and management measures for negative impacts to a project's 
workforce and/or affected groups or people. The social impact 
assessment ensures that projects being considered for DFC support and 
active projects meet Congressionally mandated requirements for 
respecting human rights, including the rights of workers. If confirmed, 
I would commit to following this procedure and will continue DFC's work 
with other development partners to maintain DFC's position as a global 
leader in social policies and procedures.

Office of Accountability
    Question. The establishment of the Office of Accountability was an 
important step for ensuring that the DFC is equipped to address and 
remediate grievances from communities experiencing unintended social 
and environmental harms as a result of DFC-financed projects. When harm 
occurs as a result of DFC's activities, the Office of Accountability 
should facilitate the provision of remedy so that affected communities 
can restore their livelihoods.

   How will the DFC ensure that resources are available to provide 
        remedy?

    Answer. An effective, resourced, independent accountability 
mechanism is critical to ensuring that DFC creates space for feedback 
on the social and environmental impacts of its projects, and it offers 
a fair, transparent, and constructive voice for sometimes under-
represented or marginalized communities. This consideration is what 
distinguishes DFC's approach from other investment models that do not 
value human rights and the protection of the environment. If confirmed, 
I would support an assessment of the Office of Accountability's current 
resources to best position it to successfully fulfill its mandate and 
provide a space for fair and equal representation of all stakeholders 
involved in DFC's projects.

    Question. Will the DFC require clients to obtain project finance 
bonds, insurance, or trust funds in escrow to ensure that reserve funds 
are available to address adverse environmental and social impacts?

    Answer. It is my understanding that DFC's environmental and social 
policies are aligned with the International Finance Corporation's 
Performance Standards and the World Bank Group's Environmental, Health 
and Safety Sector Specific Guidelines (``EHS Guidelines''). If 
confirmed, I pledge to explore this issue with DFC staff and consult 
with you on the issue.

Digital Development
    Question. COVID-19 has propelled the world into a digital frame 
which will only deepen for both economic activity and government 
operations. The digital divide between developing and developed 
countries is wide and a barrier to progress in low- and lower-middle-
income countries. Digital development is referenced in the DFC 
strategic plan Roadmap for Impact, but the DFC has done little in the 
digital arena.

   Do you agree that investing in digital technologies and 
        capabilities should be a DFC priority, and how you envision 
        making this happen?

    Answer. Yes, I agree that digital technology and capabilities are 
critical for economic growth and competitiveness, and important for 
advancing most development sectors including education, financial 
inclusion, and health among others. If confirmed, I would consult with 
DFC and interagency experts to determine how the Corporation can best 
position itself to have a significant development impact in this 
market.

Greenhouse Gas Emissions Calculations
    Question. The DFC accounting for greenhouse gas emissions from 
projects does not always fully account for lifetime or lifecycle 
emissions associated with a given project.

   Will you commit to reviewing the GHG emission evaluation methods 
        and consulting with my office on any decisions to revise the 
        accounting process and criteria?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the greenhouse gas 
emission evaluation methods and will consult with your office on 
decisions to revise the accounting process and criteria.

Sunshine Act
    Question. The DFC has previously declared that the Sunshine Act 
does not apply to it, which has resulted in a lack of transparency 
around DFC's decision-making process.

   If confirmed, would you commit to adhering to the Sunshine Act, 
        including posting all board meetings in the Federal Register?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the greenhouse gas 
emission evaluation methods and will consult with your office on 
decisions to revise the accounting process and criteria.

Joint Investment for Peace Initiative
    Question. The DFC's participation in the Joint Investment for Peace 
Initiative, as called for in the Middle East Partnership for Peace Act 
of 2020, is an important and positive step in building up the 
Palestinian private sector as well as ties between Israeli and 
Palestinian people and businesses. This is absolutely critical to 
maintaining space for a negotiated two-state solution.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to prioritize investment in 
        Palestinian small and medium-sized enterprises? What metrics 
        will you use in making those investments?

    Answer. As I understand it, the Middle East Partnership for Peace 
Act (MEPPA) provides resources and direction to DFC and USAID to 
support private sector-led development especially in the Palestinian 
Territories. If confirmed, I would work to help DFC fulfill its mandate 
under MEPPA and looks for opportunities to support development projects 
in the Territories, including alongside key partners. I anticipate that 
the Corporation will continue to evaluate prospective transactions 
based on their developmental and strategic impact, commercial viability 
and the additionality of a possible DFC investment.

Countering Chinese Influence in the Middle East
    Question. China continues to invest in private sector 
infrastructure across the Middle East and North Africa, potentially in 
close proximity to U.S. diplomatic and military facilities.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to provide countries in the 
        Middle East and North Africa with an alternative method of 
        financing that does not involve Chinese investment in critical 
        infrastructure? How will those steps be balanced with the DFC's 
        legislative mandate to invest almost exclusively in countries 
        defined by the World Bank as lower-middle or low income?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Corporation to devote time 
and resources to source commercially viable projects in the Middle East 
and North Africa and will apply the lens of strategic competition to 
project evaluation. The BUILD Act prioritizes support in lower-middle 
and low-income countries, while also mandating a role for the DFC in 
upper-middle income countries consistent with the legislative 
framework.

Sustainable Water and Energy Investment in the Middle East
    Question. Most of the countries in the Middle East and North Africa 
face looming and long-term water shortages. At the same time, there is 
the growing potential for energy cooperation in the region to help 
address this problem, including with sustainable energy, while also 
providing energy to both domestic and international markets. The recent 
agreement between Israel, Jordan and the UAE to exchange solar-powered 
electricity for desalinated water is one such example, although it did 
not involve the DFC.

   If confirmed, what further steps will you take to invest in 
        sustainable energy generation and infrastructure, and in the 
        water sector, in the Middle East and North Africa? How will you 
        balance those steps with the DFC's legislative mandate to 
        invest almost exclusively in countries defined by the World 
        Bank as lower-middle or low income?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Corporation to explore how 
the DFC can have an impact on driving access to clean electricity and 
clean water in the Middle East and North Africa and to source 
transactions that meet this objective. DFC's Roadmap for Impact 
currently prioritizes investments in Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene 
(WASH), as well as investments in energy.
    The BUILD Act prioritizes support in lower-middle and low-income 
countries, while also mandating a role for the DFC in upper-middle 
income countries consistent with the legislative framework.

Iraq
    Question. Iraq remains largely dependent on Iranian electricity, 
and U.S. sanctions waivers, despite having ample gas reserves, much of 
which it flares off as a by-product of oil extraction. In August, 2020, 
the DFC signed an MOU with the Iraqi Government aimed at strengthening 
the Iraqi private sector with an investment of $1 billion over four 
years.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to counter Iranian influence 
        by investing in Iraq's energy sector to allow it to produce 
        electricity domestically and wean the country off Iranian 
        electricity?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would direct DFC to explore and consider 
opportunities for investment in Iraq's domestic energy market, which 
could include investments in power generation. DFC will also counter 
Iranian influence in Iraq by providing capital to support the 
development, diversification, and global integration of Iraq's private 
sector. DFC hopes to identify opportunities for scaling investment in 
Iraq. It is my understanding that DFC recently hosted a virtual Town 
Hall with Iraqi companies to educate them about DFC's investment tools 
and to identify potential new Iraqi projects.

   What is the status of the DFC's investments as outlined in the 
        August 2020 MOU? If confirmed, will you commit to fully 
        implementing that MOU and the investment therein?

    Answer. While I do not have access to the status of DFC's 
investments as outlined in the 2020 MOU, if confirmed, I will look into 
this matter and consult with Congress on it. I have asked DFC to 
provide additional information below.

DFC Response on Status of DFC's Investments as Outlined in the August 
        2020 MOU
    Question. The August 2020 MOU continues to serve as a practical 
roadmap to facilitate private investment in Iraq. The Government of 
Iraq is making progress to improve the business climate, and the DFC is 
actively seeking opportunities for investment. In 2021, the U.S. 
Embassy in Baghdad hosted a virtual town hall for the DFC to brief 
members of the Iraqi business community on the DFC's products and 
priorities. The DFC also agreed to invest $250 million in a natural gas 
processing facility that will deliver gas to power plants in Iraqi 
Kurdistan. Additional projects are in various stages of the DFC's 
screening process, including those that would provide financing to SMEs 
and other energy-related projects.

   Currently, Iraq is defined by the World Bank as an upper-middle 
        income country. How will you balance those steps with the DFC's 
        legislative mandate to invest almost exclusively in countries 
        defined by the World Bank as lower-middle or low income?

    Answer. The BUILD Act laid out a dual mandate for DFC, both 
developmental and strategic. While focusing on the poorest countries of 
the world, the BUILD Act also calls for DFC to mobilize capital in 
UMICs, particularly where it affects the poorest segments of the 
population. I believe that good development is good for U.S. national 
security and can help meet the challenges posed by our strategic 
competitors. In addition, DFC's Roadmap for Impact specifically targets 
60 percent of DFC's investments in LICs, LMICs, and fragile states.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Scott Nathan by Senator James E. Risch

Climate
    Question. Do you believe that climate is the most important issue 
facing the United States?

    Answer. No. Climate change is one of several pressing issues 
currently confronting the United States.

    Question. Do you believe that the DFC should primarily be funding 
climate-related projects?

    Answer. No. DFC should primarily focus on advancing its development 
and strategic missions as set forth in the BUILD Act. DFC should 
prioritize projects with the greatest developmental and strategic 
impacts, across sectors and geographies.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advise any official 
senior to you to sacrifice other U.S. interests for the sake of an 
agreement with or promises from China on climate change?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not allow the DFC to be used 
as a tool to trade away other U.S. interests to China on climate 
change?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Former Secretary Kerry has said that climate change is a 
``standalone issue'' in U.S.-China relations. But he subsequently said 
that ``life is full of tough choices in the relationship between 
nations'' and that our priority ``first and foremost'' must be to save 
this planet. He made these comments in response to an interview 
question between trade-offs related to climate and human rights. Since 
then, he has stated that human rights issues in China are ``not in his 
lane.''

   What are your views on these comments?

    Answer. Human rights are an absolute priority and should not be 
compromised. I look forward to working with you and your team to 
address this key priority during my time at DFC.

    Question. What would your approach be if you were faced with a 
project related to climate but could cause human rights concerns?

    Answer. DFC's policies and procedures should reflect a 
prioritization of human rights. All DFC projects must adhere to DFC's 
policies and procedures. Projects that are not able to do so should not 
be supported by the Corporation.

    Question. The Secretary of State is responsible for the conduct of 
foreign policy and exercises authority over the provision of U.S. 
foreign assistance, including by virtue of his seat on the Board of the 
DFC.

   What degree of influence, if any, should Special Presidential Envoy 
        for Climate John Kerry exercise over the DFC and the projects 
        it chooses to support?

    Answer. DFC's corporate governance is established in the BUILD Act 
and implemented through the Board-adopted bylaws. The Secretary of 
State or his designee is the Chair of the Board of Directors. If 
confirmed, I will direct the Corporation to follow the governance 
structure and priorities enumerated in the BUILD Act.

    Question. Do you believe it would be appropriate for Special Envoy 
Kerry to exercise that influence directly, or via the Secretary of 
State (by virtue of his position on the Board of the DFC)?

    Answer. DFC's corporate governance is established in the BUILD Act 
and codified in its management directives. If confirmed, I will direct 
the Corporation to follow the governance structure enumerated in the 
BUILD Act.

Supply Chains
    Question. Do you believe that the DFC should support projects that 
source solar panels from China, despite the knowledge we have about 
forced labor in China's solar technology supply chains?

    Answer. Taxpayer funds should never be used to support projects 
which utilize forced labor. If confirmed, I would direct the 
Corporation to advance efforts to finance transactions that will help 
establish alternative supply chains for the solar sector.

    Question. Do you believe that investing in any projects with supply 
chain ties to China undermines the strategic competition mandate of the 
DFC? If not, please explain how doing so supports U.S. national 
security interests.

    Answer. DFC should exclude projects that procure goods that 
undermine U.S. national security interests. Certain PRC-produced goods 
have no place in the supply chains of DFC- supported projects. For 
example, under section 889 of the 2019 National Defense Authorization 
Act, DFC is prohibited from supporting projects that procure certain 
telecommunications equipment from the PRC. DFC should not walk away 
from involvement in transactions where U.S. involvement enhances our 
strategic position relative to China.

    Question. Do you commit that you will prioritize--expeditiously--
ensuring that DFC supply chains do not touch forced labor in any way, 
shape, or form? If confirmed, what will you do in your first 100 days 
on the job to achieve this objective?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will review DFC's policies and procedures 
on this issue and work with DFC staff and the interagency to make 
adjustments, as appropriate. I will ensure that DFC's approach is 
communicated widely to staff and project applicants, and make sure that 
there are mechanisms in place to enforce compliance.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ending DFC support for 
procurements involving Chinese companies, including in the solar 
industry?

    Answer. I am committed to advancing DFC's efforts to diversify 
supply chains, including in the solar sector. If confirmed, I will work 
to make sure that DFC's approach most effectively supports U.S. 
national security, and I will evaluate all options for achieving this 
goal.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to diversify DFC 
investments in the Indo-Pacific, which are currently heavily focused on 
India with limited exposure in Southeast Asia?

    Answer. DFC should look to diversify its portfolio in the Indo-
Pacific region including expanding exposure in Southeast Asia. DFC 
needs to further strengthen relationships with partner development 
finance institutions in the region and expand its current business 
development in the region to identify potential new projects. I will 
look to closely coordinate with USAID missions and other U.S. Embassy 
personnel in the Indo-Pacific region. I will also look to build on the 
lessons learned from DFC's four forward deployed officers in Mumbai, 
Bangkok, Jakarta, and Singapore.

    Question. Will you prioritize the identification of areas in 
Thailand where the DFC can still make investments, despite the partial 
rescinding of Thailand's benefits under the Generalized System of 
Preferences?

    Answer. It is my understanding that DFC does not currently consider 
investments in Thailand due to USTR's determination with respect to 
workers' rights. If confirmed, I will closely monitor the current 
situation, and if it changes, will consult with USTR and other relevant 
Departments and agencies so that DFC can source transactions in 
Thailand.

    Question. Please describe objectives you would pursue with respect 
to DFC investment in projects in the following countries:

   Philippines

    Answer. As one of the region's fastest growing economies and 
strategically important countries, the Philippines market should be a 
promising market for DFC. If confirmed, I would look forward to closely 
working with the interagency and with DFC's experienced staff to 
identify opportunities for DFC engagement.

   Thailand

    Answer. It is my understanding that DFC does not currently consider 
investments in Thailand due to USTR's determination with respect to 
workers' rights. If confirmed, I will closely monitor the current 
situation, and if it changes, will consult with USTR and other relevant 
Departments and agencies so that DFC can source transactions in 
Thailand.

   Indonesia

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to identify additional 
opportunities for investments in Indonesia. I would welcome the chance 
to engage with DFC and interagency experts, both in Washington and 
Indonesia, to explore these potential opportunities.

   Vietnam

    Answer. I understand that DFC is currently active in multiple 
sectors in Vietnam. If confirmed, I would engage with our Southeast 
Asia team both in Washington and in the region to explore additional 
opportunities in Vietnam.

   Sri Lanka

    Answer. I understand that DFC is growing its portfolio in Sri 
Lanka, particularly in SME and MSME support for women- and minority-
owned business, which will be critical to growing its economy that was 
hit hard by the COVID crisis. If confirmed, I will work with DFC's 
Indo-Pacific team and our Embassy in Sri Lanka to identify 
developmental and impactful opportunities in Sri Lanka.

   Eligible Pacific Island Nations

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with regional partners, including 
Australia and Japan, and the interagency to expand our engagement in 
the region. It is my understanding DFC is participating in the White 
House Small and Less Populated Island Economies (SALPIE) initiative and 
I look forward to participating in this initiative, if confirmed.

    Question. Under your tenure, will the DFC make investments in Burma 
while the military junta is still in control of the government?

    Answer. No, not under current conditions. If confirmed, I would 
remain engaged with interagency partners and Congress to ensure that 
DFC's posture in Burma aligns with current U.S. foreign policy.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you improve coordination with 
other DFIs (especially in Europe and Japan), including on concrete 
projects where there are opportunities for co-financing?

    Answer. It is my understanding that this was a goal of the BUILD 
Act, and I believe that partnerships, both with bilateral development 
finance institutions (DFIs) as well as multilateral DFIs and other 
like-minded institutions, are important contributing factors to future 
DFC success. My understanding is that DFC has partnered this year with 
other DFIs on vaccine manufacturing investments in Africa. If 
confirmed, I would continue this work and, more broadly, work to 
strengthen relationships leading to more sharing of potential project 
opportunities and further collaborating on due diligence processes.

    Question. What barriers do you foresee for working with other DFIs 
in the field

    Answer. My understanding is that DFC shares a close relationship 
with DFIs from like-minded countries and is actively participating in 
co-financing transactions with other DFIs. If confirmed, I would 
continue to prioritize this collaboration. My understanding is that the 
challenges to this collaboration include: (1) different due diligence 
requirements, standards, and processes; (2) different budgetary and 
approval processes; and (3) different priority sectors and geographies. 
Nonetheless, DFC has established the position of Director for 
Collaborative Partnerships within the Office of the Chief Development 
Officer, whose role is to focus the Corporation on mitigating and, if 
possible, overcoming some of these challenges so that we can get more 
out of these strategic partnerships.

    Question. What are some ways these barriers can be overcome or 
mitigated?

    Answer. My understanding is that DFC can continue to work with 
other DFIs to map out areas of priority investments, to better 
understand one another's tools and available resources, and to 
collaborate on sourcing and potentially share transactions in the 
pipeline. In addition, DFC can work to identify specific areas of 
collaboration with like-minded DFIs, particularly as the Corporation 
works as part of a whole of government approach to develop alternatives 
around the world to PRC's Belt and Road Initiative.

Energy
    Question. The DFC was created by Congress, and we are committed to 
ensuring that Congressional intent is recognized and upheld. When we 
created the DFC, it was with the explicit intent that the corporation 
would pursue an ``all of the above strategy'' to reduce energy poverty. 
Multiple Indo-Pacific and African countries have told the committee 
that they need natural gas to make the transition to cleaner energy 
sources. Thus far, the Biden administration has signaled that natural 
gas cooperation with developing countries will not be a priority area, 
and the DFC has imposed a carbon cap on itself that will prevent it 
from involvement in natural gas projects in the future.

   Do you believe in the ``all of the above'' approach to reducing 
        energy poverty? If not, why not?

    Answer. My understanding is that DFC has not imposed restrictions 
on specific technologies or energy sources for power projects. If 
confirmed, I would continue this practice. While the Biden 
administration has prioritized low or zero emissions technologies, in 
certain developing markets there may be energy security or energy 
access considerations that warrant pursuing other technologies.

    Question. Do you believe that the DFC should be involved in 
bankable natural gas projects to advance development and address the 
power needs of the developing world?

    Answer. DFC has preserved the ability to engage in highly strategic 
or highly developmental natural gas projects that would enhance energy 
security and access in the poorest countries, as well as projects that 
advance U.S. national security interests. Where a natural gas project 
meets a highly developmental or highly strategic need, is bankable, and 
helps address energy poverty and energy security needs in a country, I 
would support DFC exploring supporting such transactions and would work 
to do so, if confirmed.

    Question. If so, what will you do inside the administration if 
confirmed to make this a greater priority?

    Answer. DFC has preserved the ability to engage in highly strategic 
or highly developmental natural gas projects that would enhance energy 
security and access in the poorest countries, as well as projects that 
advance U.S. national security interests. Where a natural gas project 
meets a highly developmental or highly strategic need, is bankable, and 
helps address energy poverty and energy security needs in a country, I 
would support DFC exploring supporting such transactions and would work 
to do so, if confirmed.

    Question. If not, why do you disagree?

    Answer. DFC has preserved the ability to engage in highly strategic 
or highly developmental natural gas projects that would enhance energy 
security and access in the poorest countries, as well as projects that 
advance U.S. national security interests. Where a natural gas project 
meets a highly developmental or highly strategic need, is bankable, and 
helps address energy poverty and energy security needs in a country, I 
would support DFC exploring supporting such transactions and would work 
to do so, if confirmed.

    Question. You have been criticized for being a leader of the League 
of Conservation Voters while simultaneously leading the Baupost Group, 
which is heavily invested in BP. How do you reconcile the two?

    Answer. While I was at Baupost Group during the time the firm 
purchased shares in BP, I was not directly involved in that investment 
decision. Like other investment firms regulated by the SEC, Baupost's 
fiduciary obligation is to serve its investors. My engagement with LCV 
represented an engagement in my personal capacity unrelated to my role 
at Baupost.

    Question. If confirmed, what sectors of strategic significance to 
the United States would you focus on for DFC investments? Why should 
these be our priorities?

    Answer. Before specifically articulating all of the priorities I 
would want to pursue, if confirmed, I would want to continue briefings 
and consultations including with Congress and other key stakeholders. 
DFC should play a leading role in the President's Build Back Better 
World initiative. The initiative, in partnership with our G7 allies, 
aims to fill the critical infrastructure gap in low- and lower-middle 
income countries.
    DFC should also focus on vaccine manufacturing and other projects 
that promote pandemic preparedness. DFC can play a constructive role in 
helping to address market distortions created by strategic competitors 
and can present an attractive alternative that reflects U.S. values.

    Question. Last year, DFC modernized its Environmental and Social 
Policy and Procedures (ESPP) to enable the support of nuclear power 
projects. This change enables greater access to reliable nuclear energy 
to help our allies and partners meet their development, energy 
security, and clean energy goals. In April, DFC committed to ``Net Zero 
by 2040'' and to increase its climate- focused investments, what role 
do you see for nuclear energy investments to meet these ambitious 
pledges?

    Answer. Nuclear energy investments can play a critical role. Given 
global energy security challenges and the climate crisis, nuclear power 
should be considered as part of the energy mix.

Inter-agency Cooperation
    Question. The DFC is one of many economic tools that the U.S. 
government can bring to bear to advance national security, foreign 
policy, and development objectives. Other tools include foreign 
assistance from the State Department, assistance and capacity-building 
by USAID, commercial advocacy and other tools in the Department of 
Commerce, certain Treasury Department programs, support for U.S. 
exports for infrastructure projects through the U.S. Trade and 
Development Agency, and the Export-Import Bank. It is of significant 
importance that the interagency coordinate the use of these tools, 
including when the U.S. Government is made aware of projects. Will you 
commit to robust participation by the DFC in relevant interagency 
processes, especially on infrastructure, energy, or digital projects 
that would advance U.S. national security and foreign policy interests?

    Answer. Yes. I believe interagency coordination is key to DFC's 
success.

    Question. Will you commit to cooperating with the Department of 
State and other relevant agencies on the Infrastructure Transaction and 
Assistance Network, including the Transaction Advisory Fund?

    Answer. Yes.

                           foreign assistance
Dual Mandate
    Question. DFC has a dual mandate: (1) to promote economic growth by 
unlocking and catalyzing private sector investment in low- to lower-
middle income countries; and (2) to promote economic freedom, including 
by making investments in key sectors and countries that are important 
to the national security interests of the United States and are 
otherwise susceptible to the malign development model of strategic 
competitors, such as Russia and China

   How do you intend to align and balance these two mandates?

    Answer. The BUILD Act laid out a dual mandate for DFC, both 
development and strategic. It will be important to balance these 
initiatives. Consultation will be key. I look forward to working with 
Congress on this as we seek to advance these two important goals.

    Question. In your view, in which regions, countries, and sectors 
should the DFC prioritize investments?

    Answer. Before specifically articulating all of the priorities I 
would want to pursue, if confirmed, I would want to continue briefings 
and consultations including with Congress and other key stakeholders. 
My initial impression is that DFC could look for opportunities to 
expand support for projects in Southeast Asia, Western Hemisphere, and 
sub-Saharan Africa.DFC should play a leading role in the President's 
Build Back Better World initiative. The initiative, in partnership with 
our G7 partners, aims to fill the critical infrastructure gap in low- 
and lower-middle income countries.
    DFC should also focus on vaccine manufacturing and other projects 
that promote pandemic preparedness. DFC can play a constructive role in 
helping to address market distortions created by strategic competitors 
and can present an attractive alternative that reflects U.S. values.

    Question. Under what circumstances, if any, should the DFC invest 
in high-income countries?

    Answer. DFC is not authorized to operate in high-income countries 
(HICs) under the BUILD Act, except that the European Energy Security 
and Diversification Act of 2019 grants explicit authority to DFC to 
provide support for energy and related infrastructure projects in 
Europe--including in HICs. If confirmed, I will direct the agency to 
comply with these statutory requirements.

    Question. Under what circumstances, if any, should the DFC invest 
in sectors that are dominated by China?

    Answer. If possible, the United States should compete even in 
sectors dominated by China. TheU.S. can provide an alternative model 
for development, based on high standards, transparency, private sector 
orientation, and free of corruption. We ultimately prevail on the 
strength of U.S. values by supporting private sector projects that 
uphold high social and environmental standards, reinforce good 
governance, avoid unsustainable debt levels, and contribute to 
sustainable and broad-based economic growth in the areas we work.

Values
    Question. If confirmed, will you uphold all U.S. laws prohibiting 
the use of U.S. foreign assistance, to include development finance, to 
support the performance or promotion of abortion and forced 
sterilization overseas or to advocate for or against the legalization 
of abortion? What methods will you put in place to ensure compliance?

    Answer. Yes. It is my understanding that for healthcare-related 
projects and hospitals, in order to comply with US statute, DFC 
includes in its financing documents an express prohibition on use of 
DFC funds in accordance with U.S. law. If confirmed, I would direct 
that this practice continue and DFC continue to follow all related U.S. 
laws in its development finance activities.

Equity Scoring
    Question. The current method by which OMG scores DFC equity 
investments for budget purposes assumes a total loss on all 
investments, and, therefore, requires a one-to-one dollar offset for 
those investments. This method of budgeting negatively affects the 
ability of DFC to fully utilize one of the most promising new tools in 
the BUILD Act.

   Do you commit to working with Congress and the administration to 
        resolve this issue by working to secure a fairer budget scoring 
        method for DFC equity investments?

    Answer. Yes. As Congress recognized, equity is a key tool to drive 
development and strategic impact. If confirmed, I would make engaging 
with Congress and the administration regarding equity scoring a top 
priority.

Global Health and Biosecurity
    Question. Do you think it is appropriate for the DFC to finance 
certain health technologies and gain-of- function research that may 
serve a dual-use purpose?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct that all projects under 
consideration for DFC support continue to be evaluated for biosecurity 
risks, and take steps to enhance biorisk management in DFC investments.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Scott Nathan by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I was pleased to see the DFC's announcement this summer 
(July 1) that it will mobilize at least $12 billion by 2025 as part of 
its new commitment to invest in businesses that advance gender equity 
in emerging markets as part of its 2X Women's Initiative.

   If confirmed, how will you work to prioritize not only projects 
        that are specifically directed to advance gender equality-which 
        is important- but also gender lens decision-making as part of 
        all of the DFC's investments?

    Answer. It is my understanding that DFC has integrated questions 
into its screening and monitoring questionnaires to assess the gender 
diversity of each applicant's and each investee's ownership, 
leadership, employees, and customers both at the time of origination 
and during the life of the DFC investment. If confirmed, I would 
support this wider, gender-lens approach at DFC. Gender investments 
need to be viewed holistically to address the unique challenges women 
entrepreneurs face globally in accessing financing.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Scott Nathan by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The DFC has been tasked with financing companies working 
hard to address the pandemic. Projects in the program include critical 
manufacturing, shoring up America's supply chain to better respond to 
this and future public health emergencies. The importance of this 
mission is clear, as we have all observed the fragility and foreign 
dependence of the medical supply chain that Americans depend on. How do 
you propose to improve the program should it be extended into your 
tenure?Answer: It's my understanding that the Executive Order that 
established DFC's role in the DPA loan program is set to expire early 
in 2022. If confirmed, I will work with Corporation staff, as well as 
the interagency and Congress, to determine what actions are appropriate 
for DFC to take. This includes if the DPA loan program might be 
extended, and the Corporation is asked to continue its current role or 
in supporting the transition of a successor loan program to another 
agency. To that end, I would look to streamline the interagency review 
and loan disbursement monitoring processes, and direct that DFC works 
closely with the White House and Department of Defense, so the DPA loan 
program continues to support the administration's COVID-19 and pandemic 
preparedness responses. As part of that effort, however, I would want 
to make certain that DFC does not divert resources or attention from 
its principal mission and purposes as laid out by the BUILD Act.

    Question. The DFC plays an active role in expanding critical 
healthcare access to the developing world. I applaud the administration 
for setting a goal to vaccinate 70 percent of the world by next 
September. However, in order to achieve that, we need to be producing 
and delivering hundreds of millions of vaccines every single month for 
the next nine months. How can the DFC advance the goal to vaccinate 70 
percent of the world by next September?Answer: DFC has undertaken a 
multi-faceted response focused on helping developing countries by 
expanding manufacturing for vaccines, strengthening health systems, 
providing liquidity for small- and medium-sized businesses, and 
providing technical assistance and expertise to businesses responding 
to critical challenges, including in water and sanitation. By focusing 
on health-systems projects that are viable on their own commercial 
merits, the Corporation can help create a global health ecosystem that 
is self-sustaining and will outlast the immediate crisis. DFC has taken 
steps such as supporting several projects to help respond to the COVID-
19 pandemic, including financing vaccine production in both South Asia 
and on the African continent, and by providing political risk insurance 
for some countries participating in the GAVI alliance. These 
investments are critical to support COVID-19 production but also to 
build capacity for production of critical medial commodities in the 
future. If confirmed, I would direct DFC to prioritize investments in 
global health and health security.

    Question. Climate change remains the premier global challenge of 
our generation. President Biden continues to take effective steps to 
combat this global crisis, and the DFC has the ability to play a 
prominent role in contributing to these actions. Earlier this year, the 
DFC announced that 33 percent of its new investments will be applied to 
net zero carbon investments, along with the creation of the novel 
position of Chief Climate Officer. Though a step in the right 
direction, more can be done. What further steps can the DFC take to 
avoid climate harming actions through its investments?

    Answer. It is my understanding that mitigating the effects of the 
climate crisis is one of DFC's goals. This will be an important 
consideration in balancing investments across the portfolio. I believe 
this can be done in a manner than advances, rather than competes with, 
DFC's overall strategic and developmental goals.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. John R. Bass by Senator Robert Menendez

State Department Modernization
    Question. As you are aware, in October, Secretary Blinken delivered 
a speech at the Foreign Service Institute to discuss how he intends to 
modernize the department--building capacity in critical new areas like 
cyber and technology, climate, and global health; elevating new voices; 
building and retaining a more diverse workforce; modernizing the 
Department's technology and analytical capabilities; and re-
invigorating in-person diplomacy and public engagement.

   How do you intend to prioritize and implement these measures?

    Answer. As you have noted, Secretary Blinken has laid out an 
ambitious five-part modernization agenda. If confirmed, my job will be 
to support the bureaus and offices responsible for executing individual 
elements within that agenda--ensuring they have the direction, support 
and resources required to succeed.
    In seeking to achieve these ambitious objectives, I would 
prioritize among the many initiatives based on guidance from the 
Secretary and Deputy Secretaries; consultations with other senior 
Department officials; priorities identified by our current workforce; 
availability of funding; and an assessment of potential constraints 
posed by existing law and regulation. I would seek to respond rapidly 
to the needs of the workforce, prioritizing initially initiatives for 
which the Department already has the necessary authorities to implement 
changes and funding either is available or not an obstacle.
    For those initiatives requiring new authorities and/or significant 
additional resources, I would plan, in partnership with the 
Department's leadership, to work with you and other members of the 
committee on possible solutions.

    Question. What is your vision for State Department modernization?

    Answer. I share the Secretary's diagnosis of the challenges 
confronting the State Department today and fully support his vision for 
modernizing the institution and its organizational culture. Too many of 
our dedicated professionals love what they do, and remain in government 
service, despite--not because of--the ways in which the State 
Department organizes itself and conducts its business.
    I believe our most pressing priority is to reassess, and change as 
warranted, the ways in which we recruit, retain and promote our 
workforce to ensure they reflect the expectations of contemporary 
American society, prospective employees and our current team. This is 
essential to building the diverse, dynamic and empowered workforce we 
need to sustain the United States' influence and competitive advantages 
in today's world and to address the complex, interdisciplinary 
challenges that will confront us in the coming decades.
    We need to improve the environment in which our dedicated team 
works, whether domestically or overseas. That entails improving and 
adapting our physical infrastructure, our information technology and 
digital communications, our talent management and overall conditions of 
work. It also entails identifying ways to better manage risk in the 
many threat environments in which we operate. We also need to improve 
the Department's agility--its ability to more rapidly and effectively 
shift its people and other resources to tackle the highest-priority 
issues and countries.
    If confirmed, I also would concentrate of strengthening a ``field-
first'' orientation within the Department's organizational culture and 
business processes, to counteract the tendency to concentrate resources 
and decision-making authority within the headquarters in Washington.
    In all of these initiatives, I intend to consult with you, other 
members of the committee and the wider Congress to ensure any changes 
provide the best possible impact for the nation and for our fellow 
citizens.

    Question. What are your top priorities for assuring that the 
Department has the organization, tools, and resources it needs?

    Answer. In seeking to implement the Secretary's modernization 
agenda, if confirmed, I would prioritize among the many initiatives 
based on guidance from the Secretary and Deputy Secretaries; 
consultations with other senior Department officials; priorities 
identified by our current workforce; availability of funding; and an 
assessment of potential constraints posed by existing law and 
regulation. I would also be mindful of the importance of balancing 
resource allocation to address compelling urgent priorities and to 
invest in strengthening the institution and building capacity and 
organizational resilience for future challenges.
    I would intend to prioritize improving our capacity to allocate any 
additional human resources to both strengthen the Department's capacity 
to address immediate policy priorities and to build a `float' of 
positions that enables us to offer our workforce a wide range of 
professional development opportunities.

Diversity
    Question. I have long said that diversity in the Foreign and Civil 
Services is not only one of the best ways of representing the United 
States and our values abroad, but also a national security imperative. 
Yet the Department continues to struggle to both recruit and retain a 
diverse workforce.

   How do you plan to hire, retain, and promote a diverse foreign and 
        civil service?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work to ensure the Department does 
everything possible to recruit and retain a workforce that reflects the 
richness and diversity of America. I would begin by ensuring the Chief 
Diversity and Inclusion Officer and her staff have the resources they 
need to evaluate, and then address, current impediments to retaining 
and promoting a diverse team. I would support fully ongoing efforts to 
integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically into all 
Department policies, reflecting the Secretary's and administration's 
priorities. Even as the State Department maintains fair and transparent 
interviewing and hiring, I believe we need to review our talent 
evaluation and selection process, given the unparalleled competition we 
face for the services of individuals who wish to pursue a career in 
which they spend a significant portion of their professional lives 
overseas.
    I am committed to listening to the workforce and to better 
addressing its needs, including by using the full range of workplace 
flexibilities and encouraging a culture of inclusion for all of our 
employees. We need to invest in professional development and career-
long learning across the workforce; strengthen mentoring programs that 
help individuals succeed and advance; provide actionable feedback on 
performance; chart career progression; provide more interagency and 
other detail opportunities; and create viable pathways for those in the 
Civil Service and Foreign Service as they aspire to advance their 
careers.

New Cyber Bureau
    Question. Secretary Blinken recently announced the creation of a 
new cyber bureau and technology special envoy. As with any 
organizational change, the success of these new structures will depend 
on implementation.

   What steps will you take to ensure that the Bureau of Cyberspace 
        and Digital Policy and the Special Envoy for Critical and 
        Emerging Technology will be successful in achieving their 
        missions?

    Answer. The planned Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy, and 
the office of the Special Envoy for Emerging Technology, are key 
components of the Secretary's agenda to modernizing American diplomacy. 
This initiative is consistent with recent legislative proposals to both 
promote and protect cyberspace as a digital platform for global 
economic development and trade. If confirmed, I will ensure the 
Department provides the resources required, and uses its full range of 
hiring and other authorities, to enable these new organizational 
elements to effectively advance U.S. national interests and diplomacy 
in these critical policy areas. I commit to full and open engagement 
with all stakeholders including the Congress, OMB, employees, unions, 
and all impacted partners throughout the creation and initial 
operations of these new elements.

Havana Syndrome
    Question. I remain concerned that the Department is lagging behind 
other agencies in providing benefits and caring for individuals 
affected by Havana Syndrome. I know that Deputy Secretary McKeon and 
the new head of the health incident task force, Jonathan Moore, will be 
leading the response, but it will fall to you to ensure that there are 
sufficient resources, and that bureaus under your leadership-primarily 
MED and Diplomatic Security-are acting with sufficient urgency.

   Do I have your commitment that you will review the resources 
        allocated for these efforts and that getting to the bottom of 
        these incidents will be a priority for the bureaus you oversee?

    Answer. Yes. The Secretary of State has security responsibility for 
all U.S. Government employees on official duty overseas, except those 
under the command of an area military commander, a responsibility that 
entails protecting them and their families from a wide range of 
threats. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more seriously than 
the health and security of my colleagues in the Department of State. I 
will review the resources that we have allocated for these efforts, 
identify additional resources as needed and work to reduce the 
administrative burdens on those suffering from the effects of these 
incidents. Anomalous Health Incidents (AHIs) have been a top priority 
for Secretary Blinken. As Under Secretary, I would direct those bureaus 
and offices reporting to me to help the Health Incident Response Task 
Force achieve its priorities: strengthening the Department's 
communication with our workforce, providing rapid, thorough care for 
affected employees and family members; better protecting our work force 
against these incidents; and strengthening interagency partnerships to 
find the cause of these AHIs.

Morale/Political Appointees
    Question. As you are aware, the Department's workforce endured 
serious declines in morale under the previous administration. While 
Secretary Blinken and Deputy Secretary McKeon have made this issue a 
top priority, I'd like to know what you will do to ensure that the 
Department's workforce is empowered and trusted to carry out its 
critical diplomatic work.

   Can you tell us today what concrete steps you will take to rebuild 
        morale?

    Answer. To fully succeed, the State Department must be more 
responsive to the needs of the contemporary work force, drawing on 
lessons and best practices from private industry that are applicable in 
a global public institution. If confirmed, I would continue to promote 
and expand workplace flexibilities--including telework and remote 
work--and stress the importance of caring for oneself and family. Our 
Employee Consultation Service (ECS) is integral to this effort. I fully 
support ECS's continued outreach to employees and family members to 
further reduce barriers to seeking care by increasing knowledge of 
supports ECS can offer and addressing any misperceptions that this will 
impose adverse consequences. If confirmed, I would ensure ECS has the 
resources it needs to permanently support its 24/7 expansion of 
services.
    I also would seek additional ways to promote full use of resources 
the Department offers to assist employees including FSI workshops and 
engagements; 24/7 online access to Worklife4U to address personal 
issues, including mental health; and TalentCare, the single touchpoint 
for resources for well-being, community, safety, and workplace 
flexibilities. I would also plan to expand opportunities for 
professional development across the workforce and promote a culture of 
career-long learning.

    Question. What steps will you take to reverse the culture of fear 
surrounding political reprisal and retribution? And what measures will 
you take to protect the Department from a future administration that 
might once again seek to act in such a fashion?

    Answer. I view my Foreign and Civil Service colleagues with the 
highest regard. Department employees are free to express their views as 
part of the Department's policy formulation process without fear of 
reprisal. Career Civil Service and Foreign Service employees are 
protected by law from being removed from positions or deferred from 
promotions or appointments due to their political affiliation. If 
confirmed, I would work closely with the Department's other senior 
leaders to ensure these protections are observed and valued throughout 
the organization. If any Department personnel feel that political 
reprisal and retribution are taking place, I will highly encourage them 
to report it to the appropriate authorities, including the Office of 
the Inspector General. If confirmed, I will ensure that any 
transgressions are investigated and addressed promptly, including by 
ensuring the relevant elements of the Department have the personnel and 
resources needed to meet this standard. I would work to ensure that 
Congress is fully and currently informed on our ongoing efforts to 
prevent and punish any political reprisals or retribution. I would also 
personally reinforce our internal messaging to ensure employees have 
confidence that the Department will protect them from unlawful 
retaliation, including by subjecting supervisors to disciplinary 
action, up to and including separation, if they retaliate against 
employees.

Afghanistan Evacuation
    Question. Americans, including U.S. Government employees, have 
reported that the State Department has limited communication pathway to 
successfully report Afghans in need of evacuation or assistance outside 
of Afghanistan. I have heard from other government agency employees 
that it is difficult to get through to the State Department and to 
discuss evacuations or assistance for Afghans overseas because the 
State Department lacks a transparent process or single point of contact 
with whom to discuss difficult cases of Afghans seeking assistance.

   Have you created a referral process for other government agencies 
        or U.S. citizens and residents to alert the State Department of 
        Afghans in need of evacuation?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment that I will work 
at the Department to ensure we put in place a reliable set of 
mechanisms through which other U.S. Government agencies and private 
individuals can highlight cases of vulnerable or at-risk Afghans who 
need our support to depart Afghanistan.

    Question. Members of my staff have flagged a number of cases over 
the last several months, many of which remain unresolved. The lack of 
response or resolution is disturbing. Will you commit that you will 
take action on these cases in a timely way?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues at the 
Department to ensure these cases are addressed in a timely way.

    Question. We understand that a number of active-duty U.S. service 
members have contacted the State Department for assistance with their 
immediate family members trapped in Afghanistan. Does the State 
Department have the ability to coordinate the evacuation of the family 
members of active-duty U.S. military? Do immediate family members of 
our active-duty military qualify for SIV status? If not, will you 
prioritize family member evacuation via charter flights and 
resettlement to the United States or a third country under other 
programs?

    Answer. The Department of State is working with the DoD and U.S. 
service members who have alerted us of their immediate relatives in 
need of relocation assistance. If confirmed, you have my commitment 
this will continue and, as necessary, be strengthened.
    I understand from my Department colleagues that U.S. immigration 
and other laws dictate who is eligible to derive immigrant status from 
a U.S. citizen, an LPR, or a SIV principal applicant based on their 
familial relationship.
    The Afghan SIV program does not provide an immigration pathway for 
family members of active-duty U.S. military members unless they 
independently qualify under the SIV program. Interested parties can 
check the Bureau of Consular Affairs' website for more information: 
https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/us-visas/immigrate/special-
immg-visa-afghans-employed-us-gov.html. Members of our active-duty 
military who are U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents may 
petition for family-based immigrant visas for their families, visa 
categories that are different from SIVs. Regardless of the legal 
pathway--SIV or family-based immigration--any Afghan who is eligible 
for an immigrant visa may continue to pursue that pathway to immigrate 
to the U.S.

Processing Afghans at Risk
    Question. I understand that consular officers are not involved in 
P-1 or P-2 processing for Afghans, but that they can make P-1 embassy 
referrals.

   What guidance have you given to consular officers working overseas 
        on how to assist Afghans--whether P-1, P-2, SIV, or others--who 
        may arrive at the U.S. Embassy seeking help?

    Answer. The Department continues to provide U.S. embassies and 
consulates worldwide with guidance for Afghans seeking help with 
refugee or visa processing. Personnel representing every part of our 
missions overseas remain committed to assisting Afghans that are 
vulnerable or at risk.
    The Department continues to expedite SIV applications at every 
stage of the SIV process, including by transferring cases to other U.S. 
embassies and consulates around the world where applicants are able to 
appear. Consular officers at immigrant visa processing posts worldwide 
have been instructed to accept transfer of any interview-ready Afghan 
SIV application for processing at their location. To date, more than 17 
embassies and consulates have issued SIVs to Afghan applicant since 
late August. The Department also has concluded an agreement with the 
Government of Qatar that will enable use of Camp As-Saliyah as a 
processing location for SIV applicants with Chief of Mission and I-360 
petition approval, meaning they have established eligibility for the 
SIV and are ready to undergo a visa interview. We also continue to 
expedite processing of SIV applications at stages of the process that 
are performed in the United States.

    Question. How are consular officers working with PRM refugee 
coordinators and Resettlement Support Centers to assist with refugee 
processing for Afghans? Can they submit parole applications on behalf 
of SIV and P-2 eligible Afghans?

    Answer. With the exception of ``following-to-join'' for family 
reunification cases, consular officers are not involved directly with 
refugee processing. However, personnel representing every part of our 
missions overseas remain committed to assisting vulnerable and at-risk 
Afghans and to working with organizations that are seeking to resettle 
priority groups in the United States or in third countries where they 
will be safe. I respectfully refer you to DHS for questions on 
eligibility or application procedures for parole.

    Question. Why is the administration not doing remote/virtual 
processing for P-2 refugee-referred Afghans? Is there a way to break up 
the process to do some in-country screening and then to give a 
tentative ``green light'' on their eligibility before having them flee 
to a third country?

    Answer. Neither in-country screening nor processing of Afghans 
referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) is possible 
since the U.S. Government does not have a physical presence in 
Afghanistan. As the Department of State's Bureau of Population, 
Refugees, and Migration (PRM) works through the backlog of referrals, 
they are emailing Afghans whose referral is complete to confirm their 
referral. We are able to accept referrals for Afghans who are located 
in Afghanistan. Currently, we are legally unable, however, to begin 
processing those referrals until the individual departs Afghanistan.
    Once referred individuals depart Afghanistan and reach a third 
country where processing is possible, PRM will create a case for the 
individual and assign the case to the relevant Resettlement Support 
Center (RSC). At that time, processing through the USRAP may begin.

    Question. What are the P-2 numbers? Number of total referrals 
(primary applicants and primary applicants and dependents)? Number that 
have begun processing? Number approved?

    Answer. As of December 6, PRM has received 12,158 P2 submissions of 
which 7,912 have been reviewed. Of those reviewed, PRM had enough 
information to accept 2,189 P2 referrals. We have thus far created 
cases for 131 families referred to the P2 for which case processing can 
now begin. We have been contacted by approximately 400 Principal 
Applicants who have referrals, and we are working to ensure their 
referrals are completed so their case processing can begin. We estimate 
9,500 P2 families will be eligible for processing once their referral 
is brought to completion and the principal applicant relocates to a 
third country.

    Question. What is Consular Affairs doing to expedite the processing 
of SIV applications? Has the Department surged resources and people to 
review SIV applications? And at the current level of personnel and 
resources, what is the expected processing timeline for SIV 
applications?

    Answer. The Department continues to expedite SIV applications at 
every stage of the SIV process, including by transferring cases to 
other U.S. embassies and consulates around the world where applicants 
are able to appear. Embassies and consulates in Europe, the Middle East 
and South Asia have issued SIVs to applicants present in those regions 
since late August. The Department also has concluded an agreement with 
the Government of Qatar that will enable use of Camp As-Saliyah as a 
processing location for SIV applicants with Chief of Mission and I-360 
petition approval, meaning they have established eligibility for the 
SIV and are ready to undergo a visa interview. We also continue to 
expedite processing of SIV applications at stages of the process that 
are performed in the United States.
    The Department quintupled the size of its COM review team and 
cross-trained 54 additional personnel at the National Visa Center to 
continue managing the demand. It also sent additional officers to Kabul 
to assist with processing before the suspension of operations in 
August. Processing times vary on a case-by-case basis and have 
fluctuated throughout 2021 as a result of shifting resources to surge 
processing capacity. I understand the Department is analyzing data from 
the fourth quarter of fiscal year 2021 to evaluate the impact of surge 
staffing on processing times, in order to provide accurate updates to 
average processing times in the next quarterly report to Congress in 
January.

Reemployment Opportunities for Afghan Foreign Service Nationals (FSNs)
    Question. The U.S. Government acted swiftly in relocating many of 
the State Department's foreign service nationals out of Afghanistan to 
the United States.

   Beyond the housing and integration assistance that the United 
        States is providing via non-governmental organizations, how is 
        the Department supporting those who may be interested in 
        continuing their careers with the State Department?

    Answer. The Department has provided information to the former 
Locally Employed Staff from Kabul to find U.S. Government employment 
opportunities should they wish to continue working with the Department 
and if their resettlement location allows them to do so. The Department 
has also identified a number of individuals whose skills are needed 
immediately and is working on employing them via contract.

    Question. Who is leading the Department's efforts to rehire its 
FSNs, either via contracts or as direct hires?

    Answer. Former Locally Employed Staff from Kabul are eligible to 
apply for U.S. Government vacant positions, assuming they have received 
work authorization from the Department of Homeland Security, and they 
have been provided with the information on how to find these positions. 
Given that the resettlement agencies in the Washington Metropolitan 
Area are oversubscribed, the Department's Bureau of Global Talent 
Management, in coordination with the Bureau of South and Central Asian 
Affairs and the Bureau of Population, Migration and Refugees, is 
focused on encouraging the Locally Employed Staff to resettle in areas 
where there are many employment opportunities and where they can 
receive support.

Fulbright
    Question. What actions will the Department take to allow current 
2021-2022 Fulbright scholars and other F and J visa holders, like 
international students and faculty, to remain in the United States 
after their visas expire? What plans do the Department have for the 
future of the Fulbright program in Afghanistan?

    Answer. In 2021, we welcomed the largest cohort to date of degree-
seeking Fulbright students (109) at U.S. universities. The Department 
is committed to supporting these Afghan students' academic success by 
providing additional monitoring and support. The selection process for 
FY 2022-2023 Fulbright student program semi-finalists is currently on 
hold while we address significant safety, logistical, and programmatic 
constraints.
    Regarding the status of students and scholars after the completion 
of their programs, I would refer you to the Department of Homeland 
Security.

Civil Service
    Question. The structure of the Department's civil service means 
that civil service employees lack career mobility tracks. This makes 
career advancement and professional growth extremely difficult.

   What steps do you plan to take to enable civil service employees to 
        grow professionally and to advance in their careers, just as 
        Foreign Service officers can?

    Answer. If the State Department is to most effectively advance the 
nation's interests, protect our fellow citizens and promote our values, 
I believe it needs to assess and value its employees based primarily on 
their talent and contributions, not the hiring category through which 
they joined the organization. As Secretary Blinken recently observed, 
our civil servants comprise some of the State Department's deepest 
policy and management expertise. I am committed to implementing his 
direction to increase opportunities and career development for our 
dedicated professionals in the civil service. Thanks in part to support 
from you and the committee, the Department was able to secure a 10 
percent increase in the number of Senior Executive Service positions, 
creating new opportunities and pathways for civil servants to advance.
    If confirmed, I am committed to listening to the workforce and to 
better addressing its needs, including investing in their professional 
development and career-long learning, and strengthening programs that 
create viable career mobility pathways for those who aspire to reach 
their full potential. I will support efforts such as developing a 
mobility float program that promotes and fosters continual employee 
career growth in a variety of ways and incentivizes bureaus to allow 
their Civil Service employees to participate in professional 
development opportunities while simultaneously filling gaps when 
needed, thereby reducing concerns of hiring managers that their mission 
goals will go unaddressed.

State Department/USAID Reorganization, Budget, Leadership
    Question. Even with the previous administration's reform efforts 
now dead, there are still a great many legitimate questions concerning 
the relationship of the State Department and USAID--how they coordinate 
on policy and implementation, how they are run, and how to balance 
funding they each require to conduct their operations.

   What are your views on how to improve the relationship between 
        State and USAID?

    Answer. State and USAID partner to advance the President's 
priorities in defending democracy, mitigating climate change, and 
ending COVID-19, in a highly complementary manner. Because the 
Department's policy priorities drive our resource and management 
decisions, if confirmed I commit to coordinating closely with the other 
members of the Department leadership team and our USAID counterparts to 
leverage the comparative advantages of each agency. For example, the 
Department and USAID teams are collaboratively developing a Joint 
Strategic Plan that will articulate shared goals and objectives for the 
next four years. If confirmed, I will ensure my team oversees a budget 
process that accounts for USAID's corporate perspective as we ensure 
coherence of foreign assistance programs across State and USAID. These 
strategic planning and budgeting efforts help align foreign policy and 
development priorities.
    One of the characteristics of effective, healthy embassies overseas 
is a vibrant partnership between the State and USAID components in 
which each understands the respective strengths and works together to 
ensure their respective efforts are complementary and mutually 
reinforcing. If confirmed, I would support efforts to explore whether 
some of those overseas best practices could be applied more uniformly 
to the relationship between the two headquarters in Washington.

Embassy Security
    Question. I am interested in your views on managing the 
Department's personnel security needs. For example, there are competing 
organizations within State that have overlapping areas of 
responsibility, including Diplomatic Security and Overseas Building 
Operations.

   How do you plan to de-conflict and align the different demands of 
        different organizations inside the Department to assure the 
        security of the Department's personnel?

    Answer. The leaders of the State Department have a to protect all 
of our employees, and their families when overseas, from a wide range 
of threats and occupational workplace hazards. At the same time, our 
profession is at times dangerous and may involve service in harm's way. 
If confirmed, I would seek to improve our ability to balance these two 
imperatives while ensuring we secure maximum value for those taxpayer 
resources entrusted to the State Department, particularly with respect 
to providing our employees overseas and across the United States with 
secure, accessible, cost-effective work environments.
    If confirmed, I would apply core principles of leadership to ensure 
Department organizations with lead responsibility for security and 
workplace safety share information; work together to achieve a common 
set of objectives; identify and resolve disagreements about priorities 
to the extent possible; and refer those issues on which they cannot 
reach resolution to me or other Department leaders for decision.

State Department Staffing--DRL and PRM
    Question. During the Trump administration, the Bureau of Democracy, 
Human Rights, and Labor and the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration were hollowed out, and remain understaffed to this day. These 
bureaus are critical in implementing President Biden's foreign policy 
agenda and in responding to ongoing crises, including in Afghanistan.

   What steps are you taking to remove barriers to fully staffing 
        these bureaus as quickly as possible?

    Answer. In 2021, the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration 
(PRM) was approved to add 68 new direct-hire positions and worked to 
quickly staff these positions utilizing all available recruitment 
mechanisms and hiring authorities. Despite a slow security clearance 
process, unprecedented Afghanistan refugee resettlement operations and 
the intense competition for talent, PRM has already filled, or is in 
the process of filling, 46 of the 68 new positions and is actively 
working to fill the remaining 22 positions.
    In 2017, the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) had 
30 vacant civil service positions as a result of the hiring freeze, 
which have all been filled. Since 2017, Congress has increased DRL's 
administrative funding by 50 percent, which allowed the bureau to fund 
21 full-time positions to focus on foreign assistance programs. Most of 
these positions have now been filled. Continued recruitment remains a 
high priority for DRL.
    If confirmed, I will monitor closely staffing levels and vacancy 
rates in these and other bureaus who were impacted disproportionately 
by the 2017 hiring freeze and subsequent decisions regarding allocation 
of resources.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. John R. Bass by Senator James E. Risch

State Department Management and Oversight
    Question. The State Department has been under enormous stress over 
the past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout the State 
        Department?

    Answer. The people who serve the nation at the U.S. Department of 
State are dedicated public servants committed to implementing the 
policies of our elected government, protecting our country's interests 
and promoting our values around the world in a wide range of operating 
environments. Our employees and their families have been buffeted by 
some policy choices in recent years that proved controversial given our 
nation's current political environment. The workforce continues to 
weather the challenges of the pandemic and fulfill its missions but is 
experiencing pandemic fatigue like the rest of the nation.
    Many State Department employees who served in Afghanistan are 
struggling to come to grips with the Taliban's return to power, even as 
they support ongoing efforts to keep faith with those Afghans to whom 
our country has a special commitment. Many employees are frustrated 
there has not been more progress addressing some longstanding 
challenges with the Department's infrastructure, internal policies, 
business processes and workforce demographics.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all the State 
Department?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to work closely with the Deputy 
Secretary for Management and Resources, and other senior leaders, to 
implement the core provisions of the modernization agenda outlined by 
Secretary Blinken in November 2021:

   building State's expertise and capacity to address cross-cutting 
        issues, especially climate change, global health, economics and 
        multilateral diplomacy;
   supporting the organization, staffing and activation of the new 
        bureau of cyber and digital policy, and office of the special 
        envoy for emerging technologies, thereby turning concepts into 
        organizational realities;
   identifying organizational changes and incentives that encourage 
        more innovation and initiative across the workforce;
   implementing specific measures to build and retain diverse, 
        dynamic, entrepreneurial workforce; and
   promoting changes in organizational culture to reinvigorate in-
        person diplomacy and engagement, including by implementing 
        sensible changes to the methods used to manage threats and risk 
        across the enterprise.

    I believe we also need to be more responsive to the needs of the 
contemporary workforce, drawing on lessons and best practices from 
private industry that are applicable in a global public institution. If 
confirmed, I would continue promoting and expanding workplace 
flexibilities--including telework and remote work--and stressing the 
importance of caring for oneself and family. Our Employee Consultation 
Service (ECS) is integral to this effort. I fully support ECS's 
continued outreach to employees and family members to further reduce 
barriers to seeking care by increasing knowledge of support ECS can 
offer and addressing any misperceptions that this will impose adverse 
consequences. I would ensure ECS has the resources it needs to 
permanently support its 24/7 expansion of services.
    I also would seek additional ways to promote full use of resources 
the Department offers to assist employees including FSI workshops and 
engagements; 24/7 online access to Worklife4U to address personal 
issues, including mental health; and TalentCare, the single touchpoint 
for resources for well-being, community, safety, and workplace 
flexibilities. I would also plan to expand opportunities for 
professional development across the workforce and promote a culture of 
career-long learning.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across the State Department?

    Answer. The President and the Secretary have articulated a clear 
vision for the Department: the lead foreign affairs agency, responsible 
for advancing the United States' interests and values through 
diplomacy, engagement, and assistance. It is a vision that restores 
diplomacy-and the work of the Department-to the center of our foreign 
policy. This is a vision all Department employees can embrace. If 
confirmed, I would partner with other senior leaders and utilize 
sustained communication, dialogue, and direct engagement to ensure 
those entrusted with fulfilling the Department's mission understand 
their unique role in carrying it out and the responsibilities that 
accompany this privilege.

Management: A Key Responsibility for State Department Leadership
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe strongly in empowering individuals and teams at 
all levels of an organization to take initiative, solve problems and 
improve our performance. I prioritize collaboration and emphasize the 
`need to share' principle in making information widely available. I 
concentrate on delegating authority to the greatest extent possible, 
reserving for myself those decisions and problems that only I, through 
my rank, position and authorities, can address.
    We all make mistakes. I emphasize to my teams that in an 
organizational culture centered on achievement, people will make 
mistakes. When mistakes occur, I focus my team's energy on learning 
from those mistakes and making any adjustments necessary to prevent 
repeats. I expect my team to share information, contacts and credit 
with each other and their colleagues across the larger organization. I 
am accessible to colleagues at all levels of the organization; I try to 
prioritize engaging personally those colleagues engaged in the tasks 
that are essential but unheralded to ensure the entire team knows that 
everyone's contributions are important to our success.
    In the three embassies I led and as the Executive Secretary and 
Director of the Operations Center at State, this philosophy yielded 
strong, effective teams that were highly productive, positive 
environments in which people pulled together and looked out for each 
despite heavy workloads, high stress and, often, acute security 
threats. If confirmed, I intend to apply the same philosophy to those 
bureaus and offices within the Department for which the Under Secretary 
has line authority and to attempt to imbue these qualities into the 
broader organizational culture.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an executive department setting, where resources may not be readily 
available and your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. Throughout my thirty-three years as a federal employee, I 
have contended frequently with staffing shortfalls and uncertainty 
regarding the scope and timing of funding and other resources. Despite 
these challenges, I repeatedly have compensated for deficits and found 
ways to fulfill the mission and achieve core objectives.
    In the three embassies I have led as Ambassador, and as the 
Executive Secretary and Director of the Operations Center at State, I 
have emphasized the importance of effectively managing uncertainty, 
focusing on our core mission and identifying top priorities to which we 
would apply additional resources if they became available.
    My leadership and management philosophy yielded strong, effective 
teams that were highly productive, positive, collaborative environments 
in which people pulled together and cared for each despite heavy 
workloads, high stress and frequent uncertainty regarding staffing 
levels and funding. If confirmed, I intend to apply the same philosophy 
to those bureaus and offices within the Department for which the Under 
Secretary has line authority and to attempt to imbue these qualities 
into the broader organizational culture.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new appointees to integrate themselves 
into department operations and culture?

    Answer. Across my thirty-three-year career in the federal 
government, I have had the opportunity to work extensively with a wide 
range of non-career officials, both in embassies overseas and at the 
State Department headquarters in Washington. The most effective of 
those political appointees were curious about the institution and 
organizational culture of the State Department; applied themselves to 
understanding how government service differed from their prior 
professional experiences; and adapted to those aspects of the operating 
environment unique to the federal government and the State Department. 
Conversely, non-career officials who were ineffective or drew special 
scrutiny from the inspector general often were those who were least 
interested in understanding the State Department and the unusual 
challenges associated with serving the nation overseas.
    Many political appointees/non-career officials and ambassadors 
bring experience and perspective that can help the Department and its 
dedicated professionals. Virtually all of them want to be successful 
during their tenure in government. If confirmed, I would encourage non-
career officials to learn the basics of State's structure, operations 
and organizational culture, emphasizing the strong correlation between 
absorbing this context and successful tenures as ambassadors and senior 
officials. I would also solicit their views and expertise in tackling 
some of the core issues on Secretary Blinken's modernization agenda for 
which there was strong evidence the private sector's methods were more 
effective than our current approach, yet still consistent with 
inherently governmental functions performed by the State Department.

    Question. If you do believe it is incumbent on appointees to 
integrate themselves into department operations and culture, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would first solicit views of current non-
career officials to assess the effectiveness of the Department's formal 
and informal orientation efforts, including by assessing to what extent 
non-career officials were aware, and had utilized, the range of 
orientation materials and programs available to them. Working with 
other senior leaders at State, I would ensure all nominees for 
ambassadorial positions continued to be required to attend the 
Ambassadorial Seminar organized by the National Foreign Affairs 
Training Center (NFATC) for outbound chiefs of mission.
    I also would work closely with officials in Global Talent 
Management, NFATC and other bureaus in the Department to strengthen our 
orientation program for political appointees serving in positions at 
State's headquarters here in Washington. I would intend to focus 
particularly on non-career officials occupying Deputy Assistant 
Secretary and equivalent positions in the Department. Individuals 
appointed to these positions often possess considerable substantive 
expertise but may lack equivalent experience at the State Department or 
other national security departments and agencies that hinders their 
ability to be optimally effective.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not. ``Name and shame'' neither improves 
performance nor strengthens organizational culture. I believe high-
achieving organizations develop cultures that acknowledge their team 
members sometimes make mistakes, despite the best of intentions and 
effort. Addressing mistakes, deficiencies of performance or other 
workplace issues always should be done with wider morale and well-being 
in mind, and in accordance with the Department's regulations and 
guidelines concerning performance and conduct.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy 
Under Secretary?

    Answer. The position of Deputy Under Secretary for Management was 
discontinued when an Act of Congress of October 7, 1978, established 
the permanent position of Under Secretary of State for Management, and 
I do not intend to reinstate the position. Adding an additional 
management layer would be counterproductive to my goal of reducing 
bureaucracy and empowering the workforce, key elements employed by many 
private sector leaders to retain talent and boost productivity.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Under Secretary?

    Answer. I do not plan to reinstate the Deputy Under Secretary 
position.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to 
        access all local populations?

    Answer. The Secretary of State has security responsibility for U.S 
diplomats on official duty overseas, a responsibility that entails 
protecting them and their families from a wide range of threats. At the 
same time, our profession is at times dangerous and often involves 
serving in harm's way. If confirmed, I would seek to improve our 
ability to balance these two imperatives. Our national security mission 
entails diverse types of risk. While our personnel routinely engage 
with interlocutors and contacts beyond the walls of our embassies, we 
are committed to doing even more. The Department goes to great lengths 
to facilitate our nation's diplomacy in challenging places, including 
high-threat locations, but a combination of current law and policy 
impairs our ability to most effectively tailor our management of risk 
to reflect actual threat levels in individual countries. If confirmed, 
I would welcome opportunities to consult and work closely with you, 
other members of the committee and the wider Congress to identify 
adjustments that would enable us to advance more effectively the 
country's interests in every country and threat environment.

Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like overall?

    Answer. The United States confronts complex security, economic, 
health, social, and climate challenges in a world of rising nationalism 
and rivalry with authoritarian states. The public diplomacy environment 
is competitive. Other actors are actively competing for control of the 
information environment and for the affinities of foreign publics. Our 
competitors deploy centralized, state-run propaganda and disinformation 
fueled by the vast expansion of communications through technology and 
expend unprecedented resources in whole-of-government efforts to gain 
advantages in the sphere of public opinion and influence.
    U.S. public diplomacy has enduring strengths founded on more than 
70 years of work to build relationships and partnerships built on 
transparency and trust with governments, businesses, civil society, 
leaders, and ordinary citizens in the United States and around the 
world. Our global public diplomacy footprint--composed of 185 public 
diplomacy sections in U.S. missions abroad and over 4,000 public 
diplomacy professionals serving domestically and overseas--design and 
implement public engagement programs and messaging campaigns to support 
U.S. policy objectives in local context, help us understand foreign 
audiences, and design approaches that inform, listen to, and build 
relationships with them.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. The Department faces a number of public diplomacy 
challenges, including rising authoritarianism, competition from rivals 
who outspend us, disinformation from malign actors, and closed media 
and communication environments. In addition, the COVID pandemic has 
impacted travel and consequently in person exchanges and the 
participation of foreign students in higher education in the United 
States.
    Some provisions in law, enacted with the best of intentions in the 
aftermath of tragic attacks on embassy facilities and personnel, have 
reduced public access to our public diplomacy facilities, programs and 
professionals, constraining the State Department's ability to deliver 
maximum impact from the taxpayer resources entrusted to us to advance 
the nation's interests overseas. If confirmed, I would welcome 
opportunities to consult and work closely with you, other members of 
the committee and the wider Congress to identify adjustments that would 
enable us to advance more effectively the country's interests in every 
country and threat environment.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
in-country missions when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The messaging guidance provided by the Department is 
executed, supported, and refined for foreign audiences by public 
diplomacy teams in our embassies overseas, in close coordination with 
their corresponding regional bureaus' public diplomacy offices and the 
Bureau of Global Public Affairs (GPA). Our embassies design and 
implement messaging campaigns to support U.S. policy objectives in 
local context. Public diplomacy staff at our embassies, as well as 
monitoring and analyses undertaken by GPA and the Global Engagement 
Center help us understand foreign audiences and design approaches that 
inform, listen to, and build relationships with them. Washington-based 
and overseas public diplomacy staff strive to coordinate mutually 
reinforcing messaging.

Human Rights and International Organizations
    Question. Officers who cover human rights at posts abroad are often 
singular officers or very small groups of officers responsible for 
reporting on a large quantity of human rights issues, including 
informing or drafting reports published by the bureaus of Democracy, 
Human Rights, and Labor, the office to Combat and Monitor Trafficking 
in Persons, and the Office of International Religious Freedom.

   What is your assessment of the lack of officers who cover human 
        rights?

    Answer. I appreciate the committee's sustained attention to human 
rights, trafficking in persons, and international religious freedom 
issues, and specifically the number of Department personnel at posts 
focused on them. The Department constantly strives to improve the 
quality of the work in these areas, including our reporting. While it 
is generally true that with additional resources, we could devote more 
staff to these valuable efforts, the Department is currently using 
available resources as efficiently as possible to both address country 
conditions and to produce well-respected reports. I am committed to 
further consulting with you and the committee on addressing any 
Department staffing needs.

    Question. Should posts have more officers monitoring human rights 
in country?

    Answer. I appreciate the Ranking Member's attention to human rights 
and, if confirmed, am committed to further consulting with you and the 
committee on addressing any of our staffing needs at overseas posts. 
Secretary Blinken, Deputy Secretary McKeon and others have underscored 
the importance of improving the State Department's agility, enabling 
more regular reallocation of our career professionals to address 
compelling policy priorities. If confirmed, I would ensure those 
bureaus and offices reporting to me, including Global Talent 
Management, support fully any future reviews of current overseas 
staffing distribution or initiatives to adjust staffing in our 
embassies and consulates overseas.

    Question. During your time in Afghanistan during the Non-Combatant 
Evacuation Operation (NEO), who was responsible for flight clearances 
to land and depart from Hamid Karzai International Airport (HKIA)?

    Answer. I refer you to the Department of Defense for more 
information about flight clearances at Hamid Karzai International 
Airport (HKIA) during the NEO.

    Question. When you ceased operational responsibility, was the same 
person/entity still responsible for flight clearances in and out of 
HKIA and to the lily pads on U.S. military bases?

    Answer. I refer you to the Department of Defense for more 
information about flight clearances at Hamid Karzai International 
Airport (HKIA) or U.S. military bases during the NEO and in the ensuing 
months.

    Question. Please describe interactions with the Taliban during the 
NEO.

    Answer. During the Non-Combatant Evacuation Operation, the United 
States communicated with the Taliban in Kabul and Doha on matters of 
important, temporary, operational U.S. interests, including the 
departure of U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, local U.S. 
Government staff and others from Afghanistan. As part of this 
communication, the Taliban altered their actions in ways that enabled 
us to evacuate most American citizens and many vulnerable and at-risk 
Afghans. Subsequent operational, ad hoc communications with Taliban 
representatives have allowed us to continue to relocate U.S. citizens, 
Lawful Permanent Residents, and Afghans.

    Question. At what point did the bottleneck become so bad that 
gaining entry into the airport required passcodes and/or ``knowing 
someone on the inside.''

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken noted in his testimony on September 
14, ``[T]he situation outside the airport became incredibly chaotic, 
with thousands of people massing at the airport, massing at the gates 
of the airport.''
    My involvement with the evacuation operation began on August 17, so 
I can only speak to circumstances that occurred on and after that date. 
By the time I arrived on the ground on August 19, the principal access 
points were characterized by extreme overcrowding that impeded entry by 
American citizens and legal residents, foreign nationals of Allied and 
Partner nationals, and those vulnerable or at-risk Afghans we sought to 
help depart.
    In the ensuing days, numerous factors--threats of suicide attacks 
by ISIS-K, uneven conduct by Taliban irregulars controlling checkpoints 
on the approaches to the airport, severe overcrowding and viral 
information-sharing among Afghans seeking to depart--hampered our 
ability to develop methods to safely and predictably facilitate entry 
to the airfield complex for our citizens and other priority groups. 
State Department professionals and U.S. military counterparts developed 
new methods on a daily basis, then adjusted those methods multiple 
times each day to reflect real-time conditions and constraints. This 
persistent, creative problem-solving enabled us ultimately to evacuate 
many in priority groups for the United States and for over two dozen 
Allied and Partner nations.
    The men and women with whom I served during the NEO did the best we 
could with what we had to work with, in the time constraints we faced. 
I think every day about the people, many of whom I know personally, who 
are still inside Afghanistan, who we were not able to reach. If 
confirmed, I intend to continue supporting the many career 
professionals working in various ways to support the relocation effort, 
today and in the years ahead.

    Question. How many American Citizens remain in Afghanistan?

    Answer. Since August 31, and as of December 1, the Department has 
directly assisted in the departure of 479 U.S. citizens from 
Afghanistan. As of December 8, 129 additional U.S. citizens in 
Afghanistan had requested assistance with departure, and, of those, 
three were ready to depart. This number fluctuates depending on those 
who have made their presence in Afghanistan known to the Department; 
expressed a desire for departure assistance; or returned to Afghanistan 
and are again requesting assistance. Most U.S. citizens still in 
Afghanistan are there because they are not ready to depart.

    Question. Under your direction, please describe your interactions 
with Veterans/Veterans Groups/NGOs looking to evacuate Afghans on 
private charters or other means of evacuation.

    Answer. Upon my most recent return from Afghanistan, I was asked to 
establish a team to coordinate relocation efforts across government 
agencies and with advocacy groups, nonprofit organizations, and others. 
The team works closely with the Department of Defense, Department of 
Homeland Security, and other partners to facilitate the departure of 
those who wish to leave Afghanistan, including U.S. citizens, Lawful 
Permanent Residents (LPRs), and vulnerable or at-risk Afghans.
    The team I established began communicating and working with 
veterans advocacy groups in early September. It now coordinates with a 
self-organized coalition of more than 100 organizations who share our 
commitment to continuing to facilitate the safe and orderly travel of 
U.S. citizens, LPRs, and vulnerable or at-risk Afghans.

    Question. Did the Department offer to provide any resources to 
these groups to facilitate additional evacuations during the NEO or 
continued after the end of the NEO?

    Answer. Other than the ongoing work of our personnel on these 
issues, the Department of State is not funding privately organized 
flights from Afghanistan. The Department has funded the cost of certain 
transportation, including air travel, for U.S. citizens, Lawful 
Permanent Residents (LPRs), and their immediate family members. As of 
December 1, the Department has assisted directly in the departure of 
479 American citizens and 417 Lawful Permanent Residents since the 
conclusion of the noncombatant evacuation operation on August 30. We 
will continue our efforts to facilitate the safe and orderly travel of 
U.S. citizens, LPRs, and our other vulnerable or at-risk Afghan allies.
    If confirmed, I would seek to ensure the Department continues to 
provide information to you and your colleagues about our support for 
private organizations' efforts, including as necessary in a closed 
setting.

    Question. In your view, what is the difference between the 
Undersecretary of State for Management and the Deputy Secretary for 
Management and Resources? Are these two positions at all duplicative?

    Answer. The Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources enables 
the Department to thoughtfully approach issues and resource needs that 
are cross-cutting, interdisciplinary, and involve substantial 
coordination with OMB, Congress, and other department and agency 
leadership. The Undersecretary of State for Management has a mix of 
operational responsibilities for today's issues and a focus on 
implementation for longer term planning to ensure proposed improvements 
to organization, process, and infrastructure are sustainable and 
applicable to a wide range of operating environments overseas. These 
positions are complementary and mutually reinforcing, enabling 
Department leadership to focus on both urgent and important challenges.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. John R. Bass by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. There have been numerous reports and many discussions 
here on the Hill in recent years about the lack of diversity at the 
State Department. I applaud the creation of the role of a Chief 
Diversity and Inclusion Officer and look forward to hearing more about 
the office's work. However, much of the responsibility for not only 
recruiting and hiring diverse talent, but retaining that talent, falls 
under the Undersecretary for Management. We have also heard many 
reports in recent years, about low morale at the State Department, for 
a variety of reasons.

   What specifically do you think needs to be done to retain diverse 
        talent in the ranks of the StateDepartment, both in the Civil 
        Service and the Foreign Service? What policies and practices 
        needto change, and how can Congress assist?

    Answer. I am committed to retaining our talent. We must continue to 
expand our support to employees, including wellness resources, 
workforce flexibilities, childcare, targeted support for employees and 
their family members overseas, professional development opportunities, 
and rewarding career paths. We also must promote a diverse, equitable, 
inclusive and accessible environment where our employees can thrive. 
The Secretary recently announced that the Department is establishing a 
retention team in the Bureau of Global Talent Management to better 
understand why employees leave, why they stay, and their personal and 
professional priorities, to build a Department-wide strategic plan 
focused on retaining our talented staff. I look forward to working with 
you, other members of the committee and the wider Congress to address 
these needs and opportunities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Mark Brzezinski by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I agree these incidents must be taken seriously and pose a 
threat to the health of U.S. personnel. I understand a major 
interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and 
how all U.S. personnel worldwide can be protected, and this issue 
remains a top priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If 
confirmed, I will do my utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous 
health incidents receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, 
and I will consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety 
and security of the Mission Poland community.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their 
family members who report a potential anomalous health incident will 
receive immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I 
will communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected 
employees and their family members and work together with partners in 
Washington and the interagency to do what we can to protect against 
these incidents and to find the cause of what has been afflicting these 
members of our Embassy teams. I consider it my primary responsibility 
to ensure the safety and security of the Mission Poland community.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Mission Poland 
community. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and the 
RSO at post to discuss any past reported incidents and to ensure that 
all protocols are being followed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Mark Brzezinski by Senator James E. Risch

Nord Stream 2
    Question. The administration has declared that Nord Stream 2 is a 
Russian malign influence project and a bad deal for Europe. While it is 
widely accepted that Ukraine will be most disadvantaged due to its role 
in the transmission of Russian gas westward, Poland also operates a 
pipeline connecting Europe to Russian gas supplies.

   If Nord Stream 2 becomes operational, what new challenges will 
        Poland face?

    Answer. Poland, like the United States, opposes Nord Stream 2 as a 
harmful Russian geopolitical project that damages European energy 
security, particularly for Ukraine. Poland will end Gazprom gas 
contracts by the end of 2022, because it has diversified its energy mix 
away from Russian sources, including imports of LNG from the United 
States and other countries and the planned completion in October 2022 
of the Polish-owned Baltic Pipe from Norway. The United States also has 
a strong partnership with Poland to develop nuclear power using U.S. 
technology and expand the use of other forms of zero-emission renewable 
energy.

    Question. While the U.S. and Germany came to an agreement on how to 
respond should Russia use Nord Stream 2 to weaken Ukraine, what plan is 
in place should Russia do the same in Poland?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to work with Poland to 
advocate for full adherence in letter and in spirit of the pipeline's 
certification process and compliance with the EU's Third Energy 
Package, including its requirements for ownership unbundling and third-
party access to the pipeline to transit gas from sources other than 
Russia and Gazprom. These measures, together with Germany's 
implementation of its commitments under our July 2021 Joint Statement 
on Support for Ukraine and European Energy Security, reduce the risks 
an operational NS2 pipeline would pose to European energy security and 
to the security of Ukraine and frontline NATO and EU countries, such as 
Poland.

    Question. How do you believe Poland has interacted with this U.S.-
Germany agreement?

    Answer. Immediately following the conclusion of the agreement, 
State Department Counselor Derek Chollet traveled to Poland, as well as 
Ukraine, to consult with our Polish Ally about steps to avoid the 
worst-case scenarios regarding the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. Senior 
Advisor Amos Hochstein followed up with a trip to the region in 
September where he met with senior officials in Ukraine, Poland, and 
Germany to further coordinate our approach on this issue.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. Poland opposes Nord Stream 2, as 
does the United States. President Duda told Polish press the U.S.-
Germany Joint Statement ``reduces the security of a large part of 
Europe, including a number of European Union countries'' To address 
Polish and Ukrainian concerns following the conclusion of the Joint 
Statement, State Department Counselor Derek Chollet traveled to Warsaw, 
as well as to Kyiv, to consult with our Polish Ally about steps to 
avoid the worst-case scenarios regarding the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. 
Senior Advisor Amos Hochstein followed up with a trip to Ukraine, 
Poland, and Germany in September to further coordinate with senior 
officials on this issue. Senior Advisor Hochstein continues to engage 
Allies and partners to address the risks posed by the Nord Stream 2 
pipeline project.
Belarus and the Weaponization of Migrants
    Question. Belarus has launched a hybrid attack by pushing thousands 
of migrants to its borders with its EU neighbors, and most intensely on 
Poland. This serves two purposes: 1. To put pressure on Poland, and 2. 
To divide the European Union over how it should approach the crisis.

   How will you work with the Polish Government to help them address 
        the situation and find a domestic solution to the crisis?

    Answer. The actions by the Lukashenka regime threaten security, sow 
division, and aim to distract from Russia's activities on the border 
with Ukraine. I hope the Belarusian authorities will take affirmative 
steps to resolve the humanitarian crisis that Lukashenka's regime 
started and alleviate the suffering of the people the Lukashenka regime 
has victimized. If confirmed, I pledge to continue close cooperation 
with Poland to support a free, independent, and democratic Belarus, 
including maintaining contacts with the Belarusian opposition exiled in 
Poland and strengthening U.S. Embassy grants to several Poland-based 
media outlets and NGOs that support independent media and democratic 
values in Belarus.

    Question. How will you ensure that Poland upholds its international 
and EU obligations to uphold the rights of migrants?

    Answer. The regime in Belarus refuses to respect its international 
obligations and commitments, with respect to its treatment of its own 
people and undermines the peace and security of Europe. If confirmed, I 
will work with the Polish Government to ensure it is doing everything 
it can to secure its borders while seeking to assist and protect the 
migrants and asylum seekers that Lukashenka has victimized. I will 
encourage the Polish Government to grant humanitarian organizations 
access to the border area to provide assistance to the migrants and 
asylum seekers. I should note that the Belarusian authorities have 
refused at least three attempts by the Polish Government to provide 
humanitarian aid to the migrants and asylum seekers on the Belarus side 
of the border.

    Question. How will you work with your fellow U.S. diplomats in 
other EU countries to encourage their governments to work together to 
find a solution?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my 
counterparts representing the United States in other EU and partner 
countries on working with our allies and partners to promote freedom, 
democracy, and rule of law in Belarus, to support the Belarusian 
opposition in exile, and to hold the Lukashenka regime accountable for 
its flagrant violations and abuses of human rights in its treatment of 
Belarusians.
Expats and Exiled Opposition in Poland
    Question. Many opposition politicians, activists, and journalists 
have fled Russia and Belarus to escape political persecution, and have 
formed expat communities in Poland and Lithuania where they continue 
their work.

   How will you engage with these opposition groups in Poland?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the frequent engagement that 
Mission Poland has had with Russian and Belarusian democracy activists 
since they were forced to flee to Poland.

    Question. How will you engage with your fellow U.S. diplomats in 
other expat host countries to help protect the opposition's liberties 
and support their work against authoritarianism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my 
counterparts representing the United States in other EU and partner 
countries on working with our allies and partners to promote freedom, 
democracy, and rule of law in Belarus, to support the Belarusian 
opposition in exile, and to hold the Lukashenka regime accountable for 
its flagrant violations of the human rights of Belarusians. I will 
especially seek to work with my counterparts in Lithuania, Ukraine, and 
Latvia, where most Belarusians fleeing Lukashenka's repression have 
gone.

    Question. What U.S. Government resources will you bring to bear to 
support the exiled pro-democracy and human rights activists of Russia 
and Belarus?

    Answer. The U.S. Government dedicates significant resources to 
support exiled activists from Russia and Belarus, many of whom reside 
in Poland. If confirmed, I will ensure that Mission Poland is an active 
part of U.S. Government-wide efforts to use these resources 
effectively. This would include Mission Poland personnel engaging with 
exiled activists and coordinating closely with Department of State and 
USAID colleagues in Poland and Washington. I would also coordinate with 
the Government of Poland, and with representatives of like-minded 
governments, to ensure our support for exiled activists advances our 
policy goals and the aspirations of those who are fighting for a 
democratic future for Belarus and Russia.
Defense Issues
    Question. The Polish Government has announced the desire to 
significantly expand its military capabilities to counter Russian 
aggression. Poland has indicated it plans to double the size of its 
military,

   As the Polish military grows in size and power, do you anticipate 
        any issues for Poland maintaining civilian control over the 
        military? What command and control issues exist in the Polish 
        military?

    Answer. The Polish constitution specifically enjoins the military 
to observe neutrality in political matters and subjects the military to 
civilian democratic control. The establishment of civilian democratic 
control of the armed forces was a key principle of NATO's 1995 Study on 
Enlargement. Poland observes this constitutional obligation and 
political responsibility as a NATO Ally. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working with Poland to strengthen its national security in 
accordance with these principles and look forward to consulting with 
members of this committee on this subject.

    Question. Do you have any concern that such a military expansion 
will provoke Russia?

    Answer. Poland, like all sovereign nations, has the obligation to 
defend its territory and people. As a NATO Ally, Poland develops its 
Armed Forces in coordination with Allies and the NATO Defense Planning 
Process. NATO is a defensive Alliance. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with the Polish Government, colleagues in the Executive Branch, 
and members of this committee to increase Poland's capacity for 
individual and collective self-defense.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. No. It is Russia's aggressive 
policies and military expansion that are provocative, not the measures 
that its neighbors take to provide for their own defense. Poland, like 
all sovereign nations, has the obligation to defend its territory and 
people. As a NATO Ally, Poland develops its Armed Forces in 
coordination with Allies and the NATO Defense Planning Process. NATO is 
a defensive Alliance. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
Polish Government, colleagues in the Executive Branch, and members of 
this committee to increase Poland's capacity for individual and 
collective self-defense, which is consistent with successive 
administrations' calls for Allies to shoulder more of NATO's military 
burden.
Nuclear Threats
    Question. The Biden administration has been exploring the idea of 
establishing a ``sole purpose'' nuclear policy. Previous 
administrations have considered changing to a ``no first use'' policy, 
but realized international security was more important than ideology. 
Over time, proponents re-labelled the concept as ``sole purpose,'' but 
have been clear that idea is the same in all but name. If this 
administration abandons nuclear deterrence, and adopts a sole purpose 
nuclear declaratory policy, it will scare our friends, embolden our 
adversaries, and damage the very nonproliferation goals it claims to 
support.
    If the United States were to adopt a ``sole purpose'' nuclear 
policy:

   What new vulnerabilities and challenges would Poland have to face 
        in revising its national defense strategy?

    Answer. The Department of Defense is currently leading a Nuclear 
Posture Review (NPR) that will define U.S. declaratory policy. That 
review remains ongoing. It is therefore premature to speculate on the 
final outcome. During this review, the Biden administration is 
conducting extensive, wide-ranging consultations with U.S. allies and 
partners, including Poland. I understand the concerns expressed among 
some allies and partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding 
U.S. adoption of a ``no-first-use'' or ``sole purpose'' policy. Those 
concerns will inform the review process. If confirmed, I commit to 
working closely with Poland to understand how the NPR may impact 
Poland's national defense strategy.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. The Department of Defense is 
currently leading a Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) that will define U.S. 
declaratory policy. During this review, the Biden administration is 
conducting extensive consultations with U.S. Allies, including Poland, 
and the views expressed, including concerns about ``no-first-use'' or 
``sole purpose'' will weigh heavily in the administration's decision 
making. President Biden has called Article 5 a ``sacred obligation'' 
and has repeatedly stressed to all Allies that our commitment to 
Article 5 is ironclad. The President's Interim National Security 
Strategy also makes clear ``that our extended deterrence commitments to 
our allies remain strong and credible.'' While I am not part of the NPR 
review, I am confident that the final result will ensure that the U.S. 
will have the capabilities needed to deter aggression and respond if 
deterrence fails. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with Poland 
to understand how the NPR may impact Poland's national defense 
strategy.

    Question. How would a change to sole purpose affect Poland's 
confidence in the Biden administration's allegiance to NATO's Article 5 
commitments?

    Answer. The DoD-led NPR, which will define U.S. declaratory policy, 
remains ongoing. It is therefore premature to speculate on the final 
outcome. Regardless of the outcome of the NPR, however, President Biden 
has called Article 5 a ``sacred obligation'' and has repeatedly 
stressed to all Allies that our commitment to Article 5 is ironclad.

    Question. How would unilateral reductions in U.S. nuclear forces, 
regardless of growing threats, assure allies and deter adversaries?

    Answer. President Biden's Interim National Security Strategic 
Guidance, which guides the drafting of the NPR, directed that ``we will 
take steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national 
security strategy, while ensuring our strategic deterrent remains safe, 
secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence commitments to 
our allies remain strong and credible.'' Whether unilateral or 
reciprocal, any potential reductions would need to be carried out in a 
manner consistent with the objective of ensuring the United States 
sustains a modern, credible, and effective deterrent so long as nuclear 
weapons exist. I would never support unilateral reductions that 
endanger U.S. security or weaken U.S. negotiating leverage.

    Question. What reforms and revisions to its strategy do you 
anticipate the Polish Armed Forces would make?

    Answer. The DoD-led NPR, which will define U.S. declaratory policy, 
remains ongoing. It is therefore premature to speculate on the final 
outcome. During this review, the Biden administration is conducting 
extensive, wide-ranging consultations with U.S. allies and partners, 
including Poland. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with Poland 
to understand how the NPR may impact the Polish Armed Forces.

    Question. How could the U.S. reassure Poland that we can mount an 
effective offense in the case of a conventional attack on its borders?

    Answer. The DoD-led NPR, which will define U.S. declaratory policy, 
remains ongoing. It is therefore premature to speculate on the final 
outcome. Regardless of the outcome of the NPR, however, President Biden 
has called Article 5 a ``sacred obligation'' and has repeatedly 
stressed to all Allies that our commitment to Article 5 is ironclad. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure that we are ready to respond to any 
attack on Poland, be it a conventional military attack or otherwise.
Democratic Backsliding
    Question. Poland has been criticized by the EU for failing to 
uphold standards for judicial reforms as defined by an EU law that was 
rejected by Poland's Constitutional Tribunal. They have raised related 
concerns for the Polish Government's ability to fight corruption and 
uphold the rule of law.

   What are your concerns for judicial reforms, corruption, and rule 
        of law in Poland?

    Answer. I share the concerns expressed by the administration 
regarding democratic backsliding in Poland. I welcome Poland's decision 
to dismantle the disciplinary chamber for judges as a positive first 
step toward restoring separation of powers and judicial independence, 
which are integral to a healthy democracy. If confirmed, I will engage 
in frank discussions between our governments on these issues and work 
with all stakeholders in Poland to strengthen the rule of law. I will 
stress that NATO not only defends our territories, but also our shared 
democratic values and way of life. If confirmed, I will continue to 
work with the Polish Government to uphold shared democratic values, 
especially as Poland becomes chair of the OSCE in 2022.

    Question. How will you engage with the Polish Government to promote 
reforms for good governance?

    Answer. Promoting our shared democratic values is an essential 
component of U.S.-Polish relations. If confirmed, I will advocate with 
the Polish Government to promote good governance. We will also leverage 
the strength of our civil society partnerships and depth of our public 
diplomacy tools, including social media, to engage with Poles regarding 
the importance of preserving the shared democratic values that underpin 
our relationship.
TVN and Discovery
    Question. A bill in the Polish parliament proposes a ban on 
entities outside of the European Economic Area owning majority shares 
in media companies operating in Poland. The bill was approved by the 
Sejm, rejected by the Senate, and has now returned to the Sejm for a 
second vote. While progress has come to a standstill, there is still a 
serious possibility that the bill will become law. If this happens, 
U.S.-based company Discovery will be forced to sell its ownership stake 
in TVN, the most prominent television station that still maintains 
independence from Polish Government influence.

   The arguments in parliament are as such: the ruling Law and Justice 
        party states this bill is designed to protect Poland from 
        foreign disinformation, however the opposition argues it is an 
        attempt to silence independent media. What is your 
        interpretation of the bill's purpose?

    Answer. Despite the governing coalition's claims that the bill is 
intended to prevent Russian and Chinese companies from acquiring Polish 
media companies, it is clear passage of this bill would erode 
democratic principles and further shrink the space for media freedom in 
Poland. If confirmed, I will continue to stress to Poland the 
importance of upholding shared democratic values, including media 
freedom, which are vital for the functioning of a democracy.

    Question. Do you think it is likely that the bill will be passed?

    Answer. I hope not. I was pleased the Senate rejected the Sejm's 
legislation restricting foreign media ownership. This bill undermines 
the trust of investors and calls into question Poland's commitment to 
democratic principles as it threatens media freedom. A definitive 
rejection of this bill in the Sejm would reassure foreign investors in 
Poland, but leaving it unresolved damages investor confidence. I 
welcome President Duda's statements in support of freedom of 
expression, the sanctity of contracts, and the values that underpin our 
relationship and his promise to veto the bill if it were to reach his 
desk.

    Question. If you could broker a compromise between the political 
parties that both protects independent media and protects Poland from 
malign influence, what would it look like?

    Answer. A free and independent media makes our democracies 
stronger. Given the current regional challenges, and with Poland 
assuming the OSCE chairmanship in 2022, I believe it is in Poland's 
interest to maintain a strong and healthy democracy, a foundational 
component of U.S.-Polish relations. If confirmed, I will continue 
cooperation with Poland in promoting peace, prosperity, security, and 
democratic governance in Central and Eastern Europe while countering 
malign, outside influences and disinformation. We should work together 
in the OSCE to promote our democratic values. Media pluralism and 
freedom make democratic societies resilient against disinformation and 
malign influence, which are threats all our societies face.

Restitution Law
    Question. The Polish parliament has passed bills that end 
restitution claims for both the Nazi and Communist periods.

   How will you engage with political parties in Poland to encourage 
        the restoration of those rights?

    Answer. I regret the passage of a law limiting claims for property 
restitution for victims of communism and Nazism, including Jewish 
Holocaust victims. This is a complex issue, and if confirmed, I will 
support our ongoing engagement with Poland to focus on Holocaust 
remembrance and education, including the acknowledgement of history. I 
would also explore ways to achieve a measure of justice for victims and 
their heirs to properly address that history.

    Question. Many Americans are affected by the nullification of 
restitution claims and the end of the possibility to apply for 
restitution. How do you plan to work to fight for those Americans' and 
their concerns?

    Answer. While I was disappointed by the enactment of the law to 
limit claims for property restitution for victims of communism and 
Nazism, including Holocaust victims, if confirmed, I will continue 
exploring ways to achieve a measure of justice through some form of 
compensation. This is a complex issue, so I believe it is best to 
establish a direct dialogue between experts on it. If confirmed, I 
would like the Polish Government to meet with U.S. experts to discuss 
new and creative approaches to meeting Poland's Terezin Declaration 
commitments on compensation.
               international organizations & human rights
Trafficking in Persons
    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Poland remained on Tier 2 due to continued inadequate efforts 
to prevent identification of child trafficking and forced labor 
victims, among other failures to meet the minimum standards.

   How will you work with Poland's Government and the Office to 
        Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to address these 
        issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Polish interlocutors understand 
the United States is committed to combating trafficking in persons in 
Poland and beyond. While the Polish Government is making efforts to 
address this issue, more needs to be done. If confirmed, I will 
encourage the Polish Government to increase proactive identification 
and assistance for victims, particularly among vulnerable groups, and 
encourage consistent and sufficient funding for victim services. If 
confirmed, I will lead Mission Poland to develop and implement both 
short and long-term strategies of engagement with government officials, 
business leaders, and civil society in Poland.

International Religious Freedom
    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, serious religious freedom issues were highlighted in 
Poland, including anti-Semitic, anti-Muslim and anti-Catholic hate 
crimes.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Office for International Religious 
        Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Increasing societal respect for religious freedom and 
members of religious minority groups in Poland is important. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with civil society organizations, 
religious minority groups, and government entities to develop programs 
and advocate for appropriate policies and reforms. If confirmed, I will 
promote inter-religious dialogue among religious groups in Poland. I 
will work with both the Office of International Religious Freedom and 
the Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism to 
ensure Mission Poland recommends, develops, and implements policies and 
programs to combat discrimination and promote tolerance.

Human Rights
    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
serious human rights abuses in Poland included violence against or 
threats of violence against members of ethnic minorities.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. U.S. foreign policy has always promoted respect for human 
rights, as embodied in our Constitution as well as the Universal 
Declaration of Human Rights. If confirmed, I will work closely with 
civil society organizations and government entities to assess and 
bolster human rights and advocate for appropriate policies and reforms 
to address potential threats of violence against members of ethnic 
minority groups in Poland. If confirmed, I will underscore to the 
Polish Government that our bilateral partnership relies on a genuine 
shared commitment to democratic values and to the protection of human 
rights for all. And I will support civil society efforts to hold the 
Government accountable to its international commitments, including 
through the OSCE as Poland assumes the Chairmanship in 2022.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support civil society efforts 
to hold the Government accountable to its international commitments on 
human rights for all, including through the OSCE as Poland assumes the 
Chairmanship in 2022. With my Political Section and Public Diplomacy 
team, I will seek opportunities to support civil society advocacy and 
to lift up the voices of human rights defenders. If confirm, I will 
also underscore to the Polish Government that our bilateral partnership 
relies on a genuine shared commitment to democratic values and to the 
protection of human rights for all. We will leverage the strength of 
our civil society partnerships and the depth of our public diplomacy 
tools to engage with Poles to promote respect for human rights in 
Poland as well as throughout the region.
                              indo-pacific
China
    Question. You gave a speech in 2019 at the China Development Forum. 
I would like to ask you to comment on several statements you made in 
your speech, specifically whether you still stand by these statements, 
and if not, how your views have changed. Please respond to each 
statement separately.

   ``[T]oday the Sino-U.S. geopolitical relationship is being reduced 
        to the specific disagreements we have.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. When I gave these remarks, I had 
a considerably more optimistic view of PRC intentions than I do now. I 
now recognize that the United States can address the PRC challenge by 
rebuilding our strength at home, and by revitalizing our partnerships 
and alliances. The U.S. relationship with the PRC will be competitive 
when it should be, collaborative when it can be, and adversarial when 
it must be. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. If 
confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    Question. ``The shared strategic determination to agree to disagree 
meant that a diplomatic accommodation could become a de facto strategic 
partnership, which it did.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. When I gave these remarks, the 
relationship with the PRC was at a different point than it is now. My 
views have evolved as well, based on an on-going pattern of provocative 
Chinese actions. The strategic environment has changed significantly in 
recent years, as has the PRC itself. There was once a broad consensus 
that economic liberalization in the PRC would lead to political 
liberalization. That has not happened. The PRC has been growing more 
authoritarian at home and more assertive abroad. Beijing is now 
challenging our security, prosperity, and values--and the international 
rules-based order. Our relationship with the PRC is now characterized 
by strategic competition. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland 
relationship. If confirmed, I will promote current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    Question. ``Science & Technology collaboration was key, and brought 
the U.S. and the Chinese together around the concept of a segmented 
relationship: Consultative, bilateral as well as normalizing.'' While 
this was true at the outset of normalization, much has changed. What 
are your views now on the extent to which the United States should 
engage in technology cooperation with China?

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. When I made those earlier 
remarks, they reflected my earlier view, which has since evolved, that 
collaboration on science and technology was possible. We must be 
extremely vigilant toward PRC investment in critical infrastructure or 
technology that can expose any country to national security risks, as 
well as data privacy risks. We also should safeguard sensitive 
technology in research spaces, in order to minimize threats without 
threatening our own values and strengths of openness and diversity. Our 
STEM restrictions on student and research visas are carefully targeted 
and affect less than 2 percent of PRC university students, but help to 
safeguard national security and data privacy. My focus is now on the 
U.S.-Poland relationship. If confirmed, I will represent current U.S. 
policy regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to 
the Republic of Poland.

    Question. ``Despite the current trade difficulties and the alarming 
rhetoric associated with it, the U.S.-China relationship is one of 
``complex interdependence'' as an article in ``Liaowang'' put it, where 
both sides can compete and consult within the existing international 
rules.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. These remarks reflected an 
earlier view I held, including my hope that the PRC would support the 
international rules-based order and norms. An on-going pattern of 
Chinese provocations makes clear that this view is not realistic. As 
U.S. Trade Representative Tai outlined in her October 4 speech, the 
United States is taking four initial steps to re-align our trade 
policies towards the PRC. I support the U.S. Government's approach, 
which includes discussing Beijing's performance under the Phase One 
Agreement, restarting our targeted tariff exclusions process, raising 
concerns about Beijing's non-market policies and practices that distort 
competition, and consulting allies and partners like Poland to set the 
rules of the road for trade and technology in the 21st century. My 
focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. If confirmed, I will work 
with the Polish government to promote current U.S. policy regarding the 
PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to Poland and work to 
combat the PRC's malign influence in Poland.

    Question. ``To be sure, in so far as the status quo is concerned, 
China does seek changes in the international system, but it does so in 
a patient, prudent and peaceful fashion.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. This statement does not reflect 
my current view of PRC coercive activities in specific sectors. The PRC 
is taking deliberate steps in attempts to reshape the United Nations 
and other multilateral bodies in ways that are inconsistent with the 
institutions' foundational values and established international norms. 
My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. If confirmed, I would 
make it a priority to work with the Polish Government to oppose efforts 
that undermine the rules-based international order as I advocate for 
current U.S. policy regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. 
Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.

    Question. ``Americans who deal with foreign affairs especially 
appreciate that Chinese strategic thinking about the world has moved 
away from notions of global class conflict and violent revolution, 
emphasizing instead China's ``peaceful rising'' in global influence 
while seeking a ``harmonious world.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. My views on the PRC's role in 
international organizations has significantly changed since I made this 
statement. The United States and other democracies share a deep 
commitment to the international rules, norms, and institutions that 
promote our security, stability, and prosperity. When the PRC's actions 
work against these institutions, the United States must adopt a 
competitive or even adversarial posture toward these actions. My focus 
is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Polish Government to counter the PRC's malign influence and 
destabilizing activities while promoting current U.S. policy regarding 
the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to Poland.

    Question. ``The U.S.-China relationship will either expand or 
narrow. The whole world--as well as our countries--will benefit if it 
expands.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. This statement conveyed my 
previous view of the U.S. relationship with the PRC, a view which has 
developed and become more nuanced, to include how competition with the 
PRC is an inevitable component of U.S. foreign policy. I now believe 
intense competition requires intense diplomacy. That's why President 
Biden initiated the November 15 meeting with President Xi. These high-
level meetings help us to responsibly manage U.S.-PRC competition. 
President Biden underscored the importance of managing strategic risks. 
As part of this effort, the two leaders decided to explore talks on 
arms control and strategic stability. My focus is now on the U.S.-
Poland relationship. If confirmed, I will work with the Polish 
Government to counter the PRC's malign influence and destabilizing 
activities as I promote current U.S. policy regarding the PRC.

    Question. ``There is great potential for the Sino-U.S. relationship 
to be a comprehensive global partnership that parallels U.S. relations 
with Europe and Japan, complete with regularly scheduled formal and 
informal meetings of our top leaders and truly personal in-depth 
discussions regarding not just our bilateral relations but about the 
world in general.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. Chinese conduct in recent years 
make it clear that this view is no longer realistic, although meetings 
between our top leaders are necessary, common-sense guardrails on the 
U.S.-PRC relationship to ensure that competition does not veer into 
unintended conflict. That said, my focus is now on the bilateral 
relationship between the United States and Poland. If confirmed, I will 
represent and advocate for current U.S. policy regarding the PRC 
throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.

    Question. ``Beyond the trade dispute, I worry there is developing 
in the U.S. an industry around demonizing China, scaring U.S. 
businesspeople away from normal business engagement.''

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. This statement conveyed my 
earlier perception of the bilateral relationship, which has evolved in 
the face of China's increasingly aggressive conduct in the 
international arena. While I was hopeful about the role business 
engagement could play in our bilateral relationship with China, I now 
recognize the importance of being deliberate when we look at areas of 
competition with the PRC. We are not opposed to fair market cooperation 
with or competition from PRC companies. We are deliberate in our 
scrutiny of PRC threats, such as investment in critical infrastructure 
or technologies that can expose a country to national security risks, 
data privacy risks]. This vigilance is necessary, and if confirmed, I 
will work with Poland to help build capacity and resilience in this 
area. If confirmed, I also will work with the Polish Government to 
counter the PRC's malign influence and destabilizing activities as I 
promote current U.S. policy regarding the PRC.

    Question. In your 2019 China speech, you also said U.S.-PRC 
consultations regarding India-Pakistan can lead to more effective 
mediation.

   Given the violence and ongoing skirmishes on the PRC-India border, 
        do you still think the PRC could be a helpful partner in this 
        area?

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. I made that earlier statement in 
the context of my hope that we could work with the PRC across different 
areas of our foreign relations. I do not believe the PRC can play a 
constructive role in any mediation between India and Pakistan, 
particularly due to the PRC-India border skirmishes. The administration 
is working with European allies and partners through NATO and the U.S.-
EU Dialogue on China to influence the PRC to make a positive 
contribution to global and regional security issues. When the United 
States and allies and partners like Poland can influence Beijing to 
bolster global and regional security, it is worth pursuing. If 
confirmed, I will seek to collaborate with the Polish Government to 
advance current U.S. policy objectives regarding the PRC throughout my 
tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.

    Question. In your China speech, you say that we can ``agree to 
disagree'' and work with China despite our disagreements on Taiwan, 
human rights, and other things. Yet today the disagreements have veered 
into fundamentally competitive areas of conflict, such as the PRC's 
insistence on Taiwan's annexation and its goal to become 
``technologically dominant''. Moreover, through public statements and 
the insistence of adherence to the ``Two Lists'', the Chinese 
Government has made clear it will not ``de-link'' areas of cooperation 
and competition, such as human rights and climate.

   Can we still agree to disagree on issues with China?

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. I believe that the U.S. 
relationship with the PRC will be competitive when it should be, 
collaborative when it can be, and adversarial when it must be. Our 
commitment to Taiwan remains rock-solid and contributes to peace and 
stability across the Taiwan Strait. I would publicly highlight how the 
PRC's military, economic, and diplomatic pressure on Taiwan, and 
coercive actions toward countries that seek to deepen ties with Taiwan, 
exacerbate tensions and increase concerns about the PRC's behavior. My 
focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. If confirmed as the U.S. 
Ambassador to Poland, I will work with the Polish Government to counter 
the PRC's malign influence and destabilizing activities while promoting 
current U.S. policy regarding the PRC.

    Question. What risks does doing so present to U.S. national 
security and national interests?

    Answer. I made these remarks in 2019 as a private citizen and, as I 
mentioned in my hearing, I wish I could have read the November 2020 
SFRC majority report before I gave that speech. That speech reflected 
my family's long history in the Sino-U.S. relationship, and I meant to 
draw perspectives and observations from my family's experience. As I 
stated in the hearing, I would like to amend the narrative I offered in 
that speech to take more into account what has happened in Hong Kong, 
Taiwan, and elsewhere. My focus is now on the U.S.-Poland relationship. 
If confirmed, I will represent and advocate for current U.S. policy 
regarding the PRC throughout my tenure as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Poland.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. I believe that the United States 
must pursue its national security priorities, without giving into PRC 
insistence on linking areas of competition or adversarial interaction 
without potential areas for cooperation. My focus is on the security 
relationship between the United States and Poland. If confirmed, I will 
work with the Government of Poland to build resiliency and tools that 
will help it stand against PRC attempts at economic and political 
coercion and linkage of issues that should not be linked.

    Question. My understanding is that you accepted an $18,000 
honorarium for this speech, but that you originally only reported 
$1,000 on U.S. Government ethics forms.

   Can you confirm that you did accepted the $18,000?

    Answer. Yes. As described below, information related to the China 
Development Forum was correctly reported on my OGE 278 Nominee 
Financial Disclosure Report in accordance with the reporting 
instructions.

    Question. Can you confirm you have corrected your ethics forms?

    Answer. Information related to the China Development Forum was 
correctly reported on my OGE 278 Nominee Financial Disclosure Report in 
accordance with the reporting instruction. As noted above, I spoke at 
the China Development Forum in 2019. The honorarium for that event was 
received before 2020, and thus fell outside the reporting period 
covered by Part 2 of the OGE 278 report. However, Part 4 of the OGE 278 
covers a longer period of time, and I accurately disclosed that I had 
received more than $5,000 from the China Development Forum within the 
preceding two calendar years, which reflects the 2019 honorarium. I was 
subsequently scheduled to provide written remarks for a China 
Development Forum symposium in 2021, for which I received $1,000. This 
honorarium is reflected in Part 2 of my nominee financial disclosure 
report because it was received during the ``reporting period.'' I 
ultimately decided not to participate in the 2021 symposium, and I 
returned the $1000 to the entity that sponsored the conference.

    Question. Do you still believe you should have accepted this 
honorarium for such a speech?

    Answer. I accepted this invitation as a result of my longstanding 
family narrative with China. I come to this from a family that was 
educated by the Cold War, and knows about the Rule of Law. A lot of 
that speech is about hope. I was raised to find a diplomatic way 
forward, even when the chances are not high. I recognize now that is 
not the way forward. I have read Senator Risch's report on China's 
malign influence in Europe. I understand China's malign influence, and 
the case studies offered in the report are incredibly illuminating. I 
wish I had read that report before I did the speech in 2019. I took in 
good faith the honorarium and thought at the time there was a good 
faith possibility for an opening for the U.S. to re-engage with China 
diplomatically. I of course do not feel the same way now. China has not 
demonstrated good faith efforts in engagement with the U.S., and with 
our transatlantic partners. China has demonstrated a bellicose foreign 
policy as it related to its neighbors in Southeast Asia, including 
Taiwan, and has mistreated the Uighurs and other ethnic minorities 
within China.

    Question. China today is very different from the China of the 1980s 
and 1990s--and not just in all the economic growth it has achieved.

   How would you characterize the ways China has changed, and how 
        should those changes affect the ways we and our allies like 
        Poland engage with the Chinese Government?

    Answer. The PRC has prospered economically since the 1990s, but its 
government continues to abuse human rights, particularly of Uighurs, 
Tibetans, and other ethnic and religious minorities, while denying all 
the people under its control basic freedoms and democratic rights. The 
PRC's predatory lending practices and destabilizing activities place it 
outside the rule-based international order that maintains global peace 
and prosperity. If confirmed, I will continue to work with our Polish 
ally, bilaterally and through the European Union and Three Seas 
Initiative, to counter the PRC's malign influence in Central Europe, 
particularly regarding disinformation and telecommunications networks.

    Question. Deng Xiaoping took a very different economic approach 
than Xi Jinping. Xi is actively pursuing a common prosperity political 
goal, putting individual wealth, large technology and financial 
companies, and the global stock market at risk just to maintain the 
Party's power over the Chinese economy and push foreign players out of 
the Chinese market. Externally, the Chinese Government uses its market 
power to coerce and punish countries that do not adhere to CCP policy. 
The time of Deng's ``reform and opening'' has ended.

   Do you agree that there has been a fundamental shift in China's 
        economic policy?

    Answer. Yes; the PRC is doubling down on an economic model that is 
fundamentally at odds with the market-based global trading system that 
enabled China's economy to grow as it has. The PRC is using that system 
to gain access to U.S. and global markets without adhering to the rules 
and norms that enable fair competition, while imposing industrial 
policies with massive subsidies for its domestic firms that 
disadvantage foreign businesses in China. The PRC also uses its 
economic heft to coerce other countries and companies. This is a direct 
challenge to the United States and our allies, including Poland, and 
the Biden administration is determined to work with our allies and 
partners to address these challenges.

    Question. If so, what risks does this shift present to U.S. 
businesses, the international financial system, and global supply 
chains?

    Answer. I support the Biden administration's effort to realize 
resilient, diverse, and secure supply chains to ensure our economic 
prosperity and national security, including by encouraging American 
companies to diversify their PRC supply chains to create more resilient 
supply chains that can reduce vulnerabilities to economic coercion. 
Chief among the concerns is the PRC's use of state-led, non-market 
interventions, to capture large portions of value chains in sectors 
crucial to U.S. national and economic security. The PRC has used its 
dominance of critical sectors as economic leverage to advance its own 
geopolitical agenda, including numerous cases of economic coercion 
against trading partners who do not fully support Beijing's policies.

    Question. What opportunities are there to work with Poland to 
offset these risks?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with our Polish ally 
to counter the PRC's malign influence in Central Europe, particularly 
regarding disinformation and telecommunications networks. I will 
support Poland's leadership of the Three Seas Initiative as a 
counterweight to the PRC's 16+1 framework in Central and Eastern Europe 
and continue to promote U.S. participation in the Three Seas Initiative 
to improve the region's connectivity to its natural partners in the 
West as well as its resilience against disinformation and predatory 
``investments'' from the East.

    Question. China-Poland relations have fluctuated wildly in the past 
few years, from tentative approaches towards rapprochement, to Poland 
being one of the most vocal opponents of the Comprehensive Agreement on 
Investment and expelling Chinese spies on Polish soil.

   How would you characterize Poland-China ties, and how would you 
        engage the Polish Government on its relationship with China?

    Answer. Poland maintains diplomatic and trade relations with the 
PRC, but I see Poland as wary of the PRC's malevolent intentions in the 
region and destabilizing activities globally and critical of the PRC's 
human rights abuses and disrespect for democratic values and 
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to work with our Polish 
Ally to counter the PRC's malign influence in Central Europe, 
particularly regarding disinformation and telecommunications networks. 
I will support Poland's leadership of the Three Seas Initiative as a 
counterweight to the PRC's 16+1 framework in Central Europe and 
continue to promote U.S. participation in the Three Seas Initiative to 
improve the region's connectivity to its natural partners in the West 
as well as its resilience against disinformation and predatory 
``investments'' from the East.

    Question. What would your main messages be in this engagement?

    Answer. Europe, particularly regarding disinformation and 
telecommunications networks. I will encourage Poland to continue its 
leadership of the Three Seas Initiative as a counterweight to the PRC's 
16+1 framework in Central Europe to improve the region's connectivity 
to its natural partners in the West as well as its resilience against 
disinformation and predatory ``investments'' from the East.

    Question. You mentioned you were edified by my report on 
transatlantic cooperation regarding China. The PRC Government is 
accelerating its aggressive tactics every day to leverage China's 
influence in Europe.

   Do you commit to take classified briefings from the relevant 
        national security agencies on the risks China presents to U.S. 
        interests in Europe prior to your departure to Warsaw?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you commit to regular classified and unclassified 
briefings to stay abreast of this issue?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advise any official 
senior to sacrifice other U.S. interests for the sake of an agreement 
with or promises from China on climate change?

    Answer. Yes.
Regional
    Question. Poland is India's largest trade partner and export 
destination in Central Europe, and as of March 2021, India was the 
number one country in Asia for Polish investors.

   What role can the U.S. play to help foster Poland's relationships 
        with other U.S. Indo-Pacific allies and partners, such as 
        India?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage Poland to 
strengthen its relationships with India and other U.S. allies and 
partners in the Indo-Pacific region and participate as a member of NATO 
and the EU in activities that promote our common interests in the 
region and counter PRC destabilizing activities.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. The United States supports 
Poland's growing ties with Indo-Pacific partners, including India. If 
confirmed, I plan to hold regular consultations with Polish officials 
and like-minded Ambassadors in Warsaw to further deepen these ties and 
identify areas for cooperation. This would include meetings with the 
Indian Ambassador and with Indo-Pacific Quad Ambassadors in Warsaw to 
discuss our shared commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is 
also inclusive and resilient. If confirmed, I will continue to 
encourage Poland to strengthen its relationships with India and other 
U.S. allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region and participate as 
a member of NATO and the EU in activities that promote our common 
interests in the region and counter PRC destabilizing activities.

    Question. Poland has sought to expand economic engagement in the 
Indo-Pacific to diversify away from China as well as counter Chinese 
economic holds in Europe.

   What can the U.S. do to support Poland in its attempts to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Poland to strengthen its 
economic relationships with India and other U.S. allies and partners in 
the Indo-Pacific region and participate as a member of NATO and the EU 
in activities that promote our common interests in the region and 
counter PRC destabilizing activities. In Europe, if confirmed, I will 
stress our continued partnership with Poland to counter the PRC's 
malign influence in Europe, particularly regarding disinformation and 
telecommunications networks. I also will encourage Poland to continue 
its leadership of the Three Seas Initiative as a counterweight to the 
PRC's 16+1 framework in Central Europe to improve the region's 
connectivity to its natural partners in the West as well as its 
resilience against disinformation and predatory ``investments'' from 
the East.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. If confirmed, I will encourage 
Poland to strengthen its economic relationships with India and other 
U.S. allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region and participate as 
a member of NATO and the EU in activities that promote our common 
interests in the region and counter PRC destabilizing activities. I 
will encourage Poland to continue its leadership of the Three Seas 
Initiative as a counterweight to the PRC's 16+1 framework in Central 
Europe to improve the region's connectivity to its natural partners in 
the West as well as its resilience against disinformation and predatory 
``investments'' from the East. I will encourage the Government of 
Poland to utilize its investment screening mechanism to safeguard the 
country from national security and data privacy threats posed by 
untrusted vendors investing in critical infrastructure and sensitive 
sectors.

    Question. According to recent survey data by European Council on 
Foreign Relations, the majority of those in Poland support the EU 
increasing its investment in maritime security in the Indo-Pacific.

   In what areas can Poland be helpful in encouraging more EU security 
        engagement in the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Poland to coordinate and 
participate as a member of NATO and the EU in activities that promote 
our common interests in the region and counter PRC destabilizing 
activities.

    [Additional Response--12/16/2021]. I have been encouraged by recent 
efforts in Europe to increase their interaction with Indo-Pacific 
counties on maritime security, and in increasing their presence in the 
region where consistent with their own security strategies and 
capabilities. The presence of UK, French, German and Dutch maritime 
security forces in the region in the past year shows how much Europe is 
investing in this issue.
    I do not expect every European nation to deploy to the region, but 
Poland, as a likeminded partner, can actively support efforts--
particularly through assertive public and private messaging--to 
preserve the rules-based international order, including the primacy of 
international law in resolving maritime disputes.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Michael M. Adler by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents (AHI)). 
Ensuring the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely 
on individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. 
It is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident 
be responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me. AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, 
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to 
strengthen the Department's communication with our workforce, provide 
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect 
against these events in the future as we continue to work closely with 
the interagency to find the cause of these AHIs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Michael M. Adler by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Belgium remained on Tier 1 due to their consistent and 
effective efforts to stop the scourge of human trafficking. However, 
there is always room for improvement. How will you work with Belgium's 
Government and the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons 
to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Belgium continues to take trafficking in persons issues 
seriously and has been a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue 
with the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and 
Belgian authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise 
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of the Belgian Government. 
I will urge the Government of Belgium to take further concrete actions 
to address the recommendations from this year's Trafficking in Persons 
Report, including the issue of lenient sentences for convicted human 
traffickers.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with other regional 
ambassadors whose host countries are not on Tier 1 to improve regional 
counter-TIP efforts?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will stay in regular contact with U.S. 
Ambassadors in the region to share best practices on how to ensure host 
governments are prioritizing the issue of human rights.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, societal respect for religious freedom wavers with 
recently reported incidents of violence, threats, harassment, 
discrimination, and hate speech against Muslims and Jews.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue?

    Answer. Incidents of violence, threats, harassment, discrimination, 
and hate speech against members of any religious group are 
unacceptable. If confirmed, I will work with both government and civil 
society interlocutors to ensure that religious freedom and human rights 
are respected in Belgium.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Office for 
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Office for 
International Religious Freedom to monitor incidents against members of 
religious groups and advocate for religious freedom in Belgium. I would 
welcome the Ambassador at Large, if confirmed, and other USG officials 
to visit Belgium to promote religious freedom and human rights.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Belgium was reported to have significant human rights abuses to include 
attacks motivated by anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim sentiment.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work with the Government of 
Belgium to keep the issues of human rights and religious freedoms at 
the forefront of our bilateral agenda. I would call upon the government 
to hold accountable perpetrators of such attacks. I would also 
encourage the Belgian Government to continue to take forward community-
based initiatives promoting tolerance and inclusivity, including for 
Muslim and Jewish communities.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Embassy Brussels to support 
outreach to civil society organizations working to improve tolerance, 
inclusion, and respect for human rights across all sectors of Belgian 
society.

    Question. In September, a Rwandan court convicted Belgian citizen 
and U.S. lawful permanent resident Paul Rusesabagina, who inspired the 
film ``Hotel Rwanda,'' of terrorism-related charges and sentenced him 
to 25 years in prison. In August 2021, Mr. Rusesabagina arrived in 
Rwanda after he was reportedly tricked into boarding a plane in Dubai, 
where he was arrested and allegedly tortured while in detention. Mr. 
Rusesabagina's trial, and that of his co-defendants, was marred with 
serious due process concerns which overshadowed the validity of the 
guilty verdict. Rwandan authorities continue to allow Belgian and U.S. 
consular access to Mr. Rusesabagina. However, the level of engagement 
and pressure on the Rwandan government by the United States and Belgium 
to free Mr. Rusesabagina varies.

   Do you commit, if confirmed, to following Mr. Rusesabagina's case 
        and the Belgian government's statements and actions related to 
        his detention?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to following Mr. Rusesabagina's case 
and the Belgian government's statements and actions related to his 
detention.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to coordinating with State 
Department officials on United States efforts to cooperate with Belgium 
on diplomatic strategies focused on Mr. Rusesabagina's release from 
prison and ultimate return to his family?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to coordinating with State 
Department officials on Paul Rusesabagina's case.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to being responsive to my 
office regarding any inquiries made to the State Department regarding 
Belgium as it relates to Mr. Rusesabagina's case?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to being responsive to your office 
regarding any inquiries made to the State Department regarding Belgium 
as it relates to Mr. Rusesabagina's case.

    Question. Mission Belgium has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Belgium?

    Answer. Belgium and all of Europe has been hit hard by COVID-19. As 
I understand, travel and other restrictions, heightened uncertainty, 
health concerns, and family obligations have been stressful for Mission 
Belgium officers and their families. If confirmed, I pledge to work 
with my team to address any concerns and proactively support morale-
building activities in the Mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Belgium?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the safety and morale 
of the Mission is of paramount importance to me. I appreciate the 
wealth of talent and experience of the Foreign Service and Locally 
Engaged Staff, and will ensure that they know that I will do everything 
I can to take care of them and their families. If confirmed, upon 
arrival, I will hold a Town Hall to seek input from all members of the 
Mission. I will meet regularly with all sections of the Mission to 
share my appreciation for the invaluable work and contributions they 
make and listen to their concerns.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Belgium?

    Answer. Throughout my career in the private sector, I have worked 
hard to create a unified administration where communication, 
cooperation and coordination are paramount. I understand that 
motivating people and providing resources to accomplish our goals are 
key to success. If confirmed, I will work with my Country Team to 
establish clear goals and empower my staff to reach them.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I work hard to create a team approach. I appreciate and 
seek input from all members of my team. I also understand that, as team 
leader, I am ultimately responsible for my team's actions and 
decisions.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As a long-time business owner, I understand how to work 
with limited resources and career public servants. If confirmed, I 
believe as a team we will be able to use what resources we have to 
accomplish targeted goals.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture?

    Answer. Yes, I do believe that it is important to integrate myself 
into the Embassy operations and culture.

    Question. If you do believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of 
mission to integrate themselves into embassy operations and culture, 
how do you intend to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to proactively support and 
participate in activities set up by the Mission for Mission employees 
and families. I will maintain the smooth operation of the Embassy by 
following the established regulations and protocols. If confirmed, I 
look forward to becoming a part of the Mission family.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, I do not believe it is constructive to berate 
subordinates in public or private. If there are issues, I will address 
them professionally and constructively.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to have an excellent, professional 
relationship with my deputy chief of mission. If confirmed, I will 
support the deputy chief of mission's role in the day-to-day management 
of the Mission and as my key advisor.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to encourage officers to meet with 
contacts as the COVID situation allows, and to travel around the 
country to meet a diverse range of Belgians. I understand and embrace 
the value of people-to-people exchanges, and I intend to promote U.S. 
policies by supporting the Mission's public diplomacy programming.

    Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to access all local populations?

    Answer. While our U.S. diplomats in Brussels have access to 
virtually all sectors of Belgian society, if confirmed, I intend to 
continue to instill in members of the Mission community the importance 
of broadening and diversifying their contacts to form a complete 
picture of the local situation.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

    Answer. I agree. If confirmed, I will prioritize public diplomacy 
efforts.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Belgium? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. The media environment in Belgium is professional, modern, 
respectful, multi-lingual, and mildly partisan. If confirmed, I will 
work with the public diplomacy section to raise the profile of U.S. 
priorities, such as in climate action, countering the actions of malign 
actors in Europe, and enhancing U.S.-Belgium economic ties. I will work 
with the public diplomacy section to build closer ties with the youth 
in Belgium, so they too understand the important role the United States 
played in the history of Belgium and Western Europe to help ensure our 
bilateral relationship remains strong into the future.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the public diplomacy section 
to tailor messages on policy priorities with the realities on the 
ground. I will work with my team to communicate with Main State and 
make sure that our messaging resonates with Belgians. I will also 
encourage creative ways of sharing our message to appeal to targeted 
audiences.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received an unclassified briefing on anomalous 
health incidents. If confirmed, I commit to receiving additional, 
classified briefings on the incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will maintain detailed records of the 
incident and share them with the State Department and others to 
contribute to the investigation. I commit to working closely with the 
leaders of the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF) in 
Washington, Ambassador Jonathan Moore, and Ambassador Margaret Uyehara 
to support affected personnel.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will take every measure to keep our staff 
safe and secure and would take any report of an anomalous health 
incident very seriously. I will do my best to ensure those affected 
receive the attention they deserve, that incidents are investigated 
fully, and that we work with the appropriate offices and agencies to 
ensure required reporting, investigation, potential countermeasures, 
and provision of medical care. I would share what information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and the 
mission community.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                   TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2021 (a.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Rubio, 
Johnson, Romney, and Rounds.
    Also Present: Senators Toomey, Casey, and Padilla.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominations for three 
important positions: Mayor Eric Garcetti to be the Ambassador 
to India, Ambassador Donald Blome to be the Ambassador to 
Pakistan, and Dr. Amy Gutmann to be the Ambassador to Germany.
    Congratulations to the three of you. We appreciate your 
willingness as well as that of your family to serve the country 
in this capacity.
    We have some of our colleagues here today and we want to 
recognize them first. I understand that Senators Toomey and 
Casey will be introducing Dr. Gutmann and Senator Padilla will 
be introducing Mayor Garcetti.
    Let us start with Senator Toomey.

             STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICK J. TOOMEY, 
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

    Senator Toomey. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez, 
Ranking Member Risch, and members of the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee. Thank you for allowing me to briefly 
introduce Dr. Amy Gutmann and express my strong support for her 
nomination to be our next U.S. Ambassador to Germany.
    Dr. Gutmann, thank you for your willingness to serve in 
such an important leadership role.
    As members of this committee likely know, Dr. Gutmann 
currently serves as the president of the University of 
Pennsylvania, and before I highlight just a few of her many 
accomplishments there, I want to acknowledge a different aspect 
of Penn's history, which I think is relevant to this hearing.
    Penn's founder, Benjamin Franklin, was one of the U.S.' 
most accomplished diplomats. He skillfully navigated the 
complicated dynamics of 18th century European politics to 
promote American ideals and protect our nascent democracy 
abroad.
    Of course, much has changed since then. But some of the 
diplomatic challenges that Franklin faced remain the same 
today, including faithfully and ardently defending U.S. 
interest, even in times of disagreements with our allies while 
maintaining close relationships.
    We face this challenge today in our relationship with one 
of our most important European allies, Germany. We rely on 
Germany as a major security and trade partner, especially given 
its role in the European Union, and amidst increasing global 
threats to the U.S. and Europe, strong U.S. representation to 
Germany is critical.
    I am confident that Dr. Gutmann will rise to meet these and 
other challenges facing the U.S. and our European allies.
    Dr. Gutmann earned Bachelors and doctorate degrees from 
Harvard University, a Master's degree from London School of 
Economics. She subsequently spent over 20 years at Princeton 
University in a myriad of roles, most recently as university 
provost.
    In 2004, Dr. Gutmann became the eighth president of Penn, a 
position she still holds today, and during her tenure she 
dramatically grew Penn's endowment, expanded Penn's commitment 
to science, technology, and medical innovation, and enhanced 
the university's engagement in the Philadelphia community, 
among other things.
    Dr. Gutmann is a widely respected expert in subjects 
ranging from ethics to health care to political philosophy, and 
she has received countless awards and honors, including being 
named to Fortune World's 50 Greatest Leaders list in 2018.
    Her impact at Penn has been recognized, including by the 
many Penn students who regard her as a committed and passionate 
leader. These accomplishments, coupled with her commitment to 
global leadership and experience in academia in the highest 
levels, have prepared Dr. Gutmann well for the role of 
Ambassador.
    As I conclude, I also want to note the significance of Dr. 
Gutmann's nomination in the context of her family's history. 
Her father fled religious persecution in Nazi Germany in the 
1930s, and her family's return to Germany in the form of U.S. 
Ambassador Amy Gutmann will be an extraordinary moment.
    I am confident Dr. Gutmann will approach this next mission 
with the same ingenuity, tenacity, and dedication as she did 
over the nearly 20 years she has spent at Penn and I look 
forward to supporting Dr. Gutmann's nomination and I urge my 
colleagues to do the same.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Casey?

            STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR., 
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

    Senator Casey. Mr. Chairman, thanks very much for this 
opportunity.
    I want to start by thanking you and the committee for this 
opportunity to talk about Dr. Gutmann. But if I refer to her as 
Amy throughout some of my remarks, that is because I have known 
her for the better part of 15 years, know her character, know 
her commitment, not only to academic excellence and the 
excellence personified by those who are graduates of Penn but 
also for the commitment she has made to the city of 
Philadelphia and our commonwealth, and now on an even bigger 
stage her commitment to our country by putting herself forward 
for this kind of public service.
    I wanted to start by talking about her tenure at Penn. 
Since 2004, Amy has served as the longest tenured president of 
the university. During her 18 years of commitment to the 
university, the city of Philadelphia, our Commonwealth--and our 
commonwealth, President Gutmann transformed the university into 
a more inclusive, a more innovative, and more impactful 
academic institution.
    In 2006, she led the largest fundraising effort in Penn 
history to support financial aid for students in need. Other 
initiatives, like the President's Innovation prize and 
Engagement prize have offered students opportunities to turn 
their startup and service ideas into reality. She has also 
focused on the development of the community around the 
university through programs like Penn Compact 2022 and the 
Netter Center for Community Partnerships.
    As the leader of Philadelphia's largest private employer, 
Dr. Gutmann has one of the Commonwealth's most powerful 
economic engines with an estimated total economic impact of 
$21.5 billion dollars annually in the region. While leading the 
university, she has continued to publish cutting-edge 
scholarship on the intersection of political science, ethics, 
education, and philosophy.
    In 2019, she published her seventeenth book, and she 
remains one of the top political theorists in the United 
States.
    Outside of her roles at the university, Amy has long 
supported Philadelphia in the country through a variety of 
interdisciplinary roles, including as a board member at 
Vanguard and chair of the Presidential Commission for the Study 
of Bioethical Issues.
    Her many years of leadership at Penn, applied expertise in 
political science, and commitment to the community prepare her 
well to be United States Ambassador to Germany and represent 
U.S. interests with one of our most important allies.
    I do not think I have to explain to the members of the 
committee the importance of this bilateral relationship, 
especially now. She is prepared to do this job, and I can 
testify to her character, her commitment to public service, and 
her willingness at an important time in our nation's history to 
serve as U.S. Ambassador to Germany.
    I want to thank the committee. I want to thank Dr. Gutmann 
and her family for this commitment to the country.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Casey.
    Timing is everything in life, and Senator Padilla has now 
made it on time to introduce Mayor Garcetti.

                STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA

    Senator Padilla. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking 
Member Risch. It is my pleasure to be here to introduce Mayor 
Eric Garcetti from my home city of Los Angeles and the great 
state of California as President Biden's nominee for Ambassador 
to India.
    Mayor Garcetti's credentials are impressive. He is a 
graduate of Columbia University, a Rhodes Scholar, and a 12-
year veteran of the United States Navy Reserve. Mayor Garcetti 
was first elected to the Los Angeles City Council in 2001 where 
we served together for five years.
    In 2006, Mayor Garcetti succeeded me as president of the 
City Council as I launched my campaign for California State 
Senate, and in 2013 he was elected to serve as mayor of the 
city of Los Angeles, the second largest city in America.
    In his time as mayor, he has led the city through a number 
of challenges while leveraging the position to exert influence 
over regional, national, and international organizations.
    He served as chair of L.A. Metro, one of the largest public 
transit agencies in the country. He is the founder of Climate 
Mayors, a national bipartisan group of more than 400 mayors 
adopting the Paris Climate Agreement.
    He championed Los Angeles' successful bid to host the 2028 
Summer Olympics. Mayor Garcetti also chairs C40 Cities, an 
international network of the world's largest cities taking 
action on the climate crisis and he led the organization's 
expansion in India.
    In the past year and a half, he has used that network to 
spur international collaboration in the face of the COVID-19 
pandemic and share resources and best practices around the 
world. His commitment to public service and leadership on 
issues from climate to human rights will be instrumental to his 
new role as ambassador to India.
    India is a critical partner on the frontlines of many of 
the world's biggest challenges from COVID to climate change to 
national security. Our close cooperation will help support 
global security, fight the climate crisis, and further economic 
growth.
    Mr. Chairman, I urge the committee to support Mayor 
Garcetti's nomination and I thank you for this opportunity.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Padilla, and we know you 
have other important duties, so when you need to please feel 
free to excuse yourself.
    Let me turn to a few brief remarks on these three nominees.
    Mayor Garcetti, we welcome your nomination to this post at 
a critical time in the U.S.-India relationship. With more than 
1.3 billion people and the sixth largest economy in the world, 
India is a vital strategic partner for the United States.
    As a member of the Quad alongside the United States, Japan, 
and Australia, India is playing a greater role in helping 
maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific.
    In September, the Biden administration hosted the first 
ever in-person Quad Summit here in Washington. When it comes to 
the bilateral relationship, there is much to discuss. In 
particular, the shared threat of climate change and India's 
growing need for electricity presents an opportunity for deeper 
cooperation. That is why I introduced the Prioritizing Clean 
Energy and Climate Cooperation with India Act that would help 
advance India's climate goals.
    In addition, dealing with the coronavirus must also remain 
a core element of our bilateral engagement. As you know, India 
was on the frontlines of the pandemic earlier this year when it 
faced a devastating surge in new cases.
    As we deepen our partnership with New Delhi, there will 
inevitably be areas of friction, including concerns related to 
India's purchase of Russian military hardware and reports of 
democratic backsliding and discrimination against religious 
minorities.
    I expect you to be frank with your Indian counterparts, not 
just on the areas of cooperation but also on these differences, 
all of which are bipartisan priorities for this committee.
    New Delhi will need to address our concerns if it seeks to 
deepen our partnership even further. Having you in place in 
India, Mayor Garcetti, will be critical to advance U.S. 
interests on these issues and many others.
    Ambassador Blome, we welcome your nomination at this 
particularly challenging moment in the U.S.-Pakistan bilateral 
relationship. As I told this committee last month, the failure 
of our mission in Afghanistan was due in no small part to years 
of Pakistani double dealing.
    Islamabad offered safe haven to the Taliban even as its 
militants targeted and killed U.S. troops. We need to have a 
serious conversation with the Pakistani Government on the path 
forward, and I am confident that you will deliver a tough 
message to them, if confirmed.
    Beyond Afghanistan, I remain deeply concerned about the 
growing strength of extremist groups within Pakistan itself. 
The Government has created an increasingly permissive 
environment for extremist groups to operate. Pakistan has also 
become an increasingly dangerous place for religious minorities 
and I am eager to hear your views on how to strengthen 
religious freedom in Pakistan.
    However, there are other many important equities in the 
bilateral relationship, such as curbing nuclear proliferation, 
managing tensions with India, responding to COVID-19. Your 
experience in Kabul and other hardship posts will be an asset 
and I look forward to hearing how you will address these 
challenges in Islamabad.
    Dr. Gutmann, welcome and congratulations on your 
nomination. Your years of experience as the president of a 
leading university, your academic experience, and your powerful 
family history will no doubt serve us well.
    The importance of having a Senate-confirmed U.S. ambassador 
in Berlin cannot be overstated. This is a critical time for the 
transatlantic relationship and, particularly, for the United 
States and Germany.
    With the new German Government we have an opportunity to 
build on and renew decades of friendship and cooperation. It is 
no secret that U.S.-German relations suffered under the last 
administration. I am confident that upon your confirmation you 
will help return the relationship to one of respect and to a 
close strategic partnership.
    Germany is also a critical ally in our efforts to deter 
Russian aggression in Europe and prevent a renewed invasion of 
Ukraine. As Putin continues to try to bully his way through 
Europe, we need strong U.S. representation and close 
coordination with allies to stand up for our partners and 
reject illegitimate efforts to redraw the map of Europe.
    The urgency of these challenges underscores why we need our 
Embassy in Berlin to have a confirmed ambassador in place 
immediately, and I hope my colleagues will join me in 
supporting your nomination and moving it swiftly forward.
    Let me turn to the ranking member for his opening.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and thank 
you to all of you for a willingness to serve and for your 
families who will share in the sacrifices you will make.
    I want to turn first to the nomination of Ambassador to 
Germany. We are entering a new chapter in our relationship with 
Germany. After 16 years, Angela Merkel is no longer--no longer 
leads the country and we must build a new relationship with 
Germany's first three-party coalition.
    This transition comes at a critical point for the European 
continent. Most worrisome is the prospect of a Russian invasion 
of Ukraine. Despite Russia's huge troop presence on Ukraine's 
borders, Germany and this administration seem dead set on 
handing Putin another point of leverage and that is Nord Stream 
2. It is no secret I and many other members are firmly opposed 
to this pipeline, and I will continue efforts to see it and 
Putin's influence in NATO are stopped.
    A full-fledged effort across the transatlantic alliance is 
required to deter Russia. Cooperation with Germany on this 
front must be a priority.
    The United States and Europe must also take on the 
challenge of the Chinese Communist Party together. If 
confirmed, cooperating with German counterparts to counter 
Chinese influence will need to be among our top priorities. 
Chinese influence is a problem all over the world, and as we 
are going to see here in a minute, it is a real problem right 
here in the United States.
    It is important this committee understands how, Dr. 
Gutmann, you will handle these issues, given the history of the 
close and extensive ties between China and the University of 
Pennsylvania, the institution you ran and directed during your 
tenure there and still do.
    The U.S. Department of Education Data shows that U Penn has 
received, roughly, $86 million--let me say that again, $86 
million--in donations and contracts from sources in China since 
2014. It is safe to assume the actual amount is much higher, 
given that universities are only required to report gifts and 
contracts over $250,000.
    And, Dr. Gutmann, I want to underscore here that this is 
not unique to U Penn. This is an issue throughout our higher 
education system, and we have been drafting and discussing and 
attempting to pass legislation to address this.
    We do not allow cash to flow to our politicians to 
influence them when they execute their duties of office. It 
just astounds me that, nonetheless, we look the other way as 
this cash flows into our higher education system.
    You told the committee, our staff, you were not aware of 
most foreign donations and contracts coming into U Penn and do 
not have a role in any process related to reporting of foreign 
donations in contracts to the Department of Education.
    I want to explore this during the question and answer 
period. But I think the American public deserves an explanation 
not only as to the University of Pennsylvania, but we are going 
to talk about it in the broader context of all higher 
education.
    We need to understand how and why as president you were not 
aware of the kinds of donations and contracts coming from 
authoritarian countries like China.
    I understand a university is a large operation. However, as 
captain of the ship, you are in charge of it. I believe that is 
the attitude that chiefs of mission need to have as well. Today 
is your opportunity to clear the air on this and we will give 
you that opportunity.
    I have in front of me the large or just a portion of the 
large number of these contributions that were made to U Penn 
and we are going to talk about those when we get to the 
question and answer period.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to India, India is a 
critical U.S. partner in the Indo-Pacific. U.S.-India defense 
cooperation today is more robust than it has ever been and the 
fruits of that were evident in U.S. support during India's 
border crisis with China last year.
    India plays a crucial role in the Indian Ocean region and 
our strategic competition with China. But we cannot ignore the 
reality of concerns over India's defense relationship with 
Russia.
    We need to ensure our relationship is healthy and strong 
for the long term so we work together to advance a free and 
open Indo-Pacific.
    We must also work closely with India on counterterrorism. 
Our withdrawal from Afghanistan led to big shifts in India's 
security environment. It is a good thing that we have the 
nominees for both India and Pakistan on this panel so we can 
address these issues together and thoroughly.
    This is also an opportunity for more economic cooperation 
with India, especially in technology, health, and energy. We do 
still have economic irritants to address like lack of 
intellectual property protections and high tariffs.
    India's tariffs remain a key challenge for Idaho 
agricultural companies. The United States also needs to 
continue to advocate on human rights issues in India. I look 
forward to hearing your thoughts on these important issues.
    On the nomination of ambassador to Pakistan, for more than 
20 years the U.S.-Pakistan relationship has been viewed through 
the lens of the war in Afghanistan. Pakistan has and should 
continue to play a key role in mitigating the fallout from this 
administration's catastrophic withdrawal from Afghanistan.
    Whether it is humanitarian assistance, human rights, or 
counterterrorism, it is clear the end of U.S. military 
involvement in Afghanistan does not signal the end of American 
interests there.
    However, we are also presented with a rare opportunity to 
reframe a U.S.-Pakistan relationship not solely focused on 
Afghanistan. For example, as we adopt our relationships with 
India around competition with China, we must do so with an eye 
on the balance of power with all players in South and Central 
Asia.
    I look forward to hearing your thoughts on the nature of 
U.S.-Pakistan relationship, moving forward.
    With that, I will yield back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    All right. We will turn to our nominees now. We would ask 
you to summarize your statement in about five minutes. Your 
full statement will be included for the record.
    And we will start with Ambassador Blome and work our way 
down the dais.

  STATEMENT OF HON. DONALD ARMIN BLOME OF ILLINOIS, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
    COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ISLAMIC 
                      REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN

    Ambassador Blome. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
honorable members of this committee, thank you for considering 
my nomination to serve as ambassador to the Islamic Republic of 
Pakistan. I am grateful to this committee for previously 
confirming me as Ambassador to the Republic of Tunisia.
    I would like to start by thanking my family: my wife, 
Debra, who is here with me today, and my three children, Sarah, 
Nicholas, and Carl, who could not be here.
    Over more than 28 years in the Foreign Service they have 
served with me and during frequent moves, emergency 
evacuations, and long periods of separation, and they have also 
shared with me the honor of serving our country abroad, an 
honor for which I have always been deeply grateful.
    Events in Afghanistan weigh heavily on me, having 
previously served there as Embassy Kabul's top political 
officer in 2012 and '13. I worked alongside colleagues in and 
out of uniform, some of whom gave their lives in the service of 
our country, some of whom were gravely injured, and many who 
still bear the invisible wounds of war.
    I also engaged with courageous Afghans who put themselves 
at great risk to build the Afghan state's institutions and 
stability.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize the safe relocation from 
Afghanistan of any U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, 
Special Immigrant Visa holders, and other Afghans to whom we 
have a special responsibility, along with their family members.
    Mission Pakistan also plays an important role in 
encouraging an inclusive Afghan Government that respects and 
promotes the human rights of all individuals, including women 
and girls, members of minority groups, and ensuring that 
Afghanistan never again becomes a safe haven for international 
terrorism.
    If confirmed, I will press Pakistan to target all terrorist 
groups without distinction. I will also work with my colleagues 
to decrease tensions between India and Pakistan. I have been 
encouraged by the continued ceasefire along the Line of 
Control.
    Strong partnerships with India and Pakistan are not 
mutually exclusive. We need productive ties with both. Pakistan 
and India should decide the pace, scope, and character of their 
bilateral interactions.
    I will also promote U.S. commercial interests in Pakistan. 
I will encourage Pakistan to promote more transparent 
investments through sustainable financing with a focus on the 
environmental and social impacts of investment projects.
    Pakistan is a partner in the COVID-19 pandemic. In May of 
2020, Pakistan donated 100,000 face masks and 25,000 protective 
suits to the United States to safeguard our health care workers 
in the early stages of the pandemic.
    The United States has, in turn, donated to Pakistan 26.7 
million doses of the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines as well as 200 
ventilators.
    On climate, Pakistan has signed onto the Global Methane 
Pledge, announced a moratorium on improving new coal-fired 
power generation, and committed to having renewables provide 60 
percent of electricity generation by 2030 and is implementing a 
10-billion-tree planting campaign.
    If confirmed as Ambassador, I will never shy away from 
defending human rights in Pakistan, particularly freedom of 
religion and expression. Religious minorities in Pakistan have 
long faced discrimination, including accusations of blasphemy.
    These accusations have undermined the rule of law, 
threatened mob rule, and deeply damaged Pakistan's 
international reputation and have led to many deaths.
    If confirmed, I will speak out against violations of human 
rights and religious freedom. Pakistani journalists and members 
of civil society face kidnappings, assaults, intimidation, and 
disappearances. I will advocate for expanded protections for 
freedom of association and assembly, and will meet with civil 
society partners regularly.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to close by saying we have an 
important opportunity to renew and strengthen the bilateral 
relationship with Pakistan and I want to work with this 
committee and Congress to do so.
    Thank you for considering my nomination and I look forward 
to answering any questions you might have.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Blome follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Donald Armin Blome

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and honorable members of 
this committee; thank you for considering my nomination to serve as 
Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. I am grateful to this 
committee for previously confirming me as Ambassador to the Republic of 
Tunisia.
    I would like to start by thanking my family, my wife Debra who is 
here with me today and my three children, Sarah, Nicholas, and Carl, 
who could not be here. Over more than 28 years in the Foreign Service 
they have served with me, enduring frequent moves, emergency 
evacuations, and long periods of separation. They have also shared with 
me the honor of serving our country abroad, an honor for which I have 
always been deeply grateful.
    The United States' relationship with Pakistan remains 
extraordinarily consequential for our core interests. Pakistan is 
pursuing expanded economic linkages with the United States as part of 
what it calls ``geo-economics.'' We have a shared interest in promoting 
the role of U.S. business and commercial interests in Pakistan's 
economy. If confirmed, I will work with Pakistan to resolve market 
access issues, including concerns with Pakistan's digital economy 
regulations, intellectual property protections, and contract 
enforcement. I will encourage Pakistan to promote more transparent 
investments through sustainable financing, with a focus on the 
environmental and social impacts of investment projects.
    Events in Afghanistan weigh heavily on me, having previously served 
there as Embassy Kabul's top political officer in 2012 and 2013. I 
worked alongside colleagues in and out of uniform, some of whom gave 
their lives in service of our country, some of whom were gravely 
injured, and many who still bear the invisible wounds of war. I also 
engaged with courageous Afghans who put themselves at great risk to 
build the Afghan state's institutions and stability. If confirmed, I 
will prioritize the safe relocation from Afghanistan of any U.S. 
citizens, lawful permanent residents, special immigrant visa 
applicants, and other Afghans to whom we have a special responsibility, 
along with their family members. Mission Pakistan also plays an 
important role on encouraging an inclusive Afghan Government that 
respects and promotes the human rights of all individuals, including 
women and girls and members of minority groups, and ensuring that 
Afghanistan never again becomes a safehaven for international 
terrorism.
    On the critical issue of counterterrorism, if confirmed, I will 
press Pakistan to target all terrorist groups without distinction. The 
United States and Pakistan are committed to combatting Al-Qa'ida, ISIS-
Khorasan, and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. If confirmed, I also will 
engage Pakistan on fighting all other groups--including Lashkar-e-Taiba 
and Jaish-e-Mohammed.
    The region can ill afford another conflict, especially between 
nuclear-armed states. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues to 
decrease tensions between India and Pakistan. I have been encouraged by 
the continued ceasefire along the Line of Control. Strong U.S. 
bilateral partnerships with India and Pakistan are not mutually 
exclusive; we need productive ties with both states. Pakistan and India 
should decide the pace, scope, and character of their bilateral 
interactions.
    Pakistan is a partner in the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate 
crisis. In May of 2020, Pakistan donated 100,000 facemasks and 25,000 
protective suits to the United States to safeguard our healthcare 
workers in the early stages of the pandemic. The United States has in 
turn donated to Pakistan 27.6 million doses of the Pfizer and Moderna 
vaccines, as well as 200 ventilators, and 1,200 pulse oximeters. On 
climate, Pakistan has signed onto the Global Methane Pledge, announced 
a moratorium on approving new coal-fired power generation, committed to 
having renewables provide 60 percent of electricity generation by 2030, 
and is implementing a 10 billion tree planting campaign.
    If confirmed as Ambassador, I will never shy away from defending 
human rights in Pakistan, particularly freedom of religion and 
expression. Religious minorities in Pakistan have long faced societal 
and legal discrimination, as well as accusations of blasphemy. These 
accusations have undermined the rule of law, threatened mob rule, 
deeply damaged Pakistan's international reputation, and led to 
murderous violence and many deaths. If confirmed, I will speak out 
against these abuses and violations of human rights and religious 
freedom. I will urge the Pakistani Government to cease harassment of 
journalists and members of civil society, who have faced kidnappings, 
assaults, intimidation, and disappearances, and hold perpetrators of 
these actions accountable. I will advocate for expanded protections for 
freedom of association and assembly and will meet with civil society 
partners regularly.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to close by saying that we have an 
important opportunity to renew and strengthen the bilateral 
relationship with Pakistan, and I want to work with this committee and 
Congress to do so. Thank you for considering my nomination and I look 
forward to answering any questions you might have.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mayor Garcetti?

STATEMENT OF HON. ERIC M. GARCETTI OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF INDIA

    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez, 
Ranking Member Risch, to all members of this committee. I am 
honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee 
to be Ambassador from the United States to the Republic of 
India, and let me start by thanking the President and Secretary 
Blinken for their trust and for this amazing opportunity to 
serve our nation.
    Few nations are more vital to the future of American 
security and prosperity than India. If confirmed, I look 
forward to building on the work of my predecessors to elevate 
our partnership to new heights.
    My parents, Gil and Sukey Garcetti, are here today, the 
children and grandchildren of immigrants from Mexico and 
Russia, two public servants who first brought me to India as a 
teenager and who taught me how deeply we are connected to 
everyone in this world.
    Two people not with me today in person are always the best 
part of my day, my wife, Amy Elaine Wakeland, and our 
incredible and beautiful daughter, Maya. Amy has devoted her 
entire life to advocating for women and children, and Maya just 
turned 10 years old yesterday and is watching this hearing with 
her mother as she gets ready for school, and I just want to say 
good luck with your science test today, honey. I love you.
    In 1990, I visited India as the guest of Ambassador Bill 
Clark, who served under President H. W. Bush and who was--whose 
son was my college roommate. Inspired by this trip, I started 
studying Hindi and Urdu in college, Indian and cultural 
religious history, and at that time, U.S.-India ties languished 
in the shadow of Cold War mistrust.
    Annual trade stood at a paltry $2 billion. Defense trade 
was zero and military interoperability was nonexistent. The 
very idea of a U.S.-India strategic partnership would have been 
deemed laughable.
    Today, the fundamental nature of that strategic partnership 
is firmly ingrained here in Washington and in New Delhi. Twenty 
years ago, President Biden, when he was chair of this esteemed 
committee, called for a new and ambitious U.S.-India 
partnership, and thanks to successive administrations, 
Democratic and Republican, and the bipartisan work of this 
committee and Congress, that strong new chapter is upon us.
    In September, President Biden hosted Prime Minister Modi 
and their Australian and Japanese counterparts for the first 
ever in-person Quad Leaders Summit here in Washington to 
reinforce cooperation among common challenges from COVID to 
climate. Most notably, an Indian vaccine manufacturer with 
support from Quad members will produce 1 billion additional 
vaccine doses for the world.
    If confirmed, I will endeavor to advance our ambitious 
bilateral partnership united by a shared vision of a free and 
open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. Even with a pandemic, 
our bilateral trade this year is expected to break a record 
and, if confirmed, I intend to champion an ambitious economic 
partnership with India to reduce market barriers, to bolster 
free trade, and to generate good middle class American jobs.
    We all know India is situated in a tough neighborhood. If 
confirmed, I will extend efforts to strengthen India's capacity 
to secure its border, to defend its sovereignty, to counter 
terrorism, and to deter aggression.
    We will do that through information sharing, 
counterterrorism coordination, joint freedom of navigation 
patrols, and military exercises which I have witnessed 
personally with my brave Indian counterparts, as well as sales 
of our best defense technologies in order to fully realize the 
potential of our major defense partnership.
    As an aside, I want to express my condolences to the Indian 
people and armed forces for the loss of Chief of Defense Staff 
General Bipin Rawat last week, who was a hero to his nation and 
a good friend to ours.
    If confirmed, I will work to advance partnerships in space, 
science, and flight as well as other critical and emerging 
technologies. Senator Padilla mentioned I have chaired C40, 
which is a global network of mayors from the largest cities of 
the world to confront global climate change and to share the 
experience of L.A., which is on track to be fully renewable 
power by 2035 and, if confirmed, I will work closely with India 
on a similarly bold approach to promoting green energy through 
the International Solar Alliance and through the Agenda 2030 
Climate and Clean Energy Partnership.
    For my friends in India, the bedrock of our relationship 
are the warm and deep ties between our peoples. They connect 
our nations and it is embodied best, perhaps, by the 4 million 
strong Indian-American diaspora, I know, in each of your states 
strengthens our nation, that serves at the highest level 
including our vice president, and the nearly 200,000 Indian 
students and tens of thousands of Indian professionals 
contribute every single day to the strength of this country.
    And, in addition, respect for human rights and strong 
democratic institutions are key elements of our relationship 
and values that are enshrined in both of our constitutions and, 
if confirmed, I will engage regularly and respectfully with the 
Indian Government on these issues.
    Lastly, I acknowledge the weight and honor of 
responsibility of chief of mission for the welfare of hundreds 
of U.S. and thousands of locally-employed staff at Embassy 
Delhi and our four consulates in India, in addition to the 
950,000 U.S. citizens who reside in India, and I want to assure 
this committee there will be no higher priority than their 
safety and security.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, thank you for the 
opportunity to share this testimony, and finally, let me say I 
recognize, I respect, and I relish the role of Congress in 
advancing our leadership and I cannot wait to regularly engage 
with you, with your staffs, and with the staff and members of 
this committee.
    If confirmed, I look forward to serving in India as it 
celebrates 75 years of independence and to shepherding an 
incredible next chapter in the U.S.-India partnership.
    I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Garcetti follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Eric M. Garcetti

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to be the Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of 
India. I would like to thank President Biden for his trust and for this 
amazing opportunity to serve our country.
    Few nations are more vital to the future of American security and 
prosperity than India. If confirmed, I look forward to building on the 
work of my predecessors to elevate our partnership to new heights.
    I have committed my life to service--as a teacher, a naval officer, 
and a public servant.
    All of my work reflects values my parents instilled in me at a 
young age: to be a proud American with a heart for service who is 
always engaged with the world. My parents, Gil and Sukey Garcetti, are 
here today; they first brought me to India as a teenager and taught me 
how deeply we are connected to people everywhere on this planet--no 
matter where they live, what language they speak, how much money they 
have, or how they worship God.
    Two people not with me in person today are always the best part of 
my day: my wife Amy Elaine Wakeland, a woman from Indiana whom I met 
when we were studying together as Rhodes Scholars who never stops 
fighting for women and children, and Maya, our beautiful and incredible 
daughter, who just turned 10 years old yesterday. Maya is watching this 
hearing with her mother as she gets ready for school. Good luck with 
your science test, sweetie--Daddy loves you and is so proud of you!
    In 1992, the year I graduated from college after studying Hindi and 
Indian cultural and religious history, U.S.-India ties languished in 
the shadow of Cold War era mistrust. Annual trade stood at a paltry $2 
billion, defense trade was zero, and military interoperability was non-
existent. The very idea of a U.S.-India strategic partnership would 
have been deemed laughable.
    Today, the fundamental nature of that strategic partnership is 
firmly ingrained in both Washington and New Delhi. 20 years ago 
President Biden--then chairman of this esteemed committee--called for a 
new and ambitious vision of U.S.-India ties. Thanks to successive 
administrations--Democratic and Republican--and the bipartisan work of 
this Congress, that strong new chapter is upon us.
    Despite the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, bilateral trade is 
expected to reach new heights and if confirmed, I intend to champion an 
ambitious economic partnership with India that reduces market access 
barriers and bolsters fair trade and creates good jobs for the American 
middle class.
    India is situated in a tough neighborhood. If confirmed, I intend 
to double-down on our efforts to strengthen India's capacity to secure 
its borders, defend its sovereignty, and deter aggression--through 
information sharing, counterterrorism coordination, joint freedom of 
navigation patrols and military exercises (which I have participated in 
as a naval officer alongside my Indian counterparts), and sales of our 
best defense technologies in order to realize the full potential of our 
Major Defense Partnership.
    As Mayor, I have chaired C40--a global network of mayors from the 
world's largest cities--to confront global climate change and to share 
the experience of Los Angeles, which is on track to be powered by 100 
percent renewable energy by 2035. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with India to support a similarly bold approach to promoting green 
energy through the International Solar Alliance and through the Agenda 
2030 Climate and Clean Energy Partnership.
    The bedrock of our partnership are the human ties that connect our 
nations, embodied by the four million strong Indian-American diaspora 
that strengthens our nation and the nearly two hundred thousand Indian 
students and tens of thousands of Indian professionals who contribute 
to our economy.
    In addition, respect for human rights and strong democratic 
institutions are key elements of our strategic partnership and values 
enshrined in our constitutions, and if confirmed, I will engage closely 
and regularly with the Indian Government on these issues.
    I acknowledge the weight and honor of responsibility as Chief of 
Mission for the welfare of hundreds of U.S. and thousands of locally 
employed staff in Embassy New Delhi and our four Consulates in India, 
in addition to the approximately 950,000 U.S. citizens residing in 
India. If confirmed, there will be no higher priority for me than the 
security of our Mission team and of U.S. citizens in India.
    Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch, thank you for the 
opportunity to share this testimony. I recognize, respect and relish 
the role of Congress in advancing our relationship with India and I 
can't wait to regularly engage with both of you and with all members 
and their staffs on all matters of mutual concern. If confirmed, I look 
forward to serving in India as it celebrates 75 years of independence 
and to shepherding an incredible next chapter in the U.S.-India 
partnership.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Dr. Gutmann?

 STATEMENT OF DR. AMY GUTMANN OF PENNSYLVANIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
      STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

    Dr. Gutmann. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to 
appear before you today. I also thank the senators from my home 
state of Pennsylvania, Senator Casey and Senator Toomey, for 
their support and friendship.
    I would like to introduce my husband of 45 years, Michael 
W. Doyle, to the committee. His love and his wry wit provide 
constant sustenance, as do our daughter, Abigail, and son-in-
law, Jakub, who regret that they could not be here today.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for placing their confidence in the daughter of a 
Jewish-German refugee and a first-generation college graduate 
to represent our nation to one of our closest and most 
important European allies.
    It would be my honor and duty, if confirmed, to work 
closely with this committee and Congress as the United States 
Ambassador to Germany.
    My father's journey to the United States made the most 
profound impression on me. After fleeing Hitler's Germany and 
saving the lives of his parents and siblings, Kurt Gutmann 
found a home in the United States.
    He instilled in me what it means to lead as an American. 
Never forget and always stand up against anti-Semitism, racism, 
and all forms of bigotry and discrimination. Work to advance 
freedom and democracy, prosperity and the rule of law, national 
security, and respect for the dignity of all.
    ``Democracy does not happen by accident,'' as President 
Biden has observed. ``We have to defend it, fight for it, 
strengthen it, renew it.''
    My professional life and scholarship has been devoted to 
advancing freedom and democracy. As president of the University 
of Pennsylvania, the largest private employer in Philadelphia 
and the second largest in Pennsylvania, I expanded educational 
opportunities while championing civil dialogue and global 
diplomacy. Innovation and economic growth have soared, 
generating thousands of jobs while revolutionizing life-saving 
patient care.
    Most recently, Penn research enabled companies in the 
United States and Germany to produce vaccines that are saving 
millions of lives in record time.
    If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen our 
bilateral and multilateral relationships with Germany. I 
highlight just three key priorities here.
    First, I will work closely with Congress and many agencies 
represented by Mission Germany to maximize the benefits of our 
bilateral relationship. This includes increasing trade and 
investment, combating climate change, strengthening global 
health, resisting weaponized energy flows, and countering 
corruption, terrorism, and malign influence.
    Second, I will engage in robust and inclusive public 
diplomacy to strengthen the foundations of our bilateral 
relationship. I will engage younger generations of Germans to 
discuss the United States' role in helping to rebuild a 
prosperous, unified, and democratic Germany, a story that is an 
example to the world.
    Third, I will advocate to strengthen our transatlantic 
alliances and European partnerships, central among them NATO 
and the EU. Partnership with Germany is essential to deterring 
Russian plans to take further and more significant aggressive 
moves against Ukraine and to addressing the challenges to our 
shared security, prosperity, and values posed by the PRC.
    An essential foundation for advancing our national 
interests will be avidly supporting the health, safety, 
security, and morale of Mission Germany. Our dedicated, 
hardworking, and unsurpassed public servants and uniformed 
personnel deserve no less.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, I am greatly honored to have been nominated to serve 
as the United States Ambassador to Germany.
    If confirmed, I would be excited to begin work during this 
key juncture in our relations as a new German Government is 
stepping onto the global stage. I pledge that I will serve the 
American people with honor and dignity, and I will work to 
foster an even stronger alliance between the United States and 
Germany based on our common interests and shared values.
    Thank you so much for your consideration. I welcome your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Dr. Gutmann follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Dr. Amy Gutmann

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I 
also want to thank the Senators from my home state of Pennsylvania, 
Senator Casey and Senator Toomey, for their support and friendship.
    I would like to introduce my husband of 45 years, Michael W. Doyle, 
to the committee. His love and wry wit provide constant sustenance, as 
do our daughter Abigail and son-in-law Jakub, who regret that they 
could not be here today.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
placing their confidence in the daughter of a Jewish German refugee--
and a first-generation college graduate--to represent our nation to one 
of our closest and most important European Allies. More than an honor, 
it would be my privilege and duty, if confirmed, to work closely with 
this committee and Congress as the United States Ambassador to Germany.
    My father's journey to the United States made the most profound 
impression on me. After fleeing Hitler's Germany and saving the lives 
of his parents and siblings, Kurt Gutmann found a home in the United 
States. He instilled in me what it means to lead as an American. Never 
forget and always stand up against anti-Semitism, racism, and all forms 
of hatred, bigotry, and discrimination. Work to advance freedom and 
democracy, prosperity and the rule of law, national security and 
respect for the dignity of all. ``Democracy doesn't happen by 
accident,'' as President Biden has observed. ``We have to defend it, 
fight for it, strengthen it, renew it.''
    These shared values and interests have formed the foundation of the 
cooperation between the United States and a democratic Germany for 
decades.
    My professional life has been devoted to advancing freedom and 
democracy. As President of the University of Pennsylvania, the largest 
private employer in Philadelphia and the second largest in 
Pennsylvania, I expanded educational opportunities while championing 
free speech, civil dialogue, and global diplomacy. Innovation and 
economic growth have soared, generating thousands of jobs while 
revolutionizing life-saving patient care. Most recently, Penn research 
enabled companies in the United States and Germany to produce vaccines 
based on modified mRNA that are saving millions of lives in record 
time. My scholarship also has centered on advancing values and 
interests key to America's global leadership.
    If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen our bilateral and 
multilateral partnerships with Germany. I highlight just three key 
priorities here.
    First, I will work closely with Congress and the many agencies 
represented by Mission Germany to maximize the benefits of our 
bilateral relationship. This includes increasing trade and investment, 
combating climate change, strengthening global health, resisting 
weaponized energy flows, and countering corruption, terrorism, and 
malign influence.
    Second, I will engage in robust and inclusive public diplomacy to 
strengthen the foundations of our bilateral relationship. I will engage 
younger generations of Germans, many with refugee parents like me, to 
discuss the United States' role in helping to rebuild a prosperous, 
united, and democratic Germany. That story, rebuilding Germany after 
the Holocaust to be a champion for democratic principles and human 
rights, is an example to the world.
    Third, I will advocate to strengthen our Transatlantic alliances 
and European partnerships, central among them NATO and the EU. The 
stronger and more capable our multilateral partnerships, the more 
effective we will be in realizing the boundless opportunities in a free 
and open rule-based order. Partnership with Germany is essential to 
deterring Russian plans to take further and more significant aggressive 
moves against Ukraine, and to addressing the challenges to our shared 
security, prosperity and values posed by the PRC.
    An essential foundation for advancing our national interests will 
be supporting the safety, security, and morale of Mission Germany. This 
includes the 473 U.S. direct hires, 1,033 family members, and 703 local 
staff representing nine Cabinet-level and five other independent 
federal agencies at the Embassy and five consulates, as well as our 
military service members and all American citizens living in Germany. 
Whether addressing unexplained health incidents or the physical 
security of our mission, the health and safety of my team will be my 
top priority. Our dedicated, hard-working, and unsurpassed public 
servants and uniformed personnel deserve no less.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, I am greatly honored to have been nominated to serve as 
United States Ambassador to a country that is such an important partner 
with ours, and with which I have such a historically meaningful 
connection. If confirmed, I would be excited to begin work during this 
key juncture in our relations, as a new German Government is stepping 
onto the global stage. I pledge that I will serve the American people 
with honor and dignity, and I will work to foster an even stronger 
alliance between the United States and Germany based on our common 
interests and shared values.
    Thank you for your consideration. I welcome your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you all for your statements. 
We will turn to a series of five-minute rounds.
    Before I begin that, I have a few questions that are on 
behalf of the committee as a whole that speak to the importance 
that this committee places on responsiveness by all officials 
in the executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking 
from you. I would ask each of you to provide verbally a yes or 
no answer to the following questions.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Thank you very much. All of the nominees have 
responded yes to all questions. The chairman will reserve his 
time and recognize Senator Risch.
    Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Gutmann, one of my pet peeves is the amount of money 
that is flowing into institutions of higher education in the 
United States from China. Most Americans are not aware of this.
    I have to tell you, in fact, I worked with the Chairman as 
we tried to rein this in and we are going to continue to do 
that, and I want to get your thoughts on this while you are 
here.
    To be honest with you, I was shocked at this number of $86 
million flowing into your institution. I have to tell you, I 
was also shocked when you indicated you really did not know 
that much about this. What do you know about that? Do you 
supervise this at all?
    Dr. Gutmann. Thank you, and please let me put this question 
into context, first, of your excellent report of November 2020 
on transatlantic cooperation on China.
    The focus on the PRC's use of American institutions of 
higher education by having Confucius Institutes at universities 
to restrict academic freedom, to control faculty hiring, and to 
threaten our core values is something that I share great 
concern about.
    At a time when Confucius Institutes were proliferating in 
the United States, I ensured that the University of 
Pennsylvania did not accept an invitation to have a Confucius 
Institute--that was in 2009--and have ever since been vigilant 
against the nefarious influences of the PRC.
    Senator Risch. I think that is to your credit, by the way. 
I knew that you had declined the invitation to have a Confucius 
Institute and I think that is really to your credit.
    But having said that, the $86 million is still pretty 
stunning and I am going to talk about a few of them here when 
you are done. But go ahead.
    Dr. Gutmann. Thank you for--we are one on this issue. And 
the second piece of context, which goes directly to your 
question of the scale of Penn and what I do, as president, take 
due diligence on, we have 12 schools and six hospitals, and the 
fundraising over the period you spoke about is over $5 billion 
and over my presidency over $10 billion.
    A very small fraction of that comes from China, less--
considerably less than 1 percent. What I do make sure of it 
is--so it is not surprising that I do not know of specific 
gifts and contracts, most of which are in our Wharton School of 
Business.
    But what I do know and what I make sure of is that no 
gifts, no contracts, to the University of Pennsylvania, are 
allowed to threaten academic freedom, are allowed to threaten 
national security. We do no classified research. We get about 
one gift per three minutes, every few minutes, and one separate 
different donor every few minutes of every day.
    And so it is not surprising that I am not familiar until 
actually being asked the question by you and your staff of the 
details of this. I was not familiar with those.
    What I am sure of is that the University of Pennsylvania 
has stood strong against accepting any gifts that would 
threaten academic freedom, that would threaten national 
security and, as I said, we do no classified research, and this 
is aligned also with the concerns expressed in the 2019 staff 
report by Senators Portman and Carper and the Committee on 
Homeland Security.
    Senator Risch. Thank so much. I think that is a fair 
answer, and since it is 1 percent I think that does put it in 
context for us and that will give us a springboard to go 
forward here.
    I look at these, and I know university presidents. They, 
certainly, do not deal with the kind of money you do but they 
look at this list every day to look at those contributions that 
are coming in and seeing what they can do to advance them some 
more.
    I am surprised you are not at least somewhat more familiar 
with these. But, I mean, you take things like contributions 
from the Shanghai Advanced Institute of Finance. I cannot 
imagine they are giving you money to promote capitalism, but 
maybe they are.
    There is all kinds of these that are anonymous. I mean, 
million-dollar gifts that says the country of origin is China 
and it says anonymous, and there is dozens of these on here.
    Let me ask you this because my time is up. Do you think if 
we gave the institutions of higher learning time to extricate 
their selves from this and to back away from these kinds of 
influence, particularly when you have a place like China where, 
clearly, some of this money is coming from slavery? We all know 
what is going on with the Uighurs and that is money that is 
being generated, clearly, as a result of slavery.
    Do you think that we could wean higher institutions from 
this cash flow if we gave them time to reconstitute, 
particularly when, as you noted, it is only 1 percent of what 
you get? But when you are talking about $86 million they have 
got to be getting something for it.
    And so it seems to me that we ought to wean the 
institutions of higher learning from these kind of 
contributions.
    Dr. Gutmann. Senator, I agree with you that we should make 
sure that institutions of higher education do not accept gifts 
from the PRC or any foreign government that would compromise 
our values.
    I should say, for the record, that none of the gifts that 
the University of Pennsylvania accepted would it accept 
anonymously. The anonymity is what the Department of Education 
in its reporting is required by law to do. But every gift under 
my presidency to the University of Pennsylvania had--was looked 
at by our legal team and so on and none would be anonymous.
    But I do agree with you that we should make sure that 
institutions of higher education prevent the kind of nefarious 
influence that the PRC is all too capable of and notorious for.
    Senator Risch. Money always carries influence and that is 
the difficulty.
    My time is up. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Let me thank all three of our nominees for their 
willingness to continue to serve and to serve our nation. We 
thank you very much and we thank your families because we know 
this is a family commitment. We thank you for all that.
    Senator Risch, I think you know that our concerns about the 
PRC's impact on our academic centers around the nation has been 
around the entire country. We have had our issues in Maryland, 
and I appreciate the fact that we need to continue to put a big 
spotlight on this, and I do congratulate Dr. Gutmann for her 
leadership at Penn in this area and in so many areas of 
integrity.
    Senator Risch. And that issue is bipartisan, Senator. I 
think we can all agree on that.
    Senator Cardin. No question about it. Yes, it is. No 
question about it.
    Ambassador Blome, I want to start, if I might, in regards 
to Pakistan. You mentioned during your opening statement 
concern about human rights. We have found significant 
challenges on protecting basic human rights. Recent actions 
taken by the Pakistani Government in regards to restrictions on 
social media platforms is just the latest of the efforts.
    Tell me how you plan to use the tools available, if 
confirmed, to advance the values of human rights that America 
stands for in your representation in Pakistan.
    Ambassador Blome. Thank you very much, Senator.
    If confirmed to this position, I would, certainly, use my 
position to speak publicly along with my engagements at senior 
levels of the Pakistani Government to make clear U.S. 
Government priorities and values with regards to human rights 
and personal freedoms.
    Beyond that, I think it is also very important to work with 
local groups and individuals who are often courageously leading 
these fights on the ground and I would look for ways that we 
can continue to support those groups and strengthen our support 
for those groups and those voices to make them more effective 
in leading the movement for change in Pakistan.
    Senator Cardin. And would you send a clear message that the 
Embassy is open to those who are standing up to defend human 
rights within Pakistan to have a friendly venue where they will 
have attentive ears?
    Ambassador Blome. Absolutely, Senator, I would do that, and 
it, certainly, would be an open door for such groups.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. I appreciate that.
    Mayor Garcetti, I want to talk a little bit about India, if 
I might. India was just downgraded from the annual report by 
Freedom House from free to partly free. They recently enacted a 
Citizenship Amendment Act that is very much aimed against the 
Muslim population within India.
    The same question to you, if you could be a little more 
specific. India is an incredibly important strategic partner of 
the United States but the human rights records there are, 
certainly, anything but the way we would like to see them.
    How do you balance our need to work with India as a 
strategic partner but making advancements on behalf of human 
rights?
    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you very much, Senator. There is no 
question that the U.S.-India relationship should be underpinned 
by our common commitment to democracy, to human rights, and to 
civil society.
    It is enshrined in our constitutions--the oldest democracy 
in the world and the largest democracy in the world--and human 
rights and defense of democracy is a pillar of our foreign 
policy.
    But to answer specifically, if confirmed, I will actively 
raise these issues. I will raise them with humility. It is a 
two-way street on these. But I intend to engage directly with 
civil society.
    There are groups that are actively fighting for the human 
rights of people on the ground in India that will get direct 
engagement from me. We know that democracies are complicated--
we can look at our own and at India's--but it is a cornerstone 
of our shared values.
    And I just want to say, for me, these will not be 
afterthoughts. My Master's degree was in human rights and 
international law. I have fought for human rights on four 
different continents and it will be a core part of what I will 
pursue with my Indian counterparts, if confirmed.
    Senator Cardin. I believe the Citizenship Amendment was 
passed just recently. The way it looks like it is going to be 
implemented it will be very discriminatory against the Muslim 
population, which is very, very large.
    Do we have your commitment that you will be a voice in 
regards to any discrimination against minority groups such as 
the Muslim population within India?
    Mr. Garcetti. Absolutely, Mr. Cardin. Thank you, Senator. 
And I would not only just bring it up, but it would not be 
something at the end as an obligation. It will be a core piece 
of what I will be engaging my Indian counterparts, if 
confirmed, with.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Congratulations to each of our nominees. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and I know 
this committee feels the same way.
    Mayor Garcetti, I would like to begin with you because I 
have read with some concern accusations that one of your 
advisors engaged in a pattern sexual harassment while employed 
for you and that you did not respond to those allegations in a 
way that would have stopped the behavior.
    And I raise this because I want to give you a chance to 
respond to those allegations but also because, as we all know, 
India is an ally, the world's biggest democracy, but it is a 
democracy where the rights of women and sexual assault and 
sexual harassment against women has been rampant over the 
years. They have made some real progress and women are speaking 
out more, but there is still a great deal of fear and 
intimidation for women to speak out on issues of harassment.
    And so I think it is very important that we model the 
behavior that we want to see in our allies and so I wanted to 
give you a chance to respond to those allegations.
    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you, Senator, and I deeply appreciate 
not only the importance of that question, I understand, but I 
am very grateful for the opportunity to address it as well.
    Simply said, Senator, harassment and discrimination have no 
place in the workplace, no place in our society, and I have 
zero tolerance for that, and I also know that words are not 
enough.
    We have to take persistent action to support and protect 
victims and I have dedicated my professional life to doing just 
that, whether it was in college setting up the National Student 
Coalition Against Harassment, whether it is as a naval officer 
adjudicating cases, or as a mayor, where I have broad-backed 
policies to be able to centralize complaints and to allow folks 
to anonymously be able to report and seek justice.
    In regards to this specific case, I want to say 
unequivocally that I never witnessed nor was it brought to my 
attention the behavior that has been alleged, and I also want 
to assure you if it had been I would have immediately taken 
action to stop that.
    In India, this will be a priority of mine because it has 
been a priority my entire life. My wife and I have served, and 
I know Senator Risch's staff has worked closely, for instance, 
with the Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking.
    I have on-the-ground experience with standing up law 
enforcement to go after sexual harassment, sexual assault, 
civilian teams that roll out on domestic violence and sexual 
assault calls for police officers to be able to engage and help 
people extricate themselves.
    But I will as ambassador, if confirmed, not have this as 
one of the issues. It is a core issue of my life and will be if 
confirmed as ambassador.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Shaheen. I look forward to your strong stance when 
you are confirmed.
    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Dr. Gutmann, as you are aware, I am sure, 
the United States and Germany last summer made a joint 
statement to Ukraine about the importance of taking--of 
responding to Russia's aggressive behavior in Ukraine and 
using--taking the opportunity to try to use Nord Stream 2 as a 
way to use energy to threaten Ukraine and to weaponize energy.
    As you are thinking about your role as ambassador, how will 
you work with Germany, with this new government in Germany, 
around the Nord Stream 2 issue and around holding Russia 
accountable for its efforts to weaponize energy?
    Dr. Gutmann. Thank you, Senator, for that important 
question. I view our opportunity to advance our relationship to 
Germany as one that is opened up by the new coalition 
government, Germany being one of our strongest European allies.
    I believe Nord Stream 2 is a bad deal--a bad deal for 
Germany, for Ukraine, terrible for all of Europe and the United 
States. You have my commitment to focus on a diplomacy that 
resists all threats, all human rights violations, especially 
from Russia and the PRC.
    I will call on Germany to meet its 2 percent commitment to 
NATO. That is an important security measure against Russia. I 
view the July joint statement as setting not only a commitment 
and an important floor on our expectations of alliance with our 
important ally, but it is a floor, not a ceiling, on what we 
may need to do together.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I am sure that 
everyone on this committee would agree with that strong 
position.
    I am out of time, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member. 
Thank you to all three of today's nominees. I have enjoyed 
working with you in the past and look forward to this next 
chapter in your service to our nation.
    I am thrilled the Biden administration continues to send to 
the Senate and this committee such well-qualified nominees. I 
will just note at the outset, I am gravely concerned that for 
three such important countries we do not have confirmed 
ambassadors and it is the middle of December.
    I will do everything I can to advance your nominations 
through this committee and the floor, and hope my colleagues on 
both sides of the aisle will work with us to achieve that goal.
    If I might, Mayor Garcetti, it is great to see you again, 
and I think your experience leading a global coalition of 
mayors in combating climate change will serve you well in this 
new role. Your long experience in foreign relations as well as 
in leading a critical city of our nation will be important.
    Talk to me about how you think we can continue to build on 
the U.S.-India relationship in terms of public health and how 
we might strengthen and expand our partnership around vaccine 
manufacturing while still finding ways to respect American 
innovation and protect some of the ways in which our inventions 
or creations, whether it is in copyright, trademark, or 
elsewhere, could be best protected.
    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for your 
friendship and collaboration over the years as well.
    I am very excited, if confirmed, about this part of the 
job. Public health on both sides of the Indo-Pacific are going 
to be critical and the Quad Leaders Summit, I think, embodied 
that.
    It was not just U.S. and India but also the two other 
countries that make up the Quad joining together to support the 
manufacturing capacity of India, to bring a billion more 
vaccine doses around the world, and vice versa, for us to be 
able to make sure that we have supply chains that are 
diversified from a single country.
    I think that when it comes to public health we have a very 
strong record together, whether it is in those supply chains or 
some of the innovations that we have.
    And I would just offer, if confirmed, to my Indian 
counterparts it is in our mutual interest to co-write rules of 
law that will allow intellectual property in India, which they 
develop.
    They are not just a country that produces vaccines made 
elsewhere. They are great innovators in the medical field. They 
want to protect that intellectual property and we want to as 
well.
    When it comes to emergencies like a COVID pandemic, I think 
the moves of this administration were the right ones to try to 
open that up, to try to work with the world community and the 
private sector to say in crisis moments we can relax those 
rules in order to save lives.
    But for the long term, I think we have great jobs to 
produce both in India and, most importantly, here in the U.S. 
from that cooperation.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mayor, and I look forward to even 
closer U.S.-India ties both in security and strategy, but also 
in research and economically and in public health.
    Dr. Gutmann, it is great to see you again. I recently led a 
bipartisan delegation to Berlin. We met with Chancellor Scholz 
and senior members of the Bundestag. I will be interested to 
see how their foreign policy of this new coalition government 
differs from the previous.
    What do you think might be the challenges in the Bundestag, 
given the coalition's statement in maintaining consensus on 
foreign policy, and how do you think we can learn from the ways 
in which German advanced manufacturing and, in particular, 
their workforce skilling practices may show the way in the new 
economic environment that we face post-pandemic?
    Dr. Gutmann. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for leading 
the CODEL to Germany and other countries at such an important 
time.
    I was heartened to see that Chancellor Scholz mentioned 
that there is continuity in German foreign policy. That said, I 
think there is always more to be done and especially in light, 
as you mentioned, of the challenges of Russian aggression, of 
Chinese malign influence, Chinese predatory trade practices, 
Chinese genocide against Xinjiang, against the Uighurs, and its 
aggressions against Hong Kong, Tibet, and its threats to 
Taiwan.
    So I see this as an opportunity. I think there will be a 
challenge with the coalition, no doubt. I think we can address 
that with strong and respectful diplomacy.
    On the trade and investment, Germany, as you know, is our 
third largest source of foreign direct investment and accounts 
for over 850,000 jobs for Americans and we, in turn, account 
for about 700,000 jobs in Germany.
    Germany has a model of apprenticeship that I believe we 
could build on in close partnership with Germany. It already 
exists in the United States in some states and I think we could 
do more. It is a great alternative for talented hard-working 
young people for whom four-year college is not the best.
    My father actually was apprenticing at the time he had to 
flee Nazi Germany, but that apprentice program has grown in the 
Democratic Republic and I think we could learn and work with 
Germany on it.
    Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Dr. Gutmann. Could I 
ask forbearance for one more question or should I move on?
    The Chairman. Go right ahead.
    Senator Coons. Mr. Chairman, briefly, if I might.
    Ambassador Blome, you and the mayor will be nearby in a 
very tough neighborhood. I will just be interested, briefly, in 
how you believe we can repair the U.S.-Pakistan relationship 
while also more successfully engaging them in the 
counterterrorism mission, going forward.
    Ambassador Blome. Thank you, Senator.
    I think it is very important that we find ways to work 
together to address some of these shared challenges that we are 
going to face on the counterterrorism front now. We have to be 
clear eyed about the troubled history that we have had on these 
issues.
    But looking ahead, I think Pakistan has a shared interest 
in ensuring that Afghanistan does not once again become host to 
terrorist groups and a contributor to regional instability, and 
I think we have seen some signs recently in terms of Pakistan's 
willingness to engage with international partners on issues of 
Afghanistan's future, including in the extended Troika format 
recently and the upcoming OIC meeting that is going to be 
dedicated to that question. I will urge them to continue to 
work together with international partners on a common set of 
objectives there.
    Senator Coons. Thank you----
    Ambassador Blome. And looking a little bit further ahead, I 
think there is things that we can do on the trade and 
investment front to grow the U.S.-Pakistani trade and 
investment relationship in a way that benefits both our 
countries in a balanced way. I believe there are significant 
opportunities there that I would look for.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador. I look forward to 
working with you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I want to 
congratulate each of the nominees for the positions. You are 
all very, very well qualified.
    I will begin with you, Ambassador Blome, to just continue 
the line of thought. In Pakistan, Pakistan, arguably, is 
China's closest ally in South Asia. How would you see Islamabad 
balancing ties with the United States and China, particularly 
as we work more closely together with India on mechanisms like 
the Quad and the Indo-Pacific?
    Ambassador Blome. Thank you, Senator. I think Pakistan has 
signaled very clearly an interest in diversifying their 
relationships. While their relationship with China has been 
important, recently I think the signal has been very clear that 
they are interested in a--growing the relationship with the 
United States, doing business, treating the United States as a 
key partner for Pakistan's private sector.
    We have been Pakistan's largest export market for decades. 
We enjoy strong people-to-people ties with the people of 
Pakistan through their diaspora, through civil society, and 
their stated aspirations of a geoeconomic-driven foreign policy 
demonstrates their interest in diversifying the relationship 
beyond Beijing.
    If confirmed to this position I would look forward to 
working on those issues with Pakistan.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
    Mr. Mayor, great to see you again. Congratulations to you 
and to your family. I have kind of a similar question not about 
China but actually about Russia. India and Russia have had a 
long-standing defense tie. Prior to the passage of the CAATSA 
sanction law in 2016, India had begun to explore purchase of 
the S-400 air defense system from Russia. That could trigger 
CAATSA sanctions. There is an executive waiver possibility 
within the CAATSA sanctions.
    But talk to us a little bit about as we are doing more and 
more together with India in our military relations, a lot of 
joint exercises--the Indian military does more joint exercise 
with the United States than any other nation--what is the 
potential danger to the U.S.-India mil cooperation that the 
acquisition of the S-400 system would create?
    Mr. Garcetti. Thank you, Senator, and great to see you as 
well. I do not want to prejudge the Secretary's decision about 
sanctions or a waiver, and I do want to tell the Chairman, 
Ranking Member, all the members, I do fully support the law of 
the land, the implementation of CAATSA as law here, and part of 
that is the waiver provision, as you mentioned.
    If confirmed, though, I would advocate the following: the 
continued diversification of India's weapon system, the threats 
to our own weapon systems if that diversification does not 
occur because we have to protect our data and our systems, and 
work towards really growing this major defense partnership.
    I think it is one of the great success stories of the last 
few decades, from zero to $20 billion in procurement, the 
intelligence sharing that we have, the interoperability, the 
exercises, the maritime work that we are doing, and I would 
seek, as somebody who has served alongside my Indian 
counterparts, to really deepen those people-to-people 
relationships in the military, the industrial coordination on 
that, and just be very clear about what the threats are to our 
system, especially for new weapon systems in the future that 
would come from outside the United States or, in this case, 
Russia.
    Senator Kaine. And Mr. Mayor, I walked in right at the end 
of Senator Cardin's questions but I know he was also asking you 
questions about human rights and I just want to put an 
exclamation point on that.
    We have a sizable Indian diaspora community in Virginia and 
many Sikhs and others feel like the there is often nationalism 
or religious division that is sort of pushed at times of 
internal political challenge and they feel victimized by that, 
and I hope that is a matter that you will take very, very 
seriously with this important ally.
    Dr. Gutmann, congratulations to you. Senator Coons was 
covering what I wanted to cover. But just in particular, I just 
want to make sure that Germany sees the same danger in Russia 
amassing forces on the Ukraine border as the U.S. does.
    We had some meetings earlier, Senator Coons and I, at the 
Halifax Security Forum with EU officials--they were not from 
Germany but they were EU officials--and it did not make us feel 
good. They did not seem to feel that the danger of the Russian 
troops amassing on the border was as significant as we believe 
it to be.
    Germany believes the Nord Stream pipeline is very, very 
important. But I would have to believe and expect that they 
would view an incursion into Ukrainian sovereignty, a further 
incursion by Russia, as sort of an existential challenge in 
Europe and I hope that they see that threat as seriously as we 
do.
    Dr. Gutmann. As do I, Senator, and if confirmed, I will 
take the good work of this committee and of Congress and the 
administration's--what I understand the ongoing high-level 
discussions going on now to Germany and really underscore how 
important it is to act strongly in alliance against the 
aggressions of Russia.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen is with us virtually.
    [No response.]
    The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen. Can you hear--Mr. Chairman, can you 
hear me okay?
    The Chairman. Yes, I can, loud and clear.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
    Dr. Gutmann, as you mentioned in your opening statement and 
in response to questions, you are going to be representing the 
United States with a critical NATO ally, Germany, with the new 
government and at a time where we are witnessing ongoing 
Russian aggression, especially threats to the sovereignty of 
Ukraine.
    And so I know that you understand the severity of the 
situation. I hope the Biden administration and Germany will 
agree that if Russia takes any offensive actions or invades 
Ukraine there would be an immediate snap back of the Nord 
Stream 2 sanctions.
    Mayor Garcetti, congratulations to you on your nomination. 
As you know, India is a critical U.S. partner in the Indo-
Pacific region. I want to salute the Biden administration's 
efforts to further expand the Quad relationship and India's 
role in it, and as been indicated earlier, we are working with 
India to try to develop vaccines to address the challenges 
throughout the developing world.
    Maryland has a company, Novavax that has teamed up with the 
Serum Institute of India and have pledged to provide 1.1 
billion doses to COVAX to distribute to the neediest places 
around the world. That is still going through the final hoops 
of getting accepted, but I am confident that that is going to 
happen and I look forward to staying in touch with you about 
that.
    Ambassador Blome, thank you for your service over many 
years in the Foreign Service and your most recent posting in 
Tunisia. As we discussed when I met you earlier, I have been 
concerned with the lack of a real strategy from the 
administration as it relates to Pakistan.
    I am interested in your thoughts on how we can more fully 
engage both economically, politically, and on security issues 
at the highest levels. Pakistan, as you know, is an important 
country at any time. It has an especially important role right 
now with the withdrawal of U.S. and other forces from 
Afghanistan and the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.
    There are many who exaggerate the amount of influence that 
Pakistan has over the Taliban. People forget that Pakistan has 
waged its own bloody war against the Pakistani Taliban--the 
TTP--and as you know, Pakistan has not yet recognized the new 
government in Kabul--the new Taliban Government.
    At the same time, clearly, Pakistan has ties to elements of 
the Taliban and could play a positive role, potentially, going 
forward with respect to our demands on the new Taliban 
Government.
    Here is the question. What do you think our strategy should 
be? What role can Pakistan play in furthering our goals, 
together with others in the international community, with 
respect to the goals we have set out in Afghanistan and the 
demands we have placed on the new government there?
    Ambassador Blome. Thank you, Senator, for that question, a 
very important one.
    I think there are opportunities to work with Pakistan on 
the agenda that we have set out for Afghanistan, and in 
particular, I think we can identify a number of areas of common 
ground that we have with Pakistan in trying to achieve a 
government that is inclusive in nature inside Afghanistan, one 
that can help avert humanitarian catastrophe inside the 
country, stabilize the economy, and ensure that Afghanistan 
does not, again, become a source of terrorist threats to the 
United States and our allies.
    We have set these out in a number of dialogues that we have 
had recently in international fora with Pakistan, including 
those hosted in the extended Troika format and in the upcoming 
OIC.
    I think we have established a basis that we can work with 
Pakistan on those important strategic issues. We have to find a 
way to make progress on this and work together on these issues.
    Beyond that, again, as we discussed in our meeting, 
Senator, I think we can also look at ways we can build the 
relationship with Pakistan on other bases that are important, 
including the trade and investment ties that I mentioned 
before.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I would just ask you, if 
confirmed, to use your influence to arrange a telephone call 
between President Biden and Prime Minister Kahn. I think this 
is a self--this is an own goal. This is an unforced error on 
our part. It would be, I think, an important gesture at this 
point in time.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Rubio?
    Senator Rubio. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I will not use, 
hopefully, my whole time. I know we are pending a vote that has 
already started.
    I guess, Ms. Gutmann, I wanted to--I know Senator Risch has 
already asked about the money the entities--the Chinese 
entities gave to the university.
    And good morning to all of you. Thank you for all your 
willingness to serve and be here.
    I wanted to ask you more specifically about China and 
Germany. Germany is China's largest European trading partner, 
and since 2017, I think, China has been Germany's largest 
trading partner.
    And it is concerning because while other governments have 
been more forward leaning, for example, on the diplomatic 
boycott of the Olympics and speaking out about the genocide of 
the Uighurs, Germany has, obviously, been more resistant and I 
think the commercial links explain why.
    What is, generally, your assessment of how the Germans view 
China on a global scale and what are your plans or thoughts 
about getting them to become more engaged?
    Dr. Gutmann. Thank you for that very important question, 
Senator.
    My sense is that there has been a balancing in the German 
Government between its important economic ties with China and 
its concerns for human rights and democracy and the threats 
thereof.
    If confirmed, I would lean in on this to emphasize our 
government's position and our society's position that the 
ongoing genocide in Xinjiang province against the Uighurs, the 
threats to fair market practices, cybersecurity threats, and I 
could go on and on, and will, if confirmed, with the German 
Government pose economic as well as security threats to 
Germany, to Europe, to the free world and, of course, to the 
United States.
    I see this as an opportunity with the new government, that 
there is an opening to help build and reset Germans' position. 
I will very much urge Germany, in concert with this committee, 
to join us in boycotting the Olympics, to stand down and speak 
up against Chinese practices in alliance.
    It will be to the betterment of German security and, most 
important to me, if confirmed, to the interests and the values 
of the United States.
    Senator Rubio. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. There are a series of votes going 
on. There is no other member that I know of seeking recognition 
at this time. The chair has a series of very significant 
questions, but he is going to submit it--I am going to submit 
it for the record.
    I would expect substantive answers to my questions. I would 
hate to be the one holding you up for your business meeting.
    This record will remain open until the close of business 
tomorrow. I would ask members to submit their questions. I 
would ask the nominees to answer those questions expeditiously 
and substantively so we can consider your nominations before a 
business meeting.
    With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.
    Senator Risch. I would like to have this submitted for the 
record, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Without objection, the documents that Senator 
Risch has asked will be included in the record.


    [The information referred to is located at the end of this 
transcript.]


    The Chairman. And this hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:23 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Donald Armin Blome by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to the health, 
safety, and security of all U.S. Government personnel and family 
members serving domestically and overseas. This commitment extends to 
the handling of anomalous health incidents (AHI). As of October 2021, 
the Department has received reports of AHIs from every region of the 
globe. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment that I will work with 
my colleagues at the Department to address these cases in Mission 
Pakistan to ensure all employees and their families get any care they 
need. The safety of our personnel has always been a top priority for 
the Mission; if confirmed, I will continue to ensure that threats 
against U.S. personnel are taken seriously.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. The Secretary and all of us at the Department and 
throughout the U.S. Government take reports of anomalous health 
incidents very seriously. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment 
that I will follow the Department's protocols on reporting and 
addressing these incidents through the Health Incident Response Task 
Force (HIRTF).

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment that I will 
follow the Department's protocols on reporting and addressing these 
incidents through the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF). I 
will ensure that this topic be included in briefings I will receive 
upon arrival at post if confirmed.

    Question. Pakistan played a double-game throughout the war in 
Afghanistan, claiming to support U.S. counterterrorism efforts while 
allowing the Taliban and al-Qaeda to operate on their territory.

   Please assess the relationship between the Pakistani ISI and the 
        Taliban. How will you navigate that relationship as ambassador, 
        given our non-recognition of the Taliban regime in Kabul?

    Answer. Pakistan repeatedly called for an inclusive political 
solution to the conflict in Afghanistan, though it has not been willing 
to take steps that would jeopardize its relationship with the Taliban. 
The State Department has engaged with the Pakistani Government at 
senior levels, including Secretary Blinken, Deputy Secretary Sherman, 
and Special Representative for Afghanistan West, to urge close 
coordination and alignment with the international community on the way 
forward in Afghanistan.
    If confirmed, I will convey to Pakistan the importance the U.S. 
administration places on Pakistan's constructive role moving forward. I 
also will make it clear to Pakistan that a government in Kabul that 
allows safe passage for those who wish to leave Afghanistan, is 
inclusive, protects the rights of women and members of minority groups, 
adheres to its counterterrorism commitments, and ensures humanitarian 
access would be in the best interests of all countries in the region.

    Question. Since the fall of Kabul, the Pakistani Government seems 
increasingly willing to cut deals with domestic, religiously motivated 
violent extremist groups, such as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and 
the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan.

   What is your assessment of the Pakistani Government's actions since 
        the fall of Kabul when it comes to domestic extremism? Do you 
        believe this is a tactical response to the events in 
        Afghanistan or indicative of a broader shift in how the 
        Government deals with such groups?

    Answer. Pakistan has a shared interest in ensuring terrorist 
organizations operating in Afghanistan and Pakistan do not threaten 
regional stability. The Government of Pakistan in no way supports the 
TTP, and in fact our interests align in halting the TTP's activities in 
the border regions.
    Pakistan seeks regional stability and is sensitive to threats from 
domestic extremists that target the Pakistani state. Pakistan is also 
concerned about the potential effects that Afghanistan's failed economy 
could directly have on its neighbors, such as impacts to trade, 
security, and refugee movements. If confirmed, I will reinforce our 
shared interest in taking action against the TTP and all other 
terrorist groups.

    Question. Pakistan's relationship with China is growing stronger 
through both economic and security partnerships. The China-Pakistan 
Economic Corridor is the flagship project of the Belt and Road 
Initiative, with Beijing offering more than $62 billion in loans for 
energy and infrastructure projects.

   How do you assess the long-term trend of China-Pakistan relations? 
        What do you see as the main areas of growth in that 
        relationship? What are potential points of tension between the 
        two nations?

    Answer. PRC global lending, including to Pakistan, frequently fails 
to meet international standards of openness, inclusivity, transparency, 
and governance. Unsustainably high financial obligations that are at 
odds with those standards risk undermining Pakistan's economic 
stability and limit opportunities for Pakistani workers and businesses. 
China's close ties with Pakistan do not preclude the United States from 
also having a productive partnership with Pakistan. Pakistan's stated 
aspirations of a ``geo-economic''-driven foreign policy demonstrates 
its interest in diversifying its relationship beyond Beijing. The 
United States is a key partner for Pakistan's private sector, and we 
have been Pakistan's largest export market for decades. The United 
States enjoys strong people-to-people ties with Pakistan through the 
diaspora, civil society, educational exchanges, and beyond. If 
confirmed, I will continue and expand U.S. Government efforts with the 
Government of Pakistan, civil society, minority populations, and the 
private sector to promote robust U.S-Pakistani economic and financial 
ties that continues to be open, inclusive, and transparent.

    Question. According to a U.S. Commission on International Freedom 
(USCIRF) report, Pakistan has the second strictest blasphemy laws in 
the world, after Iran. Worryingly, there has been a surge in blasphemy 
cases against religious minorities in recent years. The existence of 
Pakistan's blasphemy laws have normalized extrajudicial enforcement 
from violent mobs. In December 2021, a Sri Lankan factory manager was 
lynched and his body set on fire by a brutal mob in Pakistan over 
allegations of blasphemy.

   If confirmed, how would you address this troubling trend of 
        violence in Pakistan that is creating an increasingly unsafe 
        environment for religious minorities?

    Answer. The U.S. Government strongly opposes blasphemy laws and 
views their very existence as inconsistent with the right to freedom of 
religion or belief. Pakistan has allowed application of these laws to 
lead to egregious arrests of those wrongfully accused, and subjected 
individuals to years of unjust imprisonment and targeted 
assassinations. These laws are also too often used by individuals as a 
pretext to justify violence against those whose religion or ethnicity 
differs from their own or to settle personal grievances.
    I am concerned by the pattern of targeted killings against 
individuals accused of blasphemy and members of Pakistan's Ahmadiyya 
community, including U.S. citizen Tahir Naseem, who was gunned down in 
open court in Peshawar while on trial for blasphemy in July 2020 and 
the mob violence against the Sri Lankan businessman you referenced. If 
confirmed, I will continue U.S. calls for justice for Mr. Naseem and 
urge Pakistan to reform its blasphemy laws. I also will advocate for 
the right of members of religious minority groups to practice their 
faith free from harassment or threat of violence while enjoying the 
full protection of the rule of law. If confirmed, I will raise this and 
other cases forcefully and engage and empower civil society groups 
advocating for reform to the blasphemy laws.

    Question. Since 2018, Pakistan has been designated a ``Country of 
Particular Concern'' for their gross violations of religious liberty 
and freedom of belief. However, for the last four years, the State 
Department's CPC designation on Pakistan has been accompanied with a 
waiver on congressionally-mandated U.S. sanctions under the 
International Religious Freedom Act of 1998.

   Do you believe that granting the waiver the last four years has 
        benefited the United States and advanced our interests in the 
        region? Do you think that Pakistan should continue to receive 
        this waiver?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the rights of 
everyone to express their religion or belief in a safe and secure 
environment. The Pakistani Government has taken significant notice of 
the ``Country of Particular Concern'' designation, and we continue to 
engage at senior levels to advance our position. I will work with the 
Department to assess the utility of the Presidential waiver based on 
the effect of our advocacy on religious freedoms, if confirmed.

    Question. In January 2021, Pakistan's Supreme Court released Ahmed 
Omar Saeed Sheikh who was responsible for the beheading of American 
journalist Daniel Pearl. Secretary Blinken called the decision ``an 
affront to terrorism victims everywhere.'' Sheikh was previously 
indicted by a U.S. grand jury for the kidnapping and murder of Daniel 
Pearl and the 1994 kidnapping of a United States citizen in India.

   Do you unequivocally condemn the release of Pearl's murderer? What 
        steps has the State Department taken since the decision to 
        secure justice for Pearl's family, and what steps will you take 
        if you are confirmed?

    Answer. Securing justice for Daniel Pearl and his family is and 
will remain a priority of the U.S. Government. Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh 
and his co-conspirators remain under detention as the decision of a 
Supreme Court panel is being reviewed. If confirmed, I commit to 
consistently emphasize the importance the United States places on this 
matter in my engagements with Pakistani leaders and I will urge them to 
keep detained those responsible for Mr. Pearl's kidnapping and murder 
and to pursue a robust review of the judgments that led to their 
ordered release. Those guilty for this heinous crime must continue to 
be held accountable.

    Question. Pakistan remains a Major Non-NATO Ally, which grants it 
privileged status for increased U.S. assistance and advanced weapon 
procurement under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and the Arms 
Export Control Act. Since 2001, Pakistan has received over $34 billion 
in U.S. assistance, including military assistance, even after the 
Taliban took Kabul with the public cheerleading of the Pakistani 
Government.

   Do you think Pakistan should remain a Major Non-NATO Ally with all 
        the benefits afforded to countries on that list?

    Answer. Pakistan remains an important partner with shared regional 
strategic and counterterrorism interests. Pakistan seeks regional 
stability and has a shared interest in ensuring Afghanistan does not 
once again become host to terrorist groups with transnational ambitions 
and that violence and unrest does not spill across from Afghanistan 
into Pakistan.
    If confirmed, I commit to consider all tools at our disposal and 
regularly engage with Pakistani officials at the highest levels to 
convey the U.S. expectation that Pakistan must advance a peaceful, 
stable, and prosperous South Asia. I commit to consulting closely with 
this committee on any consideration of a change in MNNA status.

    Question. Pakistan has recently signed agreements with both China 
and Turkey to co-produce unmanned aerial vehicles. In 2020, Pakistan 
reportedly purchased the CH-4 from China and in 2021, Pakistan signed 
an agreement with Turkish Aerospace Industries to produce Anka combat 
drones.

   Please assess Pakistan's UAV capabilities and partnerships on UAV 
        technology with both China and Turkey.

    Answer. Pakistan has an active defense relationship with PRC and 
Turkey and, like many other countries, seeks to capitalize on UAV 
technology to meet its defense and security needs. Pakistan prefers 
U.S. equipment but has pursued defense relationships with China, 
Turkey, and other countries in part because the United States has 
limited its security cooperation with Pakistan. If confirmed, I commit 
to monitoring Pakistan's UAV partnerships and keeping this committee 
informed of pertinent developments in Pakistan's defense and 
procurement relationships involving advanced technology.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Donald Armin Blome by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Pakistan was 
identified as Tier 2 Watch List for the second year in a row because of 
a continued lack of overall adequate resources to address trafficking. 
How will you work with the Pakistan Government to address these issues 
if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Pakistan's largest human trafficking problem is bonded 
labor, particularly in the agriculture and brick-making sectors. Key 
recommendations in the Department's 2021 TIP Report included increasing 
investigations and prosecutions of traffickers, including complicit 
officials, and increasing efforts to identify and provide sufficient 
services for trafficking victims. Pakistan has expressed interest in 
working with the United States to combat human trafficking and has made 
certain strides in implementing anti-TIP measures. These efforts 
included finalizing implementation rules for the 2018 Prevention of 
Trafficking in Persons Act (PTPA), adopting a new five-year national 
action plan to combat trafficking in persons and migrant smuggling 
crimes, and referring more potential trafficking victims for care than 
in the previous reporting period. Effective implementation of 
legislation will be an important indicator of Pakistan's commitment to 
addressing TIP in the coming years.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with government officials and 
civil society. One group worth highlighting is the Pakistan-U.S. Alumni 
Network (PUAN), the largest network of U.S. Government exchange program 
alumni in the world, with 32,000 members, which created an interest 
group with experts in combatting human trafficking. These respected 
specialists' voices resonate in their communities and help the U.S. 
Government not only refine its approach but also amplify and 
communicate key policy concerns.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Pakistan was identified as having very little societal and governmental 
respect for religious freedom. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the Office of 
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. Repression of religious freedom in Pakistan is a multi-
faceted problem that manifests itself in many ways, including the harsh 
enforcement of blasphemy laws and persecution of the Ahmadiyya 
community. The U.S. Government strongly opposes blasphemy laws and 
views them as inconsistent with the right to freedom of religion or 
belief. Pakistan has allowed application of these laws to lead to 
egregious arrests of those wrongfully accused and subjected individuals 
to years of unjust imprisonment and targeted assassinations. These laws 
are also too often used by individuals as a pretext to justify violence 
against those whose religion or ethnicity differs from their own or to 
settle personal grievances.
    If confirmed, I will continue U.S. calls for justice for the murder 
of Tahir Naseem, a U.S. citizen gunned down in open court in Peshawar 
while on trial for blasphemy in July 2020, and urge Pakistan to reform 
its blasphemy laws. I also will advocate for the rights of members of 
religious minority groups to practice their faith free from harassment 
or threat of violence while enjoying the full protection of the rule of 
law. I will raise this and other cases forcefully and engage civil 
society groups advocating for reform to the blasphemy laws and 
religious minority rights.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Pakistan was identified 
as having committed severe human rights abuses, including arbitrary or 
unlawful government interference with privacy; serious restrictions on 
free expression, the press, and the internet, including violence 
against journalists, unjustified arrests and disappearances of 
journalists, censorship, and site blocking; government interference 
with the rights of peaceful assembly and freedom of association, such 
as overly restrictive nongovernmental organization laws; severe 
restrictions of religious freedom, and more.
    If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
with the host government?

    Answer. Press freedom and freedom of expression are integral to all 
functioning democracies, and if confirmed, I will advocate that 
Pakistan cease harassment and censorship of its journalists, reform 
legislation that stifles freedom of expression, commit to ensuring the 
physical safety of journalists, and emphasize the importance of a free, 
independent, and diverse press that does not face intimidation and 
coercion. I will meet with local press with my public affairs team when 
appropriate.
    Another issue of concern is the lack of accountability for enforced 
disappearances of political and human rights activists. I will press 
for the Government to transparently, and in consultation with all 
stakeholders, reinvigorate its investigations into individual cases of 
disappearances and hold perpetrators accountable.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. Strong civil society organizations provide the opportunity 
for civic engagement upon which a healthy democracy relies. The U.S. 
Government currently works closely with Pakistani civil society 
organizations, and if confirmed, I will seek to continue U.S.-funded 
programs that support civil society development. I will also urge the 
Government of Pakistan to ensure space for civil society to operate 
free of intimidation or harassment. I will seek to strengthen the 
relationship between civil society organizations and the Government of 
Pakistan, including by regularly meeting with members of Pakistani 
civil society and, when appropriate, providing a platform to highlight 
their work.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with American businesses 
and social media companies, like Twitter, on the Government's efforts 
to silence dissent and punish critics on social media?

    Answer. Freedom of expression is integral to all functioning 
democracies, and if confirmed, I will advocate that Pakistan cease 
harassment and censorship of its critics and emphasize the importance 
of a free, independent, and diverse press and public sphere free from 
intimidation and coercion. Relatedly, U.S. firms have relayed their 
concerns about data localization and local presence requirements in the 
recently enacted Removal and Blocking of Unlawful Online Content Rules 
2021 and other measures of the draft Personal Data Protection Bill 
which could harm their ability to conduct business in Pakistan. We have 
repeatedly raised these concerns with Pakistani officials. If 
confirmed, I would advocate for Pakistan to address those issues before 
finalizing legislation.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the IO bureau at the State Department is leading a whole-of-
government effort to identify, recruit, and install qualified, 
independent personnel at the UN, including in elections for specialized 
bodies like the International Telecommunications Union (ITU). There is 
an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if elected would be 
the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. She is in a tough 
race that will require early, consistent engagement across capitals and 
within the U.N. member states.
    If confirmed, do you commit to demarching the Pakistan Government 
and any other counterparts necessary to communicate our support of 
Doreen?

    Answer. Electing Doreen Bogdan-Martin as the next secretary-general 
of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in September 2022 is 
a top priority for the United States. With almost three decades of 
experience at the ITU, she is the most qualified candidate for the job. 
If confirmed, I will continue to urge Pakistan to support her candidacy 
and to deepen our two countries' cooperation to advance shared goals on 
critical telecommunications issues.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to aiding the MSP office in 
efforts to support U.S. desired candidates within the U.N. system?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with the IO/MSP 
office and across the broader U.S. interagency as well as with 
likeminded countries to advance efforts to elect qualified, independent 
candidates for U.N. bodies, including the International 
Telecommunication Union (ITU) and the Human Rights Committee/
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In 
consultation with Congress and the Executive Branch, I will strive to 
advance U.S. priorities across key multilateral bodies and will work 
with the rest of the international community to meet our shared 
commitment to promoting respect for democracy and human rights.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
        [Islamabad]?

    Answer. While Mission personnel have experienced significant 
hardship during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Mission is now over 99 
percent vaccinated and has energetically pursued our strategic 
objectives in Pakistan. I understand morale is high, but this will be 
an issue I will prioritize if confirmed to this position.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
[Islamabad]?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with Mission staff to 
understand the complex challenges of Mission Pakistan. I commit to 
being a responsive Chief of Mission who puts our people first, and I 
will work to ensure they have the resources and support they need to do 
their jobs.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission [Pakistan]?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to closely align Mission Pakistan's 
efforts with the President's interim National Security Strategy, 
National Security Council guidance, State and USAID's Joint Strategic 
Plan, the SCA Joint Regional Strategy, USAID's Country Development and 
Cooperation Strategy, and the Mission Pakistan Integrated Country 
Strategy. I intend to run a mission that puts U.S. interests first, in 
accordance with U.S. law and overarching strategic regional interests. 
I will stress in particular coordination across interagency elements on 
the Country Team to ensure a cooperative environment, mutually 
reinforcing efforts, and clarity of and adherence to our objectives.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. As Ambassador to Tunisia, I use an inclusive, mission-
driven approach that prioritizes open communication, a unity of purpose 
across the Country Team, and results oriented planning. I consult 
closely with the White House, Department of State, interagency, and 
Congress to advance U.S. objectives. I have zero tolerance for 
misconduct and prioritize mentorship for team members of all ranks and 
backgrounds. I will fully adhere to the Department's diversity, equity, 
and inclusion principles.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style 
will translate to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be 
readily available and your diplomatic workforce consists of career 
employees?

    Answer. I have led successful results-oriented missions in a 
variety of environments. Resources will not always be readily available 
to support mission objectives, and if confirmed, I will carefully 
evaluate our capabilities and help the team prioritize goals. At the 
same time, I will strongly advocate for appropriate resources to match 
important policy objectives.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. I am proudly a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, 
and I understand it is critical that Chiefs of Mission integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture. I plan to actively 
participate in Embassy functions and events, being mindful of morale 
and mentorship development, including among our locally-hired 
employees.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. Bullying is never acceptable or constructive, and has 
no place in Embassy Tunis and, if confirmed, it will not be appropriate 
or acceptable behavior in Embassy Islamabad and constituent posts. I 
have zero tolerance for berating team members and will take swift 
disciplinary action if members of my team engage in this behavior.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. The deputy chief of mission is vital leader in all 
diplomatic missions, playing an important role in every aspect of 
policy formulation, operations, and management. If confirmed, I will 
consult closely with and depend heavily on the deputy chief of mission 
to partner in effective management of the country team and our critical 
relationship with Pakistani counterparts.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. The deputy chief of mission (DCM) plays an integral role in 
leadership of the mission, including leadership of staff and management 
of operations. I would be comfortable delegating many leadership 
responsibilities to the DCM, if confirmed, though accountability for 
the overall performance and well-being of the mission rests with me.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   If confirmed, will you encourage Mission [Islamabad] diplomats to 
        engage in-person with the [Pakistani] people outside of U.S. 
        Embassies and consulates?

    Answer. Consistent with security restrictions and COVID-19 
protocols, I will encourage Mission Pakistan diplomats to continue and 
expand engagement with Pakistani contacts outside of our Embassy and 
consulates, if confirmed.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in [Pakistan]? What 
        public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. Public diplomacy supports our national interests and 
furthers mission objectives to create a more resilient Pakistan by 
countering misinformation and extremist messaging, supporting a free 
media, building human capacity and economic growth through exchanges 
and outreach, and creating a nationwide network of alumni and partners 
invested in the future of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Pakistan 
presents one of the most difficult public diplomacy environments for 
the United States worldwide, due to an unpredictable security 
environment, difficulties in obtaining Pakistani Government approval to 
access large parts of the country, negative perceptions of U.S. policy, 
and persistent media restrictions.
    Additionally, the suspension of U.S. security assistance in 2018, 
tensions with India, and strong Pakistani Government and public support 
for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) present unique public 
messaging and diplomacy challenges on how to demonstrate continued U.S. 
commitment to the Pakistani people. If confirmed, I am committed to 
support an extensive range of exchanges, media outreach, grant 
programs, and broader public engagements.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The messaging guidance provided by the Department is 
executed, supported, and refined for foreign audiences by public 
diplomacy teams in our Embassies overseas, in close coordination with 
their corresponding regional bureaus' public diplomacy offices and the 
Bureau of Global Public Affairs (GPA). If confirmed, I will support our 
public diplomacy officers in their crafting of messaging campaigns and 
subsequent delivery to Pakistani audiences with maximum effect in the 
local context. Public diplomacy officers at our Embassies and in 
Washington, as well as monitoring and analyses undertaken by GPA and 
the Global Engagement Center, help us understand foreign audiences and 
design approaches that inform, listen to, and build relationships with 
them. Effective communication between the mission and Washington, as 
well as with the Government and people of Pakistan will be among my top 
priorities.

    Question. ''Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. Secretary Blinken is committed to the health, safety, 
and security of Department personnel and family members serving 
domestically and overseas. This commitment extends to the handling of 
anomalous health incidents (AHI). As of October 2021, the Department 
has received reports of AHIs from every region of the globe. If I am 
confirmed, you have my commitment that I will work with my colleagues 
at the Department to address these cases in Mission Pakistan, to 
mitigate effects, if possible, and to ensure all employees and their 
families get any care they need.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission [Pakistan] personnel?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment that I will 
communicate effectively with my colleagues at Mission Pakistan. My door 
will remain open and I look forward to convening town halls and other 
events to demonstrate I value input and concerns of the team.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. As the current Chief of Mission to Tunisia, I have already 
received briefings on the anomalous health incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other Embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment that I will 
follow the Department's protocols on reporting and addressing these 
incidents through the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF).

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. The Secretary and all of us at the Department and 
throughout the U.S. Government take reports of anomalous health 
incidents of our colleagues very seriously. We are committed to 
ensuring that employees and their families get any care they need. I 
also commit to sharing information with team members so they and their 
families might make decisions based on the threat that best suit their 
needs and well-being.

    Question. Many of us are deeply concerned with the counterterror 
implications of the Biden administration's withdrawal from Afghanistan. 
According to open-source estimates, the Islamic State will be in a 
position to conduct external attacks in just 6 months--Al-Qaeda in two 
short years. What role should Afghanistan's neighbors play in 
protecting vital U.S. CT interests?

    Answer. Pakistan seeks regional stability and has a shared interest 
in ensuring Afghanistan does not once again become host to terrorist 
groups with transnational ambitions. Pakistan is also concerned about 
the potential effects that Afghanistan's failed economy could directly 
have on its neighbors, such as impacts to trade, security, and refugee 
movements.
    Pakistan has publicly emphasized the importance of the Taliban 
adhering to its commitments not to allow Afghanistan to become a safe 
haven for terrorists to launch attacks against the United States and 
our allies. If confirmed, I intend to work actively with the Pakistani 
Government to ensure it plays a constructive role in monitoring and 
mitigating the threat of terrorist activity emanating from Afghanistan. 
I also will urge the Pakistani Government to hold the Taliban 
accountable in preventing terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda and ISIS-
K, from using Afghanistan as a base for external operations that could 
threaten the United States or our allies.

    Question. Faced with a rising China, the U.S. and India have 
significantly expanded strategic cooperation in recent years. While 
necessary, this cooperation may impact the balance of power in South 
Asia. In light of the existing nuclear programs maintained by both 
India and Pakistan, any mismatch--whether it be perceived or 
otherwise-- in the balance of power has significant implications for 
U.S. national security interests. If confirmed, what steps would you 
take to maintain stability in the South Asia region and mitigate a 
balance of power contest between India and Pakistan?

    Answer. The Department remains concerned by the growth of nuclear 
and missile capabilities in Asia. Pakistan has a shared interest in 
avoiding a costly arms race with its neighbors. If confirmed, I will 
urge the Pakistani Government to exercise restraint regarding its 
weapons capabilities. I also will work with my counterpart in Mission 
India to urge all parties to maintain peace and stability, including 
along the Line of Control, and refrain from actions or statements that 
could impact regional stability. I also will support a security 
assistance posture in which all proposals continue to be rigorously 
vetted to ensure they enhance our national security and foreign policy 
objectives, including contributing to regional stability.

    Question. Despite attempts to make inroads into Pakistan, Chinese 
investments have yet to yield the promised returns for Pakistan. 
Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is on the decline and there is 
reportedly growing frustration inside Pakistan about the cost of 
Chinese projects. In recent months, projects under CPEC have stalled 
over reported disagreements between Pakistan and China. This presents a 
potential opportunity for the US. How would you characterize China's 
relationship with Pakistan? Are there tools at our disposal we can use 
to prevent Chinese predatory practices in Pakistan? Should the US 
provide technical assistance to Pakistan to safeguard against predatory 
deals with China?

    Answer. CPEC is Beijing's single largest project in the PRC's Belt 
and Road Initiative (BRI), largely made of loans by PRC state-owned 
banks. Pakistan and the PRC remain politically and institutionally 
committed to CPEC, and Pakistani leaders from across the political 
spectrum continue to characterize it as vital to Pakistan's economic 
growth and prosperity. The Pakistani public has supported the 
longstanding relations with the PRC, with minor exceptions, such as 
Baloch separatists opposed to CPEC projects in their region.
    Pakistan and the PRC have strong bilateral political ties dating 
back to the 1960s, with the PRC typically backing Pakistani positions 
in U.N. bodies and attempts to insulate it from punitive actions. 
Pakistan, in return, tends to behave reciprocally; for example, 
Pakistan avoids criticism of the PRC's human rights abuses including 
genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, which it dismisses as 
an internal matter.
    PRC global lending, including to Pakistan, however, frequently 
fails to meet international standards of openness, inclusivity, 
transparency, and governance. Unsustainably high financial obligations 
that are at odds with those standards risk undermining Pakistan's 
economic stability and limit opportunities for Pakistani workers and 
businesses, and underscore potential dissonance in the Pakistan-PRC 
economic relationship.
    Pakistan's strong ties with China do not preclude the United States 
from also having a productive partnership with Pakistan. Pakistan's 
stated aspirations of a ``geo-economic''-driven foreign policy 
demonstrates its interest in diversifying its relationship beyond 
Beijing. The United States is a key partner for Pakistan's private 
sector, and we have been Pakistan's largest export market for decades. 
The United States enjoys strong people-to-people ties with Pakistan 
through the diaspora, civil society, educational exchanges, and beyond. 
Expanding upon these ties will be a key priority for me if I am 
confirmed.
    In our assistance in Pakistan, the United States emphasizes that 
our approach to development underscores the importance of economic 
independence and sustainable development, as well as quality and 
transparent investments. If confirmed, I stand ready to work with 
Pakistan on the next chapter of its infrastructure development.

    Question. Many contend that Pakistan prioritizes counterterrorism 
inside of its own borders over countering violent extremism. What 
programs would you pursue to encourage Pakistan to counter violent 
extremism?

    Answer. The USAID Mission in Pakistan prioritizes countering 
violent extremism as part of its development objective to promote 
inter-religious tolerance and create peaceful communities in key areas 
within Pakistan, namely areas bordering Afghanistan, Karachi, Northern 
Sindh, and Southern Punjab. Our public affairs section also implements 
a range of programming preventing and countering violent extremism 
throughout Pakistan. If confirmed, I plan to support programming that 
encourages Pakistan to prevent and counter violent extremism in 
addition to U.S. efforts that are focused on the threat of 
counterterrorism.

    Question. Despite the end of the military mission in Afghanistan, 
the United States has vital national security interests there to 
include counterterrorism, preventing a humanitarian catastrophe and the 
continued evacuation of Americans and at-risk Afghans. What role does 
Pakistan play or should play in each of these areas? Please provide an 
answer for each.

    Answer. Pakistan has a shared interest in ensuring Afghanistan does 
not become a safe haven for terrorist groups to launch attacks from or 
create conflict that spills over into Pakistan or neighboring 
countries. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with Pakistani officials 
in any way that supports our core counterterrorism objectives in the 
region. Pakistan is also deeply concerned about preventing further 
economic instability and humanitarian need in Afghanistan. Hosting and 
inviting the United States as an observer to the December Organization 
of Islamic Cooperation ministerial, for example, demonstrates 
Pakistan's desire to work with the U.S. and international stakeholders 
to address the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.
    The Pakistani Government has convened multiple meetings, including 
through the Troika Plus format, to work with regional and international 
stakeholders to chart a way forward in Afghanistan. If confirmed, I 
commit to working with the Pakistani Government on our mutual interests 
to prevent further violence and stabilize the Afghan economy, as well 
as mitigate the human cost of the further humanitarian crisis in 
Afghanistan. Pakistan has been helpful in supporting the evacuation and 
relocation of U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, special 
immigrant visa applicants, and other Afghans to whom the United States 
has a special commitment. If confirmed, I will seek to continue that 
cooperation.

    Question. What leverage does Pakistan have with the Taliban?

    Answer. Pakistan repeatedly called for an inclusive political 
solution to the conflict in Afghanistan, though it has stopped short of 
taking steps that would jeopardize its longstanding relationship with 
the Taliban. The State Department has engaged with the Pakistani 
Government at senior levels, including Secretary Blinken, Deputy 
Secretary Sherman, and Special Representative for Afghanistan West, to 
urge close coordination and alignment with the international community 
on the way forward in Afghanistan.
    If confirmed, I will convey to Pakistan the importance the U.S. 
administration places on Pakistan's constructive role moving forward. I 
also will make it clear to Pakistan that a government in Kabul that 
allows safe passage for those who wish to leave Afghanistan, is 
inclusive, protects the rights of women and members of minority groups, 
adheres to its counterterrorism commitments, and ensures humanitarian 
access would be in the best interests of all countries in the region.

    Question. Pakistan, fearing for a humanitarian disaster in 
Afghanistan on its border, continues to advocate for increased 
humanitarian assistance and foreign assistance to Afghanistan. What is 
the practical level of assistance the United States should provide to 
Afghanistan? What restrictions should accompany U.S. assistance?

    Answer. I remain deeply concerned by the deteriorating humanitarian 
situation in Afghanistan. The United States should direct assistance to 
independent organizations, such as U.N. agencies and NGOs, to directly 
help Afghan people in need. None of our humanitarian assistance is 
directed to sanctioned individuals and entities.
    Since mid-August, the United States has announced more than $208 
million in additional humanitarian assistance for the people of 
Afghanistan. This funding brings our humanitarian assistance inside 
Afghanistan and in the region to nearly $474 million in Fiscal Year 
2021.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Donald Armin Blome by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. The United States has maintained a high level of 
cooperation with the Pakistani Government and military in order to 
ensure our ability to supply the American and allied forces in 
Afghanistan. We maintained this cooperation even as Pakistan has grown 
closer to Chinese Communist Party in recent years. Now that the U.S. no 
longer has a mission in Afghanistan to support, I believe it is valid 
to question whether we should continue this cooperation.

   How do you envision the future of U.S.-Pakistani security relations 
        moving forward?

    Answer. The United States and Pakistan have a shared interest in 
regional stability, including ensuring Afghanistan does not once again 
become host to terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will ensure that any 
security cooperation with Pakistan enhances our national security and 
foreign policy objectives. I will make sure that engagement with 
Pakistan is focused on supporting a partnership aimed at combatting 
mutual threats in line with specific administration priorities. Those 
priorities include counterterrorism, border security, and maritime 
cooperation, and in the short-term, securing continued assistance in 
evacuating American citizens and others at risk from Afghanistan.

    Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for limiting security 
assistance to the Pakistani military? If not, why?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any security assistance 
proposals considered for Pakistan continue to be rigorously vetted to 
ensure they enhance our national security and further specific foreign 
policy objectives.

    Question. As a major partner in China's Belt and Road Initiative, 
Pakistan has increasingly moved into China's sphere of influence. 
Bilateral trade between Pakistan and China hit ``record levels'' in 
2021. Lijian Zhao, spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry even 
praised Pakistan's declining to participate in the President's 
democracy summit last week.

   Should the U.S.-Pakistan relationship adjust to account for 
        Pakistan's increasingly warm relations with the Chinese 
        Communist Party? If so, what role will you play in this 
        adjustment, if confirmed?

    Answer. China's close ties with Pakistan do not preclude the United 
States from also having a productive partnership with Pakistan, in 
furtherance of U.S. national security and strategic regional goals. The 
Pakistani people have an interest in working with and growing 
Pakistan's long-standing relationship with the United States. The 
United States is a key partner for Pakistan's private sector, and we 
have been Pakistan's largest export market for decades. We have 
partnered with Pakistan in the energy sector for over 60 years. The 
United States enjoys strong people-to-people ties with Pakistan through 
the diaspora, civil society, educational exchanges, and beyond. Strong 
cooperation in fighting COVID-19 in Pakistan is grounded in a health 
relationship that dates back decades. Additionally, Pakistan's stated 
aspirations of a ``geo-economic'' driven foreign policy demonstrates 
its interest in diversifying its relationship beyond Beijing. If 
confirmed, I will stand strongly in support of strengthening democratic 
institutions in Pakistan. I will also continue U.S. support for civil 
society development, focused on boosting democratic resilience and 
increasing media literacy, while partnering with the Pakistani 
Government in addressing pressing regional security and political 
concerns.

    Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for de-listing Pakistan 
as a Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) given that they continue to build 
relations with our most significant global competitor? If not, why not?

    Answer. Pakistan remains an important partner with shared strategic 
interests. Pakistan seeks regional stability and has a shared interest 
in ensuring Afghanistan does not once again become host to terrorist 
groups with transnational ambitions.
    If confirmed, I commit to consider all tools at our disposal and 
regularly engage with Pakistani officials at the highest levels to 
convey the U.S. expectation that Pakistan must advance a peaceful, 
stable, and prosperous South Asia. I commit to consulting closely with 
this committee on any consideration of a change in MNNA status.

    Question. Last week, the Taliban's Pakistan affiliate, the Tehreek-
e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), announced that it is ending its ceasefire 
with the Pakistani Government and will resume attacks against Pakistani 
civilians.

   What is your assessment of the TTP's ability to carry out renewed 
        attacks on the Pakistani military and civilians?

    Answer. The Pakistani people have suffered at the hands of 
terrorists, including the TTP. TTP cells began to conduct attacks 
killing Pakistani security officers immediately after the TTP announced 
the end of the ceasefire with the Government of Pakistan. Our interests 
align with the Pakistani Government's in degrading the TTP's ability to 
conduct attacks inside or outside Pakistan. Pakistan has acted against 
terrorist groups like the TTP that it considers a threat to its own 
interests, but the threat of further attacks remains present.
    If confirmed, I will reinforce our shared interest with the 
Pakistani Government in taking action against the TTP and all other 
terrorist groups.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you do in response to a TTP 
attack that killed or injured Americans living in Pakistan?

    Answer. The protection of U.S. citizens overseas is among the 
highest priorities of the U.S. Department of State and our Embassies 
and consulates abroad. If confirmed, I will work to support the 
Pakistani Government in taking action against the TTP and other 
terrorist groups while ensuring the perpetrators of any attacks against 
American interests or citizens are brought to justice.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Donald Armin Blome by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Some in Pakistan have been longtime supporters of the 
Taliban, and we understand Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence 
Agency is helping support the Taliban. What is your assessment of 
Pakistan's relationship with the Taliban?

    Answer. Pakistan has not formally recognized the so-called 
``caretaker government'' that the Taliban announced on September 7 and 
has publicly stated it would not unilaterally do so without 
consultations with other countries. Prior to the Taliban's takeover of 
Kabul, Pakistan repeatedly called for a political solution to the 
conflict in Afghanistan, and since August 15, Pakistan has continued to 
stress the need for an inclusive political settlement in Afghanistan 
and has pressed the Taliban leadership to assure education and 
employment rights for women and girls. Pakistan has, however, clearly 
sought to maintain its longstanding relationship with the Taliban and 
has not taken steps that would jeopardize that relationship. Pakistan 
moreover is among the strongest voices arguing for direct engagement of 
the Taliban on humanitarian issues to avert a major crisis in 
Afghanistan this winter.
    If confirmed, I would continue to urge Pakistan to stay aligned 
with the international community on the way forward in Afghanistan. 
Pakistan seeks regional stability and desire to work with the United 
States to ensure transnational terrorist groups do not receive harbor 
in or otherwise operate from Afghan territory.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with the Government of 
Pakistan on the issue of Afghanistan and the Taliban in particular?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make it clear to Pakistan that it is 
in the best interests of all countries in the region that leadership in 
Kabul must: allow safe passage for those who wish to leave Afghanistan, 
include minorities; protect the rights of women and members of minority 
groups; adhere to counterterrorism commitments; and ensure humanitarian 
access. Senior Pakistani officials have continued to stress the need 
for an inclusive political settlement and the protection of women's 
educational and employment rights in Afghanistan.
    The State Department has engaged with the Pakistani Government at 
senior levels to urge close coordination and alignment with the 
international community on the way forward in Afghanistan.

    Question. What do you see are the consequences of Pakistan's direct 
support to the Taliban for U.S. development and security assistance 
with Pakistan?

    Answer. The United States has substantially reduced civilian 
assistance to Pakistan and is focused on results-oriented bilateral 
cooperation. I would seek to employ targeted civilian assistance to 
Pakistan to advance U.S. interests and national security objectives, 
including countering PRC influence, increasing trade and investment, 
strengthening governance, promoting human rights, and combatting the 
COVID-19 pandemic and other critical health threats.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that any security assistance considered 
for Pakistan advances our national security and foreign policy 
objectives. I will make sure that security assistance to Pakistan is 
focused on partnering to help combat mutual threats in line with 
specific administration priorities. This includes counterterrorism, 
border security, and maritime cooperation.

    Question. What is your assessment of the potential for further 
conflict in the Kashmir region or elsewhere between India and Pakistan? 
What should the United States do to reduce this potential?

    Answer. The potential for armed conflict between Pakistan and India 
is a serious risk. Many previous Indo-Pak crises have been sparked by 
terrorist attacks, and terrorist groups remain active in the region. If 
confirmed, I will urge Pakistan to uphold the Indian-Pakistani 
commitment in February 2021 to observe all agreements pertaining to a 
ceasefire on the Line of Control. I also will work with my counterpart 
in Mission India to urge all parties to maintain peace and stability 
along the Line of Control, refrain from actions or statements that 
could impact regional stability, and to support confidence-building 
measures that will reduce tensions between the two states. I also will 
press Pakistan to continue to take action against terrorist leaders and 
groups seeking to destabilize the region.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work with U.S. 
representatives in India and with the Government of Pakistan to pursue 
greater rapprochement between India and Pakistan?

    Answer. Longstanding U.S. policy is that the pace, scope, and 
character of any dialogue on bilateral disputes is for India and 
Pakistan to determine. If confirmed, I will urge Pakistan to uphold the 
February 2021 Indian-Pakistani commitment to observe the ceasefire on 
the Line of Control. I will also work with my counterpart in Mission 
India to urge all parties to maintain peace and stability along the 
Line of Control and refrain from actions or statements that could 
negatively impact regional stability. This includes preventing acts of 
terrorism and taking action against terrorist groups that agitate 
tensions. We must also work with both countries to support confidence-
building measures that will reduce bilateral tensions.

    Question. On December 9, the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson 
applauded Pakistan's decision to not attend the Democracy Summit, 
calling Pakistan ``a real iron brother.'' China likes to use that term 
``iron brother'' when referring to Pakistan, and in this case it seems 
framed as if Pakistan is aligning with China against the United States 
and our push for democratic values throughout the world. How would you 
characterize the relationship between China and Pakistan?

    Answer. China's close ties with Pakistan date back to the sixties. 
Those ties do not preclude the United States from also having a 
productive partnership with Pakistan. The Pakistani people have an 
interest in working with and growing Pakistan's relationship with the 
United States. The United States is a key partner for Pakistan's 
private sector, and we have been Pakistan's largest export market for 
decades. The United States enjoys strong people-to-people ties with 
Pakistan through the diaspora, civil society, educational exchanges, 
and beyond. Additionally, Pakistan's stated aspirations of a ``geo-
economics'' driven foreign policy demonstrates its interest in 
diversifying its relationship beyond Beijing.

    Question. Do you feel Pakistan's young democracy can withstand 
pressure from authoritarian China seeking to undermine its 
institutions?

    Answer. Pakistan has a tradition of vibrant parliamentary politics 
and a large, active civil society. More work needs to be done to ensure 
all Pakistanis are able to safely exercise their human rights and other 
fundamental freedoms, such as freedoms of press and of expression, key 
to robust democratic participation. If confirmed, I will stand strongly 
in support of strengthening democratic institutions in Pakistan.
    I believe the Pakistani people have a strong interest in doing 
business and growing Pakistan's relationship with the United States. 
The United States is a key partner for Pakistan's private sector, and 
we have been Pakistan's largest export market for decades. The United 
States enjoys strong people-to-people ties with Pakistan through the 
diaspora, civil society, educational exchanges, and beyond. If 
confirmed, I will continue and expand U.S. Government efforts on these 
issues with the Government of Pakistan, civil society, minority 
populations, and the private sector.

    Question. What can the United States do to support Pakistan's 
democracy and counter Chinese misinformation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Pakistani leaders to 
strengthen Pakistan's democratic institutions by advocating for greater 
transparency and accountability, as well as for recognition of its 
citizens' human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of 
expression and freedom of the press. If confirmed, I will stand 
strongly in support of strengthening democratic institutions in 
Pakistan. I will also continue U.S. support for civil society 
development, focused on boosting democratic resilience and increasing 
media literacy, while partnering with the Pakistani Government in 
addressing regional security and political concerns.

    Question. China has long made Pakistan its poster child for its 
Belt and Road debt financing scheme, with quick money through opaque 
terms under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Beijing is now 
Pakistan's largest creditor, and many of the loans have failed to 
provide the promised boost to Pakistan's development, only raising 
costs for the people of Pakistan. Probably the best proof we have that 
there is trouble brewing has been the recent press reports coming out 
of China stating there is no debt crisis in Pakistan. How do you view 
Chinese lending to Pakistan? Has it led to genuine development for the 
people of Pakistan?

    Answer. PRC global lending, including to Pakistan, frequently fails 
to meet international standards for openness, inclusivity, 
transparency, and governance. Unsustainably high financial obligations 
that are at odds with those standards risk undermining Pakistan's 
economic stability and limit opportunities for Pakistani workers and 
businesses. If confirmed, in my engagements and activities in Pakistan, 
I would emphasize that the U.S. approach to development underscores the 
importance of economic independence, fair competition, and sustainable 
development, as well as quality and transparent investments.

    Question. As Chinese lending to Pakistan has waned in the past year 
as more Pakistanis recognized the costs and risks, are there 
opportunities to pursue more fundamental development and economic 
reforms?

    Answer. Pakistan's stated aspirations of a ``geo-economics''-driven 
foreign policy demonstrates interest in diversifying its relationship 
beyond China. If confirmed, I stand ready to work with Pakistan on 
introducing economic reforms to improve the business and investment 
climate.

    Question. What do you assess is the appetite within Pakistan to 
make difficult economic reforms to ensure genuine development?

    Answer. Pakistan remains a challenging environment for foreign 
investors. Weak rule of law, opaque decision making, disproportionate 
taxation, limited enforcement of intellectual property rights, and 
overly burdensome regulation are all problems regularly encountered by 
foreign investors. I believe there is recognition in Pakistan that 
enacting reforms to improve its business climate is needed. I commend 
Pakistan's recent commitments to implement macroeconomic reforms as 
outlined in Pakistan's IMF program, which will increase central bank 
autonomy and help get the country's macroeconomic situation on a more 
sustainable path. If confirmed, I will encourage Pakistan to continue 
to address its investment climate, security, regulatory, and fiscal 
challenges to address U.S. businesses' concerns.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Eric M. Garcetti by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. I share your concerns about Anomalous Health Incidents 
(AHIs) and agree these incidents must be taken seriously. If confirmed, 
my top priority will be the health, safety, and security of Department 
personnel and family members serving in Mission India. I understand the 
interagency community is actively examining a range of hypotheses but 
has made no determination about the cause of these Anomalous Health 
Incidents or whether they can be attributed to a foreign actor. AHIs 
have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for 
the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the 
cause of these AHIs.
    If confirmed, I look forward to coordinating with colleagues at 
Mission India and in Washington to safeguard Mission personnel and 
ensure prompt treatment should any incidents occur.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, you have my commitment that I will 
follow the Department's protocols on reporting and addressing these 
incidents through the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF) and 
ensure any affected individuals receive prompt access to the medical 
care they require.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will prioritize meeting with RSO and 
medical staff to ensure the safety of Mission India's personnel, which 
will be my responsibility as Chief of Mission.

    Question. Despite efforts by New Delhi to reduce its overall 
dependence on Russian arms, I remain deeply concerned about the S-400 
sale and Russia-India defense ties. Both Indian and Russian officials 
have now said that deliveries of the S-400 have already begun. The 
presence of the S-400 systems, and the Russian personnel who will 
presumably have to be present to monitor, train and service them, could 
compromise U.S. technology should India seek to purchase advanced 
fighter aircraft from the United States. Do you commit to trying to 
dissuade India from accepting the S-400 and other Russian military 
hardware? How do we convince our Indian friends that Vladimir Putin is 
not a good long-term security partner?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to press India to continue to 
diversify away from Russian arms purchases. Since 1990, India has taken 
considerable steps to diversify its defense supplier base away from 
Russia and expand indigenous production. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Department of Defense to accelerate this trend, including by 
highlighting U.S. reliability and maintenance support, bolstering 
interoperability, and increasing offers of advanced U.S. platforms and 
co-development opportunities. I will also work to ensure U.S. 
technologies are safeguarded, if confirmed. If confirmed, I will 
underscore that closer cooperation with Russia does not align with the 
strategic interests and values shared by the United States and India.

    Question. Helping India reduce its carbon emissions is critical in 
the global fight against climate change. The Biden administration took 
a good first step earlier this year by launching the U.S.-India Climate 
and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership. How will you bolster and 
promote the U.S.-India climate partnership once in New Delhi?

    Answer. Deepening climate and clean energy cooperation with India 
is a top priority for the Biden-Harris administration. Recently, the 
U.S. Development Finance Corporation announced a $500 million 
investment to support U.S. firm First Solar's efforts to expand solar 
panel manufacturing in India. If confirmed, I pledge to form a close 
relationship with key Indian interlocuters to deepen climate 
cooperation and will work closely with Special Presidential Envoy for 
Climate Kerry to seize clean energy opportunities, including solar, 
civil nuclear, wind, and hydrogen. Advancing our new bilateral 
cooperation mechanisms--the Climate Ambition and Finance Mobilization 
Dialogue (CAFMD) and the Strategic Clean Energy Partnership (SCEP)--
will be one of my key priorities.

    Question. India is central to dealing with the China challenge, 
given its size, strategic location, and democratic orientation. India 
has the opportunity to play a decisive role in the Indo-Pacific but 
needs help improving some of its capabilities. How can we deepen U.S.-
India security and defense ties? What capabilities does India need to 
be able to play a greater role in the Quad?

    Answer. U.S.-India security cooperation has been underpinned by 
growing interoperability and information sharing, sales of U.S. 
platforms, and complex multi-service exercises. If confirmed, I will 
work to accelerate these lines of effort, including in the critical 
area of maritime security. I will also explore opportunities to expand 
security cooperation among India and other like-minded partners, 
including Quad partners, while recognizing that the Quad's primary 
function is not security related. I will encourage India's continued 
robust, multi-level Quad engagement across multiple ministries and seek 
opportunities to provide U.S. support and assistance, as appropriate, 
to facilitate India's efforts, if confirmed.

    Question. As the world's largest democracy, India has a 
responsibility to protect the fundamental rights of their citizens. The 
Government's track record on this issue is poor to say the least. The 
Indian Government under Prime Minister Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party 
(BJP) has veered toward illiberalism through its approach to press and 
media freedoms, its abuse of India's anti-terrorism law, and its 
intolerance toward opposition voices. Much of the logic of the U.S.-
India partnership is based on India as a democracy, sharing in our 
values, not just a counterweight to China. Will you communicate to our 
friends in New Delhi that a closer partnership with the United States 
demands a principled commitment to democracy? How will you communicate 
this U.S. commitment to the Indian Government?

    Answer. As I have demonstrated throughout my career, respect for 
human rights is a core priority of mine. If confirmed, I will engage 
the Indian Government closely on our shared democratic values, 
underscoring the importance the United States places on the recognition 
and protection of human rights. If confirmed, I will also closely 
engage Indian civil society for their expertise on these issues and to 
hear their concerns.

    Question. How will you ensure that U.S. prioritization of human 
rights and democracy is not lost in the focus on our security 
relationship with India?

    Answer. The U.S.-India strategic partnership is multi-dimensional, 
and human rights and democratic values must play a role in every part 
of our partnership, including our security relationship. If confirmed, 
I will continue the work of Mission India to encourage the Indian 
Government to maintain the respect for human rights as an important 
dimension of our security relationship.

    Question. Democracies have a responsibility to protect the 
fundamental rights of their citizens, including religious minorities. 
Mobilization of Hindu nationalist elements against Muslim and other 
minority communities have weakened Indian democracy. Authorities often 
fail to investigate or hold perpetrators accountable for attacks and 
crimes against Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, and members of other 
minorities are regularly met with impunity. The National Register of 
Citizens for Assam (NRC) and the Citizenship Act of 2019 both have been 
implemented to prevent Muslims from obtaining or strip Muslims of 
Indian citizenship, while the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act has 
been used to detain and prosecute members of the Sikh community. How 
will you promote religious tolerance and freedom as ambassador, 
particularly given that individuals affiliated with the BJP are often 
responsible for many of these abhorrent policies? How will you follow 
up on issues outlined in the USCIRF report?

    Answer. The Biden administration is dedicated to protecting and 
promoting the right of freedom of religion or belief. If confirmed, I 
will engage with members of diverse religious communities in India to 
demonstrate the importance of freedom of religion or belief as a core 
priority of the Biden administration and listen to their perspectives 
on religious freedom in India. I will also raise concerns regarding 
religious freedom directly with senior Indian Government officials and 
encourage the Indian Government to uphold its commitments to protect 
religious freedom for all.

    Question. India is not a signatory to the Hague Abduction 
Convention, nor are there any bilateral agreements in force between 
India and the United States concerning International Parental Child 
Abduction (IPCA). According to the State Department's 2021 report on 
international child abductions, India does not adhere to any protocols 
with respect to IPCA and continues to demonstrate a pattern of 
noncompliance. Indian authorities regularly fail to work with the 
Department of State toward the resolution of pending abduction cases. 
In January 2020, the Department of State proposed the formation of a 
U.S.-India Joint Committee on IPCA as a bilateral forum to facilitate 
cooperation on addressing IPCA issues. The Government of India has not 
yet agreed to participate in the Joint Committee. Will you commit to 
personally urging the Government of India to agree to the Joint 
Committee on IPCA and to accede to the Hague Abduction Convention?

    Answer. International Parental Child Abduction (IPCA) is a top 
priority for the State Department and our leading consular challenge 
with India. If confirmed, I will partner with the Bureau of Consular 
Affairs to press the Government of India to resolve pending IPCA cases, 
improve cooperation with the United States on IPCA including via 
dedicated bilateral conversations between our experts on consular 
issues, and encourage India's accession to the Hague Convention on the 
Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction to regularize 
cooperation. I welcome partnering with Congress to encourage the Indian 
Government to make progress on this challenging issue impacting our 
most vulnerable citizens.

    Question. The majority of child abduction cases in India from U.S. 
residents, including with my constituents in New Jersey, have not been 
resolved. Will you do everything in your power to ensure that 
internationally abducted children of U.S. residents be returned to 
their habitual country of residence, including by personally raising 
these matters with Indian officials?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to personally raising IPCA with 
Indian officials. As a parent myself, I recognize the pain of parents 
separated from their children as a result of international parental 
child abduction.

    Question. India has proposed intermediary guidelines and data 
localization measures across many critical sectors which would 
restrict, and in some cases preclude, the ability of U.S. companies to 
do business in India. Ambassador Tai recently met with her Indian 
counterpart under the Trade Policy Forum (TPF) and both sides have 
committed to establish an action plan in 2022. How will you use the 
TPF, in addition to other U.S.-India economic dialogues, to raise this 
issue as well as other important IP and digital issues?

    Answer. Reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers for U.S. companies 
seeking to do business in India is essential to increasing bilateral 
trade and creating resilient supply chains. If confirmed, I plan to 
work closely with my USTR colleagues to implement any TPF action plans 
and pledge to raise U.S. trade and economic concerns directly with 
senior Indian leaders, including these important concerns regarding the 
intermediary guidelines and data localization. I also plan to advocate 
for closer consultations with U.S. and Indian businesses on data-
related legislation and regulations, if confirmed.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Eric M. Garcetti by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, India was 
identified as Tier 2 due to lack of overall inadequate anti-trafficking 
efforts, including high acquittal rate for traffickers and fewer 
convictions for traffickers. How will you work with the Indian 
Government to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. As Mayor of Los Angeles, I have worked with the local 
community and law enforcement to combat trafficking and reintegrate 
survivors in their communities. If confirmed, I will engage relevant 
Indian Government ministries on the importance of both of our countries 
working together to combat human trafficking. As a bulk of anti-
trafficking efforts in India take place at the state and local level, I 
will strongly work with the Mission to engage state governments on the 
importance of anti-trafficking efforts, as well, including through 
leveraging projects funded through our foreign affairs assistance.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, it 
was clear that India has significant religious freedom issues. What is 
your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you 
work with the Office of International Religious Freedom to bolster 
religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. As diverse and pluralistic democracies, the United States 
and India share a common identity underscored by the importance of 
religious freedom in our constitutions. Nonetheless, both of our 
countries face challenges related to religious freedom, and, if 
confirmed, I will engage closely with India's religious minorities to 
learn more about their perspective on these challenges. I will also 
raise concerns regarding religious freedom directly with senior Indian 
Government officials. If confirmed, I look forward to coordinating 
closely with Ambassador-at-Large Hussain and will greatly value the 
Office of International Religious Freedom's expertise on our engagement 
on religious freedom issues in India.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, India was identified as 
having serious human rights abuses and issues including tolerance of 
violations of religious freedom, forced and compulsory child labor, 
restrictions on freedom of the press and expression including threats 
of violence against journalists, impunity for officials, and more. If 
confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the 
host government?

    Answer. I have fought for human rights throughout my public service 
career and believe human rights are a core priority of our foreign 
policy. If confirmed, I will ensure human rights are central to my 
engagements with senior Indian leaders by regularly raising human 
rights concerns and having frank, open discussions to explore how both 
of our democracies can better protect and respect human rights. I will 
also engage closely with members of civil society across India to 
better understand their concerns and underscore U.S. support for their 
important work.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. I understand that Mission India has a robust relationship 
with numerous Indian civil society organizations specializing in many 
important areas, such as freedom of expression, gender equality, 
LGBTQI+ rights, and anti-trafficking efforts, among many others. I 
understand the important information that Mission India learns from its 
engagement with civil society informs State Department policy and our 
Congressional reporting. If confirmed, I will prioritize the robust 
enhancement and prioritization of these engagements with a diverse 
array of civil society organizations across India and look forward to 
meeting with civil society organizations personally.

    Question. Please detail your planned engagement with the Indian 
Government regarding the protection of religious minorities, including 
Muslims?

    Answer. Freedom of religion is protected under the Indian 
Constitution and religious pluralism is central to India's cultural 
identity. If confirmed, I plan to regularly meet religious leaders and 
organizations across many of India's religious communities, including 
India's diverse Muslim community, to demonstrate the United States' 
commitment to religious freedom and learn from the perspectives of 
India's religious minority communities. If confirmed, I pledge to raise 
religious freedom concerns with Indian officials and encourage the 
Indian Government to uphold our shared values of pluralism and 
tolerance.

    Question. India is currently in the first year of a two-year term 
on the Security Council to further their long-standing goal of becoming 
a permanent member. There are a number of issues that the U.S. and 
India do not agree on, including the Syria Humanitarian Assistance 
Cross Border mechanism. This past summer, the mechanism was renewed for 
one more year but not without significant obstacles to do so including 
a no vote by India. If confirmed, do you commit to engaging with the 
Indian Government on this important issue and communicating the U.S. 
position that this mechanism is a vital lifeline for millions of 
Syrians that must be renewed?

    Answer. The United States fully supports the Syrian Humanitarian 
Assistance Cross Border Mechanism. If confirmed, I will work with our 
Indian partners to encourage their support for this important 
initiative.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the IO bureau at the State Department is leading a whole-of-
government effort to identify, recruit, and install qualified, 
independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections for 
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunication Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bogdan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you 
commit to demarching the Indian Government and any other counterparts 
necessary to communicate our support of Doreen?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with our Indian partners 
and coordinate with my colleagues in the IO Bureau and others across 
the U.S. interagency to continue our support and advocate for Doreen 
Bogdan-Martin. I will also seek to deepen bilateral cooperation to 
advance shared priorities on critical telecommunications issues, if 
confirmed.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to aiding the MSP office in 
efforts to support U.S.-desired candidates within the U.N. system?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will closely coordinate with my colleagues 
in the MSP office in the IO Bureau, U.S. interagency, and like-minded 
countries to advance efforts to elect qualified, independent U.S.-
desired candidates for U.N. bodies.

    Question. Do you commit to pressing India on tech protection/
mitigation if it moves forward the S-400 transaction?

    Answer. Yes. The protection of U.S. defense technologies is 
critical, and if confirmed, I will work closely with the Department of 
Defense on this matter.

    Question. Do you commit to ensuring India takes appropriate 
technology protection/mitigation if the administration decides to issue 
a CAATSA waiver for India?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly encourage the Indian 
Government to refrain from major new purchases of Russian military 
equipment that could risk mandatory sanctions under CAATSA Section 231. 
I cannot prejudge whether a specific transaction would result in 
sanctions, and the Secretary of State has not made any determination 
regarding the significance of any transaction involving India. 
Technology protection talks are a regular feature of our engagement 
with the Government of India, and if confirmed, I will continue to 
support technology protection/mitigation.

    Question. The U.S. and India have concluded a few agreements on co-
development of technology, including the co-development of UAVs. What 
other opportunities are there for co-development with India? What 
challenges still remain to our technology cooperation with India?

    Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative 
(DTTI) is our primary mechanism for pursing defense co-development 
opportunities with India. DTTI continues to explore several potential 
projects, including for lightweight small arms. If confirmed, I will 
work closely with the Department of Defense and private sector to 
explore new opportunities for U.S-India defense industrial 
collaboration and co-development.

    Question. Do you commit to pressing India to be more helpful to the 
United States on Diego Garcia issues?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the Department of 
Defense and like-minded countries to engage the Government of India as 
appropriate.

    Question. How do you balance our defense interests with human 
rights and other values-based concerns?

    Answer. No single issue defines the U.S.-India partnership and even 
close partners can have differences. If confirmed, I plan to engage on 
the full spectrum of issues in our comprehensive strategic partnership, 
including human rights.

    Question. How do we build on the progress made in the wake of last 
year's Chinese border attacks? How can we provide more relevant and 
timely support to India?

    Answer. The United States fully supports India's efforts to 
safeguard its sovereignty. If confirmed, I will ensure that the 
Department continues its efforts to strengthen and deepen the United 
States' strategic partnership with India, including in defense and 
security cooperation. I will support direct dialogue, a reduction in 
tensions, and a peaceful resolution to the border dispute, if 
confirmed.

    Question. Do you commit to updating Congress, particularly the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on the status of U.S. nuclear civil 
cooperation with India?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to updating Congress, including the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on U.S.-India civil nuclear 
cooperation, including progress on the construction of U.S. nuclear 
power plants.

    Question. There are six nuclear power plant projects being 
discussed with India. What is the status of these six projects?

    Answer. I understand the United States continues to work with the 
Government of India and Westinghouse Electric Company (WEC) to support 
the construction of six AP1000 reactors at Kovvada in southern India. I 
understand negotiations have been delayed because of a multitude of 
factors. If confirmed, I will continue advocacy efforts on behalf of 
WEC.

    Question. How would you describe the China-India relationship?

    Answer. I understand India is deeply concerned about the People's 
Republic of China's economic coercion in the Indo-Pacific, its close 
relationship with Pakistan, and its aggression and destabilizing 
behavior along the Line of Actual Control.

    Question. What do you foresee happening along the China-India 
border in the short- or medium-term?

    Answer. The United States was encouraged by India and People's 
Republic of China's agreement on the limited disengagement of front-
line troops in February 2021. If confirmed, I will continue to support 
direct dialogue, a reduction in tensions, and a peaceful resolution to 
the border dispute.

    Question. How should the U.S. respond or support allies and 
partners when they face political and economic coercion from China?

    Answer. The United States supports a free and open Indo-Pacific 
region where every nation can prosper without fear of coercion. Our 
relationship with the People's Republic of China is cooperative when it 
can be, competitive when it should be, and adversarial when it must be. 
I believe it is critical for the United States to stand by allies and 
partners when facing political and economic coercion, including 
consulting them closely on the elements of support they require.

    Question. What risks does the close Pakistan-China relationship 
present to India?

    Answer. India remains very concerned about military cooperation 
between the People's Republic of China and Pakistan and the potential 
for coordinated aggression on two fronts, including an increase in 
cross-border terrorism and negative impacts on regional stability. If 
confirmed, I will work with our Indian partners on how the United 
States can best support regional stability and security.

    Question. How does our withdrawal from Afghanistan change India's 
security environment and shift India's security priorities?

    Answer. I understand India is concerned about potential terrorist 
threats emanating from Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the political 
situation in Afghanistan has created more uncertainty and instability 
in South Asia. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our counterterrorism 
partnership with India and consult Indian officials closely on matters 
related to Afghanistan, recognizing India's significant investments in 
Afghanistan over the past two decades.

    Question. Describe your concerns in the short- and medium-term 
about the India-Pakistan relationship.

    Answer. I welcome the sustained ceasefire along the Line of Control 
but remain concerned about the potential for an outbreak of violence 
sparked by extremist groups seeking to undermine regional stability. If 
confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my counterpart in Islamabad 
on these concerns.

    Question. What will you do to support U.S.-India cooperation on 
counterterrorism?

    Answer. The U.S.-India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group and 
Homeland Security Dialogue remain the primary mechanisms to deepen 
counterterrorism cooperation with India. I understand the United States 
and India enjoy a growing intelligence sharing partnership. If 
confirmed, I will work to accelerate these efforts.

    Question. India has been particularly concerned about U.S. 
sanctions in Burma and how they might negatively affect Indian 
businesses in Burma. How would you balance these interests?

    Answer. The United States is working closely with India to address 
the political and humanitarian crisis in Burma. We share an overall 
objective to end the violence, support Burma's path to democracy, and 
reach a peaceful resolution that respects the will of the people of 
Burma. If confirmed, I plan to coordinate closely with my colleagues in 
the Bureau of East Asian Pacific Affairs and my counterpart in Rangoon 
to expand coordination with India on Burma.

    Question. Do you commit to working closely with the U.S. 
Ambassadors in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. What would be your primary goals on the economic front in 
India?

    Answer. If confirmed, my primary economic goal is to strengthen the 
bilateral trade and investment relationship with India. Greater 
economic exchange will create well-paying jobs in both of our countries 
to the benefit of both of our populations.

    Question. What are the key asks we should be making of India in 
terms of economic reform?

    Answer. I understand India has made progress in strengthening its 
market economy through structural economic reforms such as adopting the 
Goods and Services Tax (GST) and Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 
consolidating numerous and often contradictory labor laws, improving 
the ease of doing business through trade facilitation, and expanding 
and improving infrastructure. If confirmed, I would suggest efforts to 
reform the economy should include increasing regulatory transparency 
and certainty through more uniform application of public notification 
and public comment requirements for legislation, regulations, and draft 
rules to better incorporate input from stakeholders--such as workers, 
domestic and international companies, and non-governmental 
organizations. It is particularly important for India to consult with 
stakeholders in developing regulations that will continue to foster 
innovation and growth in digital trade and the technology sector. If 
confirmed, I would work with Indian officials to encourage sound 
regulatory policies, reduce trade barriers between our countries and 
improve market access for U.S. companies.

    Question. India has a strategic energy agreement with the U.S. and 
has made lofty climate goals. Yet India's energy sector is still in its 
transition phase, and in the interim energy sources such as natural gas 
will become increasingly important for India. Do you commit to ensuring 
the Biden administration's focus on climate does not unfairly prejudice 
Indian energy goals and needs?

    Answer. India has long advocated for a ``just transition,'' and I 
understand and agree with the importance of climate solutions that are 
fair and equitable. There are hundreds of millions of Indians living in 
poverty, who have done almost nothing to contribute to global warming 
yet will be most exposed to its negative effects. I understand USAID 
has several multi-million-dollar programs that are focusing on climate 
adaption and resilience, and, if confirmed, I look forward to engaging 
with our development specialists in Mission India. We recognize the 
complex environment within which India, as a huge and diverse 
developing nation, is transitioning its economy to a carbonless future. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with India to support its 
target of having 500 GW of non-fossil power generation capacity 
installed by 2030 and its 2070 net-zero goal.

    Question. Do you commit to working with India on natural gas, 
especially based on your experience in Los Angeles using natural gas as 
a transition fuel, as you indicated in your meeting with SFRC staff? If 
so, how will you advance this priority should you be confirmed?

    Answer. If confirmed, my primary goal on climate matters is to 
support the Indian Government's goal of reaching 500 gigawatts of non-
fossil energy by 2030. While India may need to build natural gas 
infrastructure as it transitions away from coal and, if confirmed, I am 
open to exploring working with India in this regard, I would want to 
make sure that there was a strong developmental impact and ensure that 
infrastructure is constructed in such a way to be compatible with next-
generation fuels, such as green hydrogen.

    Question. USTR is expected to travel to India this month. What 
should our trade priorities with India be? What deliverable would you 
like to see come out of this meeting?

    Answer. USTR Tai visited India in late November to re-launch the 
U.S.-India Trade Policy Forum with Indian Minister of Commerce and 
Industry Piyush Goyal. By all accounts, the meeting was productive and 
will lay the groundwork for future enhancements to our trade 
relationship. I understand that both sides agreed that regular 
engagement under the Trade Policy Forum would help in addressing 
outstanding bilateral trade concerns and allow the two countries to 
explore important, emerging trade policy issues. I understand there was 
consensus to finalize work on several market access issues for U.S. and 
Indian agricultural items, and both sides discussed important economic 
matters related to medical devices, digital services, and electronic 
payment services.

    Question. What are some opportunities we have with India on supply 
chain issues? What are going to be the challenges of looking to India 
as a source for non-PRC supply chains given some of the difficulties of 
investing and doing business there?

    Answer. India shares our interest in secure and resilient supply 
chains. It has a major opportunity to expand manufacturing in areas 
like semiconductors, consumer electronics, and batteries, but this will 
require additional steps by the Indian Government to complete its 
ongoing infrastructure buildout to reduce logistics costs and promote 
greater predictability and transparency in the business environment. If 
confirmed, I will urge the Indian Government to address ease of doing 
business concerns while undertaking advocacy for U.S. firms.

    Question. How will the Biden administration cooperate with India on 
5G, digital security, and other emerging technology issues? Please be 
specific.

    Answer. High technology cooperation with India is an important 
priority for the Biden administration. I understand the NSC Senior 
Director for Technology recently traveled to New Delhi to discuss 
potential ideas for cooperation, including on semiconductors, quantum 
computing, and artificial intelligence. I also understand the Quad has 
launched a new working group on critical and emerging technologies. If 
confirmed, I will fully support these efforts and work to identify new 
areas for technological cooperation.

    Question. India has imposed new restrictions on U.S. tech 
companies, such as requiring them to hire representatives to redress 
formal grievances from the Indian Government. India has threatened to 
jail employees of these companies. It's tightening content rules, etc. 
Is there anything you think that can be done about this?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to engage on these concerns as some 
of India's policies in the digital and e-commerce space are problematic 
for U.S. companies and could set negative precedents for other 
countries. If confirmed, I plan to continue to raise these concerns 
with Indian officials at the appropriate ministries. I will also 
continue engagement with Indian and U.S. businesses and civil society 
regarding their concerns over these regulations, such as their impact 
on freedom of expression, if confirmed.

    Question. What are your views on the purpose of the DFC?

    Answer. I believe that the DFC is one of our most important foreign 
policy tools and is absolutely critical to supporting the American 
private sector abroad. This is especially true in a country like India, 
which has a growing and increasingly vibrant private sector, but 
remains an investment climate that can be challenging. DFC can be the 
actor that bridges that gap by encouraging companies to invest in 
projects they might not invest in otherwise. It is also sustainable for 
the American taxpayer: DFC/OPIC have consistently earned money for our 
Treasury. I know that DFC already has a significant portfolio in India, 
and, if confirmed, I would work to deepen and expand its work in India.

    Question. DFC is investing significantly in India's solar industry. 
Will you prioritize working with the DFC as appropriate to ensure solar 
projects in India do not rely on PRC forced labor? Will you work with 
DFC to avoid purchasing solar equipment from the PRC for these 
projects?

    Answer. I understand that DFC recently announced board approval for 
the First Solar project, which will provide $500 million in financing 
for a 3.3 gigawatt solar facility near Chennai. This would be the 
largest debt investment in DFC's history. First Solar uses a unique 
manufacturing process that does not rely on technologies used by solar 
supply chains that are associated with forced labor in Xinjiang. If 
confirmed, I commit to working with DFC and other U.S. Government 
agencies to encourage a diversification of solar supply chains outside 
the People's Republic of China.

    Question. Will you commit to leveraging the economic corps and 
other parts of the U.S. Mission to identify other types of energy 
projects in India, not just in the solar industry?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. What are some of the other main areas development finance 
can make an impact in India?

    Answer. Development finance can make an impact in India in a range 
of sectors. In India, we have development finance programs directly 
through DFC, and also indirectly through the World Bank, the Asian 
Development Bank, and other multilateral institutions. I understand 
there are ongoing projects in affordable housing, renewable energy, 
sustainable agriculture, and transportation.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
India?

    Answer. While I cannot yet comment on the morale of Mission India, 
I do look forward to working closely with our dedicated diplomats as 
Chief of Mission, if confirmed. If confirmed, maintaining high morale 
throughout Embassy Delhi and our four Consulates will be a key priority 
of mine.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
India?

    Answer. As Mayor of Los Angeles and throughout my public service 
career, I have learned the importance of engaging directly with my 
teams to learn from their perspectives. If confirmed, I look forward to 
engaging closely with the Mission India team immediately upon my 
arrival for their recommendations on how I can maintain high morale 
throughout the Mission.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission India?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to closely consult leadership at the 
White House, Department of State, and my team in Mission India to 
ensure our mission and vision across Mission India advances the 
strategic priorities of the Biden administration and the well-being of 
the peoples of the United States and India in line with our strategic 
frameworks.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe that an organization works best when all 
employees feel valued and respected. I consider myself a caring and 
collaborative manager with an open-door policy. I work hard and expect 
the same of others, but I always underscore the importance of making 
the workplace welcoming and enjoyable. I am not a micromanager, but I 
do want to understand every aspect of the organization to best value 
the individual and collective contributions of my team.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style 
will translate to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be 
readily available and your diplomatic workforce consists of career 
employees?

    Answer. I have been proud to lead the city of Los Angeles which has 
more than 50,000 employees, many of whom are City workers for their 
entire careers. Our career workforce is dedicated to public service, 
and I work to empower them with the tools they need to succeed. I am 
used to motivating and directing a dispersed and diverse workforce that 
comes from multiple agencies and is located in multiple geographical 
areas, similar to the context of the U.S. Mission to India. I also 
believe that part of my job and part of our collective responsibility 
is to be more efficient and more cost effective. I feel that managing 
the City of Los Angeles through the COVID economic crisis has prepared 
me well for the management and organizational challenges facing me in 
Mission India, if confirmed.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting my team 
across Mission India on day one to gain a strong understanding of 
Embassy operations and culture and learn how I contribute and 
strengthen both as Chief of Mission.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe this behavior is ever acceptable or 
constructive, whether in public or private. If confirmed, I pledge to 
conduct myself in a way that honors the American public and the Biden 
administration.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. I understand no relationship is more vital at a diplomatic 
mission than the one between an ambassador and his/her deputy chief of 
mission (DCM). If confirmed, I intend to have a close working 
relationship with my DCM on all issues, including policy, Mission 
morale and welfare, and Mission maintenance.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will greatly value the expertise of my DCM 
on all issues and look forward to working closely together in advancing 
U.S. foreign policy and the welfare of Mission India although I have 
not yet specifically delineated such responsibilities.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. If confirmed, will 
you encourage Mission India diplomats to engage in-person with the 
Indian people outside of U.S. Embassies and consulates?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, this will be an important priority 
across all of Mission India. If confirmed, I also will look forward to 
meeting in-person with people of all backgrounds both in New Delhi and 
across India.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in India? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. India has a vibrant cultural and media environment shaped 
by its world-famous film industries, literary, dance, music, and 
artistic traditions, and dynamic television and press outlets. I 
understand that many cities in India, like Los Angeles, are filled with 
millions of highly resourceful and talented youths who are highly 
engaged with American social media platforms, such as Facebook, 
Instagram, WhatsApp, and YouTube. Our countries are linked by robust 
people-to-people networks, driven by student scholarship and exchange 
programs, along with workers and diaspora communities in the United 
States, and increasing receptivity to U.S. attitudes and messages. I 
would imagine one of India's greatest strengths can be a challenge for 
public diplomacy outreach: configuring our outreach for a very large 
and populous country with widespread ethnic, linguistic, and cultural 
diversity. If confirmed, I look forward to closely working with our 
public diplomacy experts in Mission India on these matters.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would greatly value the expertise of our 
Public Affairs Section in tailoring public diplomacy messages for 
diverse Indian audiences. I would expect that our Public Affairs 
Section would work in tandem with the Bureau of Global Public Affairs, 
the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, and functional bureaus 
across the Department of State to ensure the Mission is well-connected 
with the messaging priorities of the Biden administration and leverage 
the additional analytical resources provided by the Department in 
Washington.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. I share your concerns about Anomalous Health Incidents 
(AHIs). If confirmed, my top priority will be the health and welfare of 
Mission India personnel and their families. I understand the 
interagency community is actively examining a range of hypotheses but 
has made no determination about the cause of these Anomalous Health 
Incidents or whether they can be attributed to a foreign actor. AHIs 
have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for 
the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the 
cause of these AHIs.
    If confirmed, I commit to taking this issue seriously and look 
forward to receiving further briefings on this issue and coordinating 
with colleagues in New Delhi and in Washington to safeguard Mission 
personnel and ensure prompt treatment should any incidents occur.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission India personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will share with information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and 
Mission India personnel.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to receiving further briefings 
on these incidents before departure for New Delhi as this will be an 
important priority for me.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other Embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If I am confirmed, you have my commitment that I will 
follow the Department's protocols on reporting and addressing these 
incidents through the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF) by 
maintaining detailed records of the incident.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will closely listen to the concerns among 
U.S. and locally employed staff across Mission India regarding these 
anomalous health incidents and work closely with Department 
stakeholders such as the Bureau of Medical Services to ensure these 
concerns are addressed.

    Question. Please provide an update on the status of U.S. civil 
nuclear cooperation with India.

    Answer. I understand Department and interagency officials continue 
to discuss areas of civil nuclear cooperation with Indian authorities 
although several important projects, such as the installation of 
nuclear power plants, have stalled because of nuclear liability 
concerns from the Indian Government. If confirmed, I will work to 
advance progress on civil-nuclear cooperation.

    Question. We understand there are six nuclear power plant projects 
being discussed with India. What is the status of these six projects?

    Answer. The United States continues to work with the Government of 
India and Westinghouse Electric Company (WEC) to support the 
construction of six AP1000 reactors at Kovvada in southern India. I 
understand negotiations have been delayed because of a multitude of 
factors. If confirmed, I will continue advocacy efforts on behalf of 
WEC.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Eric M. Garcetti by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. In recent years, the U.S.-India relationship has 
blossomed. Since the 2017 clashes near Doklam in Bhutan, we have seen a 
renewed willingness in India to align strategically with the United 
States to counter an increasingly revisionist China. If confirmed, how 
will you strengthen this relationship and U.S.-India defense 
coordination?

    Answer. As evidenced by the 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue and the 
multitude of senior-level engagements, U.S.-India defense and security 
cooperation is a central pillar of the overall strategic partnership. 
As Major Defense Partners, U.S.-India security cooperation in recent 
years has been underpinned by growing interoperability and information 
sharing, sales of U.S. platforms, and complex multi-service exercises. 
If confirmed, I will work with the Department of Defense to accelerate 
these efforts, including in the critical area of maritime security.

    Question. Specifically, if you are confirmed, how would you advise 
the United States to support India in maintaining the security of its 
northern border?

    Answer. The United States fully supports India's efforts to 
safeguard its sovereignty. If confirmed, I will work closely with my 
colleagues at the Department of Defense to ensure we can meet India's 
military requests for assistance, including those related to 
information sharing, spares/munitions, and cold weather gear. I will 
also support bilateral dialogue and efforts to reduce tensions along 
the border.

    Question. During Vladimir Putin's visit to India to announce the 
shipments of the SD-400s, India and Russia also signed 28 agreements to 
expand their bilateral trade. As you know, India historically sought 
close ties with the Soviet Union in order to balance against its tense, 
and sometimes hostile, relations with China. But in recent years, 
instead of the Sino-Soviet split that existed during the Cold War, 
Russia and China are increasingly aligned. How do you reconcile India's 
growing cooperation with the members of the Quadrilateral Security 
Dialogue with its warm relations towards Russia?

    Answer. India has long sought a multitude of international partners 
to maintain flexibility and autonomy in its foreign policy. While this 
will continue to be a tenet of Indian foreign policy, India is also 
committed to deepening cooperation with partners who share its vision 
for a free and open Indo-Pacific, particularly the United States. If 
confirmed, I plan to pursue opportunities to highlight to the Indian 
Government and people that partnerships with the United States and 
like-minded partners best further India's security and strategic 
interests in the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. In your opinion, can India continue to be a reliable 
partner to counter the Chinese Communist Party if it continues to 
maintain warm relations with Russia, one of the CCP's partners in 
undermining U.S. interests?

    Answer. The U.S.-India Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership 
stands on its own merits. If confirmed, I pledge to deepen our 
partnership across all areas, minimize areas of divergence, and ensure 
our two democracies continue to stand as two central pillars of a free 
and open Indo-Pacific that protects democratic values.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you recommend the Biden 
administration do with regard to the Indian-Russian relationship?

    Answer. India has a long-standing relationship with Russia, going 
back to the Cold War. While I believe India and Russia's interests are 
diverging, it will take time for the relationship to fully reflect 
these changes. If confirmed, I will urge India to continue its policies 
of relying less on Russia as a defense supplier and refrain from major 
new purchases of Russian military equipment and underscore that closer 
cooperation with Russia does not align with the strategic interests and 
values shared by the United States and India.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you press the Indian Government 
to fulfill its defense needs from companies in the United States, 
Japan, or Australia, rather than from Russia?

    Answer. Since 1990, India has taken considerable steps to diversify 
its defense supplier base away from Russia and expand indigenous 
production. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of Defense to 
accelerate this trend, including by highlighting U.S. reliability and 
maintenance support, bolstering interoperability, working with like-
minded partners, and increasing offers of advanced U.S. platforms and 
co-development opportunities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Eric M. Garcetti by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Do you agree that our competition with China should be 
the primary, driving factor in our strategic decision making with 
regard to our relationship with India?

    Answer. U.S.-India ties have deepened significantly over the last 
two decades. While the United States and India coordinate closely on 
shared concerns regarding the People's Republic of China, our broad 
strategic partnership is deeply rooted in a range of strategic 
priorities, including burgeoning economic and energy ties and a shared 
commitment to tackling global challenges like climate change and the 
COVID-19 pandemic. The September 24 summit between President Biden and 
Prime Minister Modi, and frequent meetings between senior officials 
from both of our countries, underscores the high-level U.S. commitment 
to our strategic partnership with India in numerous areas of strategic 
importance.
    If confirmed, I intend to coordinate closely with India on our 
mutual concerns regarding the People's Republic of China in addition to 
our other shared strategic priorities.

    Question. India has a long, established relationship with Russia 
that predates our current Countering America's Adversaries Through 
Sanctions Act (CAATSA) sanctions policy. What are your views on India's 
defense relationship with Russia?

    Answer. Despite a legacy defense relationship dating to the Cold 
War, India has over the past three decades taken steps to diversify its 
foreign defense suppliers, turning to Israel, France, and increasingly 
the United States. India is also focused on bolstering its domestic 
defense industry through co-development projects and indigenous 
production. Since 2005, U.S. defense sales to India have increased from 
near zero to more than $21 billion. The United States and India have 
also concluded four major defense enabling agreements and regularly 
hold complex multi-service exercises. If confirmed, I will work to 
increase bilateral defense cooperation and urge India to continue 
diversifying from Russian arms including by highlighting U.S. 
reliability and maintenance support, bolstering interoperability, and 
increasing offers of advanced U.S. platforms and co-development 
opportunities. If confirmed, I will underscore that closer cooperation 
with Russia does not align with the strategic interests and values 
shared by the United States and India.

    Question. How do you believe India would respond to U.S. sanctions 
over the S-400 or any of its other defense deals with Russia, which 
include fighters, warships, and submarines?

    Answer. Historically, India has responded negatively to unilateral 
sanctions. If confirmed, I will continue to press India to continue to 
diversify away from Russian arms purchases that could be subject to 
mandatory CAATSA sanctions. I cannot pre-judge sanctions decisions for 
any specific transaction prior to the Secretary of State's 
determination of significance.

    Question. Do you worry that sanctions could push India away from 
the United States?

    Answer. Any potential sanctions would risk undermining the broader, 
extremely positive trajectory of the U.S.-India strategic partnership.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to strengthen our 
relationship with India to ensure that they remain a strong partner in 
the region and beyond?

    Answer. The United States and India are bound by our shared vision 
for a free and open Indo-Pacific, growing defense and security ties, 
common goals for clean energy and climate, and robust people-to-people 
and economic linkages. If confirmed, I plan to build upon these 
strengths and the work of my predecessors to ensure the U.S.-India 
Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership remains on a strong and 
positive trajectory.

    Question. How would you hope to coordinate actions and unity around 
a Quad strategy with all of the other players, including for example 
U.S. representatives in Tokyo, Canberra, the NSC and State Bureaus?

    Answer. The Quad is a central pillar of U.S. engagement in Indo-
Pacific and a valuable structure to solve common challenges. Our Quad 
working groups span everything from climate and critical technologies 
to vaccines and maritime security. If confirmed, I will seek out new 
opportunities to deepen Quad cooperation with Indian officials engaged 
on Quad policy and pledge to coordinate closely with my colleagues 
across the U.S. Government, including in Canberra and Tokyo. I will 
also work with my Quad Ambassadorial counterparts in New Delhi, as 
well, if confirmed.

    Question. U.S. exporters and investors face non-transparent and 
often unpredictable regulatory and tariff regimes and some U.S. goods 
and services have limited access to the market. India has the highest 
average applied tariff of any G20 country and among the highest bound 
tariff rates in the World Trade Organization. What would be your 
priorities for making commerce easier between the United States and 
India?

    Answer. U.S.-India trade and investment has expanded rapidly over 
the past decade, but I believe that there is great potential to further 
expand our trade relationship. If confirmed, I would work closely with 
the U.S. Trade Representative and Department of Commerce to use every 
tool in our economic toolkit to advance U.S. commercial interests and 
support President Biden's Foreign Policy for the Middle Class. We need 
to work intensively to improve market access and reduce regulatory 
barriers because expanding our commercial relationship will create 
good, well-paying jobs for Americans and Indians alike.

    Question. India's state and territorial governments generally hold 
greater power than their U.S. state counterparts. U.S. companies face 
varying business and economic conditions across India and must have a 
regional strategy to succeed in the country. If confirmed, how would 
you seek to create a unified business environment for U.S. companies 
that reduces barriers for entry into the Indian market?

    Answer. Just like the United States, India has a federal system of 
government, and different states have different natural resource 
endowments, tax regimes, and investments rules. If confirmed, I would 
advocate for India to develop consistent regulatory policies at a 
national level that provide a level playing field for U.S. firms. I 
would also seek to visit as many of India's states and union 
territories as possible to engage diplomatically at the sub-national 
level to support U.S. commercial interests. As Indian states compete 
for U.S. investment, one way to encourage business-friendly policies is 
to highlight the efforts of those Indian states and sub-national 
governments that have done a particularly effective job of providing a 
sound regulatory environment for U.S. investment.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Dr. Amy Gutmann by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. I share your deep concern and compassion for all those 
affected. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more seriously 
than the health and security of the people who will be working with 
me.HIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set 
clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen 
the Department's communication with our workforce, provide care for 
affected employees and family members, and better protect against these 
events in the future as we continue to work closely with the 
interagency to find the cause of these AHIs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.

    Question. We are clearly at a critical juncture with regard to 
Russia. There still may be a window to deter Putin from deciding to 
invade Ukraine. But we must be clear about what awaits Russia if it 
chooses that unwise path. And, we know that deterrence measures are 
more impactful when we coordinate with our allies.

   If confirmed, what will be your strategy for engaging Berlin, and 
        building coalitions to deter Kremlin aggression against our 
        allies in Ukraine and elsewhere?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with German 
officials to pressure Moscow and develop a policy agenda on Ukraine. 
The United States consults closely with Germany and other Allies and 
partners to condemn Russia's military build-up and destabilizing 
efforts in Ukraine. The United States joined Germany in a December 12 
G7 statement calling on Russia to de-escalate and abide by its 
international commitments on transparency of military activities. The 
United States also joined a December 14 NATO statement that aggression 
against Ukraine would have massive consequences for Russia. The United 
States supports France and Germany's efforts to achieve full 
implementation of the Minsk Agreements via the Normandy Format.

Rebuilding U.S.-German Relations
    Question. U.S.-German relations were tested under the last 
administration. Personal insults and tariff threats overshadowed the 
importance of a strategic transatlantic partnership that benefits both 
nations. What is your assessment of the current state of U.S.-German 
relations and how will you work to ensure that this will be a lasting 
relationship that can endure through future challenges?

    Answer. U.S.-German relations are strong and getting stronger. 
Germany welcomed the Biden administration's emphasis on transatlantic 
reengagement and its return to the World Health Organization and the 
Paris Climate Agreement, and its efforts to achieve Iranian compliance 
with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. If confirmed, I will build 
on this momentum and on our 76-year friendship to strengthen a 
strategic transatlantic partnership that benefits both nations. I will 
respectfully address challenges and cooperate with the new German 
Government coalition to advance our common interests and shared values.

    Question. German partnership in NATO is essential for transatlantic 
security. I found it reassuring that the new German Government 
recommitted to nuclear sharing in its coalition agreement, and I 
appreciate Germany's leadership in NATO's multinational battlegroup 
Lithuania. As NATO works to update its Strategic Concept in advance of 
the 2022 Madrid Summit, how can we work with Germany in developing a 
comprehensive strategy to address hybrid threats and to deter Russia?

    Answer. Emphasizing communication and information sharing will be 
key in developing a comprehensive strategy that is able to meet hybrid 
threats and deter Russia. The Strategic Concept will also enable us to 
build a more common threat perception with Germany, who has been and 
remains a committed NATO Ally. In addition to developing a common 
strategy, it is also important that we show strength and consensus on 
existing NATO agreements and policies. Discouraging Germany from 
joining as an observer to the TPNW meeting is one way to accomplish 
this. Recent events in Ukraine and the evolving situation in Belarus 
only serve to reinforce the fact that we must develop a common strategy 
to meet emerging threats.

    Question. The new German Government's coalition agreement commits 
to working out a ``comprehensive China strategy'' that considers German 
values and interests in the systemic rivalry with China. Both within 
the context of the U.S.-EU Dialogue on China and bilaterally, how can 
we further engage Germany on building economic and technological 
resilience, diversifying and securing supply chains, and addressing 
economic coercion?

    Answer. Germany has played a large role in helping shape EU China 
policy, supporting the U.S.-EU Dialogue on China framework and the 
U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council--a forum to coordinate approaches 
to key global trade, economic and technology issues, and to deepen 
transatlantic trade and economic relations based on shared democratic 
values. Germany's presidency of the G7, starting in January 2022, will 
be another opportunity to strengthen our cooperation in addressing 
shared PRC-related concerns. If confirmed, I will engage our German 
partners to cooperate more closely on tackling the PRC's economic 
coercion and take joint action to uphold a rules-based international 
order.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Dr. Amy Gutmann by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Germany was 
identified as Tier 2 due to lenient sentencing of traffickers, 
investigating fewer suspected traffickers and remaining without a 
national victim identification and referral mechanism for all forms of 
trafficking.

   How will you work with the German Government to address these 
        issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Germany takes human trafficking seriously and is a 
steadfast partner on the issue. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. 
and German authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise 
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of the German Government. 
I will urge the German Government to take further concrete actions to 
address the recommendations from this year's Trafficking in Persons 
Report. Specifically, I will encourage the Government of Germany to 
increase efforts to identify victims among vulnerable groups, ensure 
all victims have access to services, increase awareness of the severity 
of the crime and the merit of significant sentences for convicted 
traffickers, and increase efforts to identify victims of labor 
trafficking.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. If confirmed, I will work with 
the German Government on increased prosecution and victim protection 
efforts. I will urge the Government to increase their investigation and 
prosecution efforts, particularly for labor trafficking, and to raise 
awareness of the severity of the crime and the merit of significant 
sentences for convicted traffickers. I will also work with Germany to 
identify victims among vulnerable groups, including foreign migrants 
and asylum-seekers; ensure all victims have access to services; 
increase efforts to identify victims of labor trafficking; and ensure 
equitable treatment of victims by creating a national identification 
and referral guideline for all forms of trafficking across all states.

    Question. Other countries in the region struggle with anti-
trafficking efforts but progress is being made. How can you work with 
other regional U.S. Ambassadors to improve counter trafficking measures 
regionally?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my fellow U.S. 
Ambassadors in the region to encourage joint engagement and actions in 
raising trafficking in persons at the highest levels of government, 
bilaterally, and at the EU.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. If confirmed, I will coordinate 
closely with my fellow U.S. Ambassadors in the region to address 
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of government--
bilaterally, and at the EU. I will encourage regional implementation of 
trafficking-related EU directives and other high-level concrete actions 
that, if implemented regionally, would improve efforts to combat human 
trafficking. This includes the adoption of anti-trafficking national 
action plans for all forms of trafficking, the establishment of 
independent national rapporteurs, the adoption of robust anti-
trafficking laws, and the establishment of national coordination 
committees for all forms of trafficking.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
incidents of serious religiously motivated crimes were rampant and on 
the rise. Societal respect for religious freedom is wavering with a 13 
percent rise in crimes since the previous reporting period, amounting 
to over 2,032 anti-Semitic crimes in Germany. What is your assessment 
of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the 
Office of International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom 
in-country?

   What actions will you take as Ambassador to work with the host 
        government and civil society to improve religious freedom on 
        the ground?

    Answer. Germany takes religious freedom seriously. Germany's 
constitution guarantees freedom of religion, and other laws and 
policies also contribute to the generally free practice of religion. 
Unfortunately, there are reports of escalating societal abuses or 
discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice, 
including a significant increase in antisemitic incidents in 2020. 
Major human rights issues included crimes involving violence motivated 
by antisemitism and crimes involving violence targeting members of 
ethnic or religious minority groups motivated by anti-Muslim hatred or 
other forms of right-wing extremism. The Government took steps to 
investigate, prosecute, and punish officials in the security services 
and elsewhere in government who committed human rights abuses. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working together with the Ambassador at 
Large for International Religious Freedom, as well as the Department's 
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, and to broadly 
engage civil society to bolster respect for freedom of religion and the 
rights of members of religious minority groups.

    Question. It was noted in the chapter on Germany in the 
International Religious Freedom report that the U.S. Embassy was 
developing ways to promote tolerance and communication among religious 
groups. If confirmed, please explain what you believe some of these 
might be.

    Answer. The United States and Germany are strong allies in 
advancing religious freedom, diversity, equity, and inclusion. Mission 
Germany frequently engages with diverse communities in Germany, 
including the Afro-German community, LGBTQIA activists, Muslim leaders, 
and Jewish clergy, to promote tolerance and communication. In June 
2021, Secretary Blinken and former German Foreign Minister Maas 
launched a U.S.-Germany bilateral dialogue on Holocaust issues. If 
confirmed, I look forward to contributing to that dialogue, and I also 
will encourage Mission Germany to take full advantage of this 
environment to advance our values and interests with all sectors of the 
German populace.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Germany's human rights 
issues included violence motivated by islamophobia and anti-Semitism, 
as well as property restitution issues for Holocaust survivors. If 
confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the 
host government?

    Answer. The German Government takes its historical responsibility 
seriously and has been a committed partner on combatting Holocaust 
denial and revisionism. The United States and Germany signed a 
Memorandum of Understanding for a new Holocaust Dialogue during 
Secretary Blinken's June 2021 visit to Berlin.
    Germany is also dedicated to fighting currently rising antisemitism 
and anti-Muslim hatred and has been quick to condemn violence and other 
acts of racially and ethnically motivated violent extremism. The new 
April 2021 ''Act on Combating Right-Wing Extremism and Hate Crimes'' 
requires social networks to assess and potentially restrict illegal 
content and to report online hate crimes to the Federal Criminal 
Police. Online threats will now be treated the same as in-person 
threats. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately reiterate to the 
Government the importance of this issue and identify areas where the 
United States can cooperate with the Government and with Germany's 
Jewish and Muslim communities to combat antisemitism and anti-Muslim 
hatred, working in coordination with the Ambassador at Large for 
International Religious Freedom as well as the Special Envoy to Monitor 
and Combat Anti-Semitism.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs, 
and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in 
Berlin enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil society 
on human rights and democracy issues. I will work to strengthen those 
relationships to advance our concerted efforts in support of human 
rights.
    Civil society has played an important role in promoting 
accountability of elected leaders, driving meaningful reform, 
supporting the rights of members of minority groups, and supporting 
access to justice for vulnerable communities. To cite one extremely 
significant example, civil society organizations and groups play an 
essential role in fighting against the worldwide rise of antisemitism 
and anti-Muslim hatred. I will work with the German Government to 
advocate for creating a safe space for civil society organizations and 
groups such that members of minority groups do not face intimidation, 
coercion, or other forms of invidious discrimination.

    Question. How will you work with the Special Envoy for Holocaust 
Issues on restitution issues?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Special Envoy 
for Holocaust Issues to advocate for restitution of or compensation for 
property confiscated during the Holocaust era or subsequently 
nationalized during the Communist era, consistent with the Terezin 
Declaration commitments made at the conclusion of the Prague Holocaust 
Era Assets Conference in June 2009. Germany has been a reliable partner 
in addressing restitution and I will ensure that we continue to hold 
them to account. Germany provided more than $1 billion in 2020 to 
Holocaust survivors disproportionately affected by the pandemic due to 
age and economic status and agreed in 2021 to new pensions for 
survivors via the Claims Conference.

    Question. The Office of Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) 
in the State Department's bureau of International Organizations is 
leading a whole-of-government effort to identify, recruit, and install 
qualified, independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections 
for specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU). There is an American candidate, Doreen Bodgan-Martin, who if 
elected would be the first American and first woman to lead the ITU. 
She is a tough race that will require early, consistent engagement 
across capitals and within the U.N. member states. If confirmed, do you 
commit to demarching the German Government and any other counterparts 
necessary to communicate our support of Doreen?

    Answer. Electing Doreen Bogdan-Martin as the next Secretary-General 
of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in September 2022 is 
a top priority for the United States and for me personally. Germany 
supports Ms. Bogdan-Martin's candidacy for Secretary-General and has 
also presented a candidate for Director of the ITU Telecommunication 
Standardization Sector. If confirmed, I will work closely with German 
officials to urge other ITU members to support Ms. Bogdan-Martin's 
candidacy and will deepen bilateral cooperation to advance shared goals 
on critical telecommunications issues.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to aiding the MSP office in 
efforts to support U.S.-desired candidates within the U.N. system?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with the IO/MSP 
office, the U.S. interagency, and likeminded countries to advance 
efforts to elect qualified, independent U.S.-desired candidates for 
U.N. bodies, including the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) 
and the Human Rights Committee, which monitors implementation of the 
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In 
consultation with Congress and the Executive Branch, I will strive to 
advance U.S. priorities on key multinational bodies, and I will work 
with the international community to meet our shared commitment to 
promoting respect for democracy and human rights.

Malign Influence
    Question. In your hearing, you mentioned that every foreign gift 
and contract is reviewed by the legal team at the University of 
Pennsylvania. What role did you play in seeking, reviewing, or 
accepting foreign gifts and contracts?

    Answer. As President of the University of the Pennsylvania, I 
direct the creation of broad policies and procedures for accepting 
foreign gifts and contracts that ensure that the gifts and contracts 
are in compliance with the law and consistent with the interests of the 
University and the country. In implementing these policies and 
procedures, I rely on such offices as Development and Alumni Relations, 
the Division of Finance, the Office of Research Services, and the 
Office of General Counsel, as well as the various schools and centers 
within the University, each of which have their own administrative 
structures.

    [Additional Response----1/11/2011]. The creation of broad policies 
and procedures for the review of foreign gifts and contracts that I 
direct as President of the University of Pennsylvania applies to 
solicitation (seeking) and accepting foreign gifts and contracts as 
well. Such policies and procedures ensure that the solicitation, 
reviewing, and acceptance of gifts and contracts are in compliance with 
the law and consistent with the interests of the University and the 
country. As noted in my prior response, in implementing these policies 
and procedures, I rely on such University offices as Development and 
Alumni Relations, the Division of Finance, the Office of Research 
Services, and the Office of General Counsel, as well as the various 
schools and centers within the University, each of which have their own 
administrative structures.

    Question. Other than not accepting a Confucius Institute, what 
actions can you point to as President of the University of Pennsylvania 
that you took monitor, review, conduct oversight of, or otherwise 
scrutinize foreign donations and contracts coming into the university? 
Please be specific.

    Answer. Since my appointment as President of the University of 
Pennsylvania in 2004, I have always directed the University to comply 
with applicable laws and institutional policies and procedures, 
including the review of foreign donations and contracts. During my 
presidency, the University has strengthened and further developed its 
policies and procedures regarding gift acceptance, export controls, 
reporting of foreign gifts and contracts, and research oversight.
    Regarding foreign donations, the University revised its processes 
in 2020 so as to apply additional scrutiny regarding prospective gifts. 
For example, the revised processes noted specifically that 
``international gifts are of particular concern where there is not 
adequate transparency,'' and that prior to soliciting a gift of $25,000 
or more consideration should be given to whether ``the donor is a 
foreign government, head of state or otherwise under the control of a 
foreign government.''
    With respect to export controls, during my presidency the 
University has engaged with relevant federal agencies to fully develop 
strong internal policies and has over time enhanced its efforts to 
build export control knowledge and capacity throughout Penn's academic 
research community. The University is a leader in this field and has 
sponsored national export control conferences attended by many other 
research institutions. Penn will next sponsor a national export control 
conference in May 2022.
    Regarding foreign donations and contracts subject to Section 117 of 
the Higher Education Act, under my presidency the University's Division 
of Finance developed a robust compliance program involving multiple 
University offices as well as the University's schools and centers. 
Furthermore, as developed under my presidency, all gifts from, and 
contracts with, foreign entities and individuals are screened against 
U.S. restricted party lists prior to the acceptance of any donation or 
execution of a contract. The University also performs its own due 
diligence using public sources to determine if prospective donors have 
engaged in conduct that would create a reputational risk to the 
University or are proposing a gift inconsistent with the University's 
mission.
    Finally, the University reaffirmed its policy prohibiting 
classified research and has remained steadfast in its refusal to 
compromise academic freedom or national security interests.

    Question. As President, did you or did you direct your senior 
leadership team to take steps to reduce the number and amount of 
donations and contracts coming from the People's Republic of China as 
more information about malign Chinese influence in universities came to 
light in the last several years?

    Answer. The University followed its policies, practices, and the 
law in reviewing foreign donations and contracts, including donations 
and contracts originating in the People's Republic of China, utilizing 
further processes and screening protocols as described in the response 
to question #10. As awareness of malign influence increased within the 
higher education community, Penn instituted additional internal vetting 
and assessment protocols for heightened scrutiny of donations from 
foreign donors.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. The processes and screening 
protocols described in my prior response to question #10 resulted in 
declining certain gifts and contracts originating from the PRC. For 
example, in September 2018, as a result of the University's enhanced 
processes and protocols, Penn removed Huawei, a Chinese 
telecommunications and consumer electronics manufacturer, and its 
affiliates from its list of approved contractors eight months before 
the Bureau of Industry and Security of the U.S. Department of Commerce 
placed Huawei on the Entity List in May 2019. Additional examples 
include Penn declining sponsored research in 2015 from Futurewei, a 
U.S. Huawei controlled entity, to perform research that had been 
proposed to but not funded by the NSF, and Penn declining postdoctoral 
funding for electrocatalysis research from the University of Electronic 
Science and Technology of China in 2019.

    Question. Were you aware of the malign Chinese influence in U.S. 
universities that have come to light in the last several years? If so, 
what sources did you draw information from?

    Answer. Given that malign influence in U.S. universities from the 
Government of the People's Republic of China has been widely 
acknowledged in recent years, I have been increasingly concerned and 
aware of the impact such influence could have on the University of 
Pennsylvania. My information regarding the malign influence of the PRC 
has been drawn from research and reports, media sources, conferences, 
professional associations, and information sharing within the higher 
education community, and as briefed by senior University 
administrators. For example, Penn's Division of Public Safety regularly 
liaisons with the Federal Bureau of Investigation regarding a variety 
of topics of mutual interest. My service from 2005 to 2009 on the 
National Security Higher Education Board, which advised the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation on issues related to higher education, provided 
further information relevant to the issue of malign influence. My 
concern and awareness of malign foreign influence, as informed by the 
resources described above, resulted in my decision in 2009 to decline 
acceptance of a Confucius Institute at Penn.

    Question. Do you believe that universities would be willing to 
forgo taking donations and contracts from China and other authoritarian 
countries?

    Answer. Although I cannot speak for all universities, I certainly 
believe that universities would forego donations and contracts that 
compromise U.S. national security interests and present substantive 
threats to academic freedom and the free exchange of knowledge and 
ideas.

    Question. How can the U.S. Government and universities work 
together to reduce the amount of money coming into U.S. universities 
from authoritarian countries?

    Answer. Although I cannot speak for all universities, consideration 
could be given to the U.S. Government engaging with organizations such 
as the American Council on Education, the Association of American 
Universities, the American Association of Public and Land-grant 
Universities, and the American Association of State Colleges and 
Universities to discuss appropriate standards and reporting 
requirements for any receipt of gifts, contracts, or sponsored research 
from countries with authoritarian regimes and governments.

    Question. Do you believe the level of transparency and reporting 
required by institutes of higher education regarding foreign donations 
and contracts is sufficient, given the challenges posed to the United 
States by authoritarian nations like China? Please explain your 
position.

    Answer. Given the recently revised reporting and disclosure 
requirements of Section 117 of the Higher Education Act, as well as the 
regulatory requirements for export control compliance and related 
areas, I believe the present level of transparency and reporting 
required of institutions of higher education is sufficient, subject to 
ongoing assessment and review by Congress and federal agencies so as to 
be appropriately responsive to national security interests and related 
concerns. To further ensure appropriate transparency and reporting, 
clarifying guidance from the U.S. Department of Education for Section 
117 of the Higher Education Act would be welcomed by many in the higher 
education community.

    Question. Can you please clarify what you meant in the following 
statement you made during your hearing regarding anonymous donations?: 
``The anonymity is what the Department of Education in its reporting is 
required by law to do.'' It is not my understanding that the Department 
of Education is required to report foreign donations and contracts to 
universities as ``anonymous.'' If this is not what you meant to convey, 
what did you mean?

    Answer. Prior to 2020, Section 117 of the Higher Education Act did 
not require disclosure of the identity of donors or contracting 
partners to the U.S. Department of Education (U.S. DOE). For that 
reason, gifts reported by Penn were identified in the report as 
``anonymous.'' The donors were known to Penn; they just were not 
reported because that was not required. In 2020, the regulations were 
revised to require that names and addresses for reportable foreign 
gifts and contracts be submitted to the U.S. DOE as part of the Section 
117 report, although the names and addresses were now required to be 
kept confidential by U.S. DOE. The University has complied with the 
revised regulations.

    Question. You mentioned that none of the donations and contracts to 
the University of Pennsylvania are allowed to threaten academic freedom 
or national security. Do you think it is in the national security 
interests of the United States to provide executive education programs 
to a Chinese Government agency responsible for foreign talent 
recruitment (the State Administration of Foreign Experts), as the 
University of Pennsylvania did?

    Answer. Academic and educational exchanges with foreign countries, 
entities, and businesses are an effective way to model American 
principles, systems, and values; such exchanges between American higher 
education institutions and foreign countries thereby promote and 
strengthen our national interests. By engaging with foreign countries 
and their governments, Penn is not endorsing their beliefs, 
philosophies, or political systems. Furthermore, as I stated in the 
December 14, 2021, hearing with the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations, the University of Pennsylvania would not enter into 
contracts that would threaten national security or academic freedom.
    Wharton's executive education program for the State Administration 
of Foreign Experts Affairs was a two-week leadership program that 
included a day in Washington, D.C., and/or New York City. The program 
was sponsored by Mary Kay Cosmetics, China.

    Question. Do you think it is in the national security interests of 
the United States to provide executive education programs to Chinese 
state-owned enterprises that are under the direct administration of an 
agency of the Chinese central Government and involved in ''One Belt, 
One Road,'' such as China Merchants Bank, as the University of 
Pennsylvania did?

    Answer. As one of the world's leading business schools, Penn's 
Wharton School provides executive education programs and services to 
businesses and organizations around the world. These programs are 
grounded in American free-market principles, with content developed and 
taught by Wharton faculty. As Penn does not engage in classified 
research, at no time would any such executive education program share 
information that might compromise the country's national security 
interests.
    Wharton's executive education program for China Merchants Bank was 
a three-week program that incorporated academic topics from Wharton's 
MBA program.

    Question. Do you think it is in the national security interests of 
the United States to accept a restricted gift, as the University of 
Pennsylvania did in 2021, from a source in China to establish an 
artificial intelligence program at the university, given what we know 
about China's technology ambitions and policies?

    Answer. This question refers to a 2021 gift from a graduate of the 
Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania as noted on the 
University's Section 117 report. That gift is for the support of an 
academic program in business analytics based solely in the Wharton 
School. All of the work in this program is done by Wharton faculty and 
students and is consistent with principles of academic freedom which 
requires that the studies and advances made be published and available 
in the public interest.

    Question. According to Department of Education data and your 
responses to SFRC pre-hearing questions, the University of Pennsylvania 
provided executive education to 10 Chinese state-owned enterprises 
between 2014 and 2019. What U.S. interests were served in providing 
this education?

    Answer. As stated above, Penn's Wharton School provides executive 
education programs and services to businesses and organizations around 
the world. These programs are grounded in American free-market 
principles, with content developed and taught by Wharton faculty, and 
model American principles, systems, and values. As Penn does not engage 
in classified research, and is steadfast in its commitment to academic 
freedom, at no time would any such executive education program share 
information that might compromise the country's national security 
interests.

    Question. Please provide additional information on the $1 million 
restricted gift dated May 20, 2021, from China that ``supports the 
development of the Artificial Intelligence Program at the Wharton 
School.'' This is listed on the Department of Education's website, but 
the data provided by the University of Pennsylvania contains a 
different description, preventing SFRC from corroborating the two data 
sets.

   Who is the source of this gift?

    Answer. A $1 million gift dated May 20, 2021, is from Mr. Tao 
Zhang. Mr. Zhang is a 2002 graduate of the Wharton School of the 
University of Pennsylvania.

    Question. For what purpose is the artificial intelligence program 
being established?

    Answer. The Wharton Artificial Intelligence for Business 
Initiative, announced by the Wharton School in May 2020, is for 
teaching and research in the nascent field of artificial intelligence 
related to business analytics. The Initiative is for the support of 
students and faculty of the Wharton School and the business community. 
The Wharton Artificial Intelligence for Business Initiative is part of 
Analytics at Wharton. A description of Wharton's Artificial 
Intelligence for Business Initiative can be found at https://
ai.wharton.upenn.edu/. A description of Analytics at Wharton can be 
found at https://analytics.wharton.upenn.edu.

    Question. Are any individuals from or entities incorporated in the 
People's Republic of China involved the activities of the artificial 
intelligence program?

    Answer. The Wharton Artificial Intelligence Program for Business 
Initiative and Analytics at Wharton are operated by the Wharton School 
and led by Wharton faculty, and are for the support of students and 
faculty of the Wharton School and the business community. Penn does not 
engage in classified research and or engage in programs that contravene 
Penn policy or compromise national security interests.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. Wharton Artificial Intelligence 
for Business and Analytics at Wharton are operated solely by the 
Wharton School. I confirm that I am not personally aware of any 
individuals with ties to the Government of the PRC, or entities 
incorporated in the PRC, that are involved in the activities of Wharton 
Artificial Intelligence for Business or Analytics at Wharton. It is 
worth noting again that the University of Pennsylvania does not engage 
in classified research or engage in programs that contravene Penn 
policy or compromise national security interests.

    Question. In the first round of pre-hearing questions, you stated 
that--to the best of your knowledge--the University of Pennsylvania 
never received a donation from or signed a contract with any part of 
the Chinese Communist Party, the Government of the People's Republic of 
China, or from entities under the direct control of the Party or 
Government. The University of Pennsylvania's Department of Education 
filings show contracts with a Chinese Government agency and several 
major state-owned enterprises. Do you stand by the responses in your 
first round of pre-hearing questions?

    Answer. Yes. As stated above, and per my written responses of 
September 21, 2021, I answered all questions to the best of my personal 
knowledge. As I noted in the December 14, 2021 U.S. Senate Committee on 
Foreign Relations hearing, the University has received donations of 
over $10 billion during my presidency, with a very small fraction of 
that amount--less than 1 percent--originating from China. The Wharton 
School in particular also enters into numerous contracts with corporate 
entities all around the world. Given the scale and sheer number of 
donations to the University, and contracts with Wharton, I have very 
little personal knowledge of the overwhelming majority of specific 
gifts or contracts. However, as I also noted during the December 14, 
2021, U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations hearing, the limited 
knowledge I now have regarding any University contracts with any 
Chinese entities was developed during my preparation for the December 
14, 2021, hearing, and was subsequent to my September 21, 2021 written 
responses.

    Question. In the information provided to SFRC by the University of 
Pennsylvania, there is listed approximately $468,000 in contracts for 
executive education for Shanghai Yanchong Information Technology Co., 
Ltd. There is an additional $369,000 listed for Shenzhen Guoshengyuan 
Trading Co., Ltd. In an online search, SFRC could not verify either 
company's name or address. Please provide a description of these 
entities, including major shareholders.

    Answer. The Shanghai Yanchong Information Technology Co., Ltd., is 
located at 1F, No. 258, Pingyang Road, Minhang District, in Shanghai, 
China. The company engages in technology development, consultation, 
transfer, and services in information technology and software 
development. The University is unaware of major shareholders.
    The Shenzhen Guoshengyuan Trading Co., Ltd. is located at Unit 401, 
Kaiyuan Tower, No. 7001 North Ring Road Futian District, in Shenzhen, 
China. The company engages in import and export of goods and 
technologies, economic information consultation, and marketing 
planning. The University is unaware of major shareholders but 
understands that the company may be organized under Hao Run Holdings.

    Question. What is the Gu Analytics Fund?

    Answer. The Roger Gu Analytics Fund was established in 2020 for the 
purpose of providing financial support for research and programmatic 
activities of Analytics at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton 
School. The fund is administered by the Vice Dean of Analytics and the 
Dean of the Wharton School. A general description of Analytics at 
Wharton can be found at https://analytics.wharton.upenn.edu.

    Question. What is the Yun Wang and Beibei Jiang Presidential 
Professorship?

    Answer. The Yun Wang and Beibei Jiang Presidential Professorship 
was established in 2018 to support recruitment and retention of tenure-
track faculty, with preference for appointments in the University of 
Pennsylvania's Wharton School. The professorship is currently vacant.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. I have no personal knowledge of 
these individuals and thus have no knowledge as to whether either is 
employed by or has substantial ties to the CCP, the Chinese Government, 
or any entity under the direct control of the CCP and/or the Chinese 
Government.

    Question. The University of Pennsylvania's 2021 filing lists 
Nanyang Technological University as paying a $44,000 contract. Nanyang 
Technological University is a university in Singapore, but University 
of Pennsylvania filings list an address in Nanjing, China. Please 
explain this discrepancy.

    Answer. This entry is a coding error. The correct contracting party 
for this 2020 entry is Nanjing University of Science and Technology in 
Nanjing, China.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. The contract in question is in 
fact with Nanjing University, China, not Nanjing University of Science 
and Technology. The $44,000 contract is for a subscription to Wharton 
Research Data Services, which is described at https://wrds-
www.wharton.upenn.edu/pages/about/data-vendors/factset/. I had no 
involvement in soliciting, concluding, implementing, or overseeing this 
contract, which was not a donation, and I am not aware of any 
individuals with ties to the Chinese Government or military that were 
the beneficiaries of this contract.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of how the Chinese 
Communist Party and PRC Government works in Germany to advance its 
interests and to counter U.S. and allied interests. Please provide some 
specific examples.

    Answer. German-PRC ties are characterized by cooperation, 
competition, and systemic rivalry. Bilateral relations remain heavily 
focused on trade, investment, and major industrial supply chain lines, 
all of which still depend on China. There is increasing concern in 
Germany over Beijing's theft of intellectual property, forced 
technology transfers, lack of market reciprocity, and targeted 
acquisitions of German companies in sensitive sectors. The PRC 
Government runs disinformation campaigns globally, including in 
Germany, using social media and other means. If confirmed, I will work 
with Germany to track and expose PRC disinformation and influence 
campaigns, and to inform and educate consumers of media about malicious 
state actors pushing forward false narratives. The United States 
counters these campaigns by bringing these activities to light and 
identifying state actors and/or proxies for who they are.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of the nature and 
extent of malign or undue PRC influence in Germany's institutions of 
higher education and in academia more generally. What are the biggest 
challenges in this area, in your view?

    Answer. There are 19 Confucius Institutes (CIs) located throughout 
Germany in each of the Mission's consular districts. Each CI is run in 
cooperation between a local university, a PRC university, and the PRC 
Government's international education agency. But these are not merely 
centers of cultural and linguistic exchange. CIs are being used for 
non-traditional intelligence collection and influence operations. The 
PRC often leverages CIs to attempt to curb free speech and enable PRC 
monitoring of Chinese students and scholars at universities.

    Question [updated]. Please describe your understanding of 
challenges China presents to German universities and academics other 
than Confucius Institutes

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. German and Chinese academic 
institutions are increasingly bound by cooperative agreements--close to 
1,500 at last count. This demonstrates a higher risk tolerance of the 
security threats posed by conducting research in cooperation with the 
People's Republic of China. As this cooperation increases, so do the 
pressures for German academics and academic institutions. While many 
German scholars signed the solidarity agreement in 2021 in response to 
Chinese sanctions against European lawmakers, academics, and 
nongovernmental organizations, many others did not, perhaps in fear of 
retribution or losing support for their research projects. Across 
numerous fields, the PRC employs foreign talent recruitment programs 
that use concerning provisions, such as requirements to obfuscate the 
source of funding, which undermine academic and scientific exchanges 
and can also skew funding decisions and decrease opportunities for 
researchers from U.S. and partner nations. If confirmed, I will 
continue to engage the Germans on the dangers posed by collaboration 
with the PRC. The German Government and German universities must become 
our partners in protecting sensitive STEM research and production as 
they relate to weapons technology, semi-conductor production, and 
vaccine development among other critical areas.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of any steps taken by 
the German Government to address malign or undue influence in Germany's 
institutions of higher education.

    Answer. The German Government, through public institutes of higher 
education, has started to push back against the level of influence 
exerted by Confucius Institutes (CIs). The Universities of Dusseldorf 
and Hamburg expressed concerns about active Chinese Community Party 
influence at the CIs and concerns over research freedom and integrity 
when they suspended their cooperation agreements in 2020. In 2021 two 
German universities strongly denounced cancellations of public readings 
at their CIs and dozens of politicians and educators publicly joined in 
the rejections. The readings were cancelled due to pressure from a 
Chinese university and Chinese Government officials.

    Question [updated]. Would like more detail for this question on 
issues other than Confucius Institutes.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. In response to growing concerns 
over negative Chinese influence on academic freedom in Germany, the 
German Rectors' Conference published ''guiding questions'' on how 
universities should approach academic cooperation with Chinese 
institutions. This guidance encourages the balancing of opportunity and 
risk while remaining aware not to jeopardize Germany's academic 
principles. Germany also announced this summer a doubling of its 
funding towards independent China research which would allow 
universities to extend their work in this field free of funding from 
the CCP.

    Question. What do you think are some of the greatest obstacles to 
addressing this challenge [malign or undue PRC influence in Germany's 
institutions of higher education] in Germany?

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. There is continued demand among 
young Germans to study Mandarin language and attend cultural 
programming at Confucius Institutes (CIs). CIs promote fully funded and 
partially funded exchange programs to China to encourage ``non-
traditional'' exchanges. CIs also often supplement language instruction 
at German universities at little or no cost to the university itself, 
which creates an incentive for universities to continue cooperation, 
especially those that do not already have Chinese language instructors 
on staff or independent China or Asian studies programs. Germany must 
develop alternative routes to understand China that are not dependent 
on PRC Government soft power tools and propaganda, such as CIs.

    Question [updated]. PRC influence in universities and academia 
extends beyond Confucius Institutes. Please describe your thoughts what 
must be done on other challenges. One example is the lack of 
transparency around foreign donations to German universities, including 
donations from China.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. There is continued demand among 
young Germans to study Mandarin language and attend cultural 
programming at Confucius Institutes (CIs). Many German federal state 
universities are excluded from Freedom of Information legislation. I 
would like to see Germany develop alternative routes to understand 
China that are not dependent on PRC Government soft power tools and 
propaganda, such as CIs or restrictive cooperative agreements. If 
confirmed, my Embassy colleagues and I will work closely with the new 
German Government as it develops a comprehensive China strategy to 
address the PRC threat to academic freedom and the appropriation of 
sensitive technology through PRC ties to German research and education 
institutions.

    Question. Other than engaging with your counterparts, what are some 
concrete ideas you have on cooperating with Germany on malign foreign 
influence from the PRC, if confirmed?

    Answer. Germany is an important partner in upholding the 
international rules-based system and opposing PRC efforts to undermine 
international institutions and their foundational values, principles, 
and rules. If confirmed, I will work closely with German leaders to 
reinforce the integrity and foundational principles of international 
organizations, support the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, 
strengthen investment screening, counter disinformation from the PRC, 
and call out PRC human rights abuses. Germany's leadership of the G7 
starting in January 2022 will be another opportunity to strengthen our 
cooperation in addressing shared PRC-related concerns alongside G7 
partners.

    Question. If confirmed, what are the key areas related to China 
that you will focus on in terms of cooperation with and messaging to 
Germany?

    Answer. Germany is an important partner in upholding the 
international rules-based system and opposing PRC efforts to undermine 
international institutions and their foundational values, principles, 
and rules. If confirmed, I will work closely with German leaders to 
promote and coordinate a values-driven policy agenda that, as a high 
priority, addresses our mutual concerns on the PRC's unfair trade 
practices; offers quality infrastructure development and financing to 
third-countries; and stands up for human rights in Xinjiang, Tibet, and 
Hong Kong.

    Question. What are areas where you believe the United States and 
German positions on China are already in alignment?

    Answer. The United States and Germany share the view that our 
relations with the PRC are multifaceted and complex, with cooperative, 
competitive, and adversarial aspects. Germany has joined the United 
States on numerous occasions to rebuff the PRC's efforts to reshape and 
undermine international institutions and values. The United States 
works closely with Germany to advocate for human rights in China, and 
if confirmed, I will advocate and coordinate with the German Government 
on issues of mutual concern, particularly as they relate to Hong Kong, 
Xinjiang, and Tibet.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. The United States and Germany 
share the view that our relations with the PRC have cooperative, 
competitive, and adversarial aspects. Germany has joined the United 
States on numerous occasions to rebuff the PRC's efforts to reshape and 
undermine international institutions and values. Our countries agree 
that the PRC's attempts to bully Lithuania are unacceptable. These 
actions threaten the global rules-based order and target U.S. and 
European companies. I agree we must strengthen our economic resilience 
by diversifying our supply chains and resolutely countering all forms 
of economic blackmail. Together we condemn the genocide and crimes 
against humanity in Xinjiang, and advocate for human rights in China.

    Question. What are areas where the views and policies of the two 
countries are not in alignment, and what will you do to address these 
areas, if confirmed?

    Answer. The United States and Germany both recognize there are 
adversarial, competitive, and cooperative aspects to our relationships 
with the PRC. Engaging consistently with Germany in a focused dialogue 
on PRC is key to maintaining strategic alignment. Our shared values 
will be a foundation for charting a common course of action. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with the Germans so that our countries 
stand strongly together in challenging areas that require a competitive 
or adversarial approach to the PRC, such as taking action on human 
rights abuses by the PRC Government.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. As with any close friends, 
Germany and the United States' approaches occasionally diverge. 
Differences between the United States and Germany on PRC policy, 
however, are largely stylistic rather than substantive. In the past, 
the Germans have taken a more private approach to diplomacy on some PRC 
issues and have been reticent to publicly admonish the PRC, preferring 
instead to register concerns privately. However, the German Government 
has been increasingly vocal in calling out the PRC's troubling actions, 
including condemning human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong 
Kong and supporting EU human rights sanctions. Working closely with 
Germany in a focused dialogue on PRC is key to maintaining alignment on 
key strategic priorities. Our shared values will be a foundation for 
charting a common course of action. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with the Germans so that our countries stand strongly together in 
challenging areas that require a competitive or adversarial approach to 
the PRC.

    Question. What are your views on how the new coalition government 
in Germany has thus far described its policy on China?

    Answer. In line with the EU, Germany sees the PRC as a partner, 
economic competitor, and systemic rival. The new German Government has 
made clear that it seeks a values-based foreign policy, with human 
rights and respect for international law as central pillars. I welcome 
that Chancellor Scholz's coalition government seeks ``close 
transatlantic coordination on China policy'' and cooperation with other 
like-minded countries to ``reduce strategic dependencies.'' If 
confirmed, I look forward to coordinating closely with German 
counterparts on the full range of issues related to the PRC.

    Question. What do you find encouraging, and what do you find 
discouraging about the new coalition government's policy on China?

    Answer. PRC-German ties are characterized by cooperation, 
competition, and systemic rivalry. Bilateral relations remain heavily 
focused on trade, investment, and major industrial supply chain lines, 
all of which still depend on China. However, the new German Government 
has made human rights and international law central elements of its 
foreign policy in its coalition agreement. The coalition agreement also 
includes language on resolving maritime disputes peacefully, preserving 
the status quo in the Taiwan Strait, and supporting Taiwan's 
participation in international organizations. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with German counterparts to advance these shared 
goals.

    Question. As I alluded to in my opening statement, Chiefs of 
Mission are at the end of the day responsible or accountable for 
everything in their Embassy, regardless of their level of direct day-
to-day involvement. This is the natural consequence of being in charge. 
Do you share this view, and is that how you will approach your duties 
as Chief of Mission? If so, please describe how your leadership and 
management style reflects this.

    Answer. I share this view, and if confirmed this is certainly how I 
will approach my duties as Chief of Mission. Throughout my career, I 
have demonstrated an ability to work productively with colleagues of 
all backgrounds in a constructive manner. I regularly engage with 
members of my team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue 
and diversity of thought. I will work hard to foster an environment of 
respect. I believe in both setting high standards and leading by 
example. There is nothing more valuable than our team, and I will 
dedicate myself to their professional development and to helping our 
employees grow and advance. If confirmed, I am committed to working 
collaboratively and productively with the Country Team.

    Question. Do you support a greater role for Germany in the Indo-
Pacific region?

    Answer. Yes. Germany is one of our closest partners on a range of 
global issues and could play a greater role in enhancing security and 
prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. The administration welcomed the 
recently released EU Indo-Pacific strategy and supports European 
partners taking a greater role in the Indo-Pacific region both 
bilaterally and through NATO. The administration also welcomed 
Germany's deployment of the frigate Bayern to join the monitoring of 
U.N. sanctions on the DPRK, as well as support for freedom of the seas 
and a rules-based international order.

    Question. What are specific areas where greater German engagement 
would advance U.S. and shared interests in the region?

    Answer. Germany is a key partner in upholding the international 
rules-based system, and supporting democracy, transparency, and human 
rights around the world. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with 
Germany on a values-driven Indo-Pacific policy that is aligned with 
U.S. interests. We can best tackle PRC human rights violations and 
economic coercion when we call out these violations with a unified 
voice and take concerted actions together. Germany has strong 
investment screening mechanisms for critical infrastructure and 
defense. We can also continue to bolster our security cooperation 
following Germany's December 2021 deployment of a frigate to the Indo-
Pacific, which included a transit through the South China Sea and 
participation in the DPRK sanctions monitoring mission. We should also 
welcome a role for Germany in voicing its support for international 
maritime law, particularly in the South China Sea.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken, 
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests 
for the sake of an agreement with or promises from China on climate 
change?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Germany 
and other NATO Allies and like-minded partners to strengthen 
Transatlantic efforts to mitigate the long-term effects of climate 
change. The United States has made clear to the PRC that climate change 
is a global crisis we must all face together and that we reject 
attempts by the PRC to link cooperation on climate change with any 
other issues.

    Question. Do you commit that you yourself will not take any steps 
to trade other U.S. interests for the sake of an agreement with or 
promises from China on climate change?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Germany 
and other allies and like-minded partners to strengthen transatlantic 
efforts to mitigate the long-term effects of climate change. The United 
States has made clear to the PRC that climate change is a global crisis 
we must all face together and that we reject attempts by the PRC to 
link cooperation on climate change with any other issues. I will work 
with Germany to stand with us against PRC attempts to link climate 
change with unrelated issues.

    Question. Do you commit that you will not encourage the German 
Government to sacrifice shared transatlantic interests and values for 
the sake of an agreement with or promises from China on climate change?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Germany 
and other allies and like-minded partners to strengthen transatlantic 
efforts to mitigate the long-term effects of climate change. Shared 
transatlantic values and interests, including human rights, will remain 
at the core of our efforts on climate change. The United States has 
made clear to the PRC that climate change is a global crisis we must 
all face together and that we reject attempts by the PRC to link 
cooperation on climate change with any other issues. I will work with 
Germany to stand with us against PRC attempts to link climate change 
with unrelated issues.

    Question. The administration has declared that Nord Stream 2 is a 
Russian malign influence project and a bad deal for Europe. The 
undersea pipeline makes landfall and drives strong business interests 
in Germany, putting the country at the center of this issue.

   What role do you believe the U.S. Ambassador should play in 
        negotiations with Germany over security concerns for Europe 
        with regard to Nord Stream 2?

    Answer. If confirmed, I believe my role will be to reiterate to 
Germany that the United States sees Nord Stream 2 as a Russian 
geopolitical project and a bad deal for Germany and for Europe. I will 
engage closely with senior German officials, in consultation with 
relevant U.S. officials, to push for rapid progress on implementation 
of the July 21 joint statement to ensure Germany continues supporting 
Ukraine and continues developing options to respond if Russia uses 
energy as a weapon. I will also make sure the German Government is 
aware of our views on the broader energy security situation in Europe 
and the need for a rapid transition out of reliance on Russian natural 
gas.

    Question. Do you believe that Germany's decision to continue 
construction, and now testing and certification of the pipeline makes 
other European nations more vulnerable to Russian influence and 
coercion?

    Answer. Nord Stream 2 is a bad deal for the United States and a bad 
deal for Germany and the rest of Europe. My understanding is that the 
German regulator has suspended certification procedures for Nord Stream 
2 until the Nord Stream 2 AG submission is compliant with the European 
Union's Third Energy package--including unbundling and third-party 
access regulations. As part of U.S. engagement with Germany on Nord 
Stream 2, the July 21 joint statement commits the United States and 
Germany to work together to advance negotiations on continuing transit 
of Russian gas through Ukraine beyond 2024.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. Nord Stream 2 is a bad deal, and 
it continues to be viewed primarily a geopolitical project designed to 
undermine the security of Eastern European partners, particularly 
Ukraine. The new German Government remains committed to and is making 
progress on implementing the July 21 ``Joint Statement of the United 
States and Germany on Support for Ukraine, European Energy Security, 
and our Climate Goals.'' My understanding is that the German regulator 
has suspended certification procedures for Nord Stream 2. I believe the 
new German Government has also made it clear that additional Russian 
aggression against Ukraine would further call into question the 
pipeline's future.

    Question. Do you believe threatening to prevent the operation of 
Nord Stream 2 will persuade Russia to withdraw their threat to invade 
Ukraine?

    Answer. Russian officials, in particular President Putin, have a 
strong, emotional position on Ukraine that is based on their one-sided 
understanding of Russian history and view of the collapse of the Soviet 
Union as a tragedy that must be reversed. They have a desire to ``take 
back'' Ukraine that is stronger than specific considerations around 
Nord Stream 2. It seems unlikely that stopping the pipeline alone would 
cause Russia--and President Putin--to abandon the threat to further 
invade Ukraine.

    Question. Do you agree to work to prevent Nord Stream 2 from 
becoming operational should Russia further invade Ukraine?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with senior U.S. and German 
officials to persuade Germany that it should put a stop to Nord Stream 
2 if Russia further invades Ukraine. Senior German officials have 
publicly said that Russia would face severe political and economic 
consequences for renewed military action against Ukraine and I would 
work to hold them to those statements and work jointly with Germany to 
develop very strong measures to impose costs on Russia for its malign 
behavior.

    Question. Have you read the July 21, 2021 Joint Statement between 
Germany and the United States?

    Answer. Yes, I have read the Joint Statement between Germany and 
the United States.

    Question. The joint statement states: ``This commitment is designed 
to ensure that Russia will not misuse any pipeline, including Nord 
Stream 2, to achieve aggressive political ends by using energy as a 
weapon.''

   What is your understanding of the definition of ``use of energy as 
        a weapon''?

    Answer. The commitment to work together in the event Russia uses 
energy as a weapon is at the heart of the July 21 joint statement. It 
is my understanding that talks between the United States and Germany 
are currently ongoing on how to define the use of energy as a weapon 
and how to respond to such a situation. If confirmed, I will work to 
ensure Germany understands the United States' position on Russia's use 
of its leverage in the European energy market and how to push back 
effectively. If confirmed, I would ensure the United States negotiating 
team has my full support in developing this joint approach with 
Germany.

    Question. How would you define whether or not Nord Stream 2 is 
involved in ``the use of energy as a weapon''?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with United States 
Government energy experts to evaluate implications of the Nord Stream 2 
pipeline on European energy security and possible Russian use of energy 
as a weapon. I would engage at senior levels of the German Government 
to ensure they understand the United States position on the pipeline 
and are following through aggressively on the commitment in the July 21 
joint statement to ensure there are consequences if Russia uses energy 
as a weapon, as our two governments decide that term should be defined.

    Question. What is your understanding of the German Government's 
definition of the ``use of energy as a weapon''?

    Answer. I am not privy to the details of current diplomatic 
engagements between Germany and the United States surrounding Nord 
Stream 2 and Germany's precise definition of the use of energy as a 
weapon. If confirmed, I would work hard to develop a joint 
understanding with Germany on the use of energy as a weapon and 
potential responses.

    Question. How do you believe the German Government would define 
whether or not Nord Stream 2 is involved in ``the use of energy as a 
weapon''?

    Answer. At this point, I am not privy to diplomatic discussions 
with Germany and do not know exactly how the German Government would 
define whether Nord Stream 2 is involved in the use of energy as a 
weapon. If confirmed, I would work closely to impress on Germany the 
U.S. position that the pipeline is a bad deal and work to ensure rapid 
implementation of the July 21 joint statement that commits the United 
States and Germany to work together to respond if Russia uses energy as 
a weapon, as our two governments decide that term should be defined.

    Question. If there is a determination that Russia has used Nord 
Stream 2 as a weapon, will you support efforts to shut down the 
pipeline?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to implement U.S. policy 
which states that Nord Stream 2 is a bad deal and undertake every 
effort to limit the negative impact of an operational pipeline. This 
administration has been clear in its opposition to Nord Stream 2 and 
the ideal solution would be for the pipeline to be shut down, if that 
is possible. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to limit its 
potential negative impact and to ensure gas continues to flow through 
Ukraine.

    Question. How will you work with the German Government to help them 
address the situation and aid Poland in finding a solution to this 
crisis?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with Germany, 
Allies, and partners to develop a policy agenda on Poland and Belarus 
based on shared values. Belarus continues to break international law 
and OSCE commitments. I appreciate Poland's leadership (along with 
Latvia and Lithuania) in confronting the challenges created by the 
Lukashenka regime. The United States recognizes the right of the 
governments impacted by the actions of Belarus, including Poland, to 
secure their borders. The United States announced on December 2 a fifth 
tranche of sanctions in close coordination with the EU, Allies, and 
partners, holding accountable the Lukashenka regime for hybrid 
operations and ongoing attacks on democracy and human rights.

    Question. How will you ensure that Germany upholds its 
international and EU obligations to uphold the rights of migrants?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Germany to promote close 
coordination and develop a policy agenda based on shared values. I am 
deeply concerned by the Lukashenka regime's inhumane actions and 
strongly condemn its callous exploitation and coercion of vulnerable 
people, including migrant smuggling across its borders into states of 
the European Union. By exploiting vulnerable individuals and 
villainizing democratic countries, the regime in Belarus seeks to 
pressure its neighbors into ending EU sanctions and other efforts to 
hold the regime accountable. If confirmed, I will work with German 
leaders to promote close coordination and develop a policy agenda based 
on shared values.

    Question. How will you work with your fellow U.S. diplomats in 
other EU countries to encourage their governments to work together to 
find a solution?

    Answer. If confirmed, not only will I work hard to ensure our 
cooperation continues, I also will look for ways to strengthen our 
partnership. As long as the regime in Belarus violently represses human 
rights, holds political prisoners, and undermines the democratic 
aspirations of the Belarusian people, I will work with Allies and 
partners to increase pressure and call for accountability. If the 
regime seeks sanctions relief, the steps are clear: end the ongoing 
crackdown, release unconditionally all political prisoners, hold 
accountable perpetrators of abuses, and engage in a genuine, inclusive 
dialogue with the Belarusian opposition and civil society that will 
lead to new free and fair presidential elections under international 
observation.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the German 
Government to ensure they uphold our mutual support for nuclear 
deterrence?

    Answer. I welcome the new German Government's continued commitment 
to participate in NATO's nuclear mission, as stated in its coalition 
agreement. The United States strongly discourages NATO Allies, 
including Germany, from participating as observers in the Treaty on the 
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). NATO's stated policy maintains 
the TPNW is ``inconsistent with the Alliance's nuclear deterrence 
policy, is at odds with the existing non-proliferation and disarmament 
architecture, risks undermining the NPT, and does not take into account 
the current security environment.'' If confirmed, I will continue to 
reinforce the importance of Germany's support for NATO as a nuclear 
alliance.

    Question. What is your understanding of the German Government's 
support for a ``Sole Purpose'' nuclear declaratory policy in the U.S., 
and additionally, in NATO?

    Answer. I am not aware of any public statements German officials 
have made on the subject. Throughout DOD's ongoing Nuclear Posture 
Review, the Biden administration has conducted extensive consultations 
with Allies and partners, including Germany. Feedback from these 
consultations will help inform the President's decision on declaratory 
policy. The President has called our extended deterrence guarantees a 
``sacred obligation'' and has repeatedly stressed that our commitment 
to our treaty allies is ironclad. I am confident that the result will 
ensure that the United States will have the capabilities needed to 
deter aggression, assure our Allies, and respond if deterrence fails.

    Question. Do you believe that the administration's Nuclear Posture 
Review and consideration of a transition to a ``Sole Purpose'' or 
``Fundamental Purpose'' nuclear doctrine sends a message to allies, 
like Germany, that they should consider policies that would reduce 
nuclear deterrence?

    Answer. Throughout the Nuclear Posture Review, the Biden 
administration has conducted extensive consultations with Allies and 
partners, including Germany, to solicit their views. Those viewpoints 
will help inform the President's policy making. As President Biden has 
called our extended deterrence guarantees a ``sacred obligation'' and 
has repeatedly stressed that our commitment to NATO is ironclad, the 
President will only choose a declaratory policy which enhances our 
security and that of our Allies. The President's Interim National 
Security Strategic Guidance also makes clear ``that our extended 
deterrence commitments to our allies remain strong and credible.''

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. As part of the Nuclear Posture 
Review (NPR) process, the Biden administration is conducting extensive 
consultations with U.S. Allies, including Germany, and the views 
expressed, including concerns about ``no-first-use'' or ``sole 
purpose,'' will weigh heavily in the administration's decision making. 
President Biden has called Article 5 a ``sacred obligation'' and has 
repeatedly stressed to all Allies that our commitment to Article 5 is 
ironclad. The President's Interim National Security Strategy also makes 
clear ``that our extended deterrence commitments to our allies remain 
strong and credible.'' While I am not part of the NPR review, I am 
confident it will ensure that the U.S. will have the capabilities 
needed to deter aggression and respond if deterrence fails. If 
confirmed, I commit to working closely with Germany to understand how 
the NPR may impact Germany national defense strategy.

    Question. While Germany has made strides toward meeting its NATO 
defense spending obligation, it still falls far short of 2 percent of 
its GDP. How will you work with the German Government to ensure they 
meet their NATO spending obligations as soon as practicable?

    Answer. Germany is a steadfast NATO Ally. If confirmed, I will urge 
Germany to increase defense spending to 2 percent of GDP to meet NATO 
capability targets and fulfill force contributions pursuant to the 
Wales Pledge. Ongoing events in Ukraine and the developing situation in 
Belarus are powerful reminders of why Allies must share the burden of 
their collective defense. Trustworthy information, intelligence-
sharing, and communication will be critical to increasing shared threat 
perceptions.

    Question. While Germany has recently installed its new coalition 
government, marking an end to the Merkel era. How will you work to 
establish new relationships with officials in the new Government?

    Answer. Germany remains a strong Transatlantic partner and NATO 
Ally. Our shared values form the foundation for our strong cultural, 
economic, and security ties. I welcome Germany's new ''traffic light'' 
coalition government comprised of Social Democrats (SPD), Greens, and 
Free Democrats (FDP). If confirmed, I will seek to continue the rhythm 
of early and frequent engagement. Secretary Blinken congratulated new 
Foreign Minister Baerbock by phone shortly after her December 8 
swearing-in, and the two held a bilateral meeting two days later at the 
G7 Foreign Minister Ministerial in Liverpool. President Biden also 
congratulated Chancellor Scholz and kicked off this new partnership by 
phone.

    [Additional Response--1/11/2022]. If confirmed, I will set meetings 
with the Chancellor, Foreign Minister, and other key cabinet members 
for as soon as possible after I arrive in Berlin. I will also make a 
point to visit all five U.S. consulates early in my tenure and meet 
with local officials; given that many powers in Germany are held at the 
local level. Beyond senior government officials, I will make sure to 
engage with other political, economic, and cultural leaders throughout 
Germany and ensure the team at U.S. Mission Germany does so as well at 
appropriate levels. I will convey U.S. positions on key issues such as 
Ukraine/Russia, Nord Stream 2, and China and will listen carefully to 
what my German counterparts have to say so we can build an even 
stronger partnership.

    Question. What challenges do you anticipate you will face with the 
new government?

    Answer. I welcome the new coalition's pro-Transatlantic approach to 
foreign policy and, if confirmed, will cooperate closely with 
Chancellor Scholz's new government. I understand the United States 
worked closely and productively with the new chancellor in his previous 
role as vice chancellor and finance minister. Because our two countries 
are such deep and longstanding friends and democracies, we will 
continue to work together across different administrations led by 
different parties--in both our countries. We have major immediate 
challenges to tackle together, including climate change, the COVID-19 
pandemic, countering Russian aggression, and calling out PRC human 
rights violations and economic coercion.

    Question. What are the forefront issues you plan to address when 
you arrive at post?

    Answer. If confirmed, my first priority is the safety and security 
of my staff and U.S. citizens overseas, and to carry out the policies 
of the U.S. Government. Externally, Germany and the United States face 
myriad challenges, on which I will start to work immediately. This 
includes combatting the COVID-19 pandemic, stepping up our ambition on 
climate change, and coordinating united responses to Russia and China--
including calling out their human rights abuses, economic coercion, 
corrupt acts, and threats to European security.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID. What is your understanding 
of morale throughout Mission Germany?

    Answer. Strong morale is critical to advancing U.S. policy 
priorities. Unfortunately, the pandemic and reports of anomalous health 
incidents have challenged that morale. If confirmed, I will work with 
my Deputy Chief of Mission to ensure we maintain an atmosphere where 
our staff feels safe, heard, and comfortable bringing serious issues to 
the leadership's attention. I will promptly conduct personal outreach 
to staff, promote training and professional development, and offer 
Mission and Department resources. Through clear and open communication, 
and practicing an open-door policy, I will ensure my team knows their 
safety and security are my highest priority.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID. How do you intend to 
improve morale across all of Mission Germany?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to build and preserve 
morale by supporting my team, maintaining open lines of communication, 
and leading by example. As a strong believer in an open-door policy, I 
will make myself accessible to my staff, and I will lead and 
participate in community-building initiatives. I will treat my team 
with respect and professionalism and give them the tools they need to 
succeed. I believe all members of Mission Germany are one talented, 
hard-working, and dedicated team working for the success of the U.S.-
Germany relationship and the interests of the United States and the 
American people. If confirmed, I will strive to inspire my team through 
clear and empathetic leadership, support, and communication.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID. How do you intend to 
create a unified mission and vision across Mission Germany?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a 
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and 
transparent communications through broad information sharing, and 
prioritize the safety of the Mission community--both American and local 
staff. I will treat the team with respect and professionalism and give 
them the tools to succeed. I believe all members of Mission Germany are 
one talented, hard-working, and dedicated team working for the success 
of the U.S.-Germany relationship and the interests of the United States 
and the American people. If confirmed, I will strive to inspire my team 
through clear and empathetic leadership, support, and communication.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have a collaborative and responsive management style. I 
believe in leading by example, sharing information, empowering my team, 
keeping an open mind to fresh ideas, and providing clear guidance and 
timely decisions. I regularly engage with members of my team and seek 
to create a space for open dialogue and diversity of thought.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
If confirmed, how do you believe your management style will translate 
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce consists of career employees?

    Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously 
reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the 
needs of each mission. If confirmed, I will ensure that we use our 
available resources as effectively as possible to advance our top 
policy priorities. Although I will advocate for critical resources 
necessary for carrying out our team's mission, I will also always take 
with the utmost seriousness my responsibility to be a judicious steward 
of public funds.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do you believe it 
is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate themselves into 
Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador 
will be to meet the entire Mission Germany team and to establish a 
coordination plan with the various sections and agencies. I will strive 
to create opportunities for regular engagements with the Mission 
community, ensuring I stay aware of community concerns and the state of 
morale.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. Absolutely not. It is never acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private. Indeed, it is totally 
counterproductive to our mission and it runs counter to my core values 
of mutual honor and respect.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How do you envision your relationship with your deputy chief of 
mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strive to establish a strong, 
positive, and supportive relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission, 
one in which we are each other's trusted partners, confidantes, and 
alter egos in successfully managing and leading the Mission.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you intend to entrust 
to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working 
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). I look forward to 
the DCM being fully engaged and informed on all aspects of policy and 
Mission management. I would be honored to work with and learn from the 
DCM, an accomplished career diplomat who has successfully led the 
Mission as Charge d'Affaires since the departure of the previous 
ambassador.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. If confirmed, will 
you encourage Mission Germany diplomats to engage in-person with the 
German people outside of U.S. Embassies and consulates?

    Answer. Yes. I understand and greatly appreciate that U.S. 
diplomats, including those working at Mission Germany, have done a 
remarkable job to get outside our Embassy and consulate walls and 
advance U.S. objectives to accomplish our Mission by meeting local 
actors in diverse settings and environments. If confirmed, I will 
encourage the Embassy team to maximize opportunities to advance our 
interests with all sectors of the German populace. I will also lead by 
example.

Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Germany? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. Public diplomacy is a vital part of our mission. 
Established in 1952, the U.S.-Germany Fulbright program is one of the 
oldest, largest, and most innovative Fulbright programs in the world. 
Germany is an intense, dynamic media environment; while television and 
major print dailies still hold the broadest audiences and influence, 
German media has continued its own shift toward digital. The Embassy 
and Consulates constantly interact with reporters, editors, and 
editorialists from outlets across the spectrum. The Mission's digital 
engagement efforts are evolving to continue engaging Germany's current 
and future opinion leaders, particularly the ``digital native'' 
generation who consume news online rather than from TV or print.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Unity of message is important in foreign policy, so when it 
comes to public messaging on policy issues, Mission Germany should and 
does depend on guidance from Main State. Using their understanding of 
the local context, the public diplomacy team in Mission Germany blends 
amplification of department or administration messaging with 
effectively tailoring Washington's messages to achieve the greatest 
impact with local audiences. If confirmed, I will continue to deploy 
public diplomacy staff and resources to analyze, engage, inform, and 
influence German audiences in support of U.S. foreign policy goals.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. There is nothing I take more seriously than the health 
and security of the people who will be working with me. AHIs have been 
a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the 
Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the 
cause of these AHIs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Germany personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will share what information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and 
Mission Germany personnel.


    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received an unclassified briefing on anomalous 
health incidents. If confirmed, I commit to receiving additional, 
classified briefings on the incidents before I depart for my post.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other Embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will maintain detailed records of the 
incident and share it with the State Department and others to 
contribute to the investigation.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will take every measure to keep our staff 
safe and secure and would take any report of an anomalous health 
incident very seriously. I will do my best to ensure those affected 
receive the attention they deserve, that incidents are investigated 
fully, and that we work with the appropriate offices and agencies to 
ensure required reporting, investigation, potential countermeasures, 
and provision of medical care. I will also openly share what 
information I can within the bounds of privacy and security concerns 
with my team and the Mission community.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Dr. Amy Gutmann by Senator Todd Young

    Question. I am encouraged by recent statements from the new German 
Government indicating it will reconsider the EU-China Investment 
Treaty, a recognition of the growing strategic rivalry with China. How 
can the United States build on our growing consensus with the 
Government of Germany about the threat that China poses to 
international security and stability?

    Answer. If confirmed, among my highest priorities will be working 
to counter threats to our international security and stability. 
Specifically, I will work closely with Germany to rise to threats and 
challenges posed by the PRC. We also share a positive vision for this 
vital region. Germany's 2020 Indo-Pacific strategy outlines plans to 
expand defense cooperation with Indo-Pacific partners and calls for 
more economic transparency, sustainability, and fair competition. As 
the United States finalizes our own national Indo-Pacific Strategy, we 
will seek to bolster the United States' and Germany's strategic and 
security ties with Indo-Pacific partners; diversify and strengthen our 
economic ties with the region; and jointly tackle global challenges 
like climate change and protecting human rights.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to coordinate 
with Germany on countering Chinese aggression in Germany and Europe 
more broadly?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with German officials and civil 
society to deepen U.S.-German cooperation on addressing China's 
problematic influence in Europe. I will advocate for the importance of 
a strong and unified position in countering Chinese aggressive actions. 
Germany played a leading role in shaping a more assertive China policy 
in the EU and supports the Trade and Technology Council, and the U.S.-
EU Dialogue on China framework. Germany pushed for an EU-level 
investment-screening mechanism and has increasingly countered the 
threats the PRC's aggressive actions pose to the rules-based 
international order. Germany's 2022 G7 presidency will be another 
opportunity to strengthen our cooperation on shared PRC-related 
concerns.

    Question. In light of the growing threats from Russia and Belarus 
in the region, how would you characterize U.S.-German military 
engagement and cooperation?

    Answer. Germany is a staunch NATO ally and host to the largest 
number of U.S. forces permanently based in Europe. As you are aware, on 
February 19 President Biden ended the active-duty force cap of 25,000 
U.S. troops in Germany. The cooperation between our military 
authorities is close at every level. The United States, Germany, and 
all NATO Allies are discussing ongoing concerns about Russia's actions 
in and around Ukraine, and the evolving situation in Belarus. Allies 
have delivered a unified message, including as recently as December 16 
with a public statement on Russian actions and proposals.

    Question. Germany has reportedly blocked some Ukrainian requests to 
NATO for defensive weapons systems, fearing Russia may view it as a 
provocation. Germany's insistence on continuing with Nordstream 2 also 
undermined Ukraine's security, and Ukraine now views Germany's 
commitment to Ukraine territorial integrity with suspicion. How do you 
assess Germany's relationship with Russia?

    Answer. Germany is a vital Ally in deterring Russian aggression. 
The foreign minister warned Russia of serious economic and political 
consequences for any further violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and 
territorial integrity. Germany is concerned certain military support 
for Ukraine could provoke Russia, and seeks to tamp Russian aggression 
through the Normandy Format. Despite economic ties to Russia (including 
Nord Stream 2), Germany strongly condemns Russia's human rights abuses. 
Given Russia's aggressive actions and threats - including amassing 
troops at the Ukraine border - Germany's demonstrated willingness to 
take a strong economic and political stance against Russia is 
significant and critically important.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your message to the 
Government of Germany regarding Ukraine's territorial integrity and 
recent Russian provocations?

    Answer. To deter Russia from taking further aggressive moves 
against Ukraine, our support for Ukraine's territorial integrity must 
be strong and steadfast. Our actions vis-a-vis Russia will be more 
forceful and effective if they include our European Allies. If 
confirmed, I will engage early and at high levels with the new German 
Government on Russia's troop buildup around Ukraine. I will coordinate 
closely across the United States Government to ensure we are sharing 
all appropriate information with Germany. I will work with senior U.S. 
and German officials as we develop plans to support Ukraine, engage in 
diplomacy with Russia and Ukraine to find achieve a peaceful 
resolution, and develop tough economic measures to deter Russian 
aggression.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Dr. Amy Gutmann by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. If confirmed, you would be arriving at a delicate point 
in U.S.-German relations and in Germany's relations with its European 
neighbors. The German Government's position in favor of Putin's Nord 
Stream 2 pipeline has badly undermined its relations with European 
Union countries across the board, and especially to its east. This 
summer, the Biden administration decided to waive sanctions, 
administration officials said there was no reason to impose sanctions 
because there was no way to stop Nord Stream 2's completion. Sec. 
Blinken testified to Congress that it was a ``fait accompli.''
    Recently, administration officials have completely flipped on their 
assessments. Recently, NSA Sullivan said that Nord Stream 2 was 
``leverage for the West, because if Putin wants to see gas flow through 
that pipeline, he may not want to take the risk of invading Ukraine.'' 
Sec. Blinken said on Sunday that Nord Stream 2 ``doesn't have any gas 
flowing through it right now. it's a source of leverage on Russia 
because to the extent President Putin wants to see gas flowing through 
that pipeline. it's very unlikely or hard to see that happening if 
Russia has renewed its aggression on Ukraine.''

   Do you assess that Nord Stream 2 can be prevented from coming 
        online?

    Answer. Nord Stream 2 is a bad deal for Germany and for Europe. 
Given that the Nord Stream 2 pipeline was over 90 percent complete when 
the Biden administration took office, the administration assessed it 
would not be possible to stop its physical construction. As I 
understand, the German national regulatory authority must still certify 
the Nord Stream 2 pipeline before it can achieve full operation. If 
confirmed, I will work hard to reduce the risks posed by Nord Stream 2 
to European energy security and to ensure Germany fully implements the 
July 21 joint statement, committing it among other measures to abide by 
the letter and the spirit of the EU's Third Energy Package, including 
with respect to the certification of Nord Stream 2, and take all 
necessary steps to ensure that gas continues to flow through Ukraine.

    Question. Do you believe that Putin has been using energy as a 
weapon against our European allies?

    Answer. The nonconfidential sources to which I have access suggest 
that Russia has certainly come close to using energy as a weapon, and 
the U.S. Government continues to monitor its actions closely. Many of 
our European allies remain overly dependent on Russian natural gas and 
need urgently to secure alternative sources of energy to shift away 
from this dependence. As long as this dependence exists, Russia will 
have leverage over our European allies and could potentially use energy 
as a weapon. This energy dependence also gives our European allies less 
freedom to maneuver in developing options to respond to Russia's 
problematic behavior.

    Question. What sorts of assurances--or changes to assurances--do 
you believe would have to happen for new German assurances to be 
credible?

    Answer. Germany has been a close ally and partner of the United 
States for decades. In the German system, they carefully negotiate a 
coalition agreement before forming a government, then generally adhere 
to that agreement after the government takes shape. Statements from the 
new government have been critical of Nord Stream 2, especially from new 
Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, who is a longtime critic of the 
pipeline. If confirmed, I would work hard to ensure these statements 
are followed up with the right actions and that we would get all 
necessary assurances from the new German Government.



                               __________



              Part 1--Section 117 of the Higher Education Act Public Records, University of Pennsylvania Foreign Funding Disclosure Reports
           Data Sources: Foreign Gifts and Contracts Reporting System (new data) andPPostsecondary Education Participants System (legacy data)
                                 Date Range: University of Pennsylvania public recordsP(January 1, 2020-October 5, 2021)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                                                                Foreign  Government       Attribution
       OPEID                        School Name                        State            Transaction Type              Source                Country
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                      Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA           Restricted Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA           Restricted Gift                      No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
       00337800                 University of Pennsylvania                  PA                          Contract              No                    CHINA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------



   Part 2--Section 117 of the Higher Education Act Public Records, University of Pennsylvania Foreign Funding
                                               Disclosure Reports
 Data Sources: Foreign Gifts and Contracts Reporting System (new data) and Postsecondary Education Participants
                                              System (legacy data)
            Date Range: University of Pennsylvania public records  (January 1, 2020-October 5, 2021)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                       Restricted   Institution Owned
  Amount          Receipt Date       Contract Start   Contract End    Transaction   By Foreign Source    Legacy
                                          Date            Date        Description                         Data
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$2,000,000  6/23/2020                                                               No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$500,000.0  3/30/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$2,500,000  6/22/2020                                                               No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$499,977.0  6/23/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$250,000.0  6/17/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$125,000.0  6/22/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$125,000.0  6/23/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$125,000.0  6/24/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$125,000.0  6/25/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$250,000.0  6/29/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$350,000.0  11/24/2020                                                              No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$350,000.0  8/28/2020                                                               No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$500,000.0  5/6/2021                                                                No                 No
 0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$10,000.00  6/29/2021                                                               No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$250,000    3/30/2021                                                               No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$1,000,000  5/20/2021                                                               No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$40,386.08                           8/1/2020        8/31/2020                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$41,083.00                           9/1/2020        9/1/2020                       No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$41,626.76                           10/1/2020       10/31/2020                     No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$42,320.32                           11/1/2020       11/1/2020       *              No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$42,773.08                           12/1/2020       12/31/2020      **             No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$43,196.72                           1/1/2021        1/31/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$43,411.20                           2/1/2021        2/28/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$43,101.52                           3/1/2021        3/31/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$42,712.88                           4/1/2021        4/1/2021                       No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$43,589.00                           5/1/2021        5/31/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$43,795.92                           6/1/2021        6/1/2021                       No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$45,596.10                           11/1/2020       11/30/2020                     No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$45,828.25                           12/1/2020       12/31/2020                     No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$46,265.70                           1/1/2021        1/31/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$46,239.90                           2/1/2021        2/28/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$46,070.40                           3/1/2021        3/31/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$46,220.70                           4/1/2021        4/30/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$46,597.80                           5/1/2021        5/31/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
$46,386.90                           6/1/2021        6/30/2021                      No                 No
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Supports research of type 2 diabetes in the Perelman School of Medicine
** Supports the development of the Artificial Intelligence Program at the Wharton School

          University of Pennsylvania Donations and Contracts--
                 Partial List of Entities and Relevancy








                       University of Pennsylvania
              Section 117 Reporting Year 2020--page 1 of 2





                      University of Pennsylvania 
              Section 117 Reporting Year 2020--page 2 of 2





                      University of Pennsylvania 
              Section 117 Reporting Year 2021--page 1 of 2





                       University of Pennsylvania
              Section 117 Reporting Year 2021--page 2 of 2







                              ----------                              




                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                   TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2021 (p.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:32 p.m., in 
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L. 
Cardin presiding.
    Present: Senators Cardin [presiding], Shaheen, Coons, 
Kaine, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen, Johnson, Portman, Young, and 
Barrasso.
    Also Present: Senators Warner and Blunt.

         OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 
come to order.
    We have eight extraordinary nominees that are before us 
today in two panels, and I want to thank Senator Portman for 
his willingness to help us on this hearing so that we could 
accommodate these hearings before the end of the year.
    Thank you, Senator Portman, for doing this. Both of us have 
decided to defer our rather lengthy opening statements so that 
we can hear first from our colleagues that are here that I 
understand have pressing appointments.
    Let me first, if I might, recognize Senator Warner, for an 
introduction.

               STATEMENT OF HON. MARK R. WARNER, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Warner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 
Portman. It is great to see you. Thank you for the courtesy. We 
are in the middle of an intel session where we have got a--we 
are doing a big briefing on China to a series of classified 
business leaders. I am very, very appreciative.
    This is a great panel. I am here to introduce my dear 
friend, Fabiana Jorge, but--and I hope that Chris Coons will 
not screw up the introduction of our former colleague, Joe 
Donnelly.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Warner. The balance of this panel, I know Leopoldo, 
who will--if Fabiana is confirmed, Fabiana will work with 
Leopoldo, who is up as director of the Inter-American 
Development Bank, is a Virginian and I want to give his--my 
hearty endorsement to him as well.
    Fabiana and I go back a long way, 33 years. She and her 
husband--I knew her husband, Doug Sosnik, before, and while I 
cannot completely claim that I was the matchmaker of their 
wedding, I was the person that tried to convince Doug 
repeatedly to go visit this wonderful country, Argentina, where 
I lived as an exchange student, and through that visitation, 
Doug and Fabiana developed a relationship, a marriage. I was 
proud to be at their marriage in Argentina, and I cannot think 
of many people I would break away from intel meeting to come 
and kind of put my two cents in.
    I will also add you are going to hear as well, hopefully, 
later in the second panel from Roy Blunt. This kind of 
bipartisan affection for Fabiana Jorge is universal for 
everyone who knows her. She has been in this country 32 years. 
She is an expert not only on Latin America, she is an expert on 
issues around, particularly, pharmaceuticals and drugs and flow 
of trade between Latin America and our country.
    I can speak enormously of her intellect, her values, her, 
in many ways, kind of classic American immigrant story as 
someone who is coming over to our country--citizen--and wants 
to give back and wants to make a contribution.
    I cannot think of anyone that would be better suited to be 
the associate director at the Inter-American Development Bank 
than Fabiana Jorge and I will ask my colleagues to give her 
favorable consideration when she is up in the second panel, and 
I very much appreciate the committee's courtesy letting me even 
jump in front of my friend, Chris Coons.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Warner. We appreciate 
those comments. It is always nice to have you before the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee.
    Senator Coons will get all the time before our committee as 
a member of our committee, and we all had to fight as to who 
was going to introduce Senator Donnelly, and Senator Coons won 
out.
    So Senator Coons?

            STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE

    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Thank you, 
Senator Portman. I am glad I won this fight.
    This is a wonderful panel with another group of skilled and 
talented nominees by this administration, all of whom I 
support, a number of whom I have worked with previously and 
know and look forward to supporting in their next chapter in 
their service.
    But I am particularly grateful for the opportunity to 
introduce today my friend and our former colleague here in the 
Senate, Joe Donnelly of Indiana. Joe was a born in New York but 
had the wisdom to go to the University of Notre Dame in South 
Bend. Once there, he never left. He met and married his 
sweetheart, Jill. The two of them went on to become Double 
Domers and lifetime members of the Notre Dame family.
    Joe got his law degree from the University of Notre Dame, 
stayed and practiced in the South Bend area. A successful 
lawyer and businessman, he ran for and won Indiana's Second 
District congressional seat, represented that seat from 2007 to 
2013.
    A colleague of ours here in the United States Senate from 
2013 to 2019, Joe served on the Armed Services, Banking, and 
Agriculture Committees. But, frankly, more importantly, in my 
view, was the heart and the attitude that Joe brought to his 
service here. He was recognized by the Center named for Richard 
Lugar, former Senator from Indiana, as one of the most 
bipartisan Senators. He worked hard to bring us together, 
Democrats and Republicans, in order to represent Hoosiers well.
    He is a proud father of Molly and Joe, Jr., a dedicated and 
loyal member of his community. I recently had the blessing of 
an opportunity to be with him at a 9/11 commemorative in his 
home community, and to see and hear the ways in which he was 
greeted and celebrated and recognized by folks he had 
previously represented was a reminder that Joe has never 
forgotten where he is from.
    I will close by saying this. We send our very best around 
the world as diplomats, and when we send someone from the world 
of elected politics sometimes there is a question about whether 
they also meet that test of being the best to represent us.
    Joe is going to represent us. Senator Donnelly is going to 
represent us at the Holy See. And like another friend of mine, 
a former colleague, former Senator who bears the same name, Joe 
Donnelly is someone who has lived his faith. As a child, when 
he was 10 his mother passed and his father and his family 
leaned hard on their faith and wrapped their arms around each 
other to get through that toughest of times.
    And I have known Joe Donnelly to be a man who has been 
inspired by his faith to meet the needs of the world and his 
neighbors in the moment and who has been sustained by his faith 
in moments of both joy and challenge.
    I think we will send our very best to the Holy See to 
represent us at the Vatican when we confirm Senator Joe 
Donnelly.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Coons. We appreciate 
that introduction very much.
    We understand that Senator Kaine, who will be here shortly, 
wants to do an introduction for Ms. Taylor and Mr. Martinez. We 
will have those introductions when Senator Kaine is here.
    Let me, first, welcome all of our nominees. We thank you 
very much for your willingness to serve our country. We know 
this is a sacrifice for public service not only for yourself 
but also for your families. We thank you very much for your 
willingness to serve.
    We have two panels because of the numbers today. We have 
two nominees for very important ambassadorships in our country, 
Ambassador Hill for the Republic of Serbia. Serbia is a 
critical nation in a very difficult part of the world. We know 
in the Balkans today we still have unfinished business in 
regards to the full integration of these countries.
    Serbia has been on an inconsistent path for integration 
into Europe and still represents a concern as to what is going 
to happen in Bosnia-Herzegovina with the Republic of Srpska 
looking to Serbia as a support group to prevent the full 
reforms necessary for the stability in Bosnia.
    We will be interested in learning Ambassador Hill's 
priorities and how we can improve our relationship with Serbia 
but also improve the stability of that region.
    In regards to the Holy See, we, certainly, welcome Senator 
Donnelly, our former colleague here. The Holy See is a partner 
for the United States in promoting universal values and human 
rights, and I will be interested as to how you see our mission 
at the Holy See reinforcing our concerns about challenges that 
we see around the world on human rights and dealing with 
poverty issues.
    We have critical nominees in regards to other 
ambassadorships. We have the--our representative to the United 
Nations Human Rights Council with the position of Ambassador. 
We welcome Michele Taylor to our committee.
    The Human Rights Council has received a great deal of 
attention in this Congress. We recognize that there have been 
different views among administrations as to the U.S. 
participation in the Human Rights Council because of its 
outrageous discrimination against the State of Israel and the 
way that it has highlighted that country.
    We recognize, though, that there are many trouble spots 
around the world and we would welcome your thoughts as to how 
the Human Rights Council can deal with the human rights crises 
that we see in so many countries around the world from Yemen to 
Ethiopia to Burma to China. Clearly, there is a role for U.S. 
leadership in the United Nations Human Rights Council.
    And then, lastly, on the first panel we have Alice 
Albright, who has been nominated as the Chief Executive Officer 
to the Millennium Challenge Corporation, one of our most 
important tools to deal with countries that share our values 
but need help in regards to transformational economic programs. 
So we look forward to your leadership and your thoughts as to 
how we can better utilize that particular tool.
    On our second panel, and I will introduce our second panel 
a little bit later, we have four nominees that are all engaged 
in regards to our economic programs: the Director of the Trade 
and Development Bank, Director of the African Development Bank, 
Executive Director of International American Development Bank, 
and alternative Executive Director of the Inter-American 
Development Bank.
    With the second panel we will be concentrating on the 
economic tools that we have available for a more prosperous and 
stable world.
    Before turning to our nominees, let me first turn to our 
ranking member, Senator Portman.

                STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN, 
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO

    Senator Portman. Great. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I 
thank the nominees who are before us today for your willingness 
to step forward and serve your country, many of you again.
    It is a diverse panel. I look forward to diving into some 
of the issues that your new roles might present.
    Senator Donnelly, welcome back to the Senate. It was great 
speaking with you last week. I cannot improve upon the 
introduction you just received from Senator Warner so I will 
leave it at that.
    Ms. Albright, as we discussed last week, I am a strong 
supporter of MCC--the Millennium Challenge Corporation. I like 
what they do in terms of relying on a rigorous analytical 
approach to aid, ensuring that it is smart development and that 
it is metrics based and focused on getting the best results for 
both the partner country and U.S. taxpayers. I look forward to 
talking about that.
    Ambassador Hill, good to see you. You are no stranger to 
this committee, this time looking to reenter diplomatic service 
in another global hotspot, I see.
    We have worked together in the past. I have enjoyed that. 
As I recall, we first met in Poland about 15 years ago at the 
Ambassador's residence this time of year. I recall your 
Christmas tree up in the residence.
    I appreciate your service as Ambassador to South Korea and, 
of course, as Assistant Secretary for East Asia at State. I 
particularly appreciate the help you gave me during a very 
difficult time when a young man, Otto Warmbier, from my 
hometown was wrongly detained and horribly treated by North 
Korea.
    Ms. Taylor, thank you and your family for your willingness 
to serve. I will say up front that I am very concerned about 
the bias I see at the U.N. Human Rights Council. My colleague, 
Senator Cardin, just mentioned this.
    That body, in my view, has consistently discriminated 
against our ally, Israel, and I want to talk to you about that 
and look forward to your thoughts on how you would use your 
voice, if confirmed, to speak out against that kind of double 
standard and discrimination.
    With that, again, thanking you for your willingness to step 
forward to serve our country, I turn it back to you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Portman.
    We will now hear from our four nominees. Let me introduce 
them and they will be asked to give opening statements. Try to 
do it within five minutes. Your full statements will be made 
part of our record.
    Ambassador Christopher Hill is a career member of the 
Foreign Service. Before he retired in 2010, Ambassador Hill 
served as U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, Korea, Poland, and 
Macedonia, as well as Assistant Secretary of State for East 
Asia and Pacific Affairs, and headed the U.S. delegation to the 
Six Party Talks on North Korea.
    For 10 years, Ambassador Hill was dean of the Josef Korbel 
School of International Studies and then chief adviser to the 
Chancellor for Global Engagement and a professor of the 
practice of diplomacy at the University of Denver. He has given 
his career to foreign service.
    Michele Taylor is a board member of the National Center for 
Civil and Human Rights and served as its Power to Inspire Chair 
and Development Chair. Ms. Taylor has been an active member of 
the Committee on State Sponsored Antisemitism and Holocaust 
Denial, a member of the Committee on Conscience, and a member 
of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Council. Ms. 
Taylor earned her BA from Miles College and her MA from Boston 
University.
    Ms. Alice Albright is the chief executive officer of the 
Global Partnership for Education's secretariat and served in 
the Obama administration from 2009 to 2013 as the Executive 
Vice President and Chief Operating Officer of the Export-Import 
Bank of the United States.
    Prior to this, Ms. Albright was the chief financial 
investment officer at the Global Alliance for Vaccines and 
Immunization and worked as a banker focusing on emergency 
markets.
    At the Global Office for Vaccine Immunization, Ms. Albright 
led the innovative finance program enhancing the delivery and 
financing of vaccines to poor countries around the world.
    Then, lastly, our former colleague, Senator Joe Donnelly, I 
am pleased to see you back before the United States Senate. Mr. 
Donnelly served as a United States Senator from Indiana from 
2013 to 2019, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives 
from 2007 to 2013 representing Indiana's Second Congressional 
District.
    He was a member of the Afghanistan Study Group and has been 
a professor at the University of Notre Dame and very ably 
introduced by our colleague, Senator Coons.
    With that, we will hear from Ambassador Hill.

    STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER R. HILL OF RHODE ISLAND, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA

    Ambassador Hill. Thank you very much, Ranking Member 
Portman, for those kind remarks about our background, and with 
your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my 
wife, who is sitting behind me, Julie Hill, here who is a 
retired school teacher from Florida.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and distinguished members 
of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Serbia.
    I am humbled by the trust President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken have placed in me to represent the American people. I 
hope to earn your trust as well and, if confirmed, would work 
closely with you and with your staff to advance U.S. interests 
in Serbia.
    Years ago, I began my Foreign Service career in Belgrade, 
and later, I participated in a process that culminated in peace 
talks in Senator Portman's home state of Ohio--that is, in 
peace talks in Dayton, Ohio--and those peace talks had ended 
the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    I returned to the region as the U.S. Ambassador to 
Macedonia, took on additional responsibilities at the time as 
Special Envoy to the Kosovo crisis in 1998 and '99, and I have 
done my best to be well prepared to serve as the chief of 
mission in Serbia and to advance U.S. priorities there. I would 
be truly honored to serve as U.S. Ambassador in Serbia.
    Serbia is a lynchpin for stability and progress in the 
Western Balkans. The United States, together with our European 
partners, continues to support Serbia's development as a 
modern, prosperous European country at peace with its 
neighbors.
    Serbia's progress is integral to achieving U.S. strategic 
goals and revitalizing our European alliances, support 
democracy and the rule of law, promote economic cooperation, 
and address global and regional challenges. The United States 
remains committed to deepening our bilateral relationship with 
Serbia through further political, economic, and security 
cooperation.
    As we celebrate--as our two countries celebrate 140 years 
of diplomatic relations, I look forward to strengthening 
people-to-people ties, working with youth and civil society, 
and sharing the American experience in Serbia.
    If confirmed, I will lead a government wide effort to 
advance key U.S. priorities in Serbia. The United States 
supports Serbia's own stated strategic priority of accession to 
the European Union.
    To this end, Belgrade must accelerate its serious reforms 
to meet EU standards and we look forward to the EU to recognize 
that progress has been made and reaffirm that membership is, 
indeed, possible. With U.S. technical support, Serbia has made 
significant steps, particularly economic and fiscal management. 
But, clearly, more needs to be done.
    The United States continues to support Serbia's progress in 
other areas, including battling corruption, improving the rule 
of law, and strengthening democratic institutions.
    If confirmed, I will encourage electoral transparency and 
fairness ahead of the April 2022 elections. I will try to 
reinforce the importance of media freedom and support the 
crucial role of civil society.
    A diverse political landscape and a free and independent 
press are critical to Serbia's success as a European democracy. 
Most importantly, and as a prerequisite for eventual EU 
accession, Serbia must normalize its relationship with Kosovo.
    The United States strongly supports the EU-facilitated 
dialogue as the best chance for both countries to resolve 
outstanding differences. As President Biden has stated, the 
U.S. believes mutual recognition is the best way to go forward.
    Serbia's European potential and strength in its regional 
stability and security is vital. If confirmed, I will encourage 
Serbia to engage vigorously and urgently to find a way forward 
with its neighbor.
    If confirmed, the safety and security of Americans and the 
U.S. mission personnel will be my top priority. I will continue 
our long-standing efforts to push for full investigation into 
the 1999 murder of the Bytyqi brothers, three American citizens 
executed while in Serbian police custody.
    I am committed to pressing the Serbian Government to ensure 
that those involved are brought to justice regardless of rank 
or position.
    I will work to invigorate Serbia's economic future by 
encouraging policies that bolster its international investment, 
climate, strengthen its infrastructure, improve its energy 
diversity, and, importantly, I will try to help Serbia build 
resilience to malign and external influences, including from 
Russia and China.
    Serbia has enormous potential with an educated and talented 
workforce, and I think there is a large role for U.S.-based 
firms to play in Serbia. If confirmed, I will continue to 
support American companies exploring those opportunities.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will build on the positive 
momentum of recent bilateral defense consultations, the first 
in five years to expand mutually beneficial defense 
cooperation.
    Serbia is an important partner of the United States, 
particularly through its 15-year state partnership with the 
Ohio National Guard. While not a NATO member, Serbia is active 
in Partnership for Peace and a global security contributor to 
one--as one of Europe's largest per capita troop-contributing 
countries.
    It would be an honor to lead the U.S. mission in Belgrade 
and work with the Government and people in Serbia.
    Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before 
you and I do welcome your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Hill follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Christopher Hill

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of 
Serbia. I am humbled by the trust President Biden and Secretary Blinken 
have placed in me to represent the American people. I hope to earn your 
trust as well, and if confirmed, would work closely with you to advance 
U.S. interests in Serbia.
    Thank you for this opportunity to recognize my wife, Julie, who 
shares my excitement about the prospect of this assignment. Years ago, 
I began my foreign service career in Belgrade. Later, I participated in 
the process that culminated in Peace Talks in Dayton, Ohio, that ended 
the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I returned to the region as 
U.S. Ambassador to Macedonia and took on additional responsibilities as 
Special Envoy to the Kosovo Crisis in 1998-1999. I believe I am well 
prepared to serve as Chief of Mission in Serbia and advance U.S. 
priorities there. I would be truly honored to serve as U.S. Ambassador 
to Serbia.
    Serbia is a linchpin for stability and progress in the Western 
Balkans. The United States, together with our European partners, 
continues to support Serbia's development as a modern, prosperous, 
European country, at peace with its neighbors. Serbia's progress is 
integral to achieving U.S. strategic goals to revitalize our European 
alliances, support democracy and the rule of law, promote economic 
cooperation, and address global and regional challenges. The United 
States remains committed to deepening our bilateral relationship with 
Serbia through further political, economic, and security cooperation. 
As we celebrate 140 years of diplomatic relations, I look forward to 
strengthening people-to-people ties, working with youth and civil 
society, and sharing the American experience with Serbia.
    If confirmed, I will lead a government-wide effort to advance key 
U.S. priorities in Serbia. The United States supports Serbia's own 
stated, strategic priority of EU accession. To this end, Belgrade must 
accelerate serious reforms to meet EU standards, and we look to the EU 
to recognize progress made and reaffirm that membership remains 
possible. With U.S. technical support, Serbia has made significant 
steps, particularly in economic and fiscal management.
    The United States continues to support Serbia's progress in other 
key areas, including fighting corruption, improving the rule of law, 
and strengthening democratic institutions. If confirmed, I will 
encourage electoral transparency and fairness ahead of April 2022 
elections, reinforce the importance of media freedom, and vocally 
support the crucial role of civil society. A diverse political 
landscape and a free and independent press are critical to Serbia's 
success as a European democracy.
    Most importantly--and a prerequisite for eventual EU accession--
Serbia must normalize its relationship with Kosovo. The United States 
strongly supports the EU-facilitated Dialogue as the best chance for 
both parties to resolve outstanding differences. As President Biden 
stated, the United States believes ``mutual recognition'' is the best 
way to unlock Serbia's European potential and strengthen regional 
stability and security. If confirmed, I will encourage Serbia to engage 
seriously and urgently to reach a compromise.
    If confirmed, the safety and security of Americans and U.S. Mission 
personnel would be my top priority. I will continue the push for a full 
investigation into the 1999 murder of the Bytyqi brothers, three 
American citizens executed while in Serbian police custody. I am 
committed to pressing the Serbian Government to ensure that those 
involved are brought to justice, regardless of rank or position.
    I will work to invigorate Serbia's economic future by encouraging 
policies that bolster its international investment climate, strengthen 
its infrastructure, improve its energy diversity and security, and 
build resilience to malign external influence, including from Russia 
and China. Serbia has enormous potential, with an educated and talented 
workforce--U.S.-based firms have invested well over $4 billion in 
Serbia in the past 20 years and employ around 20,000 people. If 
confirmed, I will continue to support American companies exploring 
opportunities in Serbia.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will build on the positive momentum of 
recent bilateral defense consultations--the first in five years--to 
expand mutually beneficial defense cooperation. Serbia is an important 
security partner for the United States, particularly through its 15-
year State Partnership with the Ohio National Guard. While not a NATO 
member, Serbia is active in the Partnership for Peace program and a 
global security contributor as one of Europe's largest per capita 
troop-contributing countries to peacekeeping operations in both EU and 
U.N. missions.
    It would be an honor to lead the U.S. Mission in Belgrade and work 
with the Government and people of Serbia and our international partners 
on these priorities.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you. I welcome 
your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Ambassador Hill.
    We will now hear from Ms. Taylor.

   STATEMENT OF MICHELE, TAYLOR, OF GEORGIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
 UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE TO THE U.N. HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 
    WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HER TENURE OF SERVICE

    Ms. Taylor. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Portman, 
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as the United States Representative to the 
United Nations Human Rights Council.
    My sincerest thanks in advance to Senator Kaine for what I 
know will be a kind introduction and, thank you, Senator 
Cardin, for making one yourself.
    I am deeply honored to be here and grateful to the 
President and Secretary Blinken for their confidence and 
support.
    I would like to thank my family for their love, faith, and 
unwavering encouragement. My two children, Zach, who is with me 
today, and his partner, Raymond, and my daughter, Zoe, and her 
husband, Christian, are a constant source of inspiration.
    Most importantly, I am thankful to my husband, Kenneth, who 
is also with me today, who lifts me up at every opportunity.
    I am the proud daughter and granddaughter of Holocaust 
survivors. Today, December 14th, is the anniversary of the 
death of both my mother and grandmother, and I know that they 
and my grandfather would be so proud to see me appearing before 
you today.
    Mr. Chairman, my family legacy is one of survival. I feel a 
responsibility to serve as a champion for everyone whose rights 
are threatened so that what happened to my mother's family does 
not happen to others.
    I am proud of my Jewish identity, and the rise of global 
antisemitism and anti-Israel bias have only made me more 
resolute to embrace it.
    I am also grateful to my father, Nick Nichols, who, 
thankfully, is able to watch from California today, for raising 
me with the belief that my gender should in no way limit my 
opportunities or diminish my accomplishments. This helped shape 
my lifelong dedication to the empowerment of women and girls in 
all their diversity and my belief in the power of partnership.
    Public service is an honor and responsibility I have 
embraced throughout my life, including when I was appointed by 
President Obama to the United States Holocaust Memorial Council 
where I worked on genocide and atrocity prevention as a member 
of the Committee on Conscience.
    As a board member for the National Center for Civil and 
Human Rights, I have brought my voice to today's human rights 
challenges, local, national, and global.
    If confirmed, I would bring with me to the U.N. Human 
Rights Council my experience and a determination to defend the 
human rights of all individuals. I would take on this important 
role with my eyes wide open.
    The Council is the most important multilateral venue 
designed to promote international human rights but its flaws 
and failings are real. Among those flaws is a persistent 
inexcusable bias against Israel, the only nation in the world 
assigned a permanent agenda item at the Council.
    As long as it persists, I will take every opportunity to 
demand an end to the bias, to insist on the fair treatment of 
Israel, like any other country, and the elevation of genuine 
human rights challenges on the Council's agenda.
    This includes tirelessly underscoring our objection to the 
open-ended Commission on Inquiry targeting Israel. The 
Council's membership is, clearly, part of the problem. Nations 
such as Venezuela with abysmal human rights records have no 
place on a council dedicated to promoting those rights and 
protecting those defending them. And in the absence of a U.S. 
presence on the Council, China has assumed an outsized voice, 
despite its own human rights record.
    I understand the difficulty in reforming the Council's 
membership rules. But, if confirmed, I will lead an effort to 
encourage credible nations from all regions to step forward to 
serve on this body and deny those seats to human rights 
abusers.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, 
when Secretary of State Blinken announced the President's 
decision that the United States would, again, seek election to 
the Council, he laid out these very concerns.
    He also underscored the very real importance and utility of 
a functional Human Rights Council, which, at its best, prompts 
investigation of abuses in places such as Syria and North 
Korea, which gives voice to those working against racism, 
intolerance, and religious persecution, and promotes concrete 
action to advance respect for the human rights of women, 
LGBTQI+ persons, and minorities.
    I understand the skepticism of those who believe the United 
States should not legitimize this very imperfect body with its 
presence, and I know that, if confirmed, there will be 
struggles.
    But I also know that conversations about global human 
rights are poorer without an American voice. Human rights 
defenders around the world are more vulnerable if the United 
States is not a present forceful leader in venues such as the 
Human Rights Council, and I know from experience that more can 
be accomplished in active partnership than in principled 
absence.
    The President and Secretary Blinken have placed human 
rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I 
will be a relentless advocate for American interests at the 
Human Rights Council and in defense of the human rights that 
should be enjoyed by all.
    Thank you. I welcome your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Taylor follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Michele Taylor

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Representative 
to the United Nations Human Rights Council. Thank you also to Senator 
Kaine for his generous introduction. I am deeply honored to be here and 
grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for their confidence 
and support.
    I would like to thank my family for their love, faith, and 
unwavering encouragement. My two children and their partners, Zach and 
Raymond and Zoe and Christian, are a constant source of inspiration. 
Most importantly, I am thankful to my husband, Kenneth, who lifts me up 
at every opportunity. I am the proud daughter and granddaughter of 
Holocaust survivors and I know that my mother and her parents would be 
so proud to see me standing before you today.
    Mr. Chairman, my family legacy is one of survival; I feel a 
responsibility to serve as a champion for everyone whose rights are 
threatened so that what happened to my mother's family does not happen 
to others. I am proud of my Jewish identity, and the rise of global 
antisemitism and anti-Israel bias have only made me more resolute to 
embrace it.
    I am also grateful to my father, Nick Nichols, who is watching 
today, for raising me with the belief that my gender should in no way 
limit my opportunities or diminish my accomplishments. This helped 
shape my lifelong dedication to the empowerment of women and girls in 
all their diversity and my belief in the power of partnership.
    Public service is an honor and responsibility I have embraced 
throughout my life, including when I was appointed by President Obama 
to the United States Holocaust Memorial Council, where I worked on 
genocide and atrocity prevention as a member of the Committee on 
Conscience. As a board member for the National Center for Civil and 
Human Rights, I have brought my voice to today's human rights 
challenges--local, national, and global.
    If confirmed, I would bring with me to the U.N. Human Rights 
Council my experience and a determination to defend the human rights of 
all individuals. I would take on this important role with my eyes wide 
open. The Council is the most important multilateral venue designed to 
promote international human rights, but its flaws and failings are 
real. Among those flaws is a persistent, inexcusable bias against 
Israel--the only nation in the world assigned a permanent agenda item 
at the Council.
    As long as it persists, I will take every opportunity to demand an 
end to this bias, to insist on the fair treatment of Israel like any 
other country, and the elevation of genuine human rights challenges on 
the Council's agenda. This includes tirelessly underscoring our 
objection to the open-ended Commission of Inquiry targeting Israel.
    The Council's membership is clearly part of the problem. Nations 
such as Venezuela, with abysmal human rights records, have no place on 
a Council dedicated to promoting those rights and protecting those 
defending them. I understand the difficulty in reforming the Council's 
membership rules, but if confirmed I will lead an effort to encourage 
credible nations from all regions to step forward to serve on this body 
and deny those seats to human rights abusers.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of this committee: when 
Secretary of State Blinken announced the President's decision that the 
United States would seek election to the Council, he laid out these 
very concerns. He also underscored the very real importance and utility 
of a functional Human Rights Council, which at its best prompts 
investigation of abuses in places such as Syria and North Korea, which 
gives voice to those working against racism, intolerance, and religious 
persecution, and promotes concrete action to advance respect for the 
human rights of women, LGBTQI persons, and minorities.
    I understand the skepticism of some who believe the United States 
should not legitimize this imperfect body with its presence, and I know 
that if confirmed there will be challenges.
    But I also know that conversations about global human rights are 
poorer without an American voice. Human rights defenders around the 
world are more vulnerable if the United States is not a present, 
forceful leader in venues such as the Human Rights Council. And I know 
from experience that more can be accomplished in active partnership 
than in principled absence.
    The President and Secretary Blinken have placed human rights at the 
center of U.S. Foreign Policy. If confirmed, I will be a relentless 
advocate for American interests at the Human Rights Council and in 
defense of the human rights that should be enjoyed by all.
    Thank you. I welcome your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Ms. Taylor, for your comments.
    We will now hear from Ms. Albright.

   STATEMENT OF ALICE ALBRIGHT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
   NOMINATED TO BE CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF THE MILLENNIUM 
                     CHALLENGE CORPORATION

    Ms. Albright. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, 
and members of the committee. I thank you so much for the 
opportunity to appear before you today.
    I am so deeply honored to have been nominated by President 
Biden to serve as the next Chief Executive Officer of the 
Millennium Challenge Corporation. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working with what appears to be a very talented and 
committed team at MCC to advance the delivery of the agency's 
mission to ensure that it is well positioned to address the 
challenges of our time.
    I would like to commend the staff at MCC who have helped me 
to prepare for this hearing, as well as several of MCC's former 
CEOs who have generously offered their time and advice.
    I would also like to thank the many Senators from this 
committee and their staffs with whom I have had a chance to 
meet prior to this hearing. Should I be confirmed, I look 
forward to staying in touch and working closely with you over 
the months and years ahead to ensure that you are kept abreast 
of MCC's progress in issues.
    And, finally, I would like to thank my wonderful family and 
dear friends who are here today for all the--and online for all 
their support and encouragement over the many years.
    And Mr. Chairman, if you will allow, I would like to 
introduce my wonderful older son, David, who is here 
representing our families.
    I am deeply honored by the prospect of leading an 
innovative and effective agency that delivers on a singular 
mission, to reduce poverty through economic growth. MCC is 
focused on good governance and accountability as well as the 
agency's commitment to country ownership and institutional 
capacity building creates a more stable and secure world with 
more opportunities for inclusive economic growth both at home 
and abroad.
    This is an exciting time for MCC as the agency approaches 
its 20th anniversary. MCC's selective evidence-based approach 
and partnership focus delivers durable impact in key sectors 
such as infrastructure, agriculture, and water in well-governed 
low and lower middle income countries around the world.
    With cost-effective projects and a dedicated staff of 
technical experts, MCC incentivizes partner governments to 
undertake significant reforms to create the right conditions to 
support sustained economic growth that endures long after MCC's 
investments are concluded.
    I have spent my career in international finance and 
development. Early on, I was trained as a banker and worked in 
the emerging markets at a time when many regions were 
encountering seismic shifts in their access to finance.
    I witnessed firsthand the impact the Latin American debt 
crisis had on the region, the opportunities that arose from the 
transition for South Africa to a post-apartheid economy, and 
the impact that the fall of the Iron Curtain had on Eastern 
European economies.
    What I learned was that working hand in hand with 
governments and the private sector would make a difference in 
helping countries in those regions develop and evolve.
    More recently, I have devoted 16 years to global 
development challenges. I have held leadership positions in two 
global public-private partnerships, one in global health and in 
my current position as the chief executive of the Global 
Partnership for Education where we work closely with the U.S. 
as the major donor. At GPE, we work to ensure that children in 
the poorest countries have access to a quality basic education.
    I have also held a leadership position at the U.S. Export-
Import Bank. I have worked closely with the U.S. and other 
donor and developing country governments, the private sector 
and foundations, civil society, and others to secure better 
outcomes and improved and healthier lives.
    Over the years, I have visited dozens of countries and met 
with their leaders, health and education ministers, finance 
ministers, parliamentarians, health workers, teachers, to get a 
full understanding of priorities, implementation challenges, 
and what was happening on the ground.
    It is this working in partnership that makes the difference 
in advancing development goals, and, if confirmed, how I hope 
to lead as the CEO of MCC.
    MCC is a gem within the U.S. Government foreign assistance 
toolkit. If confirmed, it will be a true honor to join the team 
there and work with Congress and this committee over the years 
ahead.
    I thank you so much for your consideration of my nomination 
and would be happy to answer any questions that you have.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Albright follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Alice Albright

    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, I thank 
you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
    I am deeply honored to have been nominated by President Biden to 
serve as the next Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with what appears to be a 
very talented and committed team at MCC to advance the delivery of the 
agency's mission and to ensure that it is well positioned to address 
the challenges of our times.
    I would like to commend the staff at MCC who have helped me prepare 
for this hearing as well as several of MCC's former CEOs who have 
generously offered their time and advice.
    I would also like to thank the many Senators from this committee 
and their staffs, with whom I have had a chance to meet prior to this 
hearing.
    Should I be confirmed, I look forward to staying in touch and 
working closely with you over the months and years ahead to ensure that 
you are kept abreast of MCC's progress and issues.
    Finally, I would like to thank my family and dear friends, many 
whom are here today, or online, for all of their support and 
encouragement over many years.
    I am deeply honored by the prospect of leading an innovative and 
effective agency that delivers on its singular mission to reduce 
poverty through economic growth.
    MCC's focus on good governance and accountability, as well as the 
agency's commitment to country ownership and institutional capacity 
building, creates a more stable, secure world with more opportunities 
for inclusive economic growth at home and abroad.
    This is an exciting time for MCC as the agency approaches its 20th 
anniversary. MCC's selective, evidence-based approach and partnership 
focus delivers durable impact in key sectors such as infrastructure, 
agriculture and water in well-governed low, and lower-middle income 
countries around the world.
    With cost-effective projects and a dedicated staff of technical 
experts, MCC incentivizes partner governments to undertake significant 
reforms to create the right conditions to support sustained economic 
growth that endures long after MCC's investments conclude.
    I have spent my career in international finance and development. 
Early on, I was trained as a banker and worked in the emerging markets 
at a time when many regions were encountering seismic shifts in their 
access to finance. I witnessed first-hand the impact that the Latin 
American Debt Crisis had on the region, the opportunities that arose 
from the transition for South Africa to a post-apartheid economy and 
the impact that the fall of the Iron Curtain had on Eastern European 
economies. What I learned was that working hand in hand with 
governments and the private sector would make a difference in helping 
countries in those regions develop and evolve.
    More recently, I have devoted 16 years to global development 
challenges. I have held leadership positions in two global public 
private partnerships, one in global health and in my current position 
as CEO of the Global Partnership for Education (GPE), where we work 
closely with the U.S. as a major donor. At GPE, we work to ensure that 
children in the poorest countries have access to a quality basic 
education. I have also held a leadership position at the U.S. Export 
Import Bank.
    I have worked closely with the U.S. and other donor and developing 
country governments, the private sector and foundations, and civil 
society to secure better outcomes, and improved and healthier lives.
    Over the years, I have visited dozens of countries and met with 
their leaders, health and education ministers, finance ministers, 
parliamentarians, health workers, teachers, and beneficiaries to ensure 
a full understanding of priorities, implementation challenges, and what 
was happening on the ground. It is this working in partnership that 
makes the difference in advancing development goals and, if confirmed, 
how I hope to lead as the CEO of MCC.
    MCC is a gem within the U.S. Government foreign assistance toolkit. 
If confirmed, it will be a true honor to join the team there and work 
with Congress and this committee over the years ahead.
    I thank you for your consideration of my nomination and would be 
happy to answer any questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Ms. Albright.
    We will now hear from Senator Donnelly.

 STATEMENT OF HON. JOSEPH DONNELLY OF INDIANA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
               STATES OF AMERICA TO THE HOLY SEE

    Senator Donnelly. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Chairman--Senator Cardin--Ranking Member Senator 
Portman, and distinguished members of the committee, it is a 
privilege to appear before you. I am honored to have been 
nominated to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Holy See, and I 
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence in me.
    I want to thank my wife, Jill, for her support and help and 
friendship throughout this journey--she would be here except 
that she is helping to take care of our young granddaughter, 
Josephine; our daughter Molly, her husband Mike, and their 
daughter, Josephine; son, Joe, Jr., and his wife, Jesseca; my 
sisters and brother, and so many other friends who have touched 
my life over the years.
    I want to thank the people of Indiana for having given me 
the chance to represent them in the United States House of 
Representatives and in the United States Senate.
    I felt privileged to have that opportunity and to have such 
examples to model myself after as my mom, my dad, my second 
mom, Joan, Father Ted Hesburgh--the former president of the 
University of Notre Dame--mentors like Congressman John 
Brademas and Senate giants like Richard Lugar and Birch Bayh of 
Indiana, whose legacy was caring, duty, competence, and love of 
country.
    I believe my service in the House and Senate has helped 
prepare me for this posting to represent the United States. If 
confirmed, I will work with the representatives of the Holy See 
to make progress on the critical issues facing our country and 
the world.
    If confirmed, I plan to bring the same public service 
ethic, collaborative mindset, and focus on delivering for the 
American people that define my time in Congress to the task of 
expanding and deepening our partnership with the Holy See.
    The Holy See is unique among states with an influence that 
reaches across the globe. More than 1.3 billion Catholics 
worldwide and millions of non-Catholics take inspiration from 
Pope Francis' leadership.
    Additionally, hundreds of Catholic-affiliated NGOs, 
charities, religious orders, and lay organizations provide 
health care and education, build peace, and make personal 
connections with people in every part of the world.
    The United States and the Holy See have had formal 
diplomatic relations since 1984. But our relationship runs much 
deeper than that, back to the very founding of our country when 
George Washington dispatched our first envoy to the Papal 
States in 1797.
    If confirmed, I see three core priorities. First, promoting 
peace and security. If confirmed, my foremost priority will 
always be the safety and security of Americans, including the 
personnel and family members assigned to Embassy Vatican.
    But our shared interest in promoting peace and stability 
extends much further. Vatican diplomats and Catholic 
organizations serve as effective mediators to end conflicts, 
promote peace, and advocate for the release of political 
prisoners.
    If confirmed, I would seek to strengthen our quiet 
diplomacy with the Vatican to resolve crises peacefully.
    Second, advancing human rights. Promoting human rights and 
human dignity lies at the heart of the U.S.-Holy See 
partnership. The Holy See is a leader in defending religious 
freedom and promoting interfaith dialogue.
    Under Pope Francis' leadership, the Vatican has prioritized 
efforts to combat human trafficking, and Catholic organizations 
and religious orders provide essential care and services to 
human trafficking victims all over the world.
    Pope Francis has condemned antisemitism and violence 
against Jews. With threats to human rights rising in many parts 
of the world, our cooperation with the Vatican is increasingly 
important.
    Third, tackling the climate crisis. Pope Francis has been a 
vocal advocate for protecting the environment and addressing 
climate change, including through his second encyclical. 
Vatican City and Catholic organizations are working hard to 
implement Pope Francis' climate vision in their own operations 
by reducing waste and emissions.
    If confirmed, I look forward to identifying new ways to 
collaborate with the Holy See to raise global ambitions to 
tackle the climate crisis. I would feel fortunate to be a part 
of the team with the incredibly talented individuals who work 
at the U.S. Embassy to the Holy See and all the other dedicated 
folks who serve our beloved country.
    As a former member of this body, I also eagerly look 
forward to partnering with Congress to further U.S. priorities 
with the Holy See.
    If confirmed, I enthusiastically await engaging Vatican 
officials, sharing ideas, and deepening our collaboration as we 
work together to build a brighter future.
    Thank you so much for the opportunity to testify today. I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Senator Donnelly follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Joseph Donnelly

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to have 
been nominated to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Holy See, and I thank 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
    I want to thank my wife Jill for her support and help and 
friendship throughout this journey: our daughter Molly, her husband 
Mike, and their daughter Josephine; son Joe Jr., and his wife Jesseca; 
my sisters and brother; and so many friends who have touched my life 
over the years.
    I want to thank the people of Indiana for having given me the 
chance to represent them in the United States House of Representatives 
and in the United States Senate. I felt privileged to have that 
opportunity, and to have such examples to model myself after as my mom, 
dad, and second mom Joan, Father Ted Hesburgh, the former President of 
the University of Notre Dame, mentors like Congressman John Brademas 
from my former Congressional District, and Senate giants like Richard 
Lugar and Birch Bayh of Indiana, whose legacy was caring, duty, 
competence, and love of country.
    I believe my service in the House and Senate has helped prepare me 
for this posting to represent the United States. If confirmed, I will 
work with the representatives of the Holy See to make progress on the 
critical issues facing our country and the world. If confirmed, I plan 
to bring the same public service ethic, collaborative mindset, and 
focus on delivering for the American people that defined my time in 
Congress to the task of expanding and deepening our partnership with 
the Holy See.
    The Holy See is unique among states, with an influence that reaches 
across the globe. More than 1.3 billion Catholics worldwide--and 
millions of non-Catholics as well--take inspiration from Pope Francis' 
leadership. Additionally, hundreds of Catholic-affiliated NGOs, 
charities, religious orders, and lay organizations provide healthcare 
and education, build peace, and make personal connections with people 
in every part of the world. The United States and the Holy See have had 
formal diplomatic relations since 1984, but our relationship runs much 
deeper than that, back to the very founding of our country when George 
Washington dispatched our first envoy to the Papal States in 1797. If 
confirmed, I see three core priorities:

    First, promoting peace and security. If confirmed, my foremost 
priority will always be the safety and security of Americans, including 
the personnel and family members assigned to Embassy Vatican. But our 
shared interest in promoting peace and stability extends much further. 
Vatican diplomats and Catholic organizations serve as effective 
mediators to end conflicts, promote peace, and advocate for the release 
of political prisoners. If confirmed, I would seek to strengthen our 
quiet diplomacy with the Vatican to resolve crises peacefully.
    Second, advancing human rights. Promoting human rights and human 
dignity lies at the heart of the U.S.-Holy See partnership. The Holy 
See is a leader in defending religious freedom and promoting interfaith 
dialogue. Under Pope Francis' leadership, the Vatican has prioritized 
efforts to combat human trafficking, and Catholic organizations and 
religious orders provide essential care and services to human 
trafficking victims all over the world. Pope Francis has condemned 
antisemitism and violence against Jews. With threats to human rights 
rising in many parts of the world, our cooperation with the Vatican is 
increasingly important.
    Third, tackling the climate crisis. Pope Francis has been a vocal 
advocate for protecting the environment and addressing climate change, 
including through his second encyclical, Laudato Si' (lau-DAH-toh SEE). 
Vatican City and Catholic organizations are working hard to implement 
Pope Francis' climate vision in their own operations by reducing waste 
and emissions. If confirmed, I look forward to identifying new ways to 
collaborate with the Holy See to raise global ambitions to tackle the 
climate crisis.

    I would feel fortunate to be part of a team with the incredibly 
talented individuals who work at the U.S. Embassy to the Holy See, and 
all the other dedicated folks who serve our beloved country. As a 
former member of this body, I also eagerly look forward to partnering 
with Congress to further U.S. priorities with the Holy See. If 
confirmed, I enthusiastically await engaging Vatican officials, sharing 
ideas, and deepening our collaboration as we work together to build a 
brighter future.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look forward to 
your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Donnelly.
    First, I have a few questions that speak to the importance 
that this committee places on responsiveness of all officials 
in the executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking 
from you.
    I would ask each of you to provide either a yes or no 
answer to these questions. This will be preliminary to the 
customary five-minute rounds.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engage in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being deployed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Let the record show that all four of the 
nominees answered yes to all four of the questions.
    Ms. Taylor, I think you have been saved. Senator Kaine is 
here. Let us see whether your thanking him for such nice 
comments, in fact, was justified or not.
    Senator Kaine?

                 STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, thank you and my deep 
congratulations to this very esteemed panel. It is so good to 
see Senator Donnelly, my longtime friend, and Mr. Chair, I have 
the pleasure of saying a word about another longtime friend, 
Michele Taylor, and I apologize for being late, but thank you 
for giving me this opportunity.
    And if you would additionally indulge me, I would also like 
to say a word about one of the nominees on panel two because I 
am not going to be able to be here for panel two so I would try 
to do both at once, if that is acceptable.
    Senator Cardin. That is fine. Certainly.
    Senator Kaine. Two very qualified nominees, Michele Taylor 
to be the U.S. Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council, 
and then Leopoldo Martinez, who is here, a great friend, to be 
U.S. Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Fund.
    First, Michele. Longtime friend, hails from Georgia, 
community volunteer, educator, outdoorswoman, and tireless 
human rights champion. She served as a board member of the 
National Center for Civil and Human Rights, longtime member of 
the board of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council where 
she served diligently, motivated by her mother, who was a 
Holocaust survivor.
    Michele has decades-long experience in working in politics 
advancing opportunity and empowerment for women and girls, 
especially members of the LGBTQ community.
    In 2014, under the direction of the White House, Michele 
helped to generate the report on the 20th anniversary of the 
Violence Against Women Act through the Office of the Vice 
President, now President Biden.
    She continues to give back to students, business 
executives, and veterans as a course director and lead 
instructor for North Carolina Outward Bound School. I have 
known Michele and her family, including her children, now for 
about a dozen years and for many years--I have known her for a 
long time and I know she will represent the Senate--the United 
States very, very well in this capacity.
    She has a tenacious spirit wrapped in a diplomatic spirit, 
and both of those traits--tenacity and diplomacy--will help her 
be a strong voice for the United States on the Human Rights 
Council, elevating pressing human rights causes within the 
institution and also pushing back against the anti-Israel bias 
that has plagued that institution for years. I urge the 
committee to support her strongly.
    And if I might say about my wonderful friend, Leopoldo 
Martinez of Virginia, for the position of United States 
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank, it 
is great to have a Senator here in Joe Donnelly but it is also 
great to have a parliamentarian here. Leopoldo Martinez, in an 
earlier chapter of his life, was a parliamentarian in 
Venezuela.
    He has had a long and distinguished career in both public 
service and the private sector. He is a Venezuelan-American 
immigrant. He will come to the role with a breadth of 
knowledge, having spent over three decades working tirelessly 
in support of U.S. relations with Latin America and the 
Caribbean.
    In light of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the challenges 
that our hemisphere faces and, in particular, Latin America and 
the Caribbean are severe. Latin America and the Caribbean have 
about 8 percent of the global population, 30 percent of COVID 
deaths in the world.
    From worsening economic inequality to the health care 
challenges to the rising tide of authoritarianism across the 
Americas, there is no better person equipped to deal with the 
region's challenges with empathy, humility, and dedication. 
And, again, Leopoldo Martinez has not just seen it, he has 
lived it and he understands some of these challenges and feels 
them very, very deeply.
    His personal story makes him uniquely qualified. After his 
family fled Venezuela nearly two decades ago, he has dedicated 
his life to giving back to that country and supporting 
democracy and human rights there and throughout the hemisphere. 
I am confident that his life experience as well as his 
professional background and deep intellect makes him an 
absolutely perfect pick to be the U.S. Executive Director for 
the Inter-American Development Bank and I urge my colleagues to 
support him.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Kaine. We appreciate 
that very much.
    We will now have some questions in regards to the first 
panel and let me start with Ms. Taylor. I had a whole series of 
questions I was going to ask you but your statement was pretty 
clear about your understanding of our concerns about the Human 
Rights Council.
    I fully understand the importance of participation rather 
than not participating. But when you are in a body that has a 
bias in the way that they have organized against Israel, it 
makes it difficult for us to understand the credibility of the 
Human Rights Council to its primary function.
    And I appreciate the comments that you made. I also serve 
on the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum board and I know 
the importance of that assignment, and we have not only 
contributed by being on the Council but also being exposed to 
the real challenges of history and the current challenges on 
the rise of antisemitism.
    And a lot of the bias that we see in the Human Rights 
Council, although it is anti-Israel it also has roots in 
antisemitism. It is a challenge for our participation on this 
Council to really make significant progress in promoting our 
values but also for this important council to play a meaningful 
role in regards to human rights abuses around the globe.
    You know the membership. You know its history. What, 
realistically, can you achieve by your participation on behalf 
of the United States, if confirmed?
    Ms. Taylor. Thank you so much for that question and for 
reaffirming the challenge that I have ahead, which I am fully 
prepared to take on.
    I think I will start with the Israel question. I think 
there are very, very real things that I could do, if confirmed, 
at the Council. One of them is, just to start with, we have 
left a very vulnerable country because Israel has not walked 
away from the Council as we did, vulnerable and alone and 
standing up to bullies without a lot of support.
    To start with, we would show up for her and I, in 
particular, if confirmed, would show up strongly for her. You 
know, the other thing that I think it is important to do with 
respect to Israel, she is the only country with a standing 
permanent agenda item on the agenda of the Council but should 
be treated like every other country, and we have been 
successful in the past and I would make it a priority to move 
any considerations about Israel out of Agenda Item Seven and 
into the other agenda items where they belong, just like every 
other country is treated, and, again, we have had some success 
with that.
    And then, lastly, I think one of the most important things 
that we can do--and, again, we have had success--is recruiting 
countries that can be partners and allies to the United States 
in our agenda at the Human Rights Council to run for seats at 
the Council.
    We had great success with a country, the Marshall Islands, 
that has turned out to be not only a champion with us in 
bringing forward resolutions supporting the issues that we care 
about but has also really stood up to China, and I look forward 
to bringing other countries on board that will do the same.
    And then the other thing that we can do, of course, is to 
continue to support resolutions that elevate the issues that we 
really care about and want to see elevated at the Council.
    We should be focusing more on places like Ethiopia, Burma, 
the Xinjiang region and what is happening with the Uighur 
population there, et cetera. I could go on. Sadly, there are 
many.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that response.
    Ambassador Hill, I agree completely with your focus on 
Kosovo and the need for Serbia to take action on recognition. 
But as I mentioned in my opening comments, I am also concerned 
about the Republic of Srpska's belief that Serbia is their 
support entity for their holding out for a unity type of a 
government in Serbia itself.
    Tell me how you see this unfolding with the U.S. mission in 
advancing the security and peace in the Balkans, recognizing 
Kosovo but also Bosnia's challenges, moving forward.
    Ambassador Hill. Thank you for asking that, Mr. Chairman.
    I think with respect to Bosnia, Serbia is a signatory 
country of the Dayton Peace Accords and they need to be held to 
that. Obviously, the situation in Bosnia has become more 
problematic. We have seen Srpska trying to take steps to get 
out of, for example, judiciary issues and the common military. 
The Serbian president, Alexander Vucic, has made very clear 
there is not going to be any change and he absolutely supports 
continuation of these institutions.
    But I think this will continue, frankly, to be a work in 
progress and I think we need to work very closely with the 
Serbs on our common position that we need to support Bosnia's 
unity, and I think the Serbs are under no illusion that we 
would look for some kind of change in Bosnia, any kind of 
unilateral such change. And so I think we will have to work 
very closely with them and make it clear that the Republika 
Srpska's future is in Bosnia, not in some other entity.
    Senator Cardin. I agree with that. But the Dayton Accords 
were never meant to be the final answer to Bosnia. I recognize 
that Serbia was the signatory not living up even to some of 
those commitments.
    Ambassador Hill. Yeah.
    Senator Cardin. But we have got to move beyond that with 
constitutional reform within Bosnia for its future, and Serbia 
could play an important role in that making that a reality.
    Ambassador Hill. If confirmed, I would expect and look 
forward to considerable discussions within Belgrade about the--
our mutual interest in a successful Bosnia and I think we can 
find common ground with the Serbian Government with the Serbian 
leadership on this point.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
    Senator Portman is in an extremely generous mood today as 
far as yielding time. We have been joined by Senator Roy Blunt, 
who would like to make an introduction and Senator Portman has 
agreed to withhold the questioning at this stage for Senator 
Blunt's introduction.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. ROY BLUNT,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MISSOURI

    Senator Blunt. Thank you, Senator Cardin and Senator 
Portman. I know that the nominees are eager for your questions, 
particularly, our former colleague, Senator Donnelly, can 
hardly wait to answer questions and I am glad to have this 
privilege to take a minute of their time as I get a chance to 
join Senator Warner, who earlier introduced our good friend, 
Fabiana Jorge.
    I want to thank you for letting me be here to talk about 
her nomination to be United States alternate Executive Director 
of Inter-American--the Inter-American Development Bank. I am, 
certainly, honored to join in welcoming her to the Senate 
today.
    Our families are close friends and have been since our sons 
started pre-kindergarten together about a dozen years ago. I 
have spent a lot of time with Fabiana at soccer games and their 
house and our house and other places, and so I come with some 
strong sense of who she is as a person.
    To everything she does she brings integrity, a desire to 
help others. She is always well prepared and I think she is 
well prepared for this job. She has had three decades of 
experience in international business and trade and I think that 
will make her incredibly valuable as an addition to the 
leadership of the Inter-American Development Bank.
    Fabiana founded a global consulting firm that focuses on 
protecting intellectual property and access to medicine. She 
has extensive experience involving several international trade 
agreements, including the USMCA.
    She holds a Bachelor's degree, and this might have been 
pointed out already, and a Master's degree in business 
administration from Columbia University. Her Bachelor's degree 
is in political science and with a specialty in international 
relations from Catholic University in Buenos Aires. She served 
as an adjunct professor at the University of El Salvador in 
Buenos Aires, Argentina.
    I have no doubt, if confirmed, she will be incredibly 
successful and effective in this job. It is a real honor for me 
to have a few minutes today to share that with you and I look 
forward to supporting her confirmation on the floor and hope 
that the committee is able to move quickly and, in spite of 
everything, the Senate also would be able to move quickly and 
get this nominee confirmed.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Blunt, it is a pleasure to have you 
before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We thank you for 
being here today. Thank you.
    Senator Blunt. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Thank you, 
Senator Portman.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Portman is recognized.
    Senator Portman. Great, and thank you, Senator Blunt. We 
look forward to having an opportunity to ask some questions of 
Fabiana in a moment.
    Ms. Taylor, I noticed that when the United States reentered 
the U.N. Human Rights Council that Tony Blinken made a powerful 
statement. He said that the Council suffers from serious flaws, 
including disproportionate attention on Israel and membership 
of several states with egregious human rights records.
    He said, ``The U.S. must push back against attempts to 
subvert the ideals upon which the Human Rights Council was 
founded,'' end quote. So you have some help from the Secretary 
of State in doing what you have talked to Senator Cardin about.
    You touched on some of the things you would do to end the 
Council's anti-Israel bias. They have shown an unyielding and 
continued bias against Israel and Senator Cardin and I have 
been involved in this issue for some time.
    Since 2006, when it was founded, they have passed over 90 
anti-Israel resolutions. By the way, that is more resolutions 
than they have passed condemning Iran, Syria, North Korea, 
China, Cuba, and Venezuela combined.
    They have, as you indicated earlier, put Israel on Agenda 
Item Seven so it will be on the agenda at every single meeting.
    I guess my question to you is sort of the follow-on to what 
you have already said. You said you will take steps to try to 
address these concerns. But what if the Council fails to 
change? What will the repercussions be from the United States? 
What should they be?
    Ms. Taylor. Thank you for that question, and you are 
absolutely right that there have been more resolutions against 
Israel than any other country and, again, I would argue that we 
have made really significant impact when we are present at the 
Council.
    The number of resolutions is far less. This egregious open-
ended Commission of Inquiry was founded when we were not 
members of the Council. I cannot change the permanent agenda 
item, if confirmed, immediately.
    But, again, I think that we can continue to force those 
issues to come under other agenda items and prove that Agenda 
Item Seven is not necessary and then, again, look for those 
partners and allies who, when we might be ready to collectively 
present a resolution to get rid of Item Seven, would be ready 
to stand with us.
    Senator Portman. Okay. You know, I served at one point on 
the Subcommittee on Human Rights in Nice and Geneva under U.N. 
auspices, and it was an honor to do that representing our 
country.
    But I felt like much of what I did there, and this was 
before I had gotten involved in elected politics after the 
first Bush White House, but a lot of what I did was to talk to 
countries that should have been allies of ours about the fact 
that they should not be going along with some of these 
egregious activities, particularly, overlooking the human 
rights violations in some countries that I just mentioned.
    How would you work to change the voting practices of some 
of these American allies who far too often vote in support of 
the Council's discriminatory anti-Israel agenda? Specifically, 
will you be making more of an issue of these votes as a part of 
our bilateral relationship with those allies?
    Ms. Taylor. Absolutely.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with bilateral 
ambassadors in all of the countries that we have good 
relationships with and, as you said, should be our partners and 
allies.
    We have to show up, and I know that there are differences 
of opinion about whether we serve this body better by 
abstaining from membership and, therefore, calling out the 
challenges versus that engagement.
    I think if we are not at the table we are on the menu, and 
so we need to be there and we need an Ambassador there. We were 
blindsided by a Yemen vote because, again, those partners and 
allies that we expected we did not have someone there building 
those relationships and making sure that we were all on the 
same team.
    If there, I would work very hard, again, with both our 
bilateral Ambassadors and with the representatives from those 
countries to build those partnerships and make sure that they 
know that America is back and that we are there to support one 
another on the Council.
    Senator Portman. Thank you. I think our--both our mics are 
off, which is fine. We can just yell across the room.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Portman. But I hope you will ensure if we are at 
the table that we are aggressively at the table so that our 
allies are not part of the menu either.
    Ms. Albright, I appreciated our conversation last week. I 
am glad you are here. I am concerned, as I told you in our 
call, about some of the politicization of the approach toward 
development finance institutions.
    There was a diplomatic cable sent recently to the U.S. 
embassies saying that the United States would unilaterally be 
ending support for most overseas fossil fuel projects while 
committing the Development Finance Corporation and the 
Millennium Challenge Corporation to spending over 50 percent of 
its future budget on projects that are directed to climate 
change.
    Look, I am not opposed to institutions supporting climate 
solutions. But I strongly believe that this is a change that 
undermines the founding principles of the MCC--Millennium 
Challenge Corporation--for which you are being nominated by 
predetermining project selection and it writes our bilateral 
partners out of the process.
    They are going to make their own decisions, and, 
interestingly, this past weekend I was in Ohio at what is 
dubbed as the most efficient natural gas utility power station 
in the entire world. It is a brand new natural gas power-
generating facility, replacing coal-fired plants, therefore, 
reducing emissions substantially.
    This natural gas plant, by the way, is going to start 
mixing hydrogen, which has zero emissions, into its mix of 
fuels and it would not be able to be considered as part of the 
MCC's work if it were in one of these developing countries.
    My question for you is the same one I posed to you when we 
talked. Do you share my concerns that these programmatic 
changes made to the MCC project selection process is 
politicizing the agency and do you agree that we should stick 
to the fundamental principles of how MCC has selected projects 
in the past?
    Ms. Albright. Thank you very much, Senator Portman, for 
your question. You have touched on a fundamental aspect of how 
MCC works, which is that the countries very much look at the 
issues that they face. That is at the heart of the constraints 
to growth process that you are familiar with at MCC.
    Increasingly, we see that one of the biggest constraints to 
growth that countries are facing are climate-related issues, 
and so an example of a project that MCC has done in this regard 
is one in the Philippines to help build a road that was then 
protected in the face of typhoons.
    It is not my intention to change how the agency works in 
this regard. At the moment, the agency does have a coal-free 
policy. The administration has announced some executive orders 
just in the last day or so that the agency will have to take a 
look at and we will continue to have a case by case basis in 
this regard. And I very much look forward to being in touch 
with your office and the other offices to continue to be in 
touch on this very important issue.
    Senator Portman. Okay. That is not a satisfying answer for 
me. Again, I think MCC has a huge role to play and I am a big 
supporter, as you know. But if we are going to use this as the 
overlay--we are going to say that no fossil fuel project can be 
supported--by the way, China is happy to support those projects 
as are other countries, and some of these projects are going to 
reduce emissions substantially. I mentioned natural gas, 
including LNG projects that could be U.S. funded but also that 
the actual natural gas could be provided by us, which is 
cleaner-burning natural gas, by the way, than they are going to 
get from Russia or other places. And you are saying you are 
okay with that?
    Ms. Albright. Senator, again, I thank you very much also 
for the example that you have given. I think that MCC--I am not 
there yet--but, if confirmed, will continue to be--take the 
matter on a case by case basis and also look at the 
administration's recent guidance that has been issued.
    Senator Portman. That is not in the MCC charter that is 
part of legislation that we have laid out. Again, I am 
concerned about that and we have got plenty of work to do, and 
to tell countries they are not eligible because they are not 
following a particular prescription, whether it is in this area 
or other areas, seems to me violates the foundational 
principles of MCC.
    Senator Donnelly, welcome back. The Holy See plays a unique 
role in so many ways in organizations like the United Nations 
and regional organizations like the Organization of American 
States, the Arab League, African Union.
    As Ambassador, what will you convey to the Holy See about 
working with the United States to advance our shared interests 
in these multinational bodies?
    Senator Donnelly. That the United States will be a 
continually strong partner with the Holy See in promoting human 
rights, religious freedom, fighting against human trafficking, 
working for climate change, working to make sure that we can 
promote the interests of people around the world and that they 
have a partner they can rely on.
    And this is a friendship that has been across hundreds of 
years that we have had extraordinary representation at the 
Vatican on behalf of our country, and so just when they look 
they know they have got a friend.
    Senator Portman. Just one quick one. Then I want to turn 
back to my colleague because I am over time here. But there is 
right now an issue with China, as you know. I think the Holy 
See would like to work more closely with China. I think they 
have been told by China they have to sever their ties with 
Taiwan. If they want to reestablish relations with China, the 
price of doing that is ending their relationship with Taiwan.
    What are your thoughts about this and the Holy See's 
Chinese relationship and how are you going to deal with it, if 
confirmed?
    Senator Donnelly. I would urge a strong position in favor 
of human rights in China to the Vatican and that human rights 
also reflects religious freedom. We see the Uighurs in Xinjiang 
where there are constant attacks, where they have been put in 
camps.
    We see the Chinese Communist Party trying to make sure that 
they are the ones who choose who the next Dalai Lama is. We see 
in the Catholic Bishops that they have been in the middle of 
that for a number of years now and religious freedom would 
indicate, as it does in our country, that people in the church 
pick who their bishops are.
    And so what I would say to them is stand strong for 
religious freedom. Stand strong for human rights. Taiwan has 
been an exceptional friend to the Vatican. I have not seen 
anything that indicates they are moving away from relations 
with Taiwan, but Taiwan has been a faithful and strong partner 
to them.
    Senator Portman. Thank you very much, and I am going to get 
back to my colleagues now.
    But, Ambassador Hill, of course, I have lots of questions 
for you, which I may send some for the record, but mostly just 
to say, given your extraordinary background, I am pleased that 
you have agreed to reenter the role of a diplomat and I look 
forward to working with you.
    Ambassador Hill. Thank you very much.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I would just 
begin by echoing Senator Portman's comments, Ambassador Hill. I 
am delighted that you are rejoining the diplomatic arena and, 
particularly, that you are being nominated to be Ambassador to 
Serbia.
    And let me--I meant to begin by congratulating each of you 
on your nominations and saying I look forward to working with 
you, if confirmed, to address the many challenges that you will 
face.
    And, Ambassador Hill, I do want to start with you because, 
obviously, the Western Balkans are very important to Europe and 
maintaining peace in the Western Balkans has been challenging 
over the years, as they have been the source of several of the 
conflicts that have spread far beyond the region.
    Can you talk a little bit about how, as Ambassador, you 
would see your role in trying to encourage Serbia to be a 
constructive member of the Western Balkans, particularly with 
respect to what is happening in Bosnia?
    Ambassador Hill. Yes, Senator. I think there are a number 
of issues that concern me about contemporary Serbia and the 
contemporary Balkans. One, of course, the chairman already 
raised, which was the issue of Bosnia and the continued efforts 
of politicians in the Srpska region of Bosnia to suggest that 
they have a different future than the future that has been 
already laid out.
    NATO was never--I am sorry, Dayton was never supposed to be 
some immutable future for everybody. The point was that you 
cannot do this unilaterally. If people want to make changes, 
changes can be made but they need to be made together and we 
are not seeing that from the Serb Republic. We are seeing Mr. 
Dodik, really, operating on his own in a way that I think is 
very deleterious for the entire country.
    First of all, I think it is very important that we have 
clear-eyed conversations with the Government in Belgrade to 
make them understand that our level of effort with respect to 
Bosnia, our level of effort with respect to the entire Western 
Balkans, continues to be very serious and we will look very 
carefully to see who is helping to steer things in the right 
direction and, perhaps, who is not. I think Bosnia is 
absolutely crucial to how we can work with Serbia in the 
future.
    The second area, of course, is Kosovo. There has been some 
progress in talks but there has also been a kind of frustrating 
lack of progress in talks. The European Union has made very 
clear to Serbia that it has conditioned eventual membership for 
Serbia on the basis of whether they can work these issues out.
    It is to say that the European Union does not want to bring 
in problems that countries have with their neighbors. They want 
that countries that do aspire to membership and do eventually 
achieve membership do so in the context of good relations with 
their neighbors.
    I think working with the Government in Belgrade and trying 
to be helpful in resolving some of these issues with Kosovo, I 
think, will be very important.
    And thirdly, I would like to mention the fact that for some 
75 years, I mean, ever since, really, the end of World War II 
we have looked at Belgrade as a special place where we do not 
want to see a growth of Russian influence there.
    What we are seeing today is precisely the kind of issue 
that we need to be vigilant about and prepared to do something 
about. It is particularly worrisome to see Serbia, for example, 
looking to make purchases for their military, purchases that 
are necessary. They are trying to have a first-class military.
    But it is worrisome to see that they look to the Russians 
for some of this. It is also worrisome to see that some of 
their infrastructure needs--and they have great infrastructure 
needs--they look to China to help satisfy those.
    We need not only to be vigilant but we need to be prepared 
to see--to show them that we offer a better model. We offer 
better alternatives for them. It is not enough to simply say 
there are problems in accepting Chinese or Russian proposals. 
That in and of itself will not be enough. We need to show that 
what we have is better and better for Serbia, and that would be 
my intention, if confirmed.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Very well said. I appreciate 
that and look forward to being able to work with you.
    I am out of time, Mr. Chairman. But can I ask one more 
question from Senator Donnelly?
    You are being nominated to take over a really exciting 
position as Ambassador to the Vatican and I wanted to get your 
thoughts. One of the things that I admire most about Pope 
Francis is his commitment to refugees, and I know he just came 
back from the island of Lesbos, where I had a chance to visit 
in 2015 right in the middle of the height of the Syrian crisis 
and the migration crisis across Europe.
    And I wondered if you could talk a little bit about how you 
see your role as Ambassador and the United States' role in 
working with Pope Francis and the Vatican in support of 
refugees, which has become a huge challenge in Europe, in the 
United States, across the world.
    Senator Donnelly. It is an extraordinary challenge, 
Senator, and thank you for the question.
    I remember when I was in the Senate that I was at the 
Syrian refugee camps at the Kilis border in Turkey, and to see 
the damage and destruction done to those people by the Assad 
regime took your breath away.
    And so there are people not only there but, obviously, 
around the world, refugees, who the church's mission is to look 
out for the poor, to look out for those with the least among 
us.
    If you--we are all familiar with the Bible verse, 
``Whatever you do for the least of us you do for me,'' and that 
is what Pope Francis is trying to carry out, and I actually 
think when we work closely with the Vatican on this issue it 
also helps to protect our own country.
    It helps to promote safety and security here when this is 
an issue that is--that has good people working on it trying to 
find solutions and trying to find answers for these families 
who, in almost every single case, just want to make sure that 
their family is safe, that their children can have food, and 
that they have a future.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
    It is my understanding that there is no further questions. 
I just wish to acknowledge that we were joined on WebEx by 
Senator Booker, Senator Van Hollen, Senator Young, Senator 
Johnson, and Senator Schatz was here.
    There being no further questions at this particular time, 
there may be questions for the record. We would ask that you 
respond to them as quickly as possible, and we will now go to 
our second panel.
    [Pause.]
    Senator Cardin. Let me welcome our four nominees, and thank 
you for your willingness to serve our country. We thank you and 
we thank your families because we know this is a shared 
sacrifice.
    Let me acknowledge the four of you in this order. If you 
will then make opening statements. We hope you keep it within 
five minutes. Your full statements will be made part of the 
record.
    We have, first, Ms. Oren Whyche-Shaw, who happens to come 
from the state of Maryland--and that is not the reason I am 
introducing her first, although maybe it is--was the Deputy 
Assistant Administrator for the African Bureau of the 
Coordinator for President Obama's Partnership and Growth in the 
Trade Africa Initiative at the U.S. Agency for International 
Development.
    She also served as the Director of the Office of African 
Nations and a senior advisor in the Multilateral Development 
Bank Office at the Department of Treasury. Ms. Whyche-Shaw has 
lived and worked internationally in more than 50 countries for 
over 30 years. She holds a Bachelor of Science degree in 
theoretical mathematics and French from Capital University in 
Columbus, Ohio.
    Ms. Enoh Ebong, who currently serves as the Acting Director 
of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency as acting director, 
Ms. Ebong leads the agency's partnership with the U.S. private 
sector to develop sustainable infrastructure and foster 
economic growth in emerging economies.
    She has also served in several previous roles in the 
agency, most recently as the general counsel as well as Deputy 
Director and Chief Operating Officer.
    She earned a JD from the University of Michigan Law School 
and a Master's in communication from the University of 
Michigan, a Master's in history from the University of 
Edinburgh in Scotland.
    We then have Mr. Leopoldo Martinez, who is the founder of 
the Center for Democracy and Development in the Americas. He 
served on the Small Business Legislative Commission of the 
Commonwealth of Virginia and currently sits on the University 
of Mary Washington's Board of Visitors and the Sorensen 
Institute at the University of Virginia. He has also served in 
the transition committee for Virginia Governor Ralph Northam.
    Mr. Martinez has worked with large international law and 
accounting firms and has extensive experience advising Fortune 
500 companies, private equity funds, Multi-Latino corporations, 
international business, and nonprofit organizations.
    And then we have Ms. Fabiana Jorge, Jorge is the Founder 
and President of MFJ International, LLC, a global consulting 
firm which specializes in international business, trade, 
intellectual property, drug supply chain and access to 
affordable medications. Jorge also served as the Editor of the 
Journal of Generic Medicines from 2009 to 2014.
    Ms.
    As part of her work at MFJ, Jorge wrote a report in 2020 
for the Inter-American Development Bank on how Latin America 
and the Caribbean could play a critical role in strengthening 
the U.S. drug supply chain while creating economic development 
in the region. She also worked on related matters for other 
international organizations including the United Nations 
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (U.N.-
ECLAC) and for the Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO).

    Prior to establishing her own firm, Jorge served as 
Principal and Director of Latin American Affairs Practice for 
the firm Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson and Hand (today 
DLA Piper) from 1994 to 2000 and as Director of the Latin 
American and Caribbean Division of The Rendon Group from 1991 
to 1994. From 1987 to 1990, Jorge held several positions at the 
Argentine Ministry of Economy, Secretariat of Foreign Trade, 
including as Assistant to the Undersecretary for Trade.
    She was an adjunct professor at the University of El 
Salvador in Buenos Aires, Argentina, where she was born. She 
holds a Bachelor's degree in political science with a 
specialization in international relations from Catholic 
University in Buenos Aires and an MBA from Columbia University.
    We have four very well qualified individuals. We will start 
first with Ms. Whyche-Shaw to be United States Director of the 
African Development Bank for a term of five years.
    First, I will yield to Senator Portman.
    Senator Portman. Let me just give a brief opening. Thank 
you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks to the nominees who are before 
us.
    We have got a very distinguished panel on some very 
important issues. International banking and development 
institutions are a critical aspect of our national security as 
a country. Smart, focused, and tailored programs by these 
institutions help combat poverty and promote democratic values 
through providing reliable development assistance.
    They also play a crucial role right now, in particular, in 
providing developing nations an alternative--a viable 
alternative to China's Belt and Road Initiative, which saddles 
countries often with insurmountable debt and uses that debt as 
leverage to exact geopolitical concessions.
    It is extremely important that you are here today and you 
are willing to step forward. It is an experienced group. I do 
want to say to Ms. Whyche-Shaw your Ohio connection at Capital 
University in Columbus, Ohio, makes me biased toward you.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Portman. And then we have a Michigan law grad. I am 
also a Michigan law grad. Ms. Ebong, thank you for being here 
as well, and I cannot talk as much about that connection since 
I am an Ohioan and a Buckeye. But I appreciate that great 
education.
    And to the others, welcome. We have to acknowledge that 
Fabiana Jorge got more introductions than anyone else today at 
the hearing, which must mean something.
    And so not to leave you out, Leopoldo Martinez Nucete, your 
background is also very impressive and we look forward to 
hearing from you all.
    Thank you.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Portman.
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw, you may proceed.

 STATEMENT OF OREN E. WHYCHE-SHAW OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE 
 UNITED STATES DIRECTOR OF THE AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK FOR A 
                       TERM OF FIVE YEARS

    Ms. Whyche-Shaw. Thank you, Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member 
Portman, and esteemed members of this committee. I am honored 
to have the opportunity to speak with you today and I am 
equally honored to have been nominated by President Biden as 
the next United States Executive Director of the African 
Development Bank.
    Mr. Chairman, I wish to pause to recognize some members of 
my family who instilled in me the critical values that have 
brought me to this point in my career: my mother, Mildred 
Randall-Whyche, a role model of family values and caring, my 
father, William Whyche, a World War II veteran who taught me to 
work hard, do my best no matter what the task, and my beloved 
husband, Lieutenant Colonel Shaw, an Air Force Academy graduate 
who served for several years at the Strategic Air Command and, 
subsequently, at the National Security Agent, where he was the 
Vice Chair of the SIGINT Committee, and, finally, my sister, 
who is watching this hearing today, Stephanie Whyche, who has 
been my steadfast supporter my entire life.
    Africa has been a central theme of my life and my career. 
My first contact with the continent was when I was selected to 
go to Zaire on a technical team supporting a World Bank loan. 
The role was my first brush with international development. 
Subsequently, I joined the United States Agency for 
International Development to support the financial sector 
expansion in Tunisia.
    I fostered exploration of U.S. private sector investment 
opportunities for companies such as Dole and General Motors. As 
Citibank vice president for Africa and Eastern Europe, I 
successfully negotiated the conditionality with the 
International Monetary Fund for the purchase of Cote d'Ivoire's 
entire cocoa harvest on behalf of Hershey. Based on my work in 
Tunisia, USAID chose me as its first private sector advisor for 
West and Central Africa based in Cote d'Ivoire.
    In Abidjan, I also served as the private sector advisor for 
the U.S. executive director at the African Development Bank. I 
worked as the director for the private sector unit at the 
African Development Bank and I also, when I returned to the 
United States, was selected as Treasury Department's director 
for the Office of African Nations.
    I am particularly proud that while at Treasury I supported 
development of President George W. Bush's African Mortgage 
Market Initiative, which resulted in an interagency effort to 
spur growth of housing finance for middle income Africans, 
building upon the experience and the expertise of the U.S. 
housing industry.
    In 2008, I was asked to join and support USAID's first 
leadership role in a G-7 session. Finally, before I left in 
2020, I served as the USAID Africa Bureau's Deputy Assistant 
Administrator for West Africa during the Ebola epidemic and 
then as the Deputy Assistant Administrator for southern Africa 
during the outbreak of the COVID pandemic.
    Africa is a continent of exceptional opportunity with a 
dynamic young population and natural resources. But as we all 
know, there are daunting challenges. African countries can only 
succeed in meeting these challenges by drawing upon the efforts 
and the ingenuity of the totality of the populations including 
women, minorities, and underrepresented groups.
    African countries must adopt greater transparency and 
accountability to attract sustainable foreign as well as 
domestic investment. Such reforms are necessary to address 
corruption and confront the threat of unsustainable financing 
from nontransparent players.
    The African Bank is in a particularly good position to 
assist these countries meet these challenges. But that said, 
the African Bank must also follow through on institutional 
reforms to boost capacity, enhance oversight and 
accountability, bolster financial stability, and improve 
selectivity.
    If confirmed, I will draw upon my experience in the private 
sector, the public sector, and not for profit sectors to 
advocate for these reforms and their consistent implementation.
    I am honored by this nomination and, if confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the committee to advance U.S. interest 
in Africa and the mission of the African Development Bank for 
both mutual benefit.
    Thank you for your consideration of my nomination this 
afternoon and I would be pleased to answer any questions you 
may have.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Whyche-Shaw follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Oren E. Whyche-Shaw

    Good afternoon, Chairman, Ranking Member, and esteemed members of 
this committee, I am honored to have the opportunity to appear before 
you today. I am equally honored to have been nominated by President 
Biden as the next United States Executive Director of the African 
Development Bank.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to pause to recognize members of my 
family who are not here today, but who have instilled in me the 
critical values which have brought me to this point in my career. My 
mother, Mildred Randall-Whyche, who was a role model of humility, 
family values, and caring. My father, William Whyche, a World War II 
veteran who taught me curiosity, and to work hard and do my best, no 
matter what the task and gave me a global perspective. My loving 
husband, Lt. Colonel William Shaw, an Air Force Academy graduate who 
served for several years at the Strategic Air Command and subsequently, 
at the National Security Agency. He and I shared an appreciation for 
the importance of critical thinking, the benefits of maintaining a cool 
head in a crisis and the love of country. And finally, a warm thank you 
to Stephanie Whyche who is my loving and supportive sister and friend.
    For over thirty years, Africa has been a central focus of my life 
and career. My first contact with the continent was when I was selected 
to go to Zaire as part of a technical assistance team supporting a 
World Bank loan. That role was my first brush with Africa and 
international development. Subsequently, I joined the United States 
Agency for International Development to support financial sector 
expansion efforts in Tunisia. There I led the project that resulted in 
the first zero coupon, split maturity bond ever issued on the 
continent. I fostered exploration of U.S. private sector investment 
opportunities for U.S companies such as Dole and General Motors. Later, 
in my role as a Citibank Vice President for Africa and Eastern Europe, 
I successfully negotiated the conditionality with the International 
Monetary Fund for the Hershey Company's proposed purchase of Cote 
d'Ivoire's entire cocoa harvest using a debt swap.
    Based on my work in Tunisia, USAID chose me as its first private 
sector advisor for West and Central Africa based in Cote d'Ivoire. In 
Abidjan, I also served as the private sector advisor to the U.S. 
Executive Director at the African Development Bank. I was Deputy 
Director at the African Development Bank's Private Sector unit for two 
years. When I returned to the United States, I served as Director for 
Africa for a not-for-profit that helps people lift themselves out of 
poverty by harnessing the power of the private sector by building 
competitive farms, businesses, and industries.
    I subsequently was selected as the Treasury Department's Director 
for the Office of African Nations. I am particularly proud that while 
at Treasury, I was able to help develop President George W. Bush's 
African Mortgage Market Initiative, which resulted in an interagency 
effort to spur growth of housing finance for middle income Africans 
building upon the experience and expertise of the U.S. housing 
industry. I was equally honored to support the agency's first 
leadership role for a G7 session. Finally, before I left USAID, I 
served first as the Africa Bureau's Deputy Assistant Administrator for 
West Africa during the Ebola epidemic and then, as the DAA for Southern 
Africa during the outbreak of the COVID pandemic.
    As we know, Africa is a continent of exceptional opportunity with a 
dynamic young population supported by abundant land, sea, and energy 
resources. Building on those resources requires meeting the continent's 
needs such as: infrastructure in health, education, agriculture, 
energy; transportation to create jobs; boosting inclusive growth; 
adapting to and mitigating the threat of climate change; and reducing 
poverty. African countries can only succeed in meeting the challenges 
they face by drawing upon the efforts and ingenuity of the totality of 
their populations especially women, minorities, and under-represented 
groups.
    African countries must adopt greater transparency and 
accountability to attract greater, sustainable domestic and foreign 
investments. Such reforms are also necessary to confront the threat 
that unsustainable financing from non-transparent actors poses to 
growth and poverty reduction on the continent.
    The African Development Bank, through its broad membership and 
commitment to high social, environmental, and fiduciary standards, is 
in a unique position to assist these countries in meeting these 
challenges. And it is in the best interest of the United States to 
continue to support the Bank in these efforts. That said, the African 
Development Bank needs to follow through on institutional reforms to 
boost its capacity, enhance oversight and accountability, bolster 
financial sustainability, and improve selectivity to strengthen its 
effectiveness and efficiency. I will draw on my organizational 
management and development experience in the private and public sector 
to advocate for these reforms.
    I am honored by this nomination and, if confirmed, I look forward 
to working with the committee to advance U.S. interests in Africa and 
the mission of the African Development Bank. I look forward to building 
on the mutually beneficial relationship between the United States and 
the African Development Bank.
    Thank you for your consideration of my nomination and I would be 
pleased to answer any questions you may have.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
    We will now hear from Ms. Ebong to be Director of the Trade 
and Development Agency.

    STATEMENT OF ENOH T. EBONG OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
  NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR OF THE U.S. TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT 
                             AGENCY

    Ms. Ebong. Thank you very much, and good afternoon, Mr. 
Chairman, Ranking Member Portman, distinguished members of the 
committee. I am honored and grateful to appear before you as 
the President's nominee to serve as the Director of the U.S. 
Trade and Development Agency.
    I would like to take a moment to acknowledge my family, my 
sisters, Inyang Ebong Harstrup and Ima Ebong, my nephews, 
Magnus and Haakon Harstrup, and my partner, Keith Taylor, who 
is with me here today. I am blessed to have their unwavering 
love and support.
    As an immigrant from Nigeria, my presence before you is 
reflective of the possibilities that exist in this country. It 
is also reflective of the values that my late parents, Ime and 
Rose Ebong, instilled in my sisters and me.
    My father was a public servant who worked to shape 
Nigeria's economic development as a newly independent country 
in the 1960s. My mother worked in the private sector and 
focused on human capital development, or as she put it, making 
sure people were equipped to both contribute and succeed.
    My parents taught me the value of public service and making 
a difference in other people's lives. Most of all, they showed 
me the value of a good education and the importance of being 
able to put that education to good use. That is why they 
encouraged me to come to America for opportunity.
    These are the values that drew me to this country and these 
are the values that I have exhibited throughout my life and 
career. If confirmed, these are the values that I will bring to 
USTDA.
    USTDA is a foreign assistance agency with a mandate to 
support U.S. jobs. That makes it truly unique. USTDA is the 
only U.S. Government agency that focuses exclusively on project 
preparation with the express goal of positioning U.S. companies 
to meet the infrastructure needs of our partners overseas.
    USTDA has excellent results. Currently, the agency 
generates $117 in U.S. exports for every program dollar spent. 
USTDA has supported more than $76 billion in U.S. exports since 
its founding in 1992. This includes small business exports from 
370 communities across the United States. I am proud of my role 
supporting USTDA and these results.
    After completing law school at the University of Michigan, 
I worked at an international law firm with a focus on business 
and finance. This prepared me to join USTDA in 2004 as the 
attorney advisor for the Africa team. As a career civil 
servant, I rose through the ranks of the agency, serving as a 
general counsel and then Deputy Director and Chief Operating 
Officer. I also served briefly as the agency's acting director.
    I am personally and professionally committed to USTDA. I am 
proud of my association with its highly talented and motivated 
staff that has driven the agency's incredible results. They 
have made USTDA the most innovative and effective U.S. 
Government agency.
    In fact, USTDA was recognized as one of the best places to 
work in the U.S. Government for three consecutive years during 
my tenure as deputy director.
    If confirmed, I will bring my deep understanding of USTDA's 
programs, policies, operations, and talent. I will bring my 
ability to build, manage, and lead and I will bring the values 
that my parents have taught me.
    My vision for USTDA is one of shared prosperity for our 
overseas partners and for the United States. If I am confirmed, 
USTDA will continue to work with U.S. industry and across the 
U.S. Government to advance high-quality infrastructure overseas 
and support good-paying jobs here at home.
    These efforts will include engaging more of America's small 
and diverse businesses. USTDA will also use its full range of 
tools to level the playing field for American companies facing 
unfair competition in emerging economies.
    If I am confirmed, USTDA will remain focused on critical 
economic sectors, including clean energy and transportation. 
The agency will also work toward connecting millions more 
people to the internet and providing improved patient care 
through stronger health care infrastructure in emerging 
economies.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, your 
staffs, and the administration to advance USTDA's mission. I 
believe that I have the knowledge, experience, and commitment 
to lead USTDA, to make a difference at home and abroad, and to 
build global partnerships that will be good for all of us.
    Thank you for your consideration and the opportunity to 
appear before you. I look forward to your questions.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Ebong follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Enoh T. Ebong

    Thank you very much. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Risch, distinguished members of the committee.
    I am honored and grateful to appear before you as the President's 
nominee to serve as the Director of the U.S. Trade and Development 
Agency.
    I would like to take a moment to acknowledge my family: my sisters 
Inyang Ebong-Harstrup and Ima Ebong; my nephews Haakon and Magnus 
Harstrup; and my partner Keith Taylor. I am blessed to have their 
unwavering love and support.
    As an immigrant from Nigeria, my presence before you is reflective 
of the possibilities that exist in this country. It is also reflective 
of the principles that my late parents, Ime and Rose Ebong, instilled 
in my sisters and me.
    My father was a public servant who worked to shape Nigeria's 
economic development as a newly independent country in the 1960s.
    My mother worked in the private sector and focused on human capital 
development, or as she put it, making sure people were equipped to both 
contribute and succeed.
    My parents taught me the value of public service and making a 
difference in other people's lives. Most of all, they showed me the 
value of a good education and the importance of being able to put that 
education to good use. That is why they encouraged me to come to 
America: for opportunity.
    These are the values that drew me to this country, and these are 
the values that I have exhibited throughout my life and career. If 
confirmed, these are the values that I will bring to USTDA.
    USTDA is a foreign assistance agency with a mandate to support U.S. 
jobs--that makes it truly unique: USTDA is the only U.S. Government 
agency that focuses exclusively on project preparation, with the 
express goal of positioning U.S. companies to meet the infrastructure 
needs of our overseas partners.
    USTDA has excellent results. Currently, the agency generates $117 
in U.S. exports for every program dollar spent. USTDA has supported 
more than $76 billion in U.S. exports since its founding in 1992; this 
includes small business exports from 370 communities across the United 
States.
    I am proud of my role supporting USTDA and these results. After 
completing law school at the University of Michigan, I worked at an 
international law firm, with a focus on business and finance. This 
prepared me to join USTDA in 2004, as the attorney-advisor for the 
Africa team.
    As a career civil servant, I rose through the ranks of the agency, 
serving as General Counsel and then Deputy Director & Chief Operating 
Officer. I also served briefly as the agency's Acting Director.
    I am personally and professionally committed to USTDA. I am proud 
of my association with its highly talented and motivated staff that has 
driven the agency's incredible results. They have made USTDA the most 
innovative and effective U.S. Government agency. In fact, USTDA was 
recognized as one of the best places to work for three consecutive 
years during my tenure as Deputy Director.
    If confirmed, I will bring my deep understanding of USTDA's 
programs, policies, operations and talent. I will bring my ability to 
build, manage and lead. And I will bring the values that my parents 
have taught me.
    My vision for USTDA is one of shared prosperity for our overseas 
partners and for the United States. If I am confirmed, USTDA will 
continue to work with U.S. industry and across the U.S. Government to 
advance high-quality infrastructure overseas and support good-paying 
jobs at home. These efforts will include engaging more of America's 
small and diverse businesses. USTDA will also utilize its full range of 
tools to level the playing field for American companies facing unfair 
competition in emerging economies.
    If I am confirmed, USTDA will remain focused on critical economic 
sectors including clean energy and transportation. The agency will also 
work toward connecting millions more people to the internet and 
improving patient care through stronger healthcare infrastructure in 
emerging economies.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you, your staffs, and 
the administration to advance USTDA's mission. I believe that I have 
the knowledge, experience, and commitment to lead USTDA, to make a 
difference at home and abroad, and to build global partnerships that 
will be good for all of us.
    Thank you for your consideration and the opportunity to appear 
before you. I look forward to your questions.
    Thank you.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
    We will now hear from Mr. Martinez to be the United States 
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank.

STATEMENT OF LEOPOLDO MARTINEZ NUCETE OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO 
   BE UNITED STATES EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTER-AMERICAN 
           DEVELOPMENT BANK FOR A TERM OF THREE YEARS

    Mr. Nucete. Thank you, Chairman.
    Good afternoon, Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member, and 
esteemed members of this committee. I am deeply honored to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve 
as the U.S. Executive Director to the Inter-American 
Development Bank--IDB. I am grateful for President Biden's 
trust to serve our great nation.
    I am joined today by my wife, Analuisa. Her support is 
immeasurable to me. My children, Leopoldo, Analuisa, Eduardo 
Ignacio, Alejandro, my parents, Bernardo and Beatriz, my 
extended family and many Latino leaders I know are tuning via 
live stream from Florida, Michigan, California, New York, 
Massachusetts, Mexico, and Venezuela.
    Integrity, intellectual curiosity, hard work, and public 
service are the bedrock values upon which I was raised and I 
have strived to pass down to my children. Their steadfast 
support and unwavering fidelity to American values have made my 
mere presence here possible in the first place.
    Our American journey started 16 years ago when my family 
and I were forced to flee Venezuela and seek refuge here in the 
United States simply for raising my voice as an outspoken 
champion for democracy and human rights against a socialist 
dictatorship.
    From the moment the United States opened its doors to my 
family, we have worked to give back and make this great nation 
proud. My family story is an affirmation of the American dream 
and a testament to the promise of our country. Nowhere else 
would this story be possible.
    Following in the footsteps of my grandparents, both key 
founding figures of what once was a strong and exemplary 
democracy in Venezuela, I have dedicated a significant portion 
of my career to public service, mostly--most recently serving 
in the University of Mary Washington, the University of 
Virginia, and the Commonwealth of Virginia.
    Throughout my private and public sector career, I have 
worked firsthand with the inter-American system and 
participated in complex negotiations and initiatives for 
development and political reconciliation, all key competencies 
necessary to serve and excel as the U.S. Executive Director to 
the Inter-American Development Bank.
    When I was a law school professor in Caracas and as a 
visiting scholar at Harvard Law School, I argued and advocated 
in my teachings that the United States has a critical role to 
play in ensuring the success of the Inter-American Development 
Bank. I believe that has only been solidified since those days.
    With over three decades of working on U.S.-Latin America 
relations, our robust network of stakeholders across the 
region, I am prepared starting on day one to work with 
Congress, particularly this committee, the executive branch, 
the IDB leadership, to create opportunities for equitable 
economic growth and to deepen economic relations with our 
hemispheric partners.
    I will bring to this role my extensive professional 
credentials in the legal, economic, and financial sectors. I 
have significant experience on project finance, sovereign 
borrowing, debt restructuring, institutional economic reforms, 
social impact entrepreneurship.
    In addition, as an international lawyer and consultant, I 
possess valuable experience throughout the Americas working 
with large international law and accounting firms, Fortune 500 
companies, private equity firms, Multi-Latina corporations, 
international businesses, and nonprofit organizations centers.
    Senators, if confirmed, my highest priority will be to 
advance United States' strategic interest in the hemisphere by 
building partnerships and programs for sustainable development 
in the region.
    Fulfilling that mission begins by ensuring Latin America 
and the Caribbean cannot only recover but build back better 
from the COVID-19 pandemic. To that end, the United States, 
including through the IDB, must lead in the region to reduce 
poverty and inequality, strengthen inter-American supply chains 
to outcompete China, facilitate the transition to stronger 
greener economies, and address the root causes of migration.
    Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, 
since its founding in 1959, the IDB has improved the lives of 
millions in Latin America and the Caribbean. I welcome the 
opportunity and the privilege to ensure the United States 
continues to play a significant role in this institution.
    It would be the honor of a lifetime to represent our nation 
as the United States Executive Director at the Inter-American 
Development Bank. In addition to bringing my vast body of work 
and technical expertise, I would also bring to this role the 
hopes and dreams of immigrants and political refugees that have 
contributed so much to our country.
    It would also be an honor to be the first Venezuelan-
American immigrant to be appointed and confirmed by the U.S. 
Senate to a position of leadership and trust in our Government.
    Clear-eyed about the challenges before us and driven by 
boundless opportunities to make a difference, I respectfully 
ask for your favorable consideration to my nomination and I 
look forward, Senators, to answering any questions you may 
have.
    Gracias. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Nucete follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Leopoldo Martinez Nucete

    Good afternoon, Chairman, Ranking Member and esteemed members of 
this committee: I am deeply honored to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. Executive Director of 
the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). I am grateful for President 
Biden's trust to serve our great nation.
    I am joined today by my wife Analuisa, my children Leopoldo 
Henrique, Analuisa, Eduardo Ignacio, and Alejandro Antonio. My parents 
Bernardo Martinez and Beatriz Nucete de Martinez, in addition to my 
extended family, are tuning in via livestream from Florida, Michigan, 
New York, and Venezuela.
    Integrity, intellectual curiosity, hard work and public service are 
the bedrock values upon which I was raised and have strived to pass 
down to my children. Their steadfast support and unwavering fidelity to 
American values have made my mere presence here possible in the first 
place. Our American journey started 16 years ago, when my family and I 
were forced to flee Venezuela and seek refuge here in the United 
States, simply for raising my voice as an outspoken champion for 
democracy and human rights against a socialist dictatorship. From the 
moment the United States opened its doors to my family, we have worked 
to give back and make this great nation proud. My family's story is an 
affirmation of the American dream and a testament to the promise of our 
country--nowhere else would this story be possible.
    Following in the footsteps of my grandparents--both key founding 
figures of what once was a strong and exemplary democracy in 
Venezuela--I have dedicated a significant portion of my career to 
public service, most recently serving the University of Mary 
Washington, the University of Virginia, and the Commonwealth of 
Virginia.
    Throughout my private and public sector career, I have worked 
firsthand with the inter-American system and participated in complex 
negotiations and initiatives for development and political 
reconciliation--all key competencies necessary to serve and excel as 
the U.S. Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank.
    When I was a law school professor in Caracas, and as a visiting 
scholar at Harvard Law School, I argued and advocated in my teachings 
that the U.S. has a critical role to play in ensuring the success of 
the Inter-American Development Bank--a belief that has only been 
solidified since those days.
    With over three decades of working on U.S.-Latin America relations 
and a robust network of stakeholders across the region, I am prepared--
starting on day one--to work with Congress, particularly this 
Committee, the Executive Branch, and IDB leadership to create 
opportunities for equitable economic growth and to deepen economic 
relations with our hemispheric partners. I will bring to this role my 
extensive professional credentials in the legal, economic and financial 
sectors, where I have significant experience on project finance, 
sovereign borrowing and debt restructuring, institutional and economic 
reforms, and social impact entrepreneurship. In addition, as an 
international lawyer and consultant, I possess valuable expertise 
throughout the Americas working with large international law and 
accounting firms, as well as Fortune 500 companies, private equity 
funds, Multi-Latina corporations, international business, and non- 
profit organizations.
    If confirmed, my highest priority will be to advance U.S. strategic 
interests in the hemisphere by building partnerships and programs for 
sustainable development in the region. Fulfilling that mission begins 
by ensuring Latin America and the Caribbean can not only recover, but 
build back better from the COVID-19 Pandemic. To that end, the United 
States, including through the IDB, must lead in the region to reduce 
poverty and inequality; strengthen inter-American supply chains to 
outcompete China; facilitate the transition to stronger, greener 
economies and address the root causes of migration.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, since its founding in 1959, the IDB has improved the lives 
of millions in Latin America and the Caribbean. I welcome the 
opportunity and privilege to ensure the United States continues to play 
a significant role in this institution--particularly relating to the 
policies and financial engagements that can strengthen our leadership 
in the region.
    It would be the honor of a lifetime to represent our Nation as the 
U.S. Executive Director at the IDB. In addition to bringing my vast 
body of work and technical expertise, I would also bring to this role 
the hopes and dreams of immigrants and political refugees who have 
contributed so much to our country. It would also be an honor to be the 
first Venezuelan-American immigrant to be appointed and confirmed by 
the U.S. Senate to a position of leadership and trust in our 
Government.
    Clear-eyed about the challenges before us, and driven by the 
boundless opportunities to make a difference, I respectfully ask for 
your favorable consideration of my nomination. I look forward to 
answering any questions you may have.
    Gracias--thank you.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Martinez. We appreciate your 
testimony.
    We will now hear from Ms. Jorge to be the United States 
alternative Executive Director of the International American 
Development Bank.

 STATEMENT OF MARIA FABIANA JORGE OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
 NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF 
              THE INTER-AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK

    Ms. Jorge. Thank you, Senator. And before I start, I want 
to thank very much Senator Warner and Senator Blunt for their 
kind introductions today.
    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Portman, and distinguished 
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, thank you 
very much for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am 
humbled and honored to have been nominated by President Biden 
to serve as the alternate U.S. Executive Director of the Inter-
American Development Bank.
    I am the youngest of seven children, born and raised in 
Argentina. From a very young age, my parents, my school, and my 
religion reinforced the importance of trying to make the world 
a better place. I am deeply thankful to my parents and siblings 
for their unconditional love and the values they taught me.
    I was in sixth grade in March 1976 when a military coup 
d'etat took place in Argentina and I remember the discussion 
that my parents had that night about what was about to come.
    By the end of its rule, the dictatorship had kidnapped, 
tortured, and killed over 30,000 people. This experience 
changed me in a profound way and has deepened my love for the 
United States, our democracy, our freedoms, and the 
opportunities we have to work hard and to live the American 
dream.
    I began my career in Argentina as a trade negotiator and a 
professor at a university. I organized the first seminars on 
political campaigns after the fall of the military 
government.That is how I met the love of my life, my husband, 
Doug, who is here with me today. Just a few weeks ago, we 
celebrated our 30th wedding anniversary. I am so grateful to 
God for the family that we have built together with our 
wonderful children, Christopher, Phillip, and Nicole.
    During my first decade in the United States, I opened and 
ran Latin American andCaribbean practices for two firms. At one 
of these firms, Verner Liipfert, or DLA Piper as it is known 
today, I was blessed to work with leaders on both sides of the 
aisle, such as former Treasury Secretary Lloyd Bentsen and 
Senator Bob Dole.
    For the past 21 years, I have been the owner of a 
consulting firm representing clients on matters regarding 
trade, international business, and access to affordable 
medicines. I learned to work with different stakeholders, to 
build coalitions, and to appreciate the importance of seeking 
common agendas independently of where each person was coming 
from.
    As this committee knows, the COVID-19 pandemic has 
devastated Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2020, while 
global GDP contracted 3.5 percent, the region's GDP decreased 
on average by 7 percent with some individual countries 
experiencing a significantly higher rate.
    Poverty in Latin America rose 12.5 percent, affecting more 
than 33 percent of the population. Over 200 million people are 
now poor in the region. As of December 6, the region had 18 
percent of the COVID-19 cases worldwide and 29 percent of the 
deaths, even though Latin America and the Caribbean represent 
only 8.4 percent of the global population.
    If confirmed, I look forward to advancing U.S. interests in 
Latin America and the Caribbean by helping our partners recover 
from the COVID-19 pandemic. To foster political stability in 
Latin America and the Caribbean, we need to ensure sustainable 
and inclusive economic growth and job creation by fostering 
more regional integration, a better enabling environment for 
the private sector, stronger macroeconomic policies, and better 
governance, including anti-corruption, institutional capacity, 
respect for the rule of law, and democratic norms.
    This is particularly true given the efforts of China and 
Russia to increase their influence in Latin America. The Inter-
American Development Bank is uniquely positioned to make a 
difference by providing development financing that reduces 
poverty and inequality and, if confirmed, I will work closely 
with this committee to advance our national interest in 
stability and progress in the region.
    Latin America and the Caribbean should be key strategic 
partners for the United States on economic and security issues. 
If confirmed, I will work with the Biden administration, 
Congress, and the professionals at the IDB to help the region 
prosper and play a new and important role in the global value 
chain.
    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Portman, and distinguished 
members of the committee, thank you again for your 
consideration and I look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Jorge follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Maria Fabiana Jorge

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and distinguished members 
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, thank you very much for the 
opportunity to appear before you today. I am humbled and honored to 
have been nominated by President Biden to serve as the Alternate U.S. 
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank.
    I am the youngest of seven children, born and raised in Argentina. 
From a very young age, my parents, my school and my religion reinforced 
the importance of trying to make the world a better place. I am deeply 
thankful to my parents and siblings for their unconditional love and 
the values they taught me.
    I was in sixth grade in March 1976 when a military coup d'etat took 
place in Argentina and I remember the discussion that my parents had 
that night about what was about to come. By the end of its rule, the 
dictatorship had kidnapped, tortured, and killed over 30,000 people. 
This experience changed me in a profound way and has deepened my love 
for the United States, our democracy, our freedoms, and the 
opportunities we have to work hard and to live the American Dream.
    I began my career in Argentina as a trade negotiator and a 
professor at a university. I organized the first seminars on political 
campaigns after the fall of the military government. That is how I met 
the love of my life, my husband Doug, who is here with me today. Just a 
few weeks ago we celebrated our 30th wedding anniversary. I am so 
grateful to God for the family that we have built together with our 
wonderful children Christopher, Phillip and Nicole.
    During my first decade in the United States, I opened and ran Latin 
America and Caribbean practices for two firms. At one of these firms, 
Verner Liipfert or DLA Piper as it is known today, I was blessed to 
work with leaders on both sides of the aisle, such as former Treasury 
Secretary Lloyd Bentsen and Senator Bob Dole. For the past 21 years, I 
have been the owner of a consulting firm representing clients on 
matters regarding trade, international businesses, and access to 
affordable medicines. I learned to work with different stakeholders, to 
build coalitions, and to appreciate the importance of seeking common 
agendas, independently of where each person was coming from.
    As this committee knows, the COVID-19 pandemic has devastated Latin 
America and the Caribbean. In 2020, while global GDP contracted 3.5 
percent, the region's GDP decreased on average by 7 percent, with some 
individual countries experiencing a significantly higher rate. Poverty 
in Latin America rose 12.5 percent, affecting more than 33 percent of 
the population. Over 200 million people are now poor in the region.
    As of December 6, 2021, the region had 18 percent of the COVID-19 
cases worldwide and 29 percent of the deaths even though Latin America 
and the Caribbean represent only 8.4 percent of the world population. 
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing U.S. interests in Latin 
America and the Caribbean by helping our partners recover from the 
COVID-19 pandemic and develop greater resilience to pandemics.
    To foster political stability in Latin America and the Caribbean, 
we need to ensure sustainable and inclusive economic growth and job 
creation by fostering more regional integration, a better enabling 
environment for the private sector, stronger macroeconomic policies, 
and better governance, including anti-corruption, institutional 
capacity, respect for the rule of law and democratic norms. This is 
particularly true given the efforts of China and Russia to increase 
their influence in Latin America. The Inter-American Development Bank 
is uniquely positioned to make a difference by providing development 
financing that reduces poverty and inequality and, if confirmed, I will 
work closely with the committee to advance our national interest in 
stability and progress in the region. Having worked with the IDB, I am 
well-equipped to serve as Alternate ED, as I understand the Bank's 
potentially transformational role in generating economic growth through 
its work.
    Latin America and the Caribbean should be key strategic partners 
for the United States on economic and security issues. If confirmed, I 
will work with the Biden administration, Congress, and the 
professionals at the IDB to help the region prosper and play a new and 
important role in the global value chain.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and distinguished members 
of the committee, thank you again for your consideration and I look 
forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Again, thank you for your comments, and to 
all four of you, thank you for sharing your life experiences 
and how you have used that in order to strengthen our 
community. We appreciate that and your desire to serve our 
nation.
    I have some preliminary questions that are asked of all 
nominees before this committee about the cooperation with our 
committee. I would ask that you answer simply yes or no.
    Do each of you agreed to appear before this committee and 
make officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation when policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    [All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    Senator Cardin. Let the record show that to each of these 
four questions all four nominees responded in the affirmative. 
I am going to reserve my time and yield now to Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I would like to begin with Ms. Ebong. And you may have 
heard some of the discussion in the earlier hearing with 
respect to influences by Russia and China in Eastern Europe and 
particularly in the Western Balkans, and I wonder, in your 
view, how do USTDA's investments in Eastern Europe, energy 
projects in Poland, 5G infrastructure in Turkey, how do those 
help lessen dependence on energy and digital infrastructure 
from Russia and China, and can you also talk about how you 
would prioritize those kinds of projects?
    Ms. Ebong. Thank you very much, Senator, for your question. 
USTDA's objective is to provide sound alternatives for our 
partners all over the world in the developing and middle income 
countries, particularly those alternatives that are reflective 
of the best that U.S. companies have to offer.
    And so with respect to Eastern Europe, in fact, just today 
we had signed a grant with Ukraine to provide a complete 
regulatory analysis with respect to making available small 
modular nuclear technologies, small modular reactor 
technologies, new technologies that are being advanced and 
developed now.
    Our goal is to be at the point that technologies are being 
developed and find the way to access--to provide our companies 
access so that we can provide our partners alternatives that 
are based in partnership, based in mutual benefit, based in the 
best solutions that we have to offer.
    In terms of prioritizing, we look to our partners to 
understand their needs, to U.S. industry to understand where 
they are in terms of their developments, and we look to the 
guidance that is available from the administration and from our 
works, working with the committees as well.
    Senator Shaheen. This is really a question for you and for 
Ms. Whyche-Shaw because one of the efforts that we have 
undertaken for several administrations now is to recognize the 
role of empowering women in the economic life of countries.
    And as you are thinking about investments, as you, Ms. 
Whyche-Shaw, are thinking about investments in Africa, how can 
we do more to encourage supporting women-run businesses and how 
do we see those as an investment that will pay dividends not 
just in terms of the businesses themselves but in terms of 
contributing back to the communities that women are living in?
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
    As I indicated in my statement, African countries--the only 
way they are going to be able to truly meet the needs of their 
people, to have the economic development that we all hope for, 
is by using the totality of their populations and women are, 
certainly, 50 percent.
    During my career, I have had a passion for dealing with 
women, credit, business. As a White House Fellow working at the 
FTC, I produced a film, ``Women and Credit,'' that was shown in 
every Small Business Administration office throughout the 
country.
    I was a member of the board of the North Carolina Planned 
Parenthood and, subsequently, on the Federation of Planned 
Parenthood board in New York, as chair of Plan USA, which is a 
large--relatively large not for profit organization. It was a 
pleasure for me to manage the pivoting of that organization 
from a more general economic development to an organization 
that is now focused on the empowerment of women and girls.
    And, finally, I am on the board of the World Bicycle 
Relief, a smaller not for profit working primarily in Africa, 
which is providing access to transportation for women and 
girls, predominantly, so that girls can go to school, so that 
women can have access to health care services.
    In terms of what I could do and what the bank should be 
doing, if confirmed, it is assuring that policies, that 
programs, are not only highlighting the importance and the 
requirement that women and girls be part of those discussions 
but also making sure--and this, for me, has always been a 
critical issue--it is not just the policies, the regulations, 
the strategies.
    It is the consistent application, and so the oversight that 
the board can have, if confirmed, as a member of that board 
make sure that there is consistent application through our 
oversight so that women and girls can be equal partners in the 
development of their economies, of their communities, of the 
world is something that I will, certainly, continue to do. 
Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Senator Barrasso?
    Senator Barrasso. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw, I had a couple of questions for you and it 
focuses on something we talked about, the global inequity of 
energy.
    There are 2.6 billion people around the world who cook 
using open fires or stoves fueled by wood, by charcoal, and by 
dung. In sub-Saharan Africa, an estimated nine out of 10 people 
cook with these sources.
    As a result, close to 4 million people die prematurely 
every year from illness attributed to indoor air pollution from 
cooking. Cook smoke is described as the most deadly of all 
indoor pollutants.
    On May 6th, 2021, The Economist--I think I mentioned this 
article to you before--I have the article here. Mr. Chairman, I 
ask to put this into the record.
    Senator Cardin. Without objection.
    [The information follows:]
    Senator Barrasso. The headline of the article is ``Donors 
Make it Harder for Africans to Avoid Deadly Wood Smoke: Making 
the Cleanest the Enemy of the Clean.'' The article makes a 
point that one big obstacle is that donors in rich countries--
the United States--are reluctant to back investment in any 
fossil fuels, even though the alternatives to natural gas are 
wood and charcoal and they are worse for the environment and 
for the cooks and for the children.
    But that is the policy of this administration. This is 
exactly what the Biden administration is doing. Last week, 
media reports indicated the Biden administration has ordered 
U.S. agencies to immediately stop financing of carbon-intensive 
energy projects overseas, period.
    The people of Africa, the world's poorest, are, in effect, 
being asked to bear the costs. I look at this and say how many 
more people living today in Africa is the Biden administration 
willing to let die in the name of a renewable energy goal and 
not allowing them to move to cleaner energy?
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw. Thank you, Senator. The issue of energy 
is, certainly, something that is a critical factor for economic 
development, not just economic development but also for access 
to social services, health. You need refrigeration, which means 
you need energy.
    I agree with you that energy is, certainly, something that 
has to be looked at because Africa has a paucity of energy--
energy generation, distribution, and usage.
    It is my understanding that the African Development Bank is 
looking and support a wide variety of energy projects. If 
confirmed, I would, certainly, look at every project based on 
the merits and the needs of the country, the overall context of 
the African Development Bank strategy in that country as well 
as taking guidance from my colleagues at Treasury on the 
implementation of the administration's strategy for fossil 
fuels.
    We are not--the African Development Bank--I cannot speak 
because I am not in the administration and----
    Senator Barrasso. My time is running out so if you could 
just let me get to a next--go ahead.
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw. Okay. I was going to say that the African 
Development Bank, while we are the second largest shareholder, 
we do not have a veto. I can, certainly, explain and present 
the administration's view, but it will be the members, the 
shareholders, that will determine whether or not projects are 
being approved or not.
    Senator Barrasso. All of Africa, a population of 1.3 
billion people, accounts for a little more than 3 percent of 
total global electricity generation. In comparison, Americans 
use more electricity playing video games than all of Nigeria, a 
nation of 200 million people.
    Despite the energy poverty issues, the administration--the 
Biden administration--is refusing to help finance and support 
traditional energy projects, and this administration, this 
president, is asking countries in Africa to leapfrog--that is 
their term--over traditional energy resources to power itself 
with solar, wind, and renewables only. We used those sources to 
build our economy but we are not allowing African nations the 
same opportunity.
    Why is this administration blocking countries living in 
poverty in Africa, some of the most impoverished nations in the 
world, from using traditional energy sources to build their 
economies? These people are living there and suffering today.
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw. Senator, you are absolutely right. I was 
not involved. Obviously, not being in the administration, I was 
not involved in the discussions of the policies that were put 
in place.
    But I will, certainly, be conferring with my colleagues at 
Treasury and would be happy to get back to you with the 
responses.
    Senator Barrasso. Mr. Chairman, if I may, one last 
question.
    Because African countries are speaking out against these 
policies by the administration. Recently, the president of 
Senegal explained that ending gas financing for Africa, he 
described it as a fatal blow.
    He says at a time when several African countries are 
preparing to exploit their significant gas resources, the end 
of funding for gas sector under the pretext that gas is a 
fossil energy would bear a fatal cost to their emerging 
economies.
    Senegal has significant reserves of natural gas. The 
development of its energy sector is a fundamental pillar of the 
country's economic development. I think we visited by the 
time--my trips to Ethiopia, the reason that women die in 
childbirth is because they do not have the energy for to use 
the devices that they need to help that woman through the 
birthing process.
    On October of this year, the president of Uganda wrote an 
opinion editorial in the Wall Street Journal. Said solar and 
wind force poverty on Africa. This is the U.S. forcing poverty 
on Africa. He said, Africa cannot sacrifice its future 
prosperity for Western climate goals. The president of Uganda 
explained, this stands to forestall Africa's attempts to rise 
out of poverty, which requires, as you said, reliable energy.
    African manufacturing is going to struggle, he says, to 
attract investment and, therefore, to create jobs without 
consistent energy sources.
    I would just--if confirmed, I ask would you ensure that the 
bank promotes an all-of-the-above energy policy rather than 
something which will condemn people to live a life in poverty 
that is inescapable for them?
    Ms. Whyche-Shaw. Senator, if confirmed, I, certainly, would 
not support policies that would keep people in poverty forever. 
I mean, that is not why the African Development Bank or why we 
are members of the African Development Bank.
    And, again, I will confer with my colleagues at Treasury to 
get back with you.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Barrasso.
    I just saw--in response somewhat to Senator Barrasso's 
point, I was in Glasgow and know of our efforts to work with 
the African nations in regards to their energy needs, and one 
of the issues that was brought up frequently is that the 
developed world really needs to put its technology and 
resources behind the development of the developing world if we 
expect that they are going to make the type of sacrifices that 
are necessary in order to meet our greenhouse gas targets.
    I think, Senator Barrasso, you raise some very important 
points, and I know that is going to be part of an overall 
strategy that we have in the developing world to make sure that 
they are treated fairly. I appreciate the response.
    I want to raise one additional issue--and you are all going 
to get saved by the bell. We have a vote on the floor. And that 
is, particularly, in our hemisphere, Mr. Martinez and Ms. 
Jorge, I am concerned about the rising corruption within our 
own hemisphere.
    The impunity rates in our hemisphere and many countries are 
just outrageous. The governmental corruption growth in several 
countries are very well documented. We need to make sure that 
our participation in our hemisphere to help people do not fuel 
corruption or oligarchs that are stealing the resources from 
their own people.
    I would ask that you develop a strategy, an anti-corruption 
strategy, as part of our participation to make sure that the 
efforts that we make are not diluted because of the advantages 
going to corruption and corrupt leaders.
    And if you have a comment on that, briefly, I would be 
welcome to take it. Otherwise, we will continue this 
conversation at a later point.
    Mr. Nucete. Thank you, Senator. I would like to take the 
opportunity to welcome your concern and your comment, and 
express to you that is also a concern I share with you and many 
members of this committee.
    Corruption is a corrosive force throughout the region and 
in the world, and we have to combat corruption in every front. 
I think IDB has developed best practices to make sure that 
corruption is not in presence in any decision or bidding 
process or selection of contractors, providers, the bank works 
with, and also to make sure that the countries implement 
reforms that ensure anti-corruption practice.
    I would also say that IDB offers, Senator, a very important 
tool to ensure that we fight corruption across the region, 
which is institutional policy lending projects.
    We can work in reforming the judiciary, helping 
institutions throughout the Americas to be ready to support 
anti-corruption practices throughout the region.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that response.
    Yes, Ms. Jorge?
    Ms. Jorge. Thank you, Senator. I would like to add to that 
that I agree with you a hundred percent. I think corruption is 
a cancer of society, democracy, inequality.
    But I would like to mention that the Biden administration 
last week in the Summit of Democracies released an anti-
corruption plan and I am really looking forward to working with 
the administration and with Congress and with the bank, because 
if we do not address this issue, the impact that we are going 
to have will be very, very minor.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that.
    And, again, I thank all four of our witnesses for their 
willingness to serve our country and for your responsiveness at 
this hearing.
    The record will stay open until the close of business 
Wednesday, tomorrow, December 15th, for questions for the 
record. We would ask that you respond as promptly as possible 
and as completely as possible to any questions that might be 
asked by members of this committee. That goes for both panels. 
Will get there the close of business tomorrow.
    And with that, there being no further business, the 
committee will stand adjourned with our thanks to our nominees.


    [Whereupon, at 4:35 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Christopher R. Hill by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring the safety 
and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on individual Chiefs 
of Mission and the response of officers at post. It is imperative that 
any individual who reports a suspected incident be responded to 
promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me. Anomalous Health Incident (AHIs) have been a top 
priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health 
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the 
cause of these AHIs.

   If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported incident 
        is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
        appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive 
        prompt access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that employees 
who report a possible AHI receive immediate and appropriate attention 
and care and the incident is reported through appropriate channels.

   Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO at post to 
        discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
        protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.

    Question. Kosovo and Serbia's EU-facilitated dialogue has seemed to 
yield little fruit, especially in recent months. The two sides did not 
meet in November, as they were unable to agree on what topics to 
discuss. Serbia hoped to discuss implementation of the 2013 Brussels 
Agreement and the creation of an Association of Serb-Majority 
Municipalities, while Kosovo pushed to discuss 1600 missing Kosovo 
Albanians following the end of the 1998-1999 war.

   How will you push the Serbian Government to be a more constructive 
        partner in the EU-facilitated dialogue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to build on the progress the 
current and prior administrations have made in the Western Balkans to 
advance regional security, stability, and economic prosperity. If 
confirmed, I will emphasize with Serbian authorities the importance of 
honoring previous commitments and the necessity of compromise and 
flexibility as well as of improved cooperation between Serbian and 
Kosovo officials in support of normalization of relations. President 
Vucic has repeatedly stated he understands the Dialogue is the only way 
forward. I will reinforce with Serbian authorities that EU membership 
for Serbia is the best guarantee of long-term regional prosperity and 
peace, and that the EU-facilitated dialogue is essential to this 
strategic goal.

   How can the U.S. better support the EU-led dialogue?

    Answer. The United States has a key role to play in helping the 
parties reach an agreement to establish fully normalized relations, and 
closely coordinates with EU counterparts on the Dialogue. If confirmed, 
I will work closely with the EU and Serbian authorities to advance the 
Dialogue as the mechanism for Serbia to normalize relations with Kosovo 
through implementation of the provisions of the 2013 Brussels Agreement 
and, ultimately, a comprehensive normalization ideally based on mutual 
recognition. This is essential for enduring stability in the Western 
Balkans. I commit to reinforcing with Serbian officials, and the 
Serbian public, the continued importance of compromise to achieve 
normalization for Serbia's strategic goals of EU membership and 
regional prosperity.

    Question. Serb member of Bosnia and Herzegovina's presidency, 
Milorad Dodik, has intensified attacks on the Office of High 
Representative, and continues to threaten to separate the Republika 
Srpska from Bosnia and Herzegovina. He has also called for a Bosnian 
Serb army, and called the labeling of the Srebrenica massacre as 
genocide, ``untrue,'' and ``biased.''

   How will you encourage the Serbian Government to exert its 
        influence to tone down this rhetoric, and protect the 
        territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina?

    Answer. The United States and the EU are increasingly concerned by 
the inflammatory rhetoric and actions of Milorad Dodik and Republika 
Srpska (RS) officials, which undermine the Dayton Accords. The Biden 
administration has engaged Serbia's leadership to join calls against RS 
secession and withdrawal from state institutions. If confirmed, I will 
continue to encourage President Vucic to sustain clear and vocal public 
and private support for the Dayton Accords and the sovereignty and 
territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as he has done.

    Question. The U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control 
recently sanctioned leaders of the Zvonko Veselinovic Organized Crime 
Group, as well as the vice president of Kosovo's Serb List, Milan 
Radoicic. OFAC said that the Veselinovic group ``engaged in a large-
scale bribery scheme with Kosovo and Serbian officials who facilitate 
the group's illicit trafficking of goods, money, narcotics, and weapons 
between Kosovo and Serbia.'' President Vucic commented on the sanctions 
announcement, expressing that authorities would launch an investigation 
into them if the allegations were serious.

   Given the response from President Vucic, how do you assess the role 
        of targeted sanctions in the United States' strategy in the 
        Western Balkans?

    Answer. Sanctions are an important tool to support our broader goal 
to combat corruption, and other illicit activity, and promote stability 
and democratic institutions in the region. The recent release by the 
White House of the first-ever U.S. Government Strategy on Countering 
Corruption; the expansion of the U.S. sanctions regime for the Western 
Balkans, which expressly authorizes economic sanctions in connection 
with corruption and other destabilizing activities; and the recent 
designation of the Veselinovic crime group under the Global Magnitsky 
sanctions program, demonstrate that the Biden administration takes this 
goal very seriously. Such tools have demonstrated positive impact 
globally and in this region, including leading to local investigations, 
anticorruption reforms, and media and civil society attention.

    Question. The U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control 
recently sanctioned leaders of the Zvonko Veselinovic Organized Crime 
Group, as well as the vice president of Kosovo's Serb List, Milan 
Radoicic. OFAC said that the Veselinovic group ``engaged in a large-
scale bribery scheme with Kosovo and Serbian officials who facilitate 
the group's illicit trafficking of goods, money, narcotics, and weapons 
between Kosovo and Serbia.'' President Vucic commented on the sanctions 
announcement, expressing that authorities would launch an investigation 
into them if the allegations were serious.

   How can sanctions be used to hold others accountable for crime and 
        corruption in Serbia?

    Answer. The administration has prioritized fighting corruption as a 
key U.S. national security interest and has taken actions to elevate 
this priority. The recently signed Western Balkans-related E.O. 
modernized the sanctions program, in part by expanding the list of 
sanctionable activities to better address current challenges facing the 
Western Balkans. These challenges include corruption and other 
activities that degrade key democratic institutions or aim to obstruct 
the implementation of key international agreements. Corruption 
threatens economic equity, global anti-poverty and development efforts, 
and democracy itself. Sanctions are one of many tools that promote 
accountability, combat impunity for those involved in corruption, and 
deter future criminal activity.

    Question. The Serbian Government has used COVID-19 as an excuse to 
further threaten media freedom, arresting those like Ana Lalic for 
reporting on conditions in a hospital in Novi Sad. Freedom House 
assesses there to be an environment of self-censorship in journalism in 
Serbia after Lalic's arrest, and warns of increased surveillance of 
journalists by Serbia's Security Information Agency. Online journalists 
face an increasingly toxic environment in which to report, 
characterized by threats, harassment, and criminal liability.

   How will you work to support independent media in Serbia, and push 
        the Serbian Government to reverse this concerning trend in 
        media freedom?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will reinforce the importance of a free 
media and of actions to protect the safety of journalists with Serbia's 
political leaders and the Serbian public and speak out publicly and 
privately in defense of investigative journalists and media 
organizations who are shining a light on corruption. A free and 
independent media is critical for any democratic society, just as it is 
for Serbia's EU accession. I am concerned by Serbia's deteriorating 
media environment, including threats against journalists, opaque media 
ownership, frivolous lawsuits against journalists by government 
officials, and politically motivated editorial pressure. If confirmed, 
I will continue to support independent media through programs to 
strengthen investigative journalism and the professionalism of media 
outlets, as well as improve transparency--in all aspects, including 
ownership.

Elections in Serbia
    Question. Representatives of the European Parliament and the 
Speaker of the Serbian Parliament agreed in September on sixteen 
measures to improve election conditions in advance of the Serbia's 
April 2022 elections. However, many of these recommendations have not 
been implemented on the timeline planned, and civil society groups have 
questioned whether these recommendations would create conditions for 
free and fair elections.

   How do you assess Serbia's prospects for electoral reforms? How 
        will you engage the Government, if confirmed, to push for free 
        and fair elections in April, and beyond?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage interlocutors across the 
political spectrum to encourage constructive dialogue between the 
Government and opposition and a media environment that allows 
opposition voices to be heard. It is important that the serious and 
legitimate concerns which citizens have raised be properly addressed, 
including allowing democratic debate, pushing back against voter 
coercion and vote-buying, and improving the electoral system. Many of 
the calls for reforms have merit, including calls to ensure free and 
fair elections, stronger protections for freedom of expression, 
including by journalists, and fair access to state-supported media 
outlets for all candidates. If confirmed, I will continue to support 
efforts to broaden political representation and increase the capacities 
of political parties and civil society to help ensure free and fair 
electoral conditions.

Sexual Assault
    Question. I am deeply concerned by reports of cases of sexual 
assault and rape going uninvestigated, and government efforts to defame 
survivors like Danijela Stajnfeld that choose to share their stories 
publicly. How will you work to hold Serbia accountable for its 
commitments under the Istanbul Convention, and shift the dialogue on 
these issues to a more constructive place?

    Answer. The United States takes seriously the issue of gender-based 
violence (GBV). Serbia has made progress in creating the legal 
framework to combat GBV, but it needs to bolster services for 
survivors, strengthen partnership with civil society organizations, 
improve courtroom practices, and reach historically marginalized 
groups. GBV remains a significant problem in Serbia. If confirmed, I 
will continue Embassy Belgrade's advocacy and outreach--including its 
recent well-publicized ``16 Days of Activism against GBV'' campaign--to 
support efforts to prevent all forms of GBV. I will urge the Serbian 
Government to protect survivors of GBV from discriminatory threats and 
intimidation, including during and after any legal proceedings.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Christopher R. Hill by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Serbia was 
identified as Tier 2 due to lack adequate efforts and resources to aid 
victims of trafficking in country. How will you work with the 
Government to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The Embassy works closely with and provides foreign 
assistance to anti-trafficking civil society groups and actively urges 
the Government of Serbia to address several priorities, such as 
investigation, prosecution, and conviction of traffickers, including 
complicit officials, and impose adequate penalties. This assistance 
also focuses on proactive victim identification, as well as victim-
centered approaches and access to justice measures. If confirmed, I 
will engage with U.S. and Serbian stakeholders to advance cooperation 
on this issue. I will urge the Serbian Government to increase proactive 
identification and assistance for victims, particularly among 
vulnerable groups, and encourage consistent and sufficient funding for 
victim services.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Serbia was identified having significant religious freedom issues, 
including a rise in antisemitic crimes.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the office of the Ambassador At Large to 
        bolster religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Antisemitism and Holocaust distortion are world-wide 
phenomena and rising at an alarming rate. Although levels of 
antisemitism are lower in Serbia than in some other parts of Europe, I 
view any increase in antisemitism with serious concern. If confirmed, I 
will reiterate to the Serbian Government the importance of this issue 
and work to empower civil society on the ground who are tirelessly 
working on these issues. I will work with the Office of the Special 
Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, the Special Envoy for 
Holocaust Issues, and the Office of International Religious Freedom to 
identify areas where the United States can further cooperate with the 
Government and Serbia's Jewish community to combat antisemitism, 
confront Holocaust revisionism, and bolster respect for the freedom of 
religion or belief.

    Question. Serbia still has not adopted the IHRA working definition 
of Antisemitism. If confirmed, will you press the Serbian Government on 
adopting this important term and working definition?

    Answer. In February 2021, Serbia adopted the International 
Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of 
antisemitism and passed a law establishing a Holocaust Memorial Center 
at Staro Sajmiste, the site of a former WWII-era concentration camp 
located in Belgrade. In 2016, Serbia became the first country to adopt 
a law on the restitution of heirless and unclaimed Jewish property 
seized during the Holocaust, consistent with the 2009 Terezin 
Declaration, which it endorsed. If confirmed, I will continue to 
encourage the Serbian Government to follow through on its commitments 
regarding Holocaust issues.

    Question. What efforts will you direct your Embassy to take to 
promote dialogue between religious groups and subsequently between 
religious groups and the Serbian Government to promote tolerance and 
cooperation?

    Answer. The Serbian constitution guarantees the freedom of religion 
or belief. Embassy Belgrade consistently engages with all religious 
communities to promote religious tolerance and diversity, regularly 
highlighting these programs and events via the Embassy's social media 
accounts. Some religious groups and NGOs criticize the Government for 
granting special privileges to religious groups it defines as 
``traditional,'' such as tax exemptions, that ``non-traditional'' 
groups do not receive. If confirmed, I will continue to meet with 
members of Serbia's religious communities and the Government to address 
the status of religious freedom and interreligious cooperation in 
Serbia and to promote interfaith and intra-faith dialogue.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Serbia was identified as 
having serious human rights issues including serious restrictions on 
free expression and the press, including violence, threats of violence, 
and unjustified arrests and prosecutions against journalists; numerous 
acts of government corruption, and more. If confirmed, what steps will 
you take to address these instances with the host government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will reinforce the importance of a free 
media and of the safety of journalists with Serbia's political leaders 
and the Serbian public and speak out publicly and privately in defense 
of investigative journalists and media organizations. A free and 
independent media is critical for any democratic society, just as it is 
for Serbia's EU accession. I am concerned by Serbia's deteriorating 
media environment, including threats against journalists, opaque media 
ownership, frivolous lawsuits against journalists by government 
officials, and politically motivated editorial pressure. If confirmed, 
I will continue to support independent media through foreign assistance 
programs that strengthen investigative journalism, as well as press for 
transparency in all aspects, including ownership.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. U.S. foreign assistance programs in Serbia to improve the 
human rights situation include grants to civil society organizations 
working on anti-corruption and government transparency, media freedom, 
and access to the justice system, as well as minority protection and 
advocacy issues. New programs focused on people with disabilities and 
the LGBTQI+ community will increase support to these populations. If 
confirmed, I look forward to building on these efforts and working with 
civil society to promote democracy, anti-corruption, rule of law, human 
rights, and global norms. U.S. Embassy Belgrade has strong 
relationships with civil society organizations, and I commit to working 
closely together to promote and protect human rights and other shared 
values. If confirmed I will also engage with the Government of Serbia 
to stress the importance of a robust civil society for democracy and 
urge the Government to engage with civil society and take into account 
civil society's views on issues that affect them.

Dayton Accords
    Question. The Dayton Accords are now 26 years old, and some Balkan 
leaders begun to casting doubt on their efficacy. Some minor reforms 
have been made to the document, but Dayton largely functions as it did 
a generation ago. We have heard that the reform of ethnic restrictions 
on the tri-part presidency and other ethnically restricted offices are 
one avenue for change that has been identified by the State Department. 
What are some other ways that the Dayton Accords could be reformed?

    Answer. The Dayton Accords successfully put an end to the war in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and have helped maintain the peace there 
for over 26 years. The United States remains fully committed to the 
sovereignty and territorial integrity of BiH. The State Department 
continues to work closely with the EU on efforts to advance key rule of 
law, economic, anti-corruption, and electoral reforms in BiH. If 
confirmed, I will engage Serbia's leaders to use their influence--in 
cooperation with U.S. and EU partners--to support the reforms necessary 
for BiH to implement rulings of the European Court of Human Rights and 
build a more democratic and prosperous future for all citizens of BiH.

    Question. Do you believe the discussion of reforms to the Dayton 
framework could, as some allege, pose a risk to stability in the 
region?

    Answer. Solutions for reform and advancement are available now, 
such as those in the EU's Key Priorities. The United States, in 
collaboration with EU partners, is focused on building consensus for 
step-by-step reforms. These include limited constitutional changes, to 
fully implement rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, and to 
achieve a more democratic, less corrupt, economically viable, and 
secure Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). If confirmed, I will engage with 
Serbia's leaders and together with the U.S. Ambassadors to BiH and 
Croatia to work to support the reforms necessary to build a prosperous 
future for all citizens of BiH.

Coordination Within the State Department
    Question. If confirmed, you will join a team of career diplomats 
already working in the region as Deputy Assistant Secretary, 
Ambassadors, and Special Envoy. How will you coordinate efforts within 
the region with other State Department officials to maximize the 
effectiveness of U.S. involvement in Serbia and the Western Balkans?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to establishing close and 
productive working relationships with Deputy Assistant Secretary and 
Special Representative for the Western Balkans Gabriel Escobar and U.S. 
Ambassadors throughout the Western Balkans to advance a European future 
for all the countries of the region, cement democratic norms and the 
rule of law, and deepen regional cooperation based on common values and 
a shared future. The security and economies of the Western Balkans are 
inextricably linked, with Serbia playing a pivotal role as the largest 
population and largest economy. If confirmed, I commit to communicating 
and consulting frequently with my regional counterparts and Washington 
to collectively advance U.S. policies.

    Question. What are some specific frameworks you would like to 
develop with your State Department colleagues in the region to ensure 
you have a unified approach to issues facing the region?

    Answer. Regional cooperation and consistency of the U.S. approach 
is imperative in the interlinked Western Balkans. The United States has 
a key role in helping these countries to resolve residual legacy issues 
such as missing persons, war crimes, and historical revisionism, as 
well as cross border policy priorities such as those affecting ethnic 
minority populations in neighboring countries, migration, crime and 
corruption, counterterrorism, and regional economic cooperation. For 
these reasons, if confirmed, I commit to building positive and 
productive relationships with both Washington and colleagues throughout 
the region through regular communication, consultation, and policy 
discussions to strategically approach cross border issues.

Anti-Corruption
    Question. The Balkan sanctions regime was revised by the Biden 
administration this summer to shift the focus from prevention of 
violence to the prevention of corruption. The administration also just 
released the U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption and announced the 
sanctioning of a Kosovar-Serbian Organized crime ring, the Zvonko 
Veselinovic Organized Crime Group, and its affiliates, under the Global 
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.

   How would you implement the anti-corruption strategy in Serbia in 
        the context of other Western Balkan nations?

    Answer. Corruption remains the most significant rule of law issue 
in Serbia and the Western Balkans. It weakens public confidence in 
Serbia's institutions and democratic processes, discourages investment, 
makes Serbia vulnerable to malign external actors, and threatens 
Serbia's EU accession progress. On December 9, Secretary Blinken also 
announced the establishment of a State Department Coordinator on 
Anticorruption, who will integrate and elevate the fight against 
corruption across all aspects of U.S. diplomacy and State Department 
foreign assistance, and to lead the State Department's implementation 
of the U.S. Strategy on Countering Corruption. If confirmed, I will 
work closely with the State Department Coordinator to effectively 
implement the U.S. anti-corruption strategy in the Serbia and Western 
Balkans context, and will continue to target U.S. foreign assistance to 
support Serbia's anti-corruption units in law enforcement and the 
judiciary, public procurement reform, and civil society and media in 
their critical oversight role. Sanctions, visa restrictions, and other 
accountability tools including President Biden's modernized Western 
Balkans-related E.O., are also important tools to address threats to 
stability and democratic institutions.

    Question. Do you believe the imposition of sanctions on organized 
crime rings, human rights abusers, or other persons involved in 
corruption is a useful tool in Serbia? Please explain why you see such 
sanctions as efficacious or not.

    Answer. Yes. Sanctions are an important tool to address corruption, 
organized crime, and human rights violations. They demonstrate U.S. 
commitment to promote accountability and disrupt and deter malign 
activity, they can limit the freedom and impunity with which corrupt 
actors operate, and they can provide the basis and impetus for regional 
authorities to launch their own investigations to hold these actors to 
account. If confirmed, I will support the implementation of U.S. 
sanctions and other accountability tools as useful components of a 
broader policy aimed at countering threats to national security posed 
by particular activities, groups, individuals, and organizations.

Illegal Immigration
    Question. One issue facing Serbia includes illegal immigrants 
arriving from the Middle East. Those who manage to enter Serbia move on 
and contribute to the larger migration problem facing Europe, while 
others have been refused entry and pushed back from the border, causing 
crises in neighboring countries. How will you engage with the Serbian 
Government to confront migration issues?

    Answer. Unresolved global conflicts prompted the movement of over 
1.5 million refugees and migrants through the Western Balkans in 2015 
and 2016. Serbia today hosts approximately 5,000 refugees, asylum-
seekers, and migrants, mainly from Afghanistan and Syria. From FY 2016-
FY 2021, the State Department's Bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration provided nearly $48 million in humanitarian aid for programs 
in the Balkans. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. Government efforts, 
in coordination with local partners such as UNHCR and civil society, to 
help the Government of Serbia strengthen its asylum system and 
integrate humanitarian assistance into economic development and 
institutional protection programs.

    Question. One issue facing Serbia includes illegal immigrants 
arriving from the Middle East. Those who manage to enter Serbia move on 
and contribute to the larger migration problem facing Europe, while 
others have been refused entry and pushed back from the border, causing 
crises in neighboring countries. How can this issue be a barrier to EU 
integration?

    Answer. As part of its EU accession requirements, Serbia needs to 
undertake reforms required by chapter 24 of the EU acquis 
communautaire, which sets out common rules for border control, visas, 
external migration, and asylum. According to the EU's 2021 progress 
report, Serbia helped manage the mixed migration flows towards the EU 
and played a constructive role in cooperating effectively with its 
neighbors and EU member states. It also continued to effectively 
implement the integrated border management strategy and its action 
plan. If confirmed, I will reinforce the importance of further 
international cooperation to address migration.

    Question. One issue facing Serbia includes illegal immigrants 
arriving from the Middle East. Those who manage to enter Serbia move on 
and contribute to the larger migration problem facing Europe, while 
others have been refused entry and pushed back from the border, causing 
crises in neighboring countries. How could this issue benefit from 
greater EU involvement, and what form would EU assistance in Serbia 
take?

    Answer. The Serbian Government runs migrant and asylum centers, 
primarily supported by EU Instrument for Pre-Accession special measure 
funds, that provide basic amenities. Few migrants are interested in 
seeking asylum in Serbia. However, upon arrival, most migrants express 
interest in international protection and assistance prior to moving 
onward along well-defined smuggling routes into Western Europe. If 
confirmed, I commit to engage with the Department of State's Bureau of 
Population, Refugees, and Migration; the EU; UNHCR; and non-
governmental organizations actively working on this issue to ensure 
donor coordination and identify solutions to migration flows.

    Question. One issue facing Serbia includes illegal immigrants 
arriving from the Middle East. Those who manage to enter Serbia move on 
and contribute to the larger migration problem facing Europe, while 
others have been refused entry and pushed back from the border, causing 
crises in neighboring countries. How could finding a proper domestic 
solution to this issue benefit Serbia's EU aspirations?

    Answer. The Serbian Government runs migrant and asylum centers 
providing basic amenities to these individuals while they are in 
Serbia. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Serbian 
Government and other local entities to improve Serbia's asylum/migrant 
system in line with EU standards. It is important that the Government 
of Serbia accelerate the reforms necessary to meet these EU standards, 
and U.S. foreign assistance is helping it do so. As Serbia closes 
additional EU accession chapters, it will move closer to our shared 
goal of eventual EU membership for Serbia.

Kosovo
    Question. The Serbia-Kosovo relationship continues to face many 
obstacles, with the most recent issue being over mutual recognition of 
license plates. What are the greatest obstacles to normalizing 
relations between Serbia and Kosovo?

    Answer. Relations between Serbia and Kosovo remain difficult, and 
unresolved issues frequently lead to tensions that affect people on 
both sides of the border. These differences and the lack of 
normalization of their relations hinder their respective European 
paths, slow regional reconciliation and cooperation, and deter 
potential business investors. The United States has encouraged both 
Serbia and Kosovo to engage meaningfully, constructively, and urgently 
with each other to address and finally resolve their differences, 
primarily through the EU-facilitated Dialogue. If confirmed, I will 
commit to reinforcing with Serbian officials and the Serbian public the 
continued importance of fully normalizing relations with Kosovo.

    Question. As Ambassador, how would you pursue progress in the 
Serbia-Kosovo relationship, and what issues would you prioritize first 
when you arrive at post?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize reinforcing United States' 
support for the EU-facilitated Dialogue as the most effective way to 
reach a locally owned, legally binding, and comprehensive agreement. 
The United States believes this should be based on mutual recognition. 
The United States is not dictating what that agreement must entail; 
that is up to the parties. If confirmed, I would also encourage Serbia 
to approach the Dialogue seriously and with urgency, focus on 
diplomacy, and be creative and flexible in reaching a compromise deal, 
which will improve the lives of citizens in Serbia and Kosovo alike.

Bosnia and Herzegovina
    Question. Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik has been vocal 
about his efforts to establish government offices and military forces 
separate from the Bosnia Federation and Herzegovina, which poses 
serious threats to stability in the country and the region. As 
Ambassador, how will you engage with the Serbian Government and 
encourage them to support stability in Bosnia with regard to such 
destabilizing actions in Republika Srpska?

    Answer. The United States and the EU are increasingly concerned by 
the inflammatory rhetoric and actions of Milorad Dodik and Republika 
Srpska (RS) officials, which undermine the Dayton Accords. The Biden 
administration has engaged Serbia's leadership to join calls against RS 
secession and withdrawal from state institutions. If confirmed, I will 
continue to encourage President Vucic to sustain clear and vocal public 
and private support for the Dayton Accords and the sovereignty and 
territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as he has done to 
date.

    Question. Do you believe that, as some have insinuated, Mr. Dodik's 
antics are encouraged by Belgrade or Moscow?

    Answer. No matter the origin or rationale for President Dodik's 
behavior, it is unacceptable. The sovereignty and territorial integrity 
of Bosnia and Herzegovina remains essential to regional stability. If 
confirmed, I will continue to encourage President Vucic to sustain 
clear and vocal public and private support for the Dayton Accords and 
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
The Kremlin's interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina do not align with 
U.S. interests, as it sows instability in the region and seeks to keep 
the Western Balkans from its chosen path of moving closer to Europe.

Transatlantic Integration
    Question.  The Western Balkans have stalled on integration with the 
rest of Europe. What are the greatest obstacles to advancing Serbia's 
integration with Europe and EU accession?

    Answer. Since formally opening accession negotiations with the EU 
in 2014, Serbia has made significant reforms. Serbia has more to do, 
particularly in areas such as fighting corruption, improving the rule 
of law, strengthening democratic institutions and civil society, 
expanding the economy, improving the media environment, addressing 
climate change and other environmental issues such as waste management, 
air quality, and the protection of Serbia's rivers, and reforming its 
energy sector. Normalization of relations with Kosovo is also an 
important condition for Serbia's EU accession. If confirmed, I will 
continue to advance the U.S. policy of supporting Serbia's stated goal 
of EU membership which will fully anchor Serbia into its rightful place 
in Europe. I will also continue foreign assistance programs that 
catalyze related reforms.

    Question. What is your understanding of EU members' hesitation to 
strengthen ties with Serbia?

    Answer. The EU's strongest carrot motivating reforms has been, and 
will remain, accession. Prospects for accession need to be tangible and 
achievable, and progress can be incremental but should be steady. 
Western Balkan leaders must do more than reiterate public commitments 
to achieving EU membership -- they must take real actions and press 
ahead with difficult reforms, particularly on rule of law and 
transparency, as well as on alignment with common EU foreign policy. 
Accelerating reforms will bolster the Western Balkan countries as 
serious credible candidates for EU membership. When countries deliver 
on reforms, EU member states should deliver on their promise by moving 
these countries forward on their respective accession paths.

    Question. What is your understanding of Serbia's hesitation to 
fully throw itself into undertaking the reforms that are necessary for 
it to become an EU member?

    Answer. Many of the reforms required for Serbia's EU accession, 
including normalization of relations with Kosovo, require significant 
work and take time. If confirmed, I will emphasize with Serbian leaders 
and the Serbian public the importance of further progress on reforms, 
and of active participation in the EU-facilitated dialogue with Kosovo, 
because this will improve lives in Serbia, Kosovo, and the whole 
region. The United States wants to see Serbia develop as a modern, 
prosperous European country that enjoys strong relations with all its 
neighbors and demonstrates full respect for the rule of law, democracy, 
and the rights of all its citizens.

    Question. How would you work to advance Serbia's prospects for 
European integration and EU accession, and what issues would you 
prioritize first when you arrive at post?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue supporting Serbia's EU 
accession progress in areas such as fighting corruption, improving the 
rule of law, strengthening democratic institutions and civil society, 
expanding the economy, improving the media environment, and reforming 
its energy sector, among other issues. I will reinforce that the United 
States and Serbia share a common strategic goal in advancing membership 
in the European Union for all of the countries of the Western Balkans. 
I will continue to demonstrate that shared purpose by providing Serbia 
with needed technical assistance and capacity building to advance its 
accession.

Russian Influence
    Question. Serbia has one of the most favorable relationships with 
Russia in Europe. This is concerning for both Serbia's well-being, as 
well as the stability of the Western Balkans itself. What are the 
greatest risks posed by Russian influence in Serbia, both for the 
country itself and the region?

    Answer. Moscow wields influence in Serbia through political, 
economic, military, cultural, media, and other means and looks to 
expand its influence throughout the Western Balkans, including in 
Serbia, and to keep the region from integrating with Western 
institutions. To this end, Russia sees instability in the Western 
Balkans as in its interest, although this undermines Serbia's interest 
in a stable, prospering region. Furthermore, Russia exploits its 
position as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council with veto 
power to maintain leverage over Serbia, opposing Kosovo's independence 
and blocking Kosovo's international integration. If confirmed, I will 
commit to honest, frank conversations with Serbian leaders about 
Russia's true intentions.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to confront Russian 
influence in Serbia?

    Answer. The United States and Russia have starkly different visions 
for the future of Serbia and the region. Moscow actively sows friction 
and distrust because it sees such division as in its interest. In 
contrast, U.S. interests are cementing democratic norms, rule of law, 
and cooperation based on common values and a shared future. If 
confirmed, I will encourage Serbian authorities to make policy choices 
that reflect Western values and continue making the case that Russia 
does not support Serbia's own strategic goals. Serbia's future lies 
with Europe, and the U.S. is committed to helping it get there. This 
path leads through democratic reforms, especially strengthening rule of 
law, democratic institutions, and media freedom.

    Question. What tools does the U.S. have to guide Serbia away from 
strengthening ties with Russia and encouraging transatlantic 
integration?

    Answer. I will continue to use Countering Russian Influence Fund 
(CRIF) foreign assistance to bolster Western Balkans countries' 
abilities to respond. If confirmed, I would encourage the 
administration's strategy, which includes sustained high-level 
engagement by U.S. officials, creative project financing options, and 
strong commercial advocacy for U.S./European firms to counter the 
Kremlin's malign influence. Supporting Serbia's European future will 
help Serbia undertake important democratic reforms and cement Western 
values. Bolstering U.S.-Serbia economic and defense cooperation will 
highlight positive alternatives to partnership with Russia (and China).

    Question. Please discuss your understanding of the influence of the 
Russian Orthodox Church on politics in Serbia.

    Answer. The Russian Orthodox Church retains significant influence 
within the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC). The Orthodox faith is central 
to Serbian national identity and to spiritual, cultural, and political 
life in Serbia as well as in Serb communities in neighboring countries. 
The SOC is one of Serbia's most trusted institutions, and almost 85 
percent of Serbia's public are members of the church. The SOC wields 
significant social and political influence and consistently takes a 
conservative stance on recognition of Kosovo. The protection and status 
of Orthodox religious sites in Kosovo and Montenegro remain highly 
sensitive and subject to foreign influence; this is something that I 
will monitor carefully along with my fellow Ambassadors to the region.

    Question. Hungary has emerged as one of the EU's strongest 
proponents of joining Serbia to the EU. Hungarian President Orban has 
also increased his engagement with Serbian President Vucic. What do you 
believe are the reasons for Hungary's growing interest in Serbia?

    Answer. Serbia and Hungary signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement 
in September 2021, Serbia's only such agreement in the region. The 
neighboring countries enjoy warm relations based on growing economic 
ties and an apparent personal affinity between President Vucic and 
Hungarian PM Viktor Orban. Hungary has been a leading and vocal 
supporter of Serbia's EU accession. Ethnic Hungarians enjoy strong 
minority rights in the autonomous province of Vojvodina in the north of 
Serbia. As neighbors they share strategic interest in the economic 
growth of the region. If confirmed, I will work to channel these 
interests on a positive trajectory.

Chinese Influence
    Question. China has identified the Balkans as an opportune region 
to establish its political-economic presence in Europe. Serbia has 
already engaged in multiple ``Belt-and-Road'' projects, namely Chinese-
built infrastructure projects funded by unsustainable loans. What are 
the greatest risks posed by PRC influence in Serbia, both for the 
country itself and the region?

    Answer. The PRC's role in Serbia (and the region) is expanding 
rapidly. Through a combination of opaque loans and investments, the PRC 
is building infrastructure in Serbia and capturing strategic industries 
like mining and steel production. The PRC takes advantage of the desire 
of some officials for expedited, no-questions-asked investment and 
financing to secure entry points into the EU market. It also takes 
advantage of the existing lack of transparency in Serbia's public 
procurement system to sign non-transparent deals for infrastructure 
projects and other economic cooperation.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to confront Chinese 
influence in Serbia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Serbian authorities to 
reassess whether China's interests align with Serbia's own strategic 
goals. Serbian leaders should conduct a thorough accounting of PRC 
infrastructure projects to assess their economic viability and their 
adherence to Serbia's environmental and labor regulations. If 
confirmed, I will advise Serbia's leaders to ensure that all foreign 
investment and economic support--including from China--advances 
Serbia's own goals of sustainable economic growth and EU membership. I 
will use foreign assistance tools such as the Countering Chinese 
Influence Fund and caution Serbia to examine closely PRC investments in 
critical infrastructure that could expose citizens to security or data 
privacy risks.

    Question. What tools does the U.S. have to guide Serbia away from 
predatory business deals with China and promote fair deals with 
businesses from the U.S. and our democratic partners?

    Answer. The United States can help improve Serbia's investment 
climate and, through support for greater regional interconnectedness, 
foster a market that offers high quality alternatives to PRC 
investment. It is also important that U.S. businesses have a level 
playing field to operate in Serbia and the region. Infrastructure 
financing through DFC and EXIM, for example, are invaluable tools, and 
Serbia's commitments to decarbonize its energy sector and broader 
economy will broaden opportunities for U.S. and European green energy 
firms. If confirmed, I will press Serbia to ensure American firms 
market opportunities equal to those afforded to PRC and other foreign 
firms.

    Question. What are barriers to foreign investment in Serbia, and 
how can concerns behind them be addressed in order to attract more 
foreign investment?

    Answer. While Serbia has made great strides, it needs to accelerate 
the implementation of structural reforms and improve corporate 
governance and its business environment. This will generate investment 
opportunities, broad-based economic growth, and improved living 
standards for all. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. Embassy 
Belgrade's support for implementation of Serbia's reform agenda to 
strengthen the rule of law, combat corruption, and encourage 
transparent and accountable government to protect the rights of U.S. 
exporters, suppliers, and investors doing business in Serbia. I will 
continue efforts to improve protection of intellectual property rights 
and to address trade barriers that interfere with the growth of U.S. 
exports.

    Question. The China-built Budapest-Belgrade Railway remains under 
construction. What are your views of this project?

    Answer. Whether to accept PRC financing and investment is a 
sovereign decision, and the United States respects Serbia's right to 
decide for itself. However, the Biden administration has been clear 
that Serbia and other countries should only consider certain PRC offers 
with eyes wide open. The PRC takes advantage of the desire of some 
officials for expedited, no-questions-asked investment and financing, 
as well as non-transparent procurement processes, to secure entry 
points into the EU market. For example, Chinese firms have led several 
major recent transportation projects, including the Belgrade-Budapest 
high-speed railway, through non-public, non-transparent bilateral 
deals.

    Question. The China-built Budapest-Belgrade Railway remains under 
construction. What positive or negative effects will it have for 
Hungary?

    Answer. Reports indicate the PRC intends to link the Budapest-
Belgrade railway to the deep seaport of Piraeus in Greece, providing 
direct access for Chinese goods to enter Europe. The Hungarian 
Government has faced criticism for signing a Chinese loan worth more 
than $2 billion in 2020 to undertake the project and classified the 
terms of the loan on the pretense of national security. An oligarch 
aligned with Hungarian PM Orban eventually won the tender to construct 
the railway perpetuating a system of corruption pervasive in Hungarian 
public tenders. Opaque deals with foreign state-owned firms on critical 
infrastructure on the territory of a NATO Ally and EU member could 
raise security concerns for Hungary itself and for our partnerships.

    Question. The China-built Budapest-Belgrade Railway remains under 
construction. What positive or negative effects will it have for 
Serbia?

    Answer. Serbia has limited national security-focused tools, like 
investment screening or procurement processing, that could mitigate 
potentially harmful economic activities. PRC firms, among several other 
major recent transportation infrastructure projects, secured the 
Belgrade-Budapest high-speed railway project through non-public, non-
transparent, bilateral deals. The United States has encouraged Serbia 
to seriously consider whether such proposed projects would be 
economically viable, whether Serbia's own environmental and labor 
regulations would be respected, and whether PRC investments in critical 
infrastructure would expose Serbia and its citizens to security or data 
privacy risks or hinder its EU accession progress.

    Question. The China-built Budapest-Belgrade Railway remains under 
construction. What positive or negative effects will it have for the 
Balkans region?

    Answer. To have positive impacts on the region--increased 
productivity and regional interconnectivity--transportation 
infrastructure projects such as railway construction should be 
coordinated with broader EU efforts and meet quality standards. They 
must also be commercially viable. To date, however, the Budapest-
Belgrade Railway project has lacked transparency and its high costs 
call into serious question its long-term commercial viability. This 
much is certain: once completed, this project will place parts of the 
region's critical infrastructure in the PRC's hands, ultimately 
deepening the region's entanglement in the 16+1 and Belt and Road 
Initiative and creating serious vulnerabilities of foreign 
interference.

    Question. The China-built Budapest-Belgrade Railway remains under 
construction. What positive or negative effects will it have for the 
EU?

    Answer. EU regulations and standards require that large 
infrastructure projects be awarded through a public tender. In 2016, 
the EU opened an infringement procedure against Hungary and asked it to 
be more transparent and to organize a public tender for the railway 
contract, thus minimizing the risk of corruption. Hungary eventually 
released a public tender but a government aligned oligarch won the 
contract, further entrenching the cronyism that is rampant in Hungary. 
Opaque deals with foreign state-owned firms on critical infrastructure 
or technology on the territory of a NATO Ally and EU member could also 
raise security concerns first for Hungary itself and also for our 
common partnerships.

    Question. The China-built Budapest-Belgrade Railway remains under 
construction. What positive or negative effects will it have for NATO?

    Answer. The extensive financial, logistical, and engineering 
support provided by PRC firms on this project will create 
vulnerabilities in what could be a major transportation artery in a 
NATO Ally. If confirmed, I will work with other U.S. Ambassadors in the 
region to inform its leaders of the abundant risks associated with 
outsourcing vital infrastructure to PRC entities.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID. What is your understanding 
of morale throughout Mission Serbia?

    Answer. The American and local employees at Embassy Belgrade have 
dealt with significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful for 
their tremendous service in overcoming these challenges. If confirmed, 
I will prioritize meeting with and supporting Embassy employees to 
understand and mitigate the impact of the pandemic on the mission. If 
confirmed, the health and safety of the personnel and family members of 
Embassy Belgrade will be my first priority, and I look forward to 
working with the incredibly talented team of locally employed staff, 
U.S. Direct Hires, and their families, and to ensuring that everyone on 
my team understands they are valued and have my support.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Serbia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission 
and senior staff to foster an atmosphere in which all employees know 
that they can bring serious issues to us and that they are being heard 
at the highest levels. If confirmed, I will work to ensure everyone on 
my team is treated professionally, their rights are respected, and they 
are safe and secure. I will conduct personal outreach to Embassy staff 
when I arrive. If confirmed, I will promote training and professional 
development, and ensure that all staff members are aware of the 
employee and family support resources that the Department offers to 
assist employees.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Serbia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will foster a strong team with a clear 
understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain continuous and 
transparent communications throughout the Mission by sharing 
information, promote diversity and inclusion, seek ways to build 
morale, and support and ensure the safety and community of the Mission 
community--including both American and local staff. I will treat the 
team with respect and professionalism and seek to provide them the 
tools they need to do their jobs. We are all one team, working together 
to advance the U.S.-Serbia relationship, and in the interests of the 
American people; I will ensure this collaborative service focus is 
central to our work.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I value respect, professionalism, open communication, and 
creative thinking. I welcome divergent points of view. I strive to 
provide clear decisions and guidance as needed to lead. I am committed 
to fostering a diverse and inclusive workforce that fully represents 
and supports many different cultures, backgrounds, and perspectives to 
provide a productive and effective workplace for all that advances U.S. 
policy goals.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style 
will translate to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be 
readily available, and your diplomatic workforce consists of career 
employees?

    Answer. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we use our 
available resources as effectively as possible to advance our top 
policy priorities for the U.S.-Serbia relationship. I will draw upon 
the experience, expertise, and advice of Embassy staff when making 
resource allocation decisions. If necessary, I will advocate for 
additional resources to better carry out our mission.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as Ambassador 
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Belgrade to fully 
understand their roles and responsibilities and how I can best support, 
guide, and advocate for them. I will schedule opportunities for regular 
coordination, consultation, and planning of Embassy operations. I will 
also create opportunities for more informal meetings and events with 
members from across the Embassy community, so that I build and maintain 
strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy morale. 
I will rely on the experience, expertise, and advice of the talented 
U.S. Direct Hire and Locally Engaged staff to help determine how I can 
best integrate into and enhance Embassy operations.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a positive and productive 
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) centered on trust 
and collaboration. If confirmed, I hope to establish a positive 
relationship where my Deputy Chief of Mission will be my trusted 
partner and confidante whom I can depend on and work closely with to 
ensure the success of the overall Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative 
working relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and 
consulting with the DCM across the range of issues. If confirmed, I 
will entrust the DCM with responsibility for the day-to-day operations 
of the Mission. The DCM should also keep abreast of policy issues in 
order to serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence, so I will ensure 
that the DCM is fully involved in policy issues and decision-making.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. If confirmed, will 
you encourage Mission Serbia diplomats to engage in-person with the 
Serbian people outside of U.S. embassies and consulates?

    Answer. I agree that it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get 
outside of the Embassy to meet with local stakeholders, including host 
government officials, non-governmental organizations, and citizens from 
all facets of society. If confirmed, I will demonstrate the importance 
of getting outside of our Embassy by example, provided pandemic health 
and safety guidelines allow it. If confirmed, I hope to exchange ideas 
with people from all parts of Serbian society to hear their views, 
promote our shared goals, and expand the people-to-people bonds that 
are the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship. I will 
encourage colleagues and official visitors to do the same, conditions 
permitting.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Serbia? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. Embassy Belgrade's Public Diplomacy Section uses the full 
array of public diplomacy tools to engage with Serbians across all 
facets of society: including, media engagement; the U.S. Speaker 
Program; English language instruction; educational and professional 
exchanges; alumni; cultural and sports diplomacy programs; grants to 
local non-governmental organizations (NGOs); and educational advising. 
Disinformation, harmful foreign influence, and the COVID-19 pandemic 
pose challenges to public diplomacy outreach. Conditions permitting, 
U.S. diplomats will increase in-person engagements. If confirmed, I 
look forward to using traditional and social media in addition to in-
person programs to engage with the Serbian public.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the public diplomacy team to 
closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Belgrade-based public 
diplomacy professionals to maintain a unified approach, highlighting 
the key U.S. messages and policies in Serbia and globally. I will 
leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance security cooperation, expand 
economic relations, support Serbia's EU accession path and positive 
relations with its neighbors, and deepen people-to-people ties. I will 
work to counter adverse influence and disinformation through 
traditional media and social media engagements, institutional outreach, 
and personal interactions, tailoring our messaging and activities to 
Serbian audiences for the strongest impact.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. Yes. There is nothing I take more seriously than the health 
and security of the people who will be working with me. AHIs have been 
a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the 
Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with the workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the 
cause of these AHIs.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Serbia personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will share what information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and 
Mission Serbia personnel.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received an unclassified briefing on anomalous 
health incidents. If confirmed, I commit to receiving additional, 
classified briefings on the incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will maintain detailed records of the 
incident and share it with the State Department and others to 
contribute to the investigation.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will take every measure to keep our staff 
safe and secure and would take any report of an anomalous health 
incident very seriously. I will do my best to ensure those affected 
receive the attention they deserve, that incidents are investigated 
fully, and that I work with the appropriate offices and agencies to 
ensure required reporting, investigation, potential countermeasures, 
and provision of medical care. I would share what information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and the 
mission community.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Christopher R. Hill by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Under the Trump administration, we began to see some 
movement on the longstanding dispute between Kosovo and Serbia. The 
September 2020 meeting at the White House between Serbian and Kosovo 
leaders was a welcome sight and paved the way to normalize economic 
relationships. If confirmed, what steps would you take as Ambassador to 
build on these successes and improve communication between Kosovo and 
Serbia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work to build on the progress prior 
administrations and the Biden administration have made in the Balkans. 
Past commitments have created tangible benefits for citizens of both 
Serbia and Kosovo: improved trade, cooperation on streamlined customs 
and border procedures to facilitate transit of goods and people, 
greater opportunity for engagement, and increased economic planning. It 
is important that Serbia and Kosovo honor in good faith all previous 
commitments, that they remain flexible and prepared for necessary 
compromises, and that they make progress through the EU-facilitated 
Dialogue to improve technical cooperation and trust in support of the 
goal of comprehensive normalization of relations, ideally based on 
mutual recognition.

    Question. How can the United States coordinate better with EU 
efforts in mediating between Kosovo and Serbia?

    Answer. While not at the table, the United States has played a 
consistent, strong role in helping the parties reach an agreement to 
establish fully normalized relations. The administration closely 
coordinates with EU counterparts. If confirmed, I will continue to work 
closely with the EU to advance the Dialogue as the mechanism for 
implementation of the provisions of the 2013 Brussels Agreement and, 
ultimately, a comprehensive normalization ideally based on mutual 
recognition. This is essential for enduring stability in the Western 
Balkans. I commit to reinforcing with Serbian officials, and the 
Serbian public, the continued importance of compromise and 
normalization for achieving Serbia's strategic goals of EU membership 
and regional prosperity.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Michele Taylor by Senator Robert Menendez

Anti-Israel Bias
    Question. I believe that the U.S. is best positioned to counter 
anti-Israel bias on the U.N. Human Rights Council when it is a member 
of that Council. I have been heartened by the Biden administration's 
steps to counter anti-Israel bias at the U.N. in general and I fully 
expect that work to continue with our renewed membership on the Human 
Rights Council.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to counter anti-Israel bias 
        on the Council? What specific changes do you think the Council 
        ought to make and what to you see as the U.S.'s most effective 
        points of leverage to enact those changes?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic 
membership. When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to 
advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction 
in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as 
non-traditional partners, to address the Council's problematic anti-
Israel bias and will engage regularly with the Office of the High 
Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to 
problematic anti-Israel mandates.

    Question. What steps will you take to remove Israel as a permanent 
agenda item on the Council?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. 
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the 
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. 
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. If confirmed, I will 
work tirelessly to:

   reduce the overall number of Israel-related resolutions at the 
        Council;
   continue recent progress in minimizing the items considered under 
        Agenda Item 7 by shifting consideration of Israel into other 
        agenda items where they will be treated as every other nation;
   make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to 
        reduce the impact of such mandates; and
   bolster the number of countries aligned with U.S. views on the need 
        to permanently tackle the Council's bias against Israel.


    Question. What steps can the U.S. take, both at the U.N. and 
bilaterally, to change the voting practices of U.S. allies that have 
voted in support of the Council's biased agenda and resolutions against 
Israel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work intensively with our allies to 
bolster their support in combatting the Council's anti-Israel bias. We 
have also seen that when the United States plays an active and 
constructive role on the Council, we have been able to effectively 
engage with our allies and other partners to make real progress, 
including encouraging and supporting countries with better records to 
run for seats.

BDS Movement
    Question. I remain concerned by efforts by the U.N. Human Rights 
Council to promote the Boycott, Divestment and Sanction (BDS) movement 
against Israel, especially the establishment and publishing of a 
database of companies conducting business in the West Bank and East 
Jerusalem.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to end efforts such as these 
        on the Council, which promote boycotts against Israel?

    Answer. The United States opposed the creation of the database and 
release of the report, as mandated by the Human Rights Council in 2016, 
and continues to oppose any work to update it. The United States has 
not provided and has no intention to provide any information to OHCHR 
for the database. If confirmed, I will also encourage other countries 
not to provide any information for the database. The United States 
continues to engage with the High Commissioner in Geneva to make its 
views and opposition clear and to push for retraction of the database. 
If confirmed, I will continue this effort.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Michele Taylor by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, what will your priorities be as the 
Ambassador to the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would bring with me to the U.N. Human 
Rights Council my experience and a determination to defend the human 
rights of all individuals. I would work tirelessly to restore U.S. 
leadership on the Council in order to defend Israel and diminish the 
Council's anti-Israel bias. I would seek new partnerships to advance 
reform of the Council's membership, and I would return the United 
States to the center of the human rights debate, where we can fight 
racism, intolerance, and religious persecution, promote concrete action 
to advance respect for the human rights of women, LGBTQI persons, and 
minorities, and give the necessary attention to the world's worst human 
rights offenders.

    Question. Do you believe that the UNHRC is the appropriate body to 
discuss the promotion or creation of ``new'' human rights, like the 
right to a ``safe, clean, healthy, and sustainable environment?'' If 
not, why not? If yes, why?

    Answer. I understand that the United States, including through its 
delegation to the HRC, has consistently reiterated that there are no 
universally recognized human rights specifically related to the 
environment; that we do not recognize the HRC's action to recognize a 
new right to a safe, healthy and sustainable environment; and we do not 
believe that an HRC resolution is an appropriate means of attempting to 
elaborate a new and undefined right.

    Question. Since its inception, the UNHRC has passed 95 resolutions 
condemning Israel, a U.S. Ally, more than any combination of other 
countries. Bashar al Assad's brutal regime in Syria has only garnered 
36 condemnations for its use of barrel bombs, chemical weapons, 
torture, diversion of aid, and more. The People's Republic of China, a 
genocidal regime attempting to erase ethnic minorities in its country, 
has zero. If confirmed, how will you work to counter this unbalanced 
and discriminatory approach to human rights?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic 
membership. When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to 
advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction 
in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as 
non-traditional partners, to address the Council's problematic anti-
Israel bias and will engage regularly with the Office of the High 
Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to 
problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    We have also seen that when the United States plays an active and 
constructive role on the Council, we have been able to engage with our 
allies and partners to encourage and support countries with better 
records to run for seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I would work 
closely with U.S. friends and allies to push back on the People's 
Republic of China's (PRC) efforts to erode respect for human rights in 
favor of its authoritarian aims and will work to expand space for civil 
society engagement in the Council's work, something the PRC has worked 
to restrict in recent years.

    Question. Do you believe that regimes like those in Syria, China, 
Russia, Iran, and others deserve to be condemned in this body?

    Answer. When President Biden announced that the United States would 
seek election to the Council, he underscored the importance and utility 
of a functional Human Rights Council, which at its best prompts 
investigation of abuses in places such as Syria and North Korea, gives 
voice to those working against racism, and related intolerance, 
promotes concrete action to advance respect for the human rights of 
women, LGBTQI persons, and members of minority groups, including 
religious minority groups. If confirmed, I will be an unrelenting voice 
for those whose rights are threatened and will seek every appropriate 
opportunity to shine a light on the conduct of human rights offenders, 
including in Syria, the People's Republic of China, Russia, and Iran.

    Question. In May, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) created a 
new so-called commission of inquiry to investigate the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict. The new commission's mandate is much broader in 
scope chronologically, geographically, and substantively than the 
mandates of its predecessors, including the infamous and deeply flawed 
Goldstone Commission. In July, the UNHRC announced the appointment of 
three exceptionally anti-Israel persons to serve as the three members 
of the commission. Based on its mandate and members, the commission 
appears poised to falsely allege that Israel is guilty of the crime of 
apartheid, based on an invented new definition of that crime. The Biden 
administration has chosen to reengage with the UNHRC, with Secretary 
Blinken asserting that despite the Council's flawed record on Israel 
``the best way to improve the Council is to engage with it and its 
members in a principled fashion.'' Blinken committed that the U.S. 
would be at the Council ``table using the full weight of our diplomatic 
leadership'' and said we ``strongly believe that when the United States 
engages constructively with the Council, in concert with our allies and 
friends, positive change is within reach.'' Yet the mandate and 
membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry represents a chance 
for the worse rather than the better.

   If confirmed as the top U.S. diplomat in Geneva, are you going to 
        use the full weight of our diplomatic leadership to stop the 
        UNHRC from libeling Israel as engaged in apartheid?

    Answer. Yes. I am committed to working with Israel and our other 
allies and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate the HRC's 
attacks on Israel. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United 
States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in Geneva and 
in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world, to address 
the Human Rights Council's longstanding anti-Israel bias.

    Question. If yes, how specifically would you plan to fight this 
battle?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. 
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the 
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. 
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. If confirmed, I will 
work tirelessly to:

   reduce the overall number of Israel-related resolutions at the 
        Council;
   continue recent progress in minimizing the items considered under 
        Agenda Item 7 by shifting consideration of Israel into other 
        agenda items where they will be treated as every other nation;
   make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to 
        reduce the impact of such mandates; and
   bolster the number of countries aligned with U.S. views on the need 
        to permanently tackle the Council's bias against Israel.

    Question. If yes to question 5, what are you prepared to do to 
ensure the farce of this Commission of Inquiry does not move forward on 
the Biden administration's watch?

    Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May, 
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on 
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry 
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater 
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded 
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part 
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human 
Rights Council, in line with the treatment of other U.N. member states. 
If confirmed, I will also engage regularly with the High Commissioner 
for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to the Commission.

    Question. The UNHRC is in desperate need of reform. If confirmed, 
please detail your plan of engagement to undertake those reforms, 
including removing Agenda Item 7.

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel. When the U.S. has had a seat at the 
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and have seen 
changes like a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. 
If confirmed, I will continue recent progress in moving consideration 
of Israel out of Agenda Item 7 and into the regular Council agenda with 
all other U.N. member states, thus rendering Item 7 unnecessary and 
underscoring its illegitimate intent. I will prioritize working closely 
with U.S. friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to 
address the Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage 
regularly with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to 
make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the 
Council, we have been able to engage with our allies and partners to 
keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and 
to encourage and support countries with better records to run for 
seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. 
friends and allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's 
(PRC) efforts to erode respect for human rights in favor of its 
authoritarian aims and will work to expand space for civil society 
engagement in the Council's work, something the PRC has worked to 
restrict in recent years.

    Question. Growing CCP influence in the U.N. and subsequently on the 
Council is of grave concern. As we try to push back on such influence, 
the CCP has made significant inroads both in the council and within the 
U.N. to block and tackle ideas that do not comport with CCP thought. 
Please explain your intended strategy for combatting malign influence 
in the council.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. friends and 
allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's (PRC) efforts 
to erode respect for human rights in favor of its authoritarian aims 
and will work to expand space for civil society engagement in the 
Council's work, something the PRC has worked to restrict in recent 
years. I will also build partnerships to prioritize needed reforms to 
alter positively the composition of the Council, including encouraging 
and supporting countries with better records to run for seats.
    Finally, I believe we must push back against the PRC's efforts to 
elevate the concept of societal rights, which threatens to undermine 
the traditional notion of international human rights centered on the 
rights of the individual. This attempted normative erosion runs counter 
to the notion of human rights articulated in the Universal Declaration 
of Human Rights, and the binding U.N. human rights conventions.

    Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to aiding the Office of 
Multilateral Strategy and Personnel (MSP) in the State Department's 
Bureau of International Organizations who is leading a whole-of-
government effort to identify, recruit, and install qualified, 
independent personnel at the U.N., including in elections for 
specialized bodies like the International Telecommunications Union 
(ITU)?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I look forward to supporting the efforts 
of this office however possible and appropriate.

    Question. Do you commit to helping in MSP's efforts as it relates 
to Americans in junior positions at and within UNHRC?

    Answer. I believe the JPO program offers a unique opportunity for 
the United States to invest in the career development of qualified 
young Americans and made needed progress in expanding the number and 
distribution of Americans working in international organizations. If 
confirmed, I will actively support efforts by the Department of State 
to identify opportunities for JPOs, including in venues such as the 
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

    Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID. What is your understanding 
of morale throughout Mission Geneva?

    Answer. As U.S. Representative to the United Nations Human Rights 
Council, I will not be responsible for mission operations in Geneva. 
However, it is my understanding that morale at the Mission is high, 
particularly in light of our imminent return to the Council as an 
elected member. If confirmed, I look forward to joining this excellent 
team and benefitting from its extraordinary expertise.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Geneva?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting Mission 
leadership in its efforts to guide, encourage, and recognize the 
exceptional community of professionals in Geneva. That includes working 
closely with the human rights team to ensure they have clear direction 
regarding our objectives at the Human Rights Council, are treated with 
the utmost respect, and enjoy an appropriate work-life balance.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across the entire U.S.-U.N. HRC team?

    Answer. My interactions to date with State Department professionals 
working on human rights issues gives me great confidence that the 
United States is poised to lead on these issues at the Human Rights 
Council, and do so with confidence, energy, and focus. If confirmed, I 
will invest that confidence in the team, benefit from its wisdom, and 
guide it proudly.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I would describe myself as both motivational and 
encouraging as a manager. Success is important to me but is not 
measured merely in outcomes. I strive to create an environment where 
all members of my team feel valued for their contributions and 
supported in their personal goals. I have a record of both achievement 
and creating collaborative environments in diverse communities. I am 
especially proud of my ability to find common ground with people from a 
wide spectrum of ideologies and opinions.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style 
will translate to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be 
readily available and your diplomatic workforce consists of career 
employees?

    Answer. I understand that resource constraints, including human 
resources, may be a challenge during my tenure, if confirmed. However, 
I believe in setting ambitious goals and cultivating team excitement 
accordingly. The U.S. return to the Human Rights Council will require 
considerable effort, and I will lead by example without creating undue 
strain on the professional staff. I am committed to taking an active 
role in helping to support the career goals of each of my team members 
and will work with them to find opportunities for professional 
development.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. As U.S. Representative to the United Nations Human Rights 
Council, I will not be responsible for mission operations in Geneva. 
However, if confirmed, I will be excited at the prospect of meeting and 
working with the extraordinary team at Mission Geneva and will lean 
heavily upon their expertise and wisdom as I assume this challenging 
assignment.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. Under no circumstances.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat 
seriously?

    Answer. Absolutely, and while I will not have Mission management 
responsibilities as the U.S. Representative to the HRC if confirmed, I 
will lend my support however possible to ensure the health and 
wellbeing of the Mission personnel, especially, but not limited to, my 
direct reports.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to Mission Geneva personnel?

    Answer. While I will not have Mission management responsibilities 
as the U.S. Representative to the HRC, I will certainly contribute as 
appropriate to these conversations.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. Yes, I received a related briefing during the Ambassadorial 
Seminar.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. If confirmed as U.S. Representative to the U.N. Human 
Rights Council, I will not have Mission management responsibilities. 
However, I will support Mission leadership in these matters as possible 
and appropriate.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. Although I will not have mission oversight responsibilities 
if confirmed as the U.S. Representative to the U.N. Human Rights 
Council, I do believe I can contribute to positive, inclusive 
communications within the team, and I look forward to working with 
Mission leadership to explore that potential role as possible and 
appropriate.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Michele Taylor by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Through the annual appropriations bills passed during the 
Trump administration, Congress has included provisions that prohibit 
U.S. funding for the U.N. Human Rights Council unless the Secretary of 
State determines reports to Congress that participation in the Council 
is in the national interest of the United States.

   What is your view on this provision?

    Answer. Specifically defunding the U.N. Human Rights Council is 
neither an appropriate nor an available option. The Council's funding 
is drawn from assessed contributions provided to the U.N. Secretariat, 
which uses those contributions to support a wide range of U.N. 
operations. President Biden is committed to paying our nation's 
assessed contributions in full and on time. He has also determined that 
participating in the Human Rights Council is in the national interest, 
and I strongly support that determination.
    As I noted in my statement to the committee, I believe firmly that 
that conversations about global human rights are poorer without an 
American voice and without American leadership. The President has made 
clear his belief that the Human Rights Council is a venue where the 
United States can and must lead, and I know from my experience working 
with human rights defenders more can be accomplished in active 
partnership than in principled absence. If confirmed, I will work 
tirelessly to rebuild American leadership on the Council.

    Question. How, if at all, does it impact U.S. influence in Council 
operations?

    Answer. I believe that paying U.S. assessed contributions in full 
and on time is a key aspect of demonstrating U.S. leadership in 
international organizations and denying our competitors easy 
opportunities to suggest diminishing American commitment to global 
challenges.

    Question. What is the extent of U.S. influence on the Council?

    Answer. There is no doubt in my mind that U.S. influence on the 
Council diminished considerably during the period of our absence. If 
confirmed, I will use my position and the U.S. return to the Council to 
restore our nation's place at the center of the global human rights 
conversation.

    Question. Has the U.S. addressed issues of U.S. concern, such as 
the need for reform and the Council's disproportionate focus on Israel, 
and if so, how successful have these efforts been?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel. When the United States has had a seat 
at the table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and 
have seen changes such as a reduction in the number of resolutions 
targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with 
U.S. friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to 
address the Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage 
regularly with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to 
make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the 
Council, we have been able to engage with our allies and partners to 
encourage and support countries with better records to run for seats. 
More broadly, if confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. friends and 
allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's (PRC) efforts 
to erode respect for human rights in favor of its authoritarian aims 
and will work to expand space for civil society engagement in the 
Council's work, something the PRC has worked to restrict in recent 
years.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to push the Council to 
condemn the ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang?

    Answer. I firmly believe that the United States advances our 
national interests best when we have a seat at the table in the 
multilateral system, including the Human Rights Council (HRC). By 
raising our voice, and working with like-minded partners, we have used 
the Council platform to shine a light on Beijing's ongoing genocide and 
crimes against humanity in Xinjiang and human rights abuses in Tibet 
and Hong Kong. If confirmed, I will be tireless in my efforts to 
sustain focus on the PRC's human rights conduct and the hypocrisy of 
its presence on the Council.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Michele Taylor by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The Biden administration itself acknowledged that the 
Human Rights Council needs reforms to its agenda, membership, and focus 
when it chose to rejoin the council earlier this year. If confirmed, 
what specific reforms will you push for at the Human Rights Council?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel. When the U.S. has had a seat at the 
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and have seen 
changes like a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. 
If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. friends and 
allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the Council's 
problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with the Office 
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition 
to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the 
Council, we have been able to engage with our allies and partners to 
keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and 
to encourage and support countries with better records to run for 
seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. 
friends and allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's 
efforts to erode respect for human rights in favor of its authoritarian 
aims and will work to expand space for civil society engagement in the 
Council's work, something the PRC has worked to restrict in recent 
years.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you fight anti-Israel bias at the 
U.N. Human Rights Council?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. 
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the 
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. 
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. If confirmed, I will 
work tirelessly to:

   reduce the overall number of Israel-related resolutions at the 
        Council;
   continue recent progress in minimizing the items considered under 
        Agenda Item 7 by shifting consideration of Israel into other 
        agenda items where they will be treated as every other nation;
   make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to 
        reduce the impact of such mandates; and
   bolster the number of countries aligned with U.S. views on the need 
        to permanently tackle the Council's bias against Israel.

    Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets at Israel 
from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the step of 
establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate Israel, 
the only such permanent agenda item of the council. What are your 
thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S. cooperate with commission?

    Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May, 
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on 
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry 
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater 
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. It also 
reminds us of what can happen when American leadership at the Council 
is absent and underscores the importance of our recent election and the 
need for a Senate-confirmed Ambassador in this crucial position.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded 
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part 
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human 
Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states. If confirmed, I 
will also engage regularly with the High Commissioner for Human Rights 
to make clear U.S. opposition to the Commission.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Michele Taylor by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has been subject to 
bipartisan criticism for endemic anti-Israel bias. It has in recent 
years taken a leading role in promoting economic measures against 
Israeli Jews and in territories where Israeli Jews live. The Human 
Rights Council has published a blacklist of companies doing business in 
the West Bank and East Jerusalem--including American companies. The 
move puts these companies at severe reputational and potentially even 
legal risks, pursuant to American statutes prohibiting participation in 
such boycott efforts.

   What specific changes should the UNHRC pursue to mitigate its anti-
        Israel bias?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel. When the U.S. has had a seat at the 
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and have seen 
changes such as a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting 
Israel.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. friends 
and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the 
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. 
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. I will work tirelessly 
to:

   reduce the overall number of Israel-related resolutions at the 
        Council;
   continue recent progress in minimizing the items considered under 
        Agenda Item 7 by shifting consideration of Israel into other 
        agenda items where they will be treated as every other nation;
   make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates and 
        aim to reduce the impact of such mandates; and
   bolster the number of countries aligned with U.S. views on the need 
        to permanently tackle the Council's bias against Israel.

    Question. How long do you assess it will take you, if confirmed, to 
secure these specific changes mitigating the UNHRC's anti-Israel bias?

    Answer. I cannot offer a specific timeline. However, I can assure 
you that, if I am confirmed, the United States, and I personally, will 
work tirelessly to diminish anti-Israel bias on the Council.

    Question. What specific steps do you intend to take to ensure that 
the Council retracts databases and other lists seeking to pressure 
companies into curtailing activities with Israel?

    Answer. The United States opposed the creation of the database and 
release of the report, as mandated by the Human Rights Council in 2016, 
and continues to oppose any work to update it. The United States has 
not provided and has no intention to provide any information to OHCHR 
for the database. If confirmed, I will also encourage other countries 
not to provide any information for the database. The United States 
continues to engage with the High Commissioner in Geneva to make its 
views and opposition clear and to push for retraction of the database. 
It is also my understanding that the database has not been updated.
    If confirmed, I will continue this effort.

    Question. How long do you assess it will take you, if confirmed, to 
ensure that the Council retracts databases and other lists seeking to 
pressure companies into curtailing activities with Israel?

    Answer. I cannot offer a specific timeline. However, I can assure 
you that, if I am confirmed, the United States, and I personally, will 
continue to engage regularly with the High Commissioner in Geneva to 
urge the retraction of this database and push to ensure that the 
database is not updated.

    Question. What specific steps do you intend to take to ensure that 
the Council removes Israel as a permanent agenda item?

    Answer. As noted above, if confirmed I will prioritize working 
closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as non-traditional 
partners, to address the Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and 
will engage regularly with the Office of the High Commissioner for 
Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel 
mandates. In particular, I will work to:

   reduce the overall number of Israel-related resolutions at the 
        Council;
   continue recent progress in moving consideration of Israel out of 
        Agenda Item 7 and into the regular Council agenda with all 
        other U.N. member states, thus rendering Item 7 unnecessary and 
        underscoring its illegitimate intent; and
   make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to 
        reduce the impact of such mandates.

    Question. How long do you assess it will take you, if confirmed, to 
ensure that the Council removes Israel as a permanent agenda item?

    Answer. I cannot offer a specific timeline. However, I can assure 
you that, if I am confirmed, I will be unrelenting in this effort.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Michele Taylor by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. In May 2021, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) moved 
to create the permanent Commission on Inquiry (COI) on the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict. Unlike prior UNHRC commissions that examined 
specific Israeli-Palestinian clashes in the West Bank and Gaza, this 
COI is set to exist in perpetuity, is mandated to search for violations 
in pre-1967 Israel as well as in the disputed territories, and appears 
to be designed to reach the false conclusion that Israel is committing 
apartheid.
    Moreover, the UNHRC announced the appointment of Navi Pillay as 
chair of the COI. While serving as U.N. High Commissioner for Human 
Rights from 2008 to 2014, Pillay repeatedly and caustically accused 
Israel of committing war crimes, and declared that ``the Israeli 
Government treats international law with perpetual disdain.'' Indeed, 
in May 2012, House Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Ileana Ros-Lehtinen 
(R-FL) and Congressman Eliot Engel (D-NY) opposed Pillay's extension as 
U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, saying Pillay had ``repeatedly 
demonstrated bias against the State of Israel.''
    In December 2021, the United States voted at the U.N. General 
Assembly's Fifth Committee to support an Israel-authored amendment to 
defund the COI.

   Ms. Taylor, do you agree that it was outrageous and 
        counterproductive for the U.N. Human Rights Council to create 
        the Commission on Inquiry (COI) in May 2021, and that the 
        United States therefore should do everything in its power to 
        work with Israel and other like-minded nations to deny funding 
        and staff to the COI and ultimately to disestablish the COI?

    Answer. I agree that it was counterproductive for the U.N. Human 
Rights Council to create the Commission of Inquiry (COI), and I 
understand that the United States strongly opposed the special session 
of the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May 
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on 
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended COI distracts from the 
diplomatic work necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and 
prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. It is also a demonstration of 
the risks of absenting American leadership at the Council and 
underscores the importance of our recent election to it.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded 
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part 
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human 
Rights Council, in line with the treatment of other U.N. member states. 
If confirmed, I will also engage regularly with the High Commissioner 
for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to the Commission.

    Question. If confirmed to serve as United States Representative to 
the U.N. Human Rights Council, do you commit to make the denial of 
funding and staff to the COI and the ultimate disestablishment of the 
COI at top priority?

    Answer. During the Fifth Committee budget negotiations that 
concluded in December 2021, the United States successfully pushed for a 
reduction of resources for the COI, including a 25 percent reduction in 
the number of associated positions. While the mandate for the COI is 
open-ended, funding and staffing levels for human rights mandates must 
be approved on an annual basis. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
with Israel and other partners to decrease the scope and timeline of 
this Commission and address the COI's unprecedented open-ended mandate 
in Geneva. If confirmed, I will also engage regularly with the High 
Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to the 
Commission.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Alice Albright by Senator Robert Menendez

Joint Development/Strategic Mandate
    Question. Development finance is an important tool to realize U.S 
foreign policy objectives and can be especially effective in countering 
malign influence of China and other adversary nations. Most developing 
countries would prefer to work with the U.S. and our private sector 
partners, as opposed to the PRC's predatory development financial 
institutions.

   How will you work to balance development and strategic outcomes 
        through MCC's investments?

    Answer. The role China plays around the world is a top concern of 
mine.
    MCC's grant-based programs are designed to be cost-effective 
investments shaped by evidence- based analysis to ensure measurable 
returns on investment. The MCC model encourages country partners to 
double down on good governance, democratic consolidation, and anti-
corruption efforts as a pre-requisite to investments.
    Country selectivity, evidence-based decision-making, and 
transparency are elements of a ``best practice'' development approach 
that enable sustainable results and stand in contrast to approaches 
taken by other development actors, including China. If confirmed, I 
would continue this approach at MCC, and I would welcome continued 
engagement with you and your staff on this issue.

COVID-19 Recovery

    Question. The USAID OIG found that the impacts of COVID-19 will 
reduce the number of MCC eligible countries by 3 (to 81 total). MCC has 
reported that ``efforts are underway to account for the impact of 
COVID-19 on targeted outcomes of MCC's programs.''

   Can you please discuss the status of these efforts?

    Answer. I am committed to addressing the ongoing challenges created 
by the pandemic while ensuring that MCC's programs and policies 
continue to be the best fit for the evolving moment we find ourselves 
in. A component of that is making sure that MCC's programs in 
implementation, many of which, it's my understanding, face 
unprecedented delays due to public health restrictions and other 
impacts of the pandemic, exercise the appropriate time extension to 
successfully complete the intended work and secure the intended 
benefits to reduce poverty through growth.

Threshold Oversight
    Question. A September OIG report found that MCC lacked a process 
for assessing progress of the overall Threshold Program. As such, MCC 
cannot fully measure the effectiveness of the Program or determine how 
it contributed to assessing candidates for future MCC compacts.

   How is MCC fixing this to ensure the benefits of the Threshold 
        Program are being maximized and that the program is working as 
        intended?

    Answer. I can firmly assure you that I am committed to the success 
of the Threshold Program and will look for ways to maximize the value 
of this program if I am confirmed. I am also very supportive of the 
principal of measuring program effectiveness, and while I am not yet 
aware of the specific responses that management will consider in 
response the audit's recommendations, I am confident that MCC staff are 
also firmly committed to rigorous measurement and to program 
effectiveness. I look forward to working with you given our shared 
commitment.

Renewable Energy Storage
    Question. The USG development community has made several 
announcements to bolster renewable energy development abroad, including 
MCC's Burkina Faso Compact II consisting of The Strengthening 
Electricity Sector Effectiveness Project, the Cost-Effective and 
Reliable Electricity Supply Project, and the Grid Development and 
Access Project. Energy storage is essential to ensure consistent 
renewable energy output.

   How do you think MCC can be utilized to facilitate energy storage 
        projects like the MCC Burkina Faso Compact II project?

    Answer. MCC works alongside partner countries to examine needs 
across the energy sector, build country capacity, and make needed 
reforms. MCC works with country partners to develop energy 
infrastructure that is consistent with master plans and that is 
supported by the right policy and institutional environment to be 
economically sustainable and attractive for private sector investment. 
The agency also leverages private sector financing and expertise by 
developing and structuring opportunities to crowd in investors, often 
in collaboration with other donors.
    If confirmed, I will look to continue to follow MCC's evidence-
based model to advance the agency's investment portfolio, consistent 
with their core principles of country ownership and data-driven 
analysis.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Alice Albright by Senator James E. Risch

Millennium Challenge Corporation Model

    Question. Since its creation by Congress in 2004, the Millennium 
Challenge Corporation (MCC) has set a global standard for effective 
foreign assistance and, in the process, has distinguished itself from 
other U.S. foreign assistance agencies and efforts. For example, MCC is 
distinctly different from USAID in many respects, not the least of 
which includes its statutory mission to reduce poverty through economic 
growth, as well as its commitment to transparency, selectivity, and 
accountability for results. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding 
the following foundational principles of MCC, as enshrined by statute:

   That the MCC remains unconstrained by administration initiatives, 
        directives, and earmarks;

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with MCC staff, 
Congress, and the administration toleverage MCC's focus on good 
governance and accountability, as well as the agency's approach to 
country ownership and institutional capacity building, to further the 
MCC's goal to reduce global poverty and create a more stable, secure 
world with more opportunities for inclusive economic growth.

   That the agency partners with countries selected through a 
        transparent and competitive process on the basis of their 
        measurable commitment to democratic governance, investing in 
        people, and economic freedom?

    Answer. Yes

   That the agency invests in country-led efforts to address binding 
        constraints to growth, as identified through a rigorous 
        economic constraints analysis?

    Answer. Yes

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to remaining politically 
agnostic through compact development and to allowing the data to guide 
investment?

    Answer. Yes

    Question. How will you balance your own personal views on education 
as the foundation of development against this long-standing principle?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue MCC's singular focus on 
reducing poverty through economic growth, using rigorous data and a 
country-driven approach, to identify a country's binding constraints to 
economic growth.

    Question. How does MCC's recently announced, self-imposed, carbon 
cap impact its ability to remain politically agnostic while assessing 
the key constraints to economic growth in a partner country and 
subsequently designing compacts?

    Answer. MCC's recently announced commitment on climate does not 
establish a carbon cap, but rather, commits the agency to strengthening 
how it takes climate change into account in its programs consistent 
with its model, its focus on key constraints to economic growth, and 
its mission of poverty reduction. MCC's partner countries exercise 
program ownership, with partner governments taking the lead in setting 
priorities for MCC investments in close consultation with citizens and 
civil society organizations. It's my understanding that countries MCC 
works with have their own economic and climate-related goals and 
challenges and work with MCC to develop and implement sustainable 
projects across a range of sectors in order to drive economic 
prosperity.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that MCC continues to follow its model 
and that any climate-related investments MCC makes will continue to 
adhere to this core principle of country ownership.

    Question. A shrinking pool of eligible partner countries has led 
some to suggest that MCC should alter its selection criteria. This 
includes proposals to alter the income categories for eligible partner 
countries, allow for investments in impoverished cities or regions 
within otherwise wealthy countries, add or eliminate certain third 
party indicators used on MCC scorecards, alter or eliminate the 
eligibility ``hard hurdle'' for corruption, and/or allow for three or 
more additional compacts with previous partners.

   If confirmed, what measures would you recommend to ensure that MCC 
        maintains a credible pool of eligible partner countries while 
        still upholding its foundational principles?

    Answer. This is something I will certainly plan to review if 
confirmed. The global poverty picture and our understanding of the 
nature of development need is changing, and I want to ensure that MCC's 
systems are still the right ones 17 years after MCC was created.
    Should changes be necessary, if confirmed, I look forward to 
working with you and your staff to determine what, if any, potential 
legislation would be needed.

    Question. Will you commit to working in good faith with Congress to 
address data lags, which may skew eligibility?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support MCC staff in ensuring that 
MCC's analytical tools and products remain cutting edge and use the 
most up-to-date evidence and data possible. I would welcome continued 
engagement with you on these issues.

    Question. Will you also commit to continuously working to identify 
the most reliable indicators of corruption?

    Answer. Yes

    Question. Will you also commit to continuously working to refine 
the manner in which MCC calculates economic rates of return?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support MCC staff to ensure the 
agency uses the most-up-to-date Economic Rate of Return calculations.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan 
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by 
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on the 
development, implementation, and impact of MCC-supported compacts and 
threshold programs, including with regard to financial commitments, 
obligations, and expenditures?

    Answer. Yes

Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero 
tolerance policy for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your 
purview?

    Answer. Yes

    Question. the sexual exploitation and abuse of the communities they 
are meant to serve?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold MCC's Counter-Trafficking 
in Persons policy, which clearly states that the Agency has a zero-
tolerance policy that applies to both MCAs and contractors.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and 
complete compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method of family 
planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against 
the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will comply with current law, including the 
``Prohibition on use of funds for Abortions and involuntary 
Sterilizations'' in the Millennium Challenge Act of 2003.

Climate and Energy Poverty
    Question. Understanding that a lack of access to reliable and 
affordable energy is a key constraint to growth for roughly two-thirds 
of the population of sub-Saharan Africa, MCC has invested $2.5 billion 
in projects that reduce energy poverty and advance the objectives of 
the Power Africa initiative. When the Power Africa Initiative was 
authorized by Congress in 2016, it was with the explicit intent that 
the each of the contributing agencies, including MCC, would pursue an 
``all of the above strategy'' to reduce energy poverty. Since that 
time, multiple African countries have told the Committee that they need 
natural gas to reduce poverty while making the transition to cleaner 
energy sources. Yet, thus far, the Biden administration has signaled 
that natural gas cooperation with developing countries will not be a 
priority area, and MCC's self-imposed carbon cap may prevent it from 
involvement in future natural gas projects.

   Do you believe in the ``all of the above'' approach to reducing 
        energy poverty? If not, why not?

    Answer. It's my understanding that, other than MCC's publicly 
stated ``coal-free policy,'' the agency would consider supporting an 
energy project consistent with their core principles of country 
ownership and data-driven analysis.
    If confirmed, I will look to continue to follow MCC's evidence-
based model to advance the agency's investment portfolio.

    Question. Do you believe that climate is the most important issue 
facing the United States?

    Answer. No.
    I believe that climate change is one of several pressing issues 
currently confronting the United States.

    Question. Do you believe that MCC should primarily be funding 
climate-related projects?

    Answer. MCC should prioritize projects that adhere to its singular 
focus on reducing poverty through economic growth, using rigorous data 
and its country-driven approach, to identify a country's binding 
constraints to economic growth.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that MCC is not 
used as a tool to advance climate change initiatives at the expense of 
its mandate to reduce poverty through economic growth?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will look to continue to follow MCC's 
evidence-based model to advance the agency's investment portfolio, 
consistent with their core principles of country ownership and data-
driven analysis.

    Question. Former Secretary Kerry has said that climate change is a 
``standalone issue'' in U.S.-China relations. But he subsequently said 
that ``life is full of tough choices in the relationship between 
nations'' and that our priority ``first and foremost'' must be to save 
this planet. He made these comments in response to an interview 
question between trade-offs related to climate and human rights. Since 
then, he has stated that human rights issues in China are ``not in his 
lane.''

   What are your views on these comments?

    Answer. Human rights should not be compromised. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with you and your staff while at MCC on this 
issue.

    Question. What would your approach be if you were faced with a 
project related to climate but could cause human rights concerns?

    Answer. Again, human rights should not be compromised, and MCC's 
policies and procedures reflect this.

    Question. The Secretary of State is responsible for the conduct of 
foreign policy and exercises authority over the provision of U.S. 
foreign assistance, including by virtue of his seat on the Board of the 
MCC.

   What degree of influence, if any, should Special Presidential Envoy 
        for Climate John Kerry exercise over the MCC and the countries 
        and projects it selects for support?

    Answer. MCC's corporate governance is established in the Millennium 
Challenge Act of 2003 and implemented through the Board-adopted bylaws. 
The MCC Board is comprised of both public sector and private sector 
members, with bipartisan representation. The Secretary of State or his 
designee is the Chair of MCC's Board of Directors. If confirmed, I will 
direct MCC to follow the governance structure and parameters enumerated 
in the Millennium Challenge Act of 2003.

    Question. Do you believe it would be appropriate for Special Envoy 
Kerry to exercise that influence directly, or via the Secretary of 
State (by virtue of his position on the Board of the MCC)?

    Answer. MCC's corporate governance is established in the Millennium 
Challenge Act of 2003. If confirmed, I will direct MCC to follow the 
governance structure and parameters enumerated in that Act.

Supply Chains
    Question. Do you believe that the MCC should support projects that 
source solar panels from China, despite the knowledge we have about 
forced labor in China's solar technology supply chains?

    Answer. I understand that MCC's policies and contract documents 
include provisions that prohibit forced labor, including within supply 
chains--and MCC's due diligence and oversight approaches support 
compliance with these provisions.
    If confirmed, I would continue this policy and would welcome 
continued engagement with you on these issues.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that MCC-
supported supply chains do not touch forced labor in any way, shape, or 
form?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will follow MCC's policies and contract 
documents, which include provisions that prohibit forced labor, 
including within supply chains.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Alice Albright by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. With few exceptions, the Millennium Challenge Corporation 
(MCC) can only provide funding to projects in low and lower-middle 
income countries. While I appreciate that this is to ensure that 
American taxpayer's money goes to countries most in need, I believe 
this restriction needlessly disadvantages the United States in 
competing with the Chinese Communist Party's malign Belt and Road 
Initiative (BRI). While MCC has relatively little flexibility in 
choosing its funding recipients, the BRI has free rein to trap any 
country in a pernicious cycle of predatory loans and defaults that 
builds projects that do more to benefit the Chinese Communist Party and 
its armed wing, the People's Liberation Army, than they do the 
countries in question.

   Are you in favor of loosening the national income restriction so 
        that MCC is better positioned to provide nations in Asia, Latin 
        America, and Africa with an alternative source of investment to 
        the Belt and Road Initiative?

    Answer. This is something I will certainly plan to review if 
confirmed. The global poverty picture is changing, and I want to ensure 
that MCC's systems are still the right ones 17 years after MCC was 
created.
    Should changes be necessary, if confirmed, I look forward to 
working with you and your staff to determine what, if any, potential 
legislation would be needed.

    Question. If confirmed, would you recommend that MCC provide 
funding for projects in upper- middle-income countries in Latin America 
and Asia that are currently the targets of significant CCP investment, 
such as Panama, Chile, or Malaysia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will certainly review MCC's income category 
restrictions. I am committed to constructive engagement in these 
regions. Should changes be necessary, I look forward to working with 
you and your staff to determine what, if any, potential legislation 
would be needed.

    Question. Country management of MCC compacts is intended to bolster 
partner governments' capacity, but shifting management to the partner 
government may diminish U.S. control over implementation. MCC has 
proven willing to rescind funding over its disapproval of countries' 
implementation. The Government of Ghana, for example, recently 
terminated a private sector concession for power distribution, drawing 
criticism for breach of contract and leading MCC to terminate $190 
million of its compact with Ghana.

   If confirmed, what steps would you take to ensure that partner 
        governments maintain U.S.-funded investments, particularly 
        infrastructure, after a compact is completed?

    Answer. MCC's model rests on country ownership, including the 
transfer of knowledge and processes through which a successful project 
is run. Much of this is instituted through the country ``Accountable 
Entities''--referred to as MCAs. If confirmed, I would ensure MCC 
continues working with host governments to reinforce the importance of 
their ongoing commitment to maintaining US-funded infrastructure and 
preserving the MCA best practices beyond the life of the compact, and 
that partner countries continue the oversight, management, funding, and 
monitoring and evaluation of MCC projects post close-out date. I would 
also maintain a clear and consistent message to countries that to be 
considered for subsequent MCC programs, the MCC Board requires 
countries to maintain prior MCC program investments. I understand that 
this has been a significant incentive for countries in the past.

    Question. Is it important to contract locally for project 
implementation to ensure a sustaining presence after compact 
conclusion, or should U.S. dollars from MCC go to U.S. firms instead?

    Answer. MCC's commitment to country ownership-one of its founding 
principles-means that countries are full partners in developing the 
agency's time-limited investment programs and take the lead in program 
implementation, including the acquisition of program related products 
and services. Program procurements, grants, and public-private 
partnerships are solicited, awarded, and administered by partner 
country accountable entities--or Millennium Challenge Accounts, also 
known as MCAs. Procurements comply with MCC's Program Procurement 
Guidelines, which are based on international procurement standards. MCC 
oversees these procurement processes to ensure that contracts are open, 
transparent, free of corruption, and provide best value to American 
taxpayers. All contracts awarded by MCC partner countries are based on 
fair and open international competition, which creates a level playing 
field where companies, including U.S. companies and small businesses, 
can compete and win.

    Question. To what extent does MCC's mission to promote market-led 
governance conflict with the necessity of respecting governments' right 
to set their own policies? If confirmed, how would you balance these 
two principles?

    Answer. MCC was founded on the idea that its grant resources are 
most effective in those countries with sound policy environments as 
defined in its founding statute. I understand that private sector 
companies also view a country's performance on the MCC scorecard, and 
the presence of MCC in a country, as significant signals that a country 
is open for business. MCC is a voluntary program and country 
governments always have the right to follow the development path they 
deem best. My responsibility, if confirmed, will be to the most 
efficient and effective use of U.S. taxpayer resources. I strongly 
believe that MCC's current balancing of the important considerations 
you raise is the right one within that context.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Alice Albright by Senator Todd Young

    Question. How would you compare and contrast MCC Compacts with 
China's Belt and Road Initiative?

    Answer. MCC competes with its model, not the dollar amount. The 
agency's high-quality assistance responds to countries' real poverty 
needs by providing grants to address specific ``binding constraints'' 
to economic growth, which frequently include critical infrastructure 
needs. MCC's programs are designed to be cost-effective investments 
shaped by evidence-based analysis to ensure measurable returns on 
investment.
    The MCC model encourages country partners to double down on good 
governance, democratic rights, and anti-corruption efforts as pre-
requisites to undertaking externally financed infrastructure 
investments. MCC's country selectivity, evidence-based decision-making, 
and transparency are elements of a ``best practice'' development 
approach-a model often cited as a ``gold standard'' in development--
that enables sustainable results without adding to a country's debt 
burden, in contrast to approaches taken by China.

    Question. What is your sense about the transparency and efficacy of 
MCC grants compared with the BRI?

    Answer. MCC has been at the forefront of promoting transparency in 
international development. MCC was the highest ranked bilateral donor 
in the world in the 2020 Aid Transparency Index, the only independent 
measure of aid transparency among the world's major development 
agencies. The agency also received the highest score of all federal 
agencies in Results for America's 2021 Invest in What Works Federal 
Standard of Excellence, which showcases how agencies use data and 
evidence to drive decision-making and improve lives. MCC works 
transparently with its country partners to identify programs that are 
broadly recognized as critical for genuine and lasting economic 
development by people in our countries.
    For MCC, collecting and publishing data on all its investments 
allows it to track progress toward targets and course-correct if 
needed. Moreover, relying on data to deliver and produce results 
ensures that the American people are getting a good return on their 
investment.
    MCC employs technically rigorous, systematic, and transparent 
methods of projecting, tracking, and evaluating the impacts of its 
programs. While I am not currently in a position to comment directly on 
BRI, if confirmed, I look forward to working with MCC staff to continue 
the agency's success on transparency.

    Question. China has been actively fighting against Nepal's MCC 
compact, including reports that Chinese intelligence officials have 
been actively spreading misinformation about the MCC process in Nepal. 
If confirmed, how would you work with Nepalese officials to ratify the 
MCC compact and move forward with our partnership there?

    Answer. Since compact signing in September 2017, the Government of 
Nepal has been working towards entry-into-force, which requires 
satisfaction of certain conditions precedent, including that the 
Compact be ratified by a majority vote in Parliament. It's my 
understanding that Nepal has made significant progress in meeting the 
conditions precedent on multiple fronts, but has yet to ratify the 
compact despite political commitments by the Government of Nepal to do 
so.
    In addition, the effort of ratification has been complicated by 
impacts of COVID-19, political instability, and a targeted mis- and 
disinformation campaign by detractors of the compact, including from 
some of its neighbors according to press reports.
    With these developments, it's my understanding that MCC is 
conveying to the Government that prompt ratification is essential, and 
MCC is closely monitoring developments.
    If confirmed, addressing misinformation and disinformation about 
MCC's work and working with the partners across the U.S. Government and 
the Government of Nepal to advance ratification will be one of my top 
priorities. I look forward to working with you and the committee on 
this matter.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Joseph Donnelly by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. The Holy See and the United States share a commitment to 
religious freedom and to prioritizing diplomatic engagement with 
religious communities as a matter of routine diplomacy. Please describe 
how you will work with the Holy See to further U.S. religious freedom 
goals and to ensure that religious actor engagement remains a central 
feature of U.S. diplomacy.

    Answer. Religious freedom is a key fixture of the U.S.-Holy See 
relationship. When President Biden met Pope Francis at the Vatican on 
October 29, the two leaders reaffirmed their shared commitment to 
defending freedom of religion or belief around the world. The Catholic 
Church plays an important role in the civil life of many countries 
where human rights and religious freedom are under threat. If 
confirmed, I will represent the policies of the President, including on 
promoting religious freedom. I will continue to engage with the Holy 
See on advocacy and policy coordination in countries where religious 
freedom is under threat and encourage the Holy See to hold those 
governments to account.

    Question. Pope Francis' recent joint statement on climate with the 
Archbishop of Canterbury and His All Holiness Bartholomew was deeply 
inspiring. His meeting with Grand Ayatollah Sistani in Iraq sent a 
positive message to millions of Muslims around the world. How will you 
encourage further interfaith efforts and dialogues on important issues, 
including responses to humanitarian disasters?

    Answer. The Vatican plays a vital role in creating interfaith 
dialogues and has made strides in recent years through meetings between 
faith leaders and the Holy See's Pontifical Councils which promote 
dialogue with people of other faiths and Christian denominations. If 
confirmed, I will continue to encourage these efforts and, as the 
United States is the world's largest provider of humanitarian aid, I 
will work with the Holy See to promote collaboration with Catholic 
humanitarian organizations in the wake of natural disasters and crises.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree 
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the 
health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I take more seriously 
than the health and security of the people who will be working with me. 
AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear 
goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the 
Department's communication with our workforce, provide care for 
affected employees and family members, and better protect against these 
events in the future as we continue to work closely with the 
interagency to find the cause of these AHIs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Joseph Donnelly by Senator James E. Risch

State Department Management
    Question. U.S. Missions across the globe have been under enormous 
strain over the past few years due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout the Mission to the 
        Holy See?

    Answer. Morale at Embassy Vatican remains generally high despite a 
challenging two years of living in a pandemic. While Italy was hit very 
hard in the early days of COVID-19, it now has one of the highest 
vaccination rates in the world and most daily activities have resumed. 
If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with the Deputy Chief 
of Mission to address any morale issues that may arise.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the Mission to 
the Holy See?

    Answer. I believe that improving morale in any community requires 
creating an environment of open, frank communication. I realize that 
living overseas, even in a wonderful city like Rome, presents 
challenges for employees and their families. If confirmed, I would work 
with members of the community to ensure each person feels heard and 
valued, and that their concerns are addressed. I would use the 
excellent community liaison office to give everyone in the community a 
voice.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across the Mission to the Holy See?

    Answer. Our mission to the Holy See benefits from being part of a 
tri-mission community. By combining management and support functions 
with the other missions, Embassy Vatican can focus on policy. If 
confirmed, I would work with the leadership of all three missions to 
increase the feeling of working towards a common goal, both in and out 
of the office. I would be an advocate for the needs of Embassy Vatican 
within this community without forgetting all three missions have the 
same purpose: to advance U.S. foreign policy.

Management is a Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe that communication is the key to successful 
management. I understand that there are differing, sometimes 
conflicting, opinions on most topics, and I want to hear those 
differing opinions. I ask those who work for me to be honest and to let 
me know when they disagree or see a problem with my thinking. I promote 
a work environment where everyone is respected and feels empowered to 
do their best work.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style 
will translate to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be 
readily available and your diplomatic workforce consists of career 
employees?

    Answer. To me, a workforce of career employees is an asset, not a 
liability. These are women and men who have spent years working on U.S. 
diplomacy, and if confirmed, I would work closely with the career 
employees to advance our nation's interests. I understand that working 
overseas can be challenging, and that we may have to make tough 
decisions about how to use resources. If confirmed, I would prioritize 
the health and safety of my employees, both direct-hire and local 
staff. I would work with the Deputy Chief of Mission to ensure that the 
needs and concerns of career staff are being met as we represent the 
United States to the Vatican.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes, I believe that a new chief of mission should integrate 
themselves into Embassy operations and culture. If confirmed, I would 
work closely with my Deputy Chief of Mission to ensure a smooth 
transition. I would prioritize meeting the members of Mission Vatican 
and learning the culture and the processes in place.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I have a policy of zero tolerance for workplace bullying or 
harassment. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates, and if 
confirmed, I would not accept that behavior at Mission Vatican.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission to advance U.S. foreign policy priorities and to ensure the 
safety and health of our community.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would consult closely with the Deputy Chief 
of Mission about the Embassy's priorities and needs and would create a 
strategic plan about how best to address them.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   If confirmed, will you encourage the Mission to the Holy See 
        diplomats to engage in-person with the people outside of U.S. 
        embassies and consulates?

    Answer. Yes, I would promote an atmosphere of engagement with 
interlocutors outside of the U.S. community. I believe that in-person 
interactions are the foundation of diplomatic work and would encourage 
high levels of involvement outside the mission.

Public Diplomacy is an Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in the Holy 
See? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. In general, the U.S. Embassy to the Holy See enjoys a close 
and cooperative relationship with Rome-based correspondents of 
mainstream and religious outlets, and the Vatican's own media outlets. 
Embassy Vatican can collaborate with print, TV, and radio to draw 
attention to issues of U.S. and Vatican concern, such as religious 
freedom, trafficking in persons, improvements in health care, and 
climate change, as well as message widely via social media to a large 
audience of people around the globe who follow Vatican affairs.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Missions overseas and Main State work together to craft a 
shared public diplomacy vision, as well as a comprehensive strategy, to 
effectively reach, educate, and influence key audiences with our policy 
messages and public diplomacy initiatives. Once Main State and Embassy 
Vatican develop the overarching policy direction, post builds in the 
in-country knowledge and expertise, and the strategy and tactical 
skills, that will advance policy goals in the local context with 
foreign audiences. Teamwork and clear communications between Main State 
and Post public affairs teams are critical for our success in 
developing effective messaging and influencing audiences.

    Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as 
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S. 
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious, 
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the 
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to 
its personnel.

   If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me. AHIs have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, 
who set clear goals for the Health Incident Response Task Force to 
strengthen the Department's communication with our workforce, provide 
care for affected employees and family members, and better protect 
against these events in the future as we continue to work closely with 
the interagency to find the cause of these AHIs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you 
can to personnel at the mission to the Holy See?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will share what information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team at the 
Mission to the Holy See.

    Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health 
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the 
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you 
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a 
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?

    Answer. I have received an unclassified briefing on anomalous 
health incidents. If confirmed, I commit to receiving additional, 
classified briefings on the incidents.

    Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your 
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain 
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the 
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation 
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. Missions and personnel around 
the world?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will maintain detailed records of the 
incident and share it with the State Department and others to 
contribute to the investigation.

    Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous 
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a 
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their 
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were 
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or 
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work 
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge 
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will take every measure to keep our staff 
safe and secure and would take any report of an anomalous health 
incident very seriously. I will do my best to ensure those affected 
receive the attention they deserve, that incidents are investigated 
fully, and that we work with the appropriate offices and agencies to 
ensure required reporting, investigation, potential countermeasures, 
and provision of medical care. I would share what information I can 
within the bounds of privacy and security concerns with my team and the 
mission community.

Human Rights and International Organizations
    Question. The Vatican recently extended the Sino-Vatican agreement 
with the Chinese Government that establishes a process for appointing 
bishops in China. Under the Agreement, bishops in China are in 
communion with Rome but also approved by the Chinese Government. The 
details of this agreement have never been made public. Despite the 
agreement, Catholic bishops not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic 
Patriotic Association continue to face persecution. Will you and 
whomever is confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large For International 
Religious Freedom prioritize religious freedom issues in China in your 
diplomatic engagements with Vatican officials?

    Answer. The Holy See has a long history of promoting religious 
freedom, including through advocacy and interfaith dialogue. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the Vatican on this 
issue. I would encourage the Holy See to speak out publicly against the 
PRC's human rights violations and abuses, including the ongoing 
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are 
predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious 
minority groups. I would also encourage the Holy See to hold the PRC 
Government accountable to the terms of the provisional agreement and 
make the terms of the agreement public to promote accountability for 
the PRC for its commitments.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Oren E. Whyche-Shaw by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. If confirmed, what will your priorities be as the U.S. 
Director of the African Development Bank?

    Answer. If confirmed, my priority will be to exercise the United 
States voice and vote at the AfDB to promote high development 
standards; strong, sustainable development outcomes; improved 
accountability and transparency; and, high additionality in AfDB 
operations. These priorities will help strengthen the economic 
management and development outcomes of AfDB operations, which will also 
enhance U.S. development and national security objectives, create new 
markets for trade and ensure effective use of U.S. taxpayer dollars.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work to advance these 
priorities with the other members of the Bank?

    Answer. While the United States is the largest non-regional 
shareholder (second largest overall) and can exercise considerable 
oversight over AfDB policies and operations, U.S. influence at the AfDB 
also depends on our ability to build coalitions with likeminded 
shareholders and work effectively with AfDB Management. I have 
demonstrated this ability to build coalitions and advance U.S. 
priorities in Africa throughout my career in both the public and 
private sector. If confirmed, I commit to exercising the United States' 
voice and vote to advance U.S. interests at the AfDB in close 
partnership with our allies, particularly those from the region.

    Question. In your opinion, other than important and significant 
financial contributions as the largest non-African shareholder, what 
does the United States bring to the work of the African Development 
Bank?

    Answer. The United States' focus on development outcomes, 
additionality, transparency and accountability, and strong 
environmental and social standards contributes to a more sustainable 
economic development model at the AfDB and better development outcomes 
for its regional member countries.

    Question. How will you balance U.S. priorities with those of other 
non-African members, including China, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia?

    Answer. The extent of U.S. influence at the AfDB depends on our 
ability to build coalitions with likeminded shareholders and draw on 
our experience as a longstanding, trusted partner of African countries 
and the AfDB and advocate for sustainable, inclusive development. If 
confirmed, I commit to exercising the United States' voice and vote to 
advance U.S. interests at the AfDB in partnership with our allies and 
partners to promote U.S. interests over those of other shareholders 
that may not have similar goals for the institution.

    Question. As African economies face a tough post-COVID recovery, 
what should be the Bank's lending priorities vis-a-via other 
multilateral regional development banks (MDBs)?

    Answer. The AfDB should build on its infrastructure expertise to 
support preparedness through basic infrastructure investments and 
capacity-building around sustainable infrastructure investment. If 
confirmed, I will use the United States' voice and vote to target the 
Bank's resources to critical needs and promote equitable economic 
opportunity as countries continue to cope with impacts of the pandemic.

    Question. What should set AfDB apart from other MDBs in this 
regard?

    Answer. The AfDB's regional and infrastructure expertise, including 
in fragile and conflict-affected situations, sets it apart from other 
MDBs and development partners operating in Africa. If confirmed, I 
commit to encouraging coordination between the AfDB and other 
responsible development partners to avoid redundancies in the support 
provided to African countries.

    Question. U.S. companies receive a very small share of AfDB 
procurement-just under 0.5 percent in 2020. Meanwhile, China firms 
accounted for 37.53 percent of procurement by the Bank.

   Do you believe that this disparity between China and the U.S. 
        regarding procurement should be of significant concern to the 
        U.S.?

    Answer. I fully share your concern of the need for a more level 
playing field at the AfDB. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
AfDB and U.S. interagency to promote strong procurement and bidding 
standards and to strongly advocate for implementing procurement 
policies that focus on lifecycle costs and value-for-money rather than 
awards to the lowest bidder. I will also advocate for AfDB assistance 
to build public financial management capacity in African countries, 
including for public procurement, and strengthen governance and 
business enabling environments in African countries.

    Question. What explains this miniscule amount of U.S. companies in 
AfDB procurement?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with the AfDB and U.S. 
interagency to identify barriers that may prevent U.S. companies from 
securing a greater share of AfDB-funded contracts. Steps to strengthen 
governance, transparency, and the business enabling environment 
throughout the continent are important for creating more attractive 
opportunities for U.S. companies.

    Question. How can the United States Government, including through 
the position through which you are nominated, leverage better its 
companies to receive a larger share of AfDB's procurement?

    Answer. I welcome greater participation by U.S. firms in AfDB 
operations. In my previous position in the AfDB's Private Sector 
department, I worked with the interagency to broaden communication with 
U.S. companies about AfDB procurement opportunities. If confirmed, I 
commit to undertaking efforts to strengthen procurement and bidding 
standards as well as increase transparency into AfDB operations, as 
well as measures to build public procurement capacity and strengthen 
governance and the business enabling environment in African countries, 
can enhance U.S. competitiveness in AfDB contracts. I will advocate for 
full implementation of procurement policies that focus on lifecycle 
costs and value-for-money rather than awards to the lowest bidder.

    Question. If confirmed, as U.S. Director at the African Development 
Bank, how will you work with the Bank's largest shareholder Nigeria and 
Nigerian economist Dr. Adesina, who is currently serving as the 
president of the Bank, particularly to address issues of corruption, 
transparency, and sustainability in the Bank's investments?

    Answer. Strong institutional governance is essential to maintaining 
a high standard development institution positioned to contribute to 
African capacity needs. I understand AfDB Governors will consider 
updates to the AfDB's policies related to institutional governance, 
ethics, and whistleblowing and clarify the governance framework. If 
confirmed, I will exercise the United States' voice and vote, in 
partnership with likeminded shareholders, to promote policies that 
strengthen institutional governance of the AfDB and its operations.

    Question. In what ways may the United States incorporate AfDB into 
the strategy underpinning the Prosper Africa initiative in terms of the 
U.S. increasing two-way trade and investment with Africa?

    Answer. By promoting high development standards, better 
accountability and transparency, strong development outcomes, and high 
additionality in AfDB operations, the United States can benefit from 
the AfDB's operations in the region as these efforts will create 
conditions for sustainable economic development that will also open new 
markets for trade.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively.

   In what ways should the United States partner with important 
        multilateral lending institutions like AfDB to build on 
        likeminded interests in Africa and counter the malign influence 
        of China?

    Answer. In addition to being the largest regional source of 
official development assistance, the AfDB's focus on high development 
standards and outcomes make it an important institution in Africa's 
economic development. The United States should use its influence as the 
largest non-regional shareholder and one of the largest donors at the 
AfDB, in partnership with other likeminded shareholders, to advance a 
sustainable economic development model that incorporates transparency 
and strong governance to set high standards that should be met by all 
sources of financing.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Oren E. Whyche-Shaw by Senator Mitt Romney

    Question. Critical minerals, like cobalt, lithium, and nickel, are 
essential for our national security and as components of clean energy 
technologies. Countries with ambitious climate reduction objectives 
cannot meet lofty goals for vehicle electrification and renewable 
energy buildouts without a robust supply of critical minerals. Yet, 
there is significant mineral concentration for production in only a few 
countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), with a 
reported 70 percent of global cobalt production,\1\ and China, with the 
most significant mineral processing. In recent years, China has 
expanded its footprint in the DRC and now owns all cobalt mining 
operations in the country, further exacerbating supply chain 
concentrations.\2\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \1\ https://www.iea.org/reports/the-role-of-critical-minerals-in-
clean-energy-transitions/executive-summary
    \2\ https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/21/world/us-china-energy.html
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    China's predatory lending practices across the African continent 
are well documented, especially regarding resource-backed loans for 
resource-rich nations.\3\ Under the guise of local economic growth and 
development, opaque Chinese loan agreements often result in harmful and 
unsustainable debt obligations for host nations.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \3\ https://www.cnbc.com/2021/02/17/africas-reliance-on-chinese-
loans-has-experts-concerned- about-more-debt-defaults.html
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    If confirmed as the next U.S. representative to the African 
Development Bank, how will you work with allies to ensure the Bank's 
investment policy supports a viable market and diverse supply chain for 
critical minerals?

    Answer. I fully share your concern and, if confirmed, I will 
advocate that the AfDB, in helping countries achieve their development 
goals, assist in diversifying regional supply chains and open new 
markets for trade in critical minerals and other goods so that African 
countries have alternative trade and investment partners to China. I 
will also promote in partnership with likeminded shareholders strong 
procurement and bidding standards at the AfDB to encourage transparency 
and competitive bidding processes to support diverse markets and supply 
chains, including for critical minerals. In addition, I commit to 
exercising the United States' voice and vote, in partnership with 
likeminded shareholders, to advance sustainable economic development in 
AfDB operations and polices so that borrowing countries have access to 
more transparent and affordable financing options.

    Question. How can the U.S. leverage its position as a non-regional 
member country in the African Development Bank to counter China's 
predatory development policies in the region?

    Answer. While the United States is the largest non-regional 
shareholder (second largest overall) and can exercise considerable 
oversight over AfDB policies and operations, U.S. influence at the AfDB 
also depends on our ability to build coalitions with likeminded 
shareholders. If confirmed, I commit to exercising the United States' 
voice and vote to promote U.S. interests at the AfDB in close 
partnership with our allies to advance a sustainable economic model 
based on transparency and strong governance to set high standards that 
should be met by all sources of finance.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Oren E. Whyche-Shaw by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The African Development Bank reports that it has provided 
the largest crisis response in its history to the COVID-19 pandemic. 
Yet most of this support has been in the form of loans and comes at a 
time when many countries are seeking debt relief under the Common 
Framework. And, of course, this amount pales in comparison to the 
hundreds of billions most of these same countries owe China under 
obscure and non-transparent terms.

   How can we ensure that lending is sustainable and does not overly 
        burden developing countries with additional debt they cannot 
        pay off?

    Answer. The objective of the AfDB is to spur sustainable economic 
development and social progress in its regional member countries, thus 
contributing to poverty reduction. If confirmed, I commit to exercising 
the United States' voice and vote to advance sustainable economic 
development in AfDB operations and polices to help African countries 
avoid overly burdensome debt that does not help them achieve their 
development goals. This translates to advocating for projects that 
improve public financial management, support medium term debt 
management strategies, and contribute to sustainable debt.

    Question. What steps can the United States take to ensure that 
multilateral development bank assistance is not used to just pay off 
Chinese loans?

    Answer. I fully share your concern about the increasing debt 
vulnerabilities many of the poorest countries face and the role of non-
transparent creditors in worsening those vulnerabilities. The African 
Development Bank can play an important role in assisting countries with 
building debt management capacity, promoting debt transparency through 
debt data collection and reporting, and supporting countries 
participating in debt relief initiatives, such as the G-20 Common 
Framework. If confirmed, I will also work with likeminded shareholders 
to exercise our collective voices and votes to ensure that AfDB 
assistance goes toward sustainable development outcomes rather than 
simply servicing debt payments.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your approaches to engaging 
with China on debt transparency standards?

    Answer. As the second largest shareholder and largest non-regional 
shareholder, the United States can exercise considerable influence over 
AfDB policies and operations in partnership with likeminded 
shareholders. I understand the effort to engage with China on debt 
transparency is occurring in a variety of fora, including through the 
G-20. If confirmed, I commit to supporting those efforts and working 
with allies and partners to promote debt transparency. I will also 
encourage the AfDB to put in place policies to incentivize debt 
transparency and sustainability, emphasize building institutional 
capacity and strengthening public financial management in borrowing 
countries to help move countries toward sustainable economic 
development.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Enoh T. Ebong by Senator Robert Menendez

Joint Development/Strategic Mandate
    Question. Development finance is an important tool to realize U.S 
foreign policy objectives and can be especially effective in countering 
malign influence of China and other adversary nations. Most developing 
countries would prefer to work with the U.S. and our private sector 
partners, as opposed to the PRC's predatory development financial 
institutions.

   How will you work to balance development and strategic outcomes 
        through USTDA's investments?

    Answer. USTDA has a unique dual mission that allows it to balance 
the development goals of its overseas partners with the strategic 
foreign policy goals of the U.S. Government. The agency was created to 
both a) provide foreign assistance for economic development through the 
promotion of quality infrastructure and b) support U.S. jobs through 
exports to the infrastructure projects that the agency develops.
    Accordingly, overseas infrastructure project preparation is USTDA's 
mission and source of expertise. The agency's early-stage engagement is 
fundamental to American competitiveness and critical to the ability of 
the agency's overseas project sponsors to develop bankable 
infrastructure deals that can be financed, implemented, and sustained. 
Grant-funded project-specific feasibility studies and technical 
assistance are the key components of USTDA's toolkit, as are pilot 
projects that demonstrate the scalability and replicability of cutting-
edge U.S. technologies in overseas settings. USTDA's commitment to 
partnership, shared priorities, and quality infrastructure solutions 
offers a stark alternative to China's predatory development approach 
and is attractive to the agency's overseas partners.
    If confirmed, I will continue to ensure the successful execution of 
the agency's mandate to work with the U.S. private sector on priority 
infrastructure projects with potential for U.S. exports in sectors that 
have clear development impact. These include clean energy, more 
efficient transportation systems, greater connectivity, and better 
healthcare outcomes through strong, resilient, healthcare 
infrastructure. USTDA will continue to engage at the most critical and 
strategically important stage of the project development cycle when 
design choices and technology options are being defined and determined. 
If confirmed, I will ensure that the agency utilizes the U.S. private 
sector to develop how projects will be designed, financed, and 
implemented, which is not only critical for creating a level, fair 
playing field for U.S. companies, but also for developing high-quality 
infrastructure projects that lead to sustainable economic growth.
    The success of USTDA's approach is evident in the fact that the 
agency has generated approximately $117 in U.S. exports for every $1 
programmed over the most recent 10-year evaluation cycle. If confirmed, 
I will review each activity that is brought forward for funding 
consideration with an eye to both its developmental and strategic 
impacts, including the commercial opportunity it presents to support 
U.S. jobs.

USTDA in the Indo-Pacific and Africa
    Question. Under the Trump administration, USTDA sought to expand 
its overseas presence in Africa and the Indo-Pacific.

   What is the status of this expansion and its impact?

    Answer. USTDA has a presence in many of the world's most important 
emerging markets, which is necessitated by the increasing demand for 
USTDA's products as a countermeasure to Chinese and other malign 
``development'' actors. This overseas presence allows the agency to 
build stronger relationships with reputable project sponsors, which 
facilitates the early identification of quality infrastructure projects 
that can create export opportunities for U.S. companies. USTDA's 
overseas offices also help develop and monitor the agency's project 
preparation activities. They help connect sources of implementation 
financing to USTDA's projects and support the identification of U.S. 
exports and evaluation of development impacts associated with the 
agency's activities. USTDA's overseas offices are also a clear 
demonstration of the U.S. Government's commitment to economic growth in 
our most strategic emerging market partner countries.
    USTDA's overseas presence is divided into two categories: 1) U.S. 
citizens employed through a personal services contract and 2) locally 
employed staff through an interagency agreement with the U.S. 
Department of Commerce.


        Current Presence

          South Africa: 1 U.S. citizen, 1 locally employed staff
          Thailand: 1 U.S. citizen, 1 locally employed staff
          Ghana: 1 U.S. citizen
          Brazil: 1 Locally employed staff
          Vietnam: 1 Locally employed staff
          India: 2 Locally employed staff
          Nigeria: 1 Locally employed staff
          Kenya: 1 Locally employed staff (new position)
          Malaysia: 1 Locally employed staff (new position)
          Indonesia: 1 Locally employed staff (new position)


        New Recruitment Efforts

          India: 1 U.S. citizen
          Philippines: 1 U.S. citizen


    China's financing of low-quality infrastructure solutions has long 
plagued emerging markets, adding to their debt burden and leading to 
failed projects and harmful development outcomes. USTDA's expanded 
overseas presence offers an alternative. For this reason, USTDA has 
recently added locally employed staff in competitive markets including 
Indonesia, Kenya and Malaysia and is in the process of adding personal 
services contractors in India and the Philippines.
    India is a like-minded partner and key pillar of the U.S. 
Government's Indo-Pacific Strategy. As one of USTDA's largest and most 
diverse country programs, the agency is prioritizing an expanded local 
presence to include a personal services contractor. This will increase 
USTDA's engagement in the market, thereby expanding the U.S. 
Government's influence at the expense of Chinese foreign policy 
interests and deepening market opportunities for U.S. companies. The 
new position will be responsible for USTDA's broader South Asia 
portfolio and allow for the expansion of the agency's reach and 
engagement across the subcontinent.
    USTDA's personal services contractor in the Philippines will work 
directly with the Asian Development Bank (ADB), which is headquartered 
in Manila. This local presence will enhance USTDA's ability to support 
the development and design of ADB investments using the agency's 
project preparation tools. This will facilitate the implementation of 
quality infrastructure projects that use U.S. goods and services.

Renewable Energy Storage
    Question. The USG development community has made several 
announcements to bolster renewable energy development abroad, including 
a recent announcement USTDA made to award a technical assistance grant 
to the Dominican Republic's Superintendent of Electricity to facilitate 
the growth of renewable power generation in the country. Energy storage 
is essential to ensure consistent renewable energy output.

   How do you think USTDA can be utilized to facilitate energy storage 
        projects like the recently announced USTDA project in the 
        Dominican Republic?

    Answer. The incorporation of energy storage in the power and 
transportation sectors will be critical for countries to meet their 
renewable energy targets. The global market for energy storage systems 
has advanced considerably over the past several years, and as the 
prices for batteries continue to decrease, batteries and other forms of 
energy storage are becoming an economically viable option for countries 
around the world.
    USTDA can support emerging economies by laying the groundwork for 
the deployment of energy storage systems. For example, USTDA can 
provide grant funds for technical assistance and feasibility studies to 
assess the technical and economic viability of energy storage projects 
or create roadmaps for enabling regulations for battery storage 
systems, electromobility, and renewable generation projects that 
involve energy storage. Additionally, USTDA can sponsor pilot projects 
in partner countries to test energy storage technology applications for 
the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity. Finally, 
USTDA can sponsor reverse trade missions to the United States for 
public and private sector representatives who seek to procure energy 
storage technologies. These visits include meetings with U.S. suppliers 
to witness the design, manufacture, and operation of these solutions in 
the United States.
    Under USTDA's Global Partnership for Climate-Smart Infrastructure, 
USTDA has prioritized clean energy and transportation projects. By 
leveraging all of its project preparation and partnership-building 
tools, USTDA will be able to play a robust role in the deployment of 
energy storage systems in emerging economies across the globe.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Enoh T. Ebong by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. For years, we have seen more and more countries accept 
financing from the Chinese Communist Party through the predatory Belt 
and Road Initiative (BRI). While some see this as evidence of other 
countries choosing to align with the CCP over the United States, the 
truth is a bit more complicated. For many of these countries, BRI loans 
are often the only game in town. It's unrealistic for us to expect 
America or other Western governments to match BRI lending dollar for 
dollar. Instead, we need to channel the unrivalled capacity and size of 
the American private financial system to provide an alternative to BRI 
loans. In many ways, this is exactly what the U.S. Trade and 
Development Agency was designed to do, but we just aren't seeing this 
on the ground.

   What is the USTDA currently doing to provide alternatives to BRI 
        lending in other countries?

    Answer. Consistent with its mandate to a) provide foreign 
assistance for economic development through the promotion of quality 
infrastructure and b) support U.S. jobs through exports to the 
infrastructure projects that the agency prepares, USTDA takes a number 
of approaches to providing alternatives to BRI lending in other 
countries:

          a. Quality Infrastructure Project Preparation. USTDA helps 
        its emerging market partners gain access to both American and 
        global financial systems for their infrastructure development 
        needs. The agency's project preparation activities, including 
        grant-funded technical assistance, feasibility studies, and 
        pilot projects, help to develop bankable infrastructure deals 
        that address the requirements of any lender, whether it is a 
        host country development bank or Government, a multilateral 
        development bank, a private bank, or a U.S. Government 
        institution such as the U.S. International Development Finance 
        Corporation. USTDA's project preparation mission complements 
        the needs of American and global financial institutions that 
        seek to invest in well prepared, high-quality infrastructure 
        projects in emerging markets. The agency leverages its 
        relationships with financial institutions around the world to 
        mobilize capital for projects that use U.S. goods, services, 
        and technologies.

          b. Promotion of Sound Procurement Practices. USTDA's Global 
        Procurement Initiative (GPI) is reforming emerging market 
        public procurement practices that favor low-cost solutions, 
        result in high-debt, and lead to poor quality infrastructure 
        investments. GPI helps public procurement officials establish 
        international best practices and policies that integrate life-
        cycle cost analysis and best-value determinations into their 
        procurement decisions. This helps open infrastructure tenders 
        to greater international competition and creates a fair and 
        level playing field for U.S. companies. By focusing on total 
        cost of ownership and high-quality infrastructure solutions, 
        the GPI enhances the competitiveness of U.S. companies over the 
        low-cost, low-quality solutions offered by competitors from 
        markets such as China.

          c. Training Grants. Through its training grant assistance 
        program, USTDA has the unique ability to level the playing 
        field for U.S. companies that face unfair competition from 
        foreign companies. U.S. companies competing for overseas 
        infrastructure projects may find themselves in situations in 
        which a foreign (often Chinese) competitor, with support from 
        its respective host-country government, is offering to the 
        project sponsor some additional form of incentives, below-
        market prices, concessional financing or other type of 
        benefit(s) or advocacy that goes beyond the technical and 
        financial requirements of the procurement. This can put the 
        U.S. company at a competitive disadvantage.
          In such a situation, the disadvantaged U.S. company may 
        request USTDA assistance. Following its robust due diligence 
        process, USTDA may offer the project sponsor specialized 
        training assistance to build its capacity to implement and 
        operate its infrastructure project. The agency's offer would be 
        contingent on the project sponsor's entry into a contract with 
        the U.S. company.
          USTDA works in concert with the U.S. Departments of Commerce 
        and State to ensure that its offer of training assistance is 
        coordinated with official U.S. Government advocacy efforts for 
        the U.S. company. This unique program tool has supported 
        numerous successful efforts by U.S. companies to overcome 
        unfair competition from Chinese Government-backed companies.

          d. Collaboration with Like-Minded Partners. USTDA has 
        developed innovative partnerships with like-minded global 
        partners, which bring a coordinated approach to addressing 
        challenges caused by BRI lending. In November 2017, the agency 
        signed a Memorandum of Cooperation with Japan's Ministry of 
        Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) to jointly support the 
        development of energy infrastructure and strengthen procurement 
        capacities and best practices of national entities in the Indo-
        Pacific region. In September 2019, USTDA and Australia's 
        Department of Foreign Affairs & Trade (DFAT) signed a 
        Memorandum of Cooperation to enhance cooperation on 
        infrastructure development in the Indo-Pacific region.
          Under the GPI, USTDA has worked with METI and multilateral 
        development banks to train more than 1,000 public procurement 
        officials in 15 countries on best practices for maintaining 
        transparency in procurement while achieving best value.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that USTDA lives 
up to its mission to ``promote economic growth in developing and 
middle-income countries, while simultaneously helping American 
businesses to export their products and services, thereby creating U.S. 
jobs''?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will develop and maintain strong 
relationships with U.S. businesses and overseas project sponsors. Their 
interests, priorities and capabilities will be integrated with USTDA's 
strategic outlook and statutory mandate to promote private sector 
participation in infrastructure projects overseas. To achieve this, if 
confirmed, I will place emphasis on economic sectors with significant 
U.S. export potential, such as clean energy, transportation, 
information and communications technology, healthcare infrastructure, 
and agribusiness.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that USTDA continues to conduct 
rigorous due diligence on its partners to ensure they are reputable, 
experienced, and capable of implementing the projects that USTDA 
supports. Of equal importance, the agency will maintain a robust 
monitoring and evaluation framework that is integrated into individual 
project, management, and policy decisions. If I am confirmed, USTDA 
will continue to support activities that have the potential to obtain 
financing, have a positive development benefit to the host country, and 
generate significant exports of U.S. goods and services.
    As the U.S. Government's overseas project preparation agency, USTDA 
will also continue to expand and leverage its relationships with global 
financial institutions to ensure its projects receive the financing 
needed for implementation. In sum, I will work to ensure that the 
agency continues to contribute to effective foreign assistance by 
partnering with host country governments, the private sector, and 
multilateral institutions to find workable solutions to development 
priorities that provide benefits to all parties.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Enoh T. Ebong by Senator Todd Young

    Question. USTDA can serve a valuable role in bringing transparency 
and competition to global infrastructure projects. This is sorely 
needed in a world awash with opaque and corrupt Chinese deals, 
particularly in the developing world. If confirmed, what specific steps 
would you take to help position U.S. industry to compete effectively on 
foreign infrastructure projects against Chinese firms that may be 
willing to break the rules?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would leverage the following tools and 
approaches to help position U.S. industry to compete against Chinese 
firms:


          a. Early-Stage Engagement. Overseas infrastructure project 
        preparation is USTDA's mission and source of expertise. The 
        agency's early-stage engagement is fundamental to the 
        competitiveness of U.S. industry and critical to the ability of 
        the agency's overseas project sponsors to develop bankable 
        infrastructure deals without turning to China.
          Grant-funded project-specific feasibility studies and 
        technical assistance are the key components of USTDA's toolkit, 
        as are pilot projects that demonstrate the scalability and 
        replicability of cutting-edge U.S. technologies in overseas 
        settings. USTDA's commitment to partnership, shared priorities, 
        and quality infrastructure solutions offers a stark alternative 
        to China's predatory development approach and is attractive to 
        the agency's overseas partners.
          If I am confirmed, USTDA will continue to engage at the most 
        critical and strategically important stage of the project 
        development cycle when design choices and technology options 
        are being defined and determined. If confirmed, I will ensure 
        that the agency utilizes the U.S. private sector to develop how 
        projects will be designed, financed, and implemented, which is 
        not only critical for creating a level, fair playing field for 
        U.S. companies, but also for developing high-quality 
        infrastructure projects that lead to sustainable economic 
        growth.
          If confirmed, I will review each activity that is brought 
        forward for funding consideration with an eye to both its 
        developmental and strategic impacts, including the commercial 
        opportunity it presents to support U.S. jobs.

          b. Alternative Sources of Infrastructure Finance. USTDA 
        offers its partners in emerging economies alternatives to China 
        and predatory Chinese lending practices by helping them gain 
        access to both American and global financial systems for their 
        infrastructure development needs. The agency's project 
        preparation activities help develop bankable infrastructure 
        deals that address the requirements of any lender, whether it 
        is a host country development bank or government, a 
        multilateral development bank, a private bank, or a U.S. 
        Government institution such as the U.S. International 
        Development Finance Corporation. These financial institutions 
        are committed to high-quality infrastructure and procurement 
        procedures that are fair, open, and transparent. This helps 
        level the playing field for U.S. companies.

          c. Promoting Sound Procurement Practices. USTDA's Global 
        Procurement Initiative (GPI) is reforming emerging market 
        public procurement practices that favor low-cost solutions, 
        lack transparency, result in high-debt, and lead to poor 
        quality infrastructure investments. GPI helps public 
        procurement officials establish international best practices 
        and policies that integrate life-cycle cost analysis and best-
        value determinations into their procurement decisions. This 
        helps open infrastructure tenders to greater international 
        competition and creates a fair and level playing field for U.S. 
        companies. By focusing on total cost of ownership and high-
        quality infrastructure solutions, the GPI enhances the 
        competitiveness of U.S. companies over the low-cost, low-
        quality solutions offered by competitors from markets such as 
        China.

          d. Training Grants. Through its training grant assistance 
        program, USTDA has the unique ability to level the playing 
        field for U.S. companies that face unfair competition from 
        foreign companies. U.S. companies competing for overseas 
        infrastructure projects may find themselves in situations in 
        which a foreign (often Chinese) competitor, with support from 
        its respective host-country government, is offering to the 
        project sponsor some additional form of incentives, below-
        market prices, concessional financing or other type of 
        benefit(s) or advocacy that goes beyond the technical and 
        financial requirements of the procurement. This can put the 
        U.S. company at a competitive disadvantage.
          In such a situation, the disadvantaged U.S. company may 
        request USTDA assistance. Following its robust due diligence 
        process, USTDA may offer the project sponsor specialized 
        training assistance to build its capacity to implement and 
        operate its infrastructure project. The agency's offer would be 
        contingent on the project sponsor's entry into a contract with 
        the U.S. company.
          USTDA works in concert with the U.S. Departments of Commerce 
        and State to ensure that its offer of training assistance is 
        coordinated with official U.S. Government advocacy efforts for 
        the U.S. company. This unique program tool has supported 
        numerous successful efforts by U.S. companies to overcome 
        unfair competition from Chinese Government-backed companies. 
        This includes emerging economy infrastructure projects that are 
        strategically important to U.S. national security interests in 
        areas such as 5G and undersea fiber optic cable systems.

    Question. What steps can the United States and international 
community take to increase transparency in infrastructure procurement 
overall?

    Answer. In the last decade, there has been an increased focus by 
the United States and the international community on public procurement 
in emerging economies due to the dramatic, negative economic impacts of 
corruption and failures in public procurement processes. The mounting 
debt incurred by these countries because of systemic procurement 
failures and China's malign actions in emerging markets has further 
widened the global infrastructure gap. To build stronger and more 
resilient infrastructure and begin to close this gap, the United States 
and its global partners in the G7 and G20 must take a unified approach 
to tackle the issue of building quality infrastructure in these markets 
while simultaneously supporting transparent and fair procurement 
systems that focus on value for money to break the debt cycle. The two 
issues of supporting transparent procurement systems and building 
quality infrastructure are inextricably tied and must be addressed 
together to produce sustainable infrastructure development.
    Quality infrastructure development is at the heart of USTDA's 
mission. As such, USTDA's project preparation activities are executed 
according to internationally accepted standards and best practices. 
This includes life-cycle cost analysis so that the agency's overseas 
project sponsors understand the total cost of ownership for their 
infrastructure project.
    As stated above, the GPI is another critical tool that USTDA 
deploys to reform emerging market public procurement practices that 
favor low-cost solutions, lack transparency, result in high-debt, and 
lead to poor quality infrastructure investments. The GPI program 
incentivizes governments to establish strong and transparent 
procurement oversight bodies so that they can attain quality 
infrastructure for the best overall value in a manner best serving 
their people who bear the cost of the investment.
    Establishing anticorruption measures and strict monitoring/auditing 
bodies is a critical necessity in this approach. Countries wishing to 
receive USTDA's assistance must demonstrate that they have the legal 
foundation to consider factors other than price in procurement, have 
strong procurement oversite bodies with a dedication to maintaining 
transparency throughout the procurement process, and be committed to 
the professional development of its procurement workforce.
    The GPI coordinates closely with the agencies of the U.S. 
Government that fund anticorruption efforts overseas and strengthen the 
institutional capacity of key oversight bodies and civil society 
organizations. These include the U.S. Agency for International 
Development's Good Governance program; the U.S. Department of 
Commerce's Commercial Law Development Program; the U.S. Department of 
Justice's Antitrust Division; the Office of Federal Procurement Policy 
at the Office of Management and Budget; the General Services 
Administration; and the Government Accountability Office. The training 
programs provided by these agencies create the conceptual foundation 
for USTDA's GPI partner countries to safely transition to more 
transparent, sophisticated, value-based procurement systems, which are 
needed to procure complex infrastructure projects.
    USTDA also works closely with multilateral development banks (MDB) 
in the design of its GPI training programs and includes MDB officials 
as observers in every training program offered. Under the GPI, USTDA 
has partnered with like-minded foreign counterparts including 
Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and Japan's 
Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry (METI) to demonstrate 
collective best practices for how to conduct market research, design 
projects to deliver high-quality outcomes, and manage contracts after 
award to ensure successful implementation. Working together with these 
international partners, USTDA has trained more than 1,000 public 
procurement officials in 15 countries on best practices for maintaining 
transparency while achieving best value.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Leopoldo Martinez Nucete by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Please provide a clear `yes' or `no' answer to this 
specific question:

   If confirmed, do you commit to work with IDB President Claver-
        Carone to implement the IDB's Vision 2025, Reinvest in the 
        Americas?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working, as appropriate, 
with IDB President Claver-Carone to advance U.S. priorities for the IDB 
Group and the region.

    Question. Please provide a clear `yes' or `no' answer to this 
specific question:

   Do you agree that a tenth general capital increase for the IDB 
        would strengthen the Bank's ability to help the countries of 
        Latin America and the Caribbean achieve sustainable and 
        serviceable debt structures?

    Answer. Yes, a capital increase could be one way to contribute to 
the IDB's ability to help some countries in Latin America and the 
Caribbean, but achieving sustainable and serviceable debt structures 
ultimately depends on a range of policy choices by country authorities. 
If confirmed, I would work with IDB Management, other shareholders, you 
and committees of jurisdiction to analyze the financing and policy 
challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean and how best the IDB 
could respond.

    Question. Please provide a clear `yes' or `no' answer to this 
specific question:

   In March 2021, Sens. Menendez, Rubio, Kaine, Cassidy, and Cardin 
        filed a bill (S. 616), which would direct the President to take 
        steps to support a tenth general capital increase for the 
        Inter-American Development Bank, and for the U.S. Governor of 
        the Bank to vote in favor such a general capital increase. 
        These mandates are included in the United States Innovation and 
        Competition Act of 2021 (S. 1260). If confirmed, do you commit 
        to support these actions?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
financing challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean, including 
whether an IDB general capital increase would provide sufficient 
development benefits for the region. If confirmed, I commit to work 
with you and committees of jurisdiction on the issue of a potential IDB 
general capital increase.

             follow-up questions submitted by senator risch
    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with IDB President 
Claver-Carone to implement the IDB's Vision 2025, Reinvest in the 
Americas, which includes presenting a focus on achieving sustainable 
and inclusive economic growth, identifying a pathway to achieve those 
goals with an emphasis on five clear opportunities, and presenting a 
value proposition to strengthen the IDB Group's ability to execute?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with IDB Management and 
other shareholders to promote sustainable and inclusive growth through 
a focus on high development standards, strong development outcomes, 
better accountability and transparency, and high additionality in IDB 
operations. These priorities will enhance U.S. development and national 
security objectives in the region and create new markets for trade.

    Question. Do you agree that a tenth general capital increase for 
the IDB would strengthen the Bank's ability to help the countries of 
Latin America and the Caribbean achieve sustainable and serviceable 
debt structures?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB Group can best help 
address the region's needs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to take steps to support a 
tenth general capital increase for the IDB, including advancing 
diplomatic engagement to build support among member countries of the 
Bank for a tenth general capital increase for the Bank?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB Group can best help 
address the region's needs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with the IDB Board of 
Governors to admit Taiwan as a non-borrowing member of the IDB?

    Answer. I understand that Taiwan has been an important development 
partner for the region. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury, IDB Management, and other IDB shareholders 
to advocate for a continued strong relationship between Taiwan and the 
IDB and the region.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Leopoldo Martinez Nucete by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. I am extremely concerned about a number of tweets you 
have made in the last few years that seem to imply an extremely biased 
and, frankly, incorrect view of the world. The Inter-American 
Development Bank is a key part of America's relations with the Western 
Hemisphere. Its leadership will inevitably reflect on the image America 
presents to the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean.

   On October 26, 2018, you tweeted your support for a sign that 
        called Republicans ``pendejos.'' Do you still stand by your 
        endorsement of this view, and does this view extend to the 
        other politicians in the hemisphere, including those from 
        right-leaning parties?

    Answer. I deeply regret tweets and retweets I have sent that 
contained statements that characterized others using partisan or unkind 
terms. I would like to take this opportunity to apologize. Going 
forward, I will hold myself to a higher standard, in all circumstances, 
both public and private. If confirmed, I will administer my office in 
the same pragmatic, non-ideological manner that I have my entire 
career. I also pledge to work collaboratively with members of both 
parties.

    Question. I understand that you are the CEO of the Center for 
Democracy and Development of the Americas (CDDA). According to El Nuevo 
Herald, CDDA sponsored an event in Miami in 2015 that encouraged 
American businesses to invest in Cuba. As we saw this past June, the 
Diaz-Canel-Castro regime has leveraged the profits it makes from 
foreign investment to finance its oppression of Cuban protesters. As 
long as the regime maintains the ability to confiscate wages and 
profits from ordinary Cuban workers and businesses, economic engagement 
with the regime only strengthens their hold on power.

   Do you stand by CDDA's support for encouraging American businesses 
        to work with the regime in Cuba?

    Answer. The ``Cuba Summit'' was an event that took place in 
Washington, D.C. It was organized and hosted by ``The Economist''. 
Neither CDDA nor I, had input into the content or the panels in the 
event. As a ``marketing partner'' of the event, together with other 
respected organizations such as American University and the United 
Nations, we were offered the opportunity to highlight the event and 
bring guests in attendance. The economic opening policy towards Cuba 
was the existing U.S. policy at the time, and we thought, as we always 
do regarding issues impacting Latin America and The Caribbean, that 
CDDA and our stakeholders had to be part of such conversation. The 
report by El Nuevo Herald in Miami was published without our comments, 
and therefore the editors agreed to publish an explanatory letter by 
CDDA, with the same visibility the report had, which we include here 
for the record: https://amp.elnuevoherald.com/opinion-es/cartas/
article39185640.html
    In the current context I support the Biden-Harris administration 
Policy towards Cuba. The Biden-Harris administration has escalated 
sanctions against those violating the human rights of protesters in 
Cuba.

    Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for providing investment 
and funding to organizations controlled by the Cuban military?

    Answer. I have never and will never advocate to provide funding to 
organizations controlled by the Cuban military.

    Question. On the Center for Democracy and Development of the 
Americas' (CDDA) website, it promotes its ``firm commitment'' to 
transparency and provides links to CDDA's required financial 
disclosures. However, those documents do not detail the contributors 
and funders of CDDA's programs. As CEO, CDDA it is important to know 
the sources by which your organization has been funded. In 2012, CDDA 
received an influx of cash, reporting a growth in funding from $200,000 
to more than $2.5 million. Please provide a full accounting on the 
sources of CDDA's funding since 2012.

    Answer. CDDA is a 501(c)(3) organization that discloses annually on 
confidential schedules all its donors to the IRS (Schedule B), together 
with its 990 annual reports, both of which are required by law.
    CDDA and I, are seen or characterized by the Chavista-Maduro regime 
in Venezuela as ``enemies of their Revolution'', given my role in the 
opposition while a Congressman in Venezuela; as well as the 
organization's strong programming to defend the return to democracy and 
enforcement of human rights in Venezuela, as well as to expose the 
abuses and corruption of the regime.
    Many of CDDA's donors are still in Venezuela or have family there. 
If their names became public, they could be at grave danger or risk.

    Question. I have long advocated for a 10th capital increase for the 
IDB, as others have in the Senate. I think doing so is critical in 
ensuring the IDB has adequate resources to provide sustainable 
financing to our partners in the hemisphere. If the IDB were to expand 
its capital base, do you believe that the increased resources would 
supplant private credit, or is the region's need for credit larger than 
local commercial markets can supply?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB Group can best help 
address the region's needs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with the IDB's 
president to secure a 10th capital increase for the bank?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB Group can best help 
address the region's needs.

             follow-up questions submitted by senator rubio
    Question. Thank you for your responses to my questions on the 
Center for Democracy and Development of the Americas' (CDDA) financial 
disclosures. I understand and appreciate your commitment to protecting 
individuals that are regarded by these regimes as enemies. Indeed, the 
Maduro regime has shown the appetite to go after these individuals even 
beyond the borders it controls. At the same time, the American people 
are owed full transparency when confirming nominees to such high-
esteemed posts responsible for overseeing taxpayer funds. Do you 
confirm that none of the donors for the non-profits listed on the 
biographical note published by the White House and that you are the 
founder or principal of, are regime sympathizers or sanctioned by the 
United States?

    Answer. None of the donors for the non-profits listed on my White 
House biography, where I am the founder or principal of, are regime 
sympathizers or sanctioned by the United States.

    Question. Do you confirm that CDDA has never, nor will ever receive 
donations from individuals that previously supported the breakdown of 
democratic government and rule of law in Venezuela during the Chavez 
and Maduro tenures?

    Answer. CDDA has never, nor will ever receive donations from 
individuals that previously supported the breakdown of democratic 
government and rule of law in Venezuela during the Chavez and Maduro 
tenures.

    Question. Has LMN Consulting, IQ Latino, or Latino Victory Project 
cooperated with any individual with a past history of supporting either 
the Maduro regime or the previous Chavez administration in Venezuela?

    Answer. LMN Consulting, IQ Latino, or Latino Victory Project has 
not cooperated with any individual, to our knowledge, with a past 
history of supporting either the Maduro regime or the previous Chavez 
administration in Venezuela.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Leopoldo Martinez Nucete by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The Inter-American Development Bank reports that it has 
provided the largest crisis response in its history to the COVID-19 
pandemic. Yet most of this support has been in the form of loans and 
comes at a time when many countries are seeking debt relief under the 
Common Framework. And, of course, this amount pales in comparison to 
the hundreds of billions most of these same countries owe China under 
obscure and non-transparent terms.

   How can we ensure that lending from the IDB is sustainable and does 
        not overly burden developing countries with additional debt 
        they cannot pay off?

    Answer. I believe the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), with 
its financial capabilities, technical expertise, and convening power, 
can and should play a leading role across a wide array of development 
issues across Latin America and the Caribbean. If confirmed, I commit 
to exercising the United States' voice and vote to advance sustainable 
economic development in IDB operations and polices to help Latin 
American and Caribbean countries secure financing in line with their 
development goals.

    Question. What steps can the United States take to ensure that 
multilateral development bank assistance is not used to just pay off 
Chinese loans?

    Answer. I fully share your concern about the increasing debt 
vulnerabilities many of the poorest countries face and the role of non-
transparent creditors in worsening those vulnerabilities. The IDB can 
play an important role in assisting countries with building debt 
management capacity, promoting debt transparency through debt data 
collection and reporting, and supporting countries participating in 
debt relief initiatives, such as the G-20 Common Framework. If 
confirmed, I will also work with like-minded shareholders to exercise 
our collective voices and votes to ensure that IDB assistance goes 
toward sustainable development outcomes.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your approaches to engaging 
with China on debt-transparency standards?

    Answer. As the largest shareholder, the United States can exercise 
considerable influence over IDB policies and operations in partnership 
with likeminded shareholders. I understand the effort to engage with 
China on debt transparency is occurring in a variety of fora, including 
through the G-20. If confirmed, I commit to supporting those efforts 
and working with allies and partners to promote debt transparency. I 
will also encourage the IDB to emphasize building institutional 
capacity and strengthening public financial management in borrowing 
countries to help move countries toward sustainable economic 
development.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Leopoldo Martinez Nucete by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. On January 27, 2021, President Biden issued an Executive 
Order (EO) 14008, on ``Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and 
Abroad,'' which mandated that the U.S. will ``immediately begin to 
develop a climate finance plan, making strategic use of multilateral 
and bilateral channels and institutions, to assist developing countries 
in implementing ambitious emissions reduction measures, protecting 
critical ecosystems, building resilience against the impacts of climate 
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned 
investments and away from high-carbon investments.'' If confirmed, do 
you intend to limit U.S. support inside the Inter-American Development 
Bank for projects related to the use of fossil fuels?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and 
policies. The IDB can play a vital role in expanding energy access in 
Latin America and the Caribbean while at the same time supporting 
ambitious emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building 
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital 
toward climate-aligned investments. IDB should select energy projects 
that account for the full range of costs and externalities over the 
lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the private 
sector is capable of financing. IDB should finance projects that 
utilize technologies that provide energy access and promote energy 
efficiency, but do not lock Latin American and Caribbean countries into 
technologies that may soon be obsolete.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which you believe that 
further limits on the Inter-American Development Bank's support for 
investments related to the use of coal, oil, and gas, would affect the 
Bank's ability to fund active projects aimed at meeting energy demand 
in Latin America, including your assessment about the demand for such 
projects.

    Answer. The IDB can play a vital role in expanding energy access in 
Latin America and the Caribbean while at the same time supporting 
ambitious emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building 
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital 
toward climate-aligned investments. IDB should select energy projects 
taking into account the full range of costs and externalities over the 
lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the private 
sector is capable of financing. IDB should prioritize investments that 
include options for clean energy, innovation and energy efficiency to 
meet demand in Latin America and the Caribbean.

    Question. If confirmed, you will be responsible for implementing 
policies aimed at addressing, among other things, economic dislocation 
that the Biden administration describes as root causes of illegal 
immigration. In June 2018, I stated--regarding long-standing 
immigration policies--that there is ``a court order that prevents 
keeping the kids with the parents when you put the parents in jail,'' 
and that ``when you see Democrats saying don't separate kids from their 
parents, what they're really saying is don't arrest illegal aliens.'' 
In response to this stance, you published ``[A]merican values are far 
from this rhetoric.'' Please describe how you view the role of 
development in the context of illegal migration?

    Answer. Migration in the Americas has several causes, which often 
present themselves as a bundle in a given country at different moments 
in history: authoritarianism, violence, corruption, lack of economic 
opportunity, and natural or climate change related disasters.
    Investing and creating partnerships throughout the region to 
address these issues with a holistic approach to promote development, 
advances the strategic interest of the United States. The stronger the 
economies across Latin America and the Caribbean, and the more we 
promote equity, inclusion and social mobility, the better for the 
United States. It can reverse current migration trends, and increase 
trade, investments and reliable supply chains within the hemisphere.
    The Inter-American Development Bank is well positioned to advance 
such an agenda throughout the region through its financial assistance 
and policy advice.

    Question. Which American values do you believe are in play in the 
enforcement of domestic statutory constraints and authorities related 
to 2018-era immigration policies?

    Answer. Asylum is a form of legal migration into the United States, 
and the system does not allow for consular asylum petitions. Therefore, 
people or families, who believe they have a case for asylum protection, 
have to enter the U.S. to make their case. That is also part of our 
legal system, and asylum and refuge are embedded in American values, as 
a nation that has welcomed people from different parts of the world, in 
different times, seeking refuge and fleeing persecution, wars, violence 
or oppressive conditions not granting safety and opportunities. We are 
a nation of immigrants.
    I don't think it is necessary to detain and separate a family, 
which does not represent a threat to American society, instead of 
releasing them upon detention and giving the migrants their day in 
Court, in order to listen to their asylum--or other cases they bring--
under our laws.
    I also think separating minor children from their parents is in 
serious contradiction with international treaties on human and children 
rights that we adhere to as a nation. Families seeking asylum (or other 
forms of migration relief), that do not represent any threat or danger, 
can be released to the community, and abide by the consequences of 
their case, without the traumatic consequences of family separation.
    As part of an immigrant family that fled persecution out of 
Venezuela, I understand the hopes and motives, as well as have empathy 
for the suffering of these families seeking refuge in the United 
States. Data and history also confirm that they will become an 
intrinsic part of our society, contributing to our economic growth, 
while tapping into opportunities that we offer in the United States, 
without any detrimental consequences to our labor markets.

    Question. If confirmed, you will be responsible for implementing 
policies that promote economic development against the backdrop of 
national and international fiscal policy environments. The policies 
that you will be responsible for choosing and promoting will also be 
constrained by--and will have to address--the concrete sociological, 
religious, and political identities of communities across the Western 
Hemisphere, including communities of faith. Much of the development 
assistance policy environment at national and international levels 
emphasizes participatory development. On April 5, 2016 you published, 
regarding my speech in the aftermath of the Wisconsin primary, that 
``Listening to Cruz one realizes his entanglement with religion and 
irresponsible fiscal recipe [are] as dangerous as Trump.'' To what 
extent do you believe that faith should be disentangled from 
development?

    Answer. I absolutely believe that faith-based organizations play an 
extraordinary and impactful role in assisting with development 
programs, initiatives and efforts across the Americas. Furthermore, I 
believe that collaboration of multilateral development banks with 
faith-based organizations is desirable, if not required. During my 
professional life I have collaborated with several faith-based 
organizations, most recently Catholic Relief Services (CRS).

    Question. Describe the role that you understand faith to play in 
economic development, both as a constraint and as a contributing 
factor.

    Answer. Education and respect for human rights, promoting social 
mobility in market economies, is the key to development. There is a 
strong and long history of faith-based NGOs working in collaboration 
with private sector and governmental organizations dramatically 
improving the lives and livelihoods of vulnerable populations across 
the world. I believe they are an indispensable partner in our efforts 
to promote development, democracy and rule of law around the world.

    Question. Please describe what you believe to be the proper `fiscal 
recipe' for regional development.

    Answer. Macroeconomic stability and fiscal sustainability are key 
components to a successful regional development strategy. Fiscal 
sustainability is not just a function of cutting taxes, but rather an 
adequate balance between fair taxation and a sustainable level of 
public expenditures as well as investment needed to create conditions 
for social mobility, equitable and inclusive growth in a market 
economy, which empowers women, minorities, and vulnerable and 
marginalized populations.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Maria Fabiana Jorge by Senator James E. Riach

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with IDB President 
Claver-Carone to implement the IDB's Vision 2025, Reinvest in the 
Americas, which includes presenting a focus on achieving sustainable 
and inclusive economic growth, identifying a pathway to achieve those 
goals with an emphasis on five clear opportunities, and presenting a 
value proposition to strengthen the IDB Group's ability to execute?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with IDB Management and 
other shareholders to promote sustainable, inclusive growth and 
development through focus on high development standards, strong 
development outcomes, better accountability and transparency, and high 
additionality in IDB operations. These priorities will enhance U.S. 
development and national security objectives in the region and create 
new markets for trade.

    Question. Do you agree that a tenth general capital increase for 
the IDB would strengthen the Bank's ability to help the countries of 
Latin America and the Caribbean achieve sustainable and serviceable 
debt structures?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB Group can best help 
address the region's needs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to take steps to support a 
tenth general capital increase for the IDB, including advancing 
diplomatic engagement to build support among member countries of the 
Bank for a tenth general capital increase for the Bank?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB Group can best help 
address the region's needs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with the IDB Board of 
Governors to admit Taiwan as a non-borrowing member of the IDB?

    Answer. I understand that Taiwan has been an important development 
partner for the region. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury, IDB Management, and other IDB shareholders 
to advocate for a continued strong relationship between Taiwan and the 
IDB and the region.

             follow-up questions submitted by senator risch
    Question. Please provide a clear `yes' or `no' answer to this 
specific question:

   If confirmed, do you commit to work with IDB President Claver-
        Carone to implement the IDB's Vision 2025, Reinvest in the 
        Americas?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working, as appropriate, 
with IDB President Claver-Carone to advance U.S. priorities for the IDB 
Group and the region.

    Question. Please provide a clear `yes' or `no' answer to this 
specific question:

   Do you agree that a tenth general capital increase for the IDB 
        would strengthen the Bank's ability to help the countries of 
        Latin America and the Caribbean achieve sustainable and 
        serviceable debt structures?

    Answer. Yes, a capital increase could be one way to contribute to 
the IDB's ability to help some countries in Latin America and the 
Caribbean, but achieving sustainable and serviceable debt structures 
ultimately depends on a range of policy choices by country authorities. 
If confirmed, I would work with IDB Management, other shareholders, you 
and committees of jurisdiction to analyze the financing and policy 
challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean and how best the IDB 
could respond.

    Question. Please provide a clear `yes' or `no' answer to this 
specific question:

   In March 2021, Sens. Menendez, Rubio, Kaine, Cassidy, and Cardin 
        filed a bill (S. 616), which would direct the President to take 
        steps to support a tenth general capital increase for the 
        Inter-American Development Bank, and for the U.S. Governor of 
        the Bank to vote in favor such a general capital increase. 
        These mandates are included in the United States Innovation and 
        Competition Act of 2021 (S.1260). If confirmed, do you commit 
        to support these actions?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
financing challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean, including 
whether an IDB general capital increase would provide sufficient 
development benefits for the region. If confirmed, I commit to work 
with you and committees of jurisdiction on the issue of a potential IDB 
general capital increase.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Maria Fabiana Jorge by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Last month, I joined Senator Menendez in introducing 
legislation to direct the Biden administration to develop a strategy to 
secure Taiwan's membership in the Inter-American Development Bank. I 
think this is an appropriate step given the high level of Taiwan's 
assistance to countries in the Western Hemisphere.

   What is your opinion of Taiwan's participation in the Western 
        Hemisphere?

    Answer. Taiwan can be a useful source of knowledge for Latin 
American and Caribbean countries given its success as a democracy and 
its own path of economic development, which allowed it to graduate from 
receiving development assistance. Taiwan also provides significant 
development assistance to the countries with which it maintains 
diplomatic relations.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you encourage Taiwan's role in the 
region and to coordinate U.S. efforts with Taiwan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Department 
of the Treasury, IDB Management, and other IDB shareholders to 
encourage Latin American and Caribbean countries to engage with Taiwan 
as a valuable source of knowledge given the success of its economic 
development and transition to democracy.

    Question. If confirmed, will you work to secure IDB membership for 
Taiwan?

    Answer. I understand that Taiwan has been an important development 
partner for the region. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury, IDB Management, and other IDB shareholders 
to advocate for a continued strong relationship between Taiwan and the 
IDB and the region.

    Question. In 2017, IDB members agreed to provide an additional $317 
million to keep the IDB's Multilateral Investment Fund (MIF) running 
from 2019 to 2023. Although the United States has historically been the 
largest contributor to the MIF, it did not contribute to the fund's 
replenishment.

   In your opinion, how will the lack of U.S. participation in the 
        latest replenishment affect the IDB's operations?

    Answer. I understand that despite the United States not 
participating in the MIF's latest replenishment, the United States 
remains the second highest contributor to the MIF (now known as IDB 
Lab) behind Japan and is active in the MIF Donors' Committee. I also 
understand that the replenishment's financing also represented an 
effort by the region to contribute more to its own development. If 
confirmed I commit to working with the IDB to address the region's 
development financing needs and look forward to learning more about the 
projects supported by the IDB Lab and its development impact.

    Question. Are you in favor of the U.S. agreeing to a 10th capital 
increase for the IDB?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of the Treasury 
is working with IDB Management and other shareholders to analyze the 
development and financing challenges facing Latin America and the 
Caribbean, the region's capacity to address those challenges, the roles 
the IDB Group can play in supporting the region, and how the IDB can 
best use its existing resources in line with a process mandated by the 
IDB's Board of Governors. If confirmed, I commit to working with 
Congress and the Department of the Treasury to identify how the IDB 
Group can best help address the region's needs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with the IDB 
president to ensure the bank's initiatives are put forth in countries 
in Latin America and the Caribbean?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with IDB Management and 
IDB shareholders to address economic development challenges across 
Latin American and Caribbean countries.

    Question. As the China-Latin America trade and economic 
relationship has grown over the past several years, China has increased 
its financial contributions to various IDB financing mechanisms.

   What is your assessment of China's influence in shaping priorities 
        at the IDB?

    Answer. I share your concern regarding the role of China at the IDB 
and if confirmed, I will exercise the United States' voice and vote at 
the IDB in partnership with like-minded countries to uphold IDB's 
strategic priorities--social inclusion equality, productivity and 
innovation, and regional economic integration--along with a focus on 
transparency and strong governance to achieve sustainable economic 
development across the region as well as broader U.S. interests. This 
will ensure that the United States and its regional partners maintain 
the strongest influence over the IDB. I believe that strong U.S. 
leadership is important in helping the IDB and other multilateral 
institutions maintain high standards that would help counter the malign 
influence of China in the region, support sustainable development, and 
good governance in the hemisphere.

    Question. Do you believe that increased involvement by the CCP in 
the IDB is beneficial to the region and to American interests?

    Answer. As expressed above, I am concerned about China's influence 
at the IDB and the region and will work with like-minded shareholders 
to uphold the IDB's focus on sustainable development based on 
transparency and strong governance, which will help contribute to U.S. 
development and national security interests in the region and 
strengthen markets for trade. This will ensure that the United States 
and its regional partners maintain the strongest influence over the 
IDB. I believe that strong U.S. leadership is critical in helping the 
IDB and other multilateral institutions maintain high development 
standards that would help counter the malign influence of China in the 
region.

             follow-up questions submitted by senator rubio
    Question. Thank you for your support for Taiwan's role in the 
Western Hemisphere. I agree with you that Taiwan and the IDB should 
continue to have a strong relationship. This relationship can become 
much stronger if Taiwan joins the IDB as a full member. That's why I am 
a cosponsor of Senator Menendez's bill to direct the Secretaries of 
State and Treasury to initiate a plan to endorse Taiwan as a non-
borrowing member of the IDB.

   What is your analysis of the Menendez bill? If you are confirmed, 
        and the bill is enacted, would its provisions support your 
        priorities at the IDB?

    Answer. I recognize your leadership on this issue. While I have not 
conducted an analysis of the Menendez bill, I pledge to work very 
closely with you on this bill if I am privileged enough to be 
confirmed.

    Question. If confirmed, will you encourage the Biden administration 
to support Taiwan's membership in the IDB?

    Answer. I understand that Taiwan has been an important development 
partner for the region. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
Department of the Treasury, IDB Management, and other IDB shareholders 
to advocate for a continued strong relationship between Taiwan and the 
IDB and the region.

    Question. I understand that you played a role in negotiating the 
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) which came into 
force late last year. The RCEP strengthens trade between the People's 
Republic of China and key American allies and partners, like Korea, 
Japan, the Philippines, Indonesia, Australia, and the ASEAN countries. 
This deeper integration with the PRC often comes at the expense of 
these countries' economic relationships with the United States.

   Do you believe the creation of RCEP to be a positive development in 
        the Indo- Pacific?

    Answer. No, I do not believe the creation of RCEP to be a positive 
development in the Indo- Pacific. My participation was limited to the 
extent of monitoring and educating on the access to affordable 
medicines.

    Question. Why do you think the RCEP excluded Taiwan?

    Answer. I have not been privy to internal deliberations and 
discussions as to why RCEP excluded Taiwan.

    Question. Do you believe the RECP's intellectual property 
provisions to be a model to be followed in Latin America?

    Answer. I have only followed intellectual property provisions as 
they relate to access to affordable medicines.

    Question. Thank you for your answers on the PRC's role in the IDB. 
While I appreciate you sharing my concern with the PRC's role in the 
IDB, you did not provide your assessment of how the PRC shapes the 
IDB's priorities.

   Can you please expand on how you think the PRC influences decision-
        making at the IDB?

    Answer. As I am not working at the IDB, I don't have knowledge 
about how the PRC influences decision-making at the institution. 
However, I am very concerned about the growing influence of the PRC in 
Latin America.

    Question. Do you believe the PRC is a force for good in the region?

    Answer. The U.S. is in a serious strategic competition with the PRC 
and there are certainly aspects of our relationship that are 
adversarial. When the PRC bullies our allies, conducts industrial 
espionage to steal American intellectual property, assaults freedom in 
Hong Kong, and provides an economic lifeline to corrupt, oppressive 
regimes in the hemisphere, including those in Cuba, Venezuela, and 
Nicaragua, it is acting in adversarial ways.
    Many countries use an array of public sector financial institutions 
to provide financing for development projects across the region, often 
with a mix of humanitarian and geopolitical goals. The PRC differs from 
other countries in its strong prioritization of the geopolitical, often 
at the expense of any plausible humanitarian goals. The PRC's financing 
often lacks the transparency, due attention to debt sustainability and 
standards needed for effective and sustainable development. As a 
result, I understand that project quality can be subpar. The PRC also 
refuses to engage in coordinated debt relief when it is warranted.
    As Secretary Yellen has said, the Biden administration will be 
willing to make use of the full array of tools to hold the PRC 
accountable, working with U.S. allies and partners, including through 
multilateral institutions, to confront the PRC's abusive behaviors. If 
confirmed, I will do so.



                               __________


        An article submitted for the record by Senator Barrasso










                               __________