[Senate Hearing 117-288]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]




                                                        S. Hrg. 117-288

        NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART II

=======================================================================

                                HEARINGS

                               BEFORE THE

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               ----------                              

                                Part II

                 July 27, 2021 thru September 30, 2021

                               ----------                              



       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
       
       
       
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


                   Available via the World Wide Web: 
                         http://www.govinfo.gov





                  NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, 
                         FIRST SESSION--PART II
                         



                                                        S. Hrg. 117-288
 
        NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART II

=======================================================================

                                HEARINGS



                               BEFORE THE



                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE



                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS




                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                                Part II

                 July 27, 2021 thru September 30, 2021

                               __________



       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
       
       
       
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]       
       
       


        Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
        
        
        
                          ______                       


             U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
47-862 PDF           WASHINGTON : 2022 
         
        


                COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS          

            ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman          
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland             JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire            MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware           RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut          MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia                      ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts          RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                     TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey               JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                     TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland               MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                         BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
  Jessica Lewis, Staff Director [Damian Murphy replaced Jessica Lewis 
          as Staff Director on September 21, 2021.]          
       Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director          
                   John Dutton, Chief Clerk          






                             (ii)          

  


                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              

Responses to additional questions from the committee and any 
  other material submitted for the record are located at the end 
  of each hearing transcript.

                                 PART I

January 19, 2021--Blinken, Hon. Antony J., of New York, nominated 
  to be U.S, Secretary of State--hearing transcript printed as a 
  separate document in two parts:

    Part I: https://bit.ly/3yKm75m

    Part II: https://bit.ly/3OIPCd6



January 27, 2021--Thomas-Greenfield, Hon. Linda, of Louisiana, 
  nominated to be U.S. Representative to the United Nations--
  hearing transcript printed as a separate document: https://
  bit.ly/3AsQRsH



March 3, 2021....................................................     1

    Sherman, Hon. Wendy R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy 
      Secretary of State.........................................     9

    McKeon, Hon. Brian, of the District of Columbia, nominated to 
      be Deputy Secretary of State (Management and Resources)....    13

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................    60



March 23, 2021...................................................   171

    Power, Hon. Samantha, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International 
      Development................................................   176

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   207



April 15, 2021...................................................   263

    Nuland, Hon. Victoria, of Virginia, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Political Affairs).....................   269

    Zeya, Uzra, of Virginia, nominated to be Under Secretary of 
      State (Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights).....   272

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   292



April 28, 2021...................................................   353

    Jenkins, Hon. Bonnie D., of New York, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Arms Control and International 
      Security)..................................................   357

    Fernandez, Hon. Jose W., of New York, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Economic Growth, Energy, and the 
      Environment); Alternate Governor of the International Bank 
      for Reconstruction and Development; Alternate Governor of 
      the Inter-American Development Bank; and Alternate Governor 
      of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development....   360

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   379






                                 (iii)

May 19, 2021.....................................................   425

    Nichols, Hon. Brian A., of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (Western Hemisphere Affairs)..   431

    Sison, Hon. Michele Jeanne, of Maryland, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (International Organization 
      Affairs)...................................................   434

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   462



June 9, 2021.....................................................   493

    Andre, Hon. Larry Edward Jr., of Texas, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia..............   498

    Brewer, Hon. Maria E., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho.......................   500

    Mushingi, Hon. Tulinabo S., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Angola, and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and 
      Principe...................................................   503

    Aubin, Hon. Elizabeth Moore, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria..   505

    Young, Eugene S., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Congo......................................   508

    Lamora, Christopher John, of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon.....................   510

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   520



June 15, 2021....................................................   549

    Robinson, Hon. Todd D., of New Jersey, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (International Narcotics and 
      Law Enforcement Affairs)...................................   552

    Holmgren, Brett M., of Minnesota, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research).............   555

    Kritenbrink, Hon. Daniel J., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and Pacific 
      Affairs)...................................................   558

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   583




July 13, 2021....................................................   617

    Smith, Gentry O., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Diplomatic Security)...................   622

    Bitter, Hon. Rena, of the District of Colombia, nominated to 
      be Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs).........   625

    Medina, Monica P., of Maryland, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Oceans and International Environmental 
      and Scientific Affairs)....................................   628

    Knapper, Marc Evans, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam............   631

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   647



July 20, 2021....................................................   669

    Adams-Allen, Paloma, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Deputy Administrator of the U.S. Agency for 
      International Development (Management and Resources).......   672

    Donfried, Dr. Karen, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Assistant Secretary of State (European Affairs and 
      Eurasian Affairs)..........................................   675
    Phee, Hon. Mary Catherine, of Illinois, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) and a member 
      of the Board of Directors of the African Development 
      Foundation.................................................   677

    Witkowsky, Anne A., nominated to be Assistant Secretary of 
      State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations), and to be 
      Coordinator for Reconstruction and Development.............   680

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   695



                              ----------                              

                                PART II

July 27, 2021....................................................   739

    Gifford, Hon. Rufus, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief 
      of Protocol and to have the rank of Ambassador during his 
      tenure of service..........................................   745

    Satterfield, Lee, of South Carolina, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (Educational and Cultural 
      Affairs)...................................................   748

    Coleman, Hon. Isobel, of New York, nominated to be Deputy 
      Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International 
      Development (Policy and Programming).......................   751

    Lu, Hon. Christopher, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the U.N. for U.N. Management and Reform, 
      and to be the Alternative Representative to the Sessions of 
      the General Assembly of the U.N............................   753

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   768



July 28, 2021....................................................   789

    Salazar, Hon. Kenneth Lee, of Colorado, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the United Mexican States....................   795

    Lewis, Jessica, of Ohio, nominated to be Assistant Secretary 
      of State (Political-Military Affairs)......................   798

    Lu, Hon. Donald, of California, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (South Asian Affairs)...................   801

    Escobari, Hon. Marcela, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for 
      International Development (Latin America and the Caribbean)   803

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   823



August 5, 2021...................................................   859

    Raynor, Hon. Michael, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently and 
      without additional compensation as Ambassador to the 
      Republic of Guinea-Bissau..................................   863

    Ostfield, Marc, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Paraguay................................   866

    Fitrill, Troy Damian, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Guinea..................................   868

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   879



September 15, 2021 (a.m.)........................................   889

    Noyes, Hon. Julieta Valls, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (Population, Refugees, and 
      Migration).................................................   896

    Bauer, Hon. Denise Campbell, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the French Republic, and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco...................   899

    Smith, Julianne, of Michigan, nominated to be U.S. Permanent 
      Representative to the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty 
      Organization, with the rank and status of Ambassador.......   902

    Leaf, Hon. Barbara A., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Near Eastern Affairs)..................   905

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   929
September 15, 2021 (p.m.)........................................   997

    Kang, Dr. C.S. Eliot, of New Jersey, nominated to be 
      Assistant Secretary of State (International Security and 
      Nonproliferation)..........................................  1000

    Scheinman, Hon. Adam, of Virginia, nominated to be Special 
      Representative of the President for Nuclear 
      Nonproliferation, with the rank of Ambassador..............  1002

    Bernicat, Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom, of New Jersey, 
      nominated to be Director General of the Foreign Service....  1005

    Crocker, Hon. Bathsheba Nell, of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the 
      U.N. and other International Organizations in Geneva, with 
      the rank of Ambassador.....................................  1007

    Carpenter, Dr. Michael, of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Organization for 
      Security and Cooperation in Europe, with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................  1010

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1028



September 22, 2021...............................................  1067

    Nides, Hon. Thomas R., of Minnesota, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the State of Israel..........................  1079

    Cohen, David L., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Canada..................................................  1082

    Telles, Dr. Cynthia Ann, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica...................  1084

    Udall, Hon. Tom, of New Mexico, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      New Zealand and without additional compensation to be 
      Ambassador to the State of Samoa...........................  1115

    Margon, Sarah, of New York, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor..  1118

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1130



September 28, 2021...............................................  1249

    Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation 
      and Development, with the rank of Ambassador...............  1256

    Gitenstein, Hon. Mark, of Washington, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the European Union, with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................  1259

    Flake, Hon. Jeffrey Lane, of Arizona, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey.......................  1262

    McCain, Cindy Hensley, of Arizona, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the U.N. Agencies for Food and 
      Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure 
      of service.................................................  1265

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1285



September 29, 2021...............................................  1311

    Sullenberger, Capt. C.B. III, of Texas, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative on the Council of the International Civil 
      Aviation Organization with the rank of Ambassador during 
      his tenure of service......................................  1318

    Gawande, Dr. Atul A., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for 
      International Development..................................  1321

    Cronin, Hon. Claire D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Ireland......................................  1323

    Logsdon, Kent Doyle, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova......................  1336

    Cromer, Sharon L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of The Gambia.................................  1339

    Palmer, Hon. Virginia E., of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana........................  1341

    Van Vranken, Howard A., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.....................  1344

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1352
September 30, 2021...............................................  1411

    Holgate, Hon. Laura S.H., of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, 
      with the rank of Ambassador, and to be U.S. Representative 
      to the Vienna Office of the U.N. with the rank of 
      Ambassador.................................................  1415

    McClelland, Caryn R., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam............................  1418

    Young, David John, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Republic of Malawi.....................................  1420

    Pierangelo, Claire A., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros.....................  1423

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1431



                              ----------                              

                                PART III

October 5, 2021 (a.m.)...........................................  1455

    Stewart, Mallory A., of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and 
      Compliance)................................................  1458

    Bondy, Steven C., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Kingdom of Bahrain..................................  1461

    Carty, Lisa A., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council, 
      with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate 
      Representative to the Sessions of the U.N. General Assembly 
      during her tenure of service...............................  1463

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1485



October 5, 2021 (p.m.)...........................................  1525

    Hovenier, Jeffrey M., of Washington, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.......................  1529

    Murphy, Michael J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Bosnia and Herzegovina..................................  1532

    Pantaleon, Hon. Julissa Reynoso, of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain, and to serve 
      concurrently and without additional compensation as 
      Ambassador the Principality of Andorra.....................  1535

    Kennedy, Victoria Reggie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Austria......................  1538

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1558



October 20, 2021 (a.m.)..........................................  1583

    Burns, Hon. R. Nicholas, of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the People's Republic of China...............  1587

    Emanuel, Hon. Rahm, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to Japan...................................................  1626

    Kaplan, Jonathan Eric, of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Singapore....................  1630

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1651



October 20, 2021 (p.m.)..........................................  1735

    Mahoney, Hon. Patricia, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Central African Republic.................  1739

    Vrooman, Hon. Peter Hendrick, of New York, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique...................  1741

    Haas Peter D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the 
      People's Republic of Bangladesh............................  1744
    Chung, Julie, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.............  1747

    Shukan, Brian Wesley, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Republic of Benin...................................  1756

    Fitzsimmons, Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy, of Delaware, 
      nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic........  1759

    Gilmour, Hon. David R., of the District of Columbia, 
      nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial 
      Guinea.....................................................  1762

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1771



October 26, 2021.................................................  1837

    Stanley, Marc R., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the 
      Argentine Republic.........................................  1840

    Rashad, Hussain, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
      Large for International Religious Freedom..................  1846

    Wong, Chantale Yokmin, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be U.S. director of the Asian Development Bank, with the 
      Rank of Ambassador.........................................  1849

    Kugler, Dr. Adriana Debora, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. 
      Executive Director of the International Bank for 
      Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years.....  1852

    Toloui, Hon. Ramin, of Iowa, nominated to be Assistant 
      Secretary of State (Economic and Business Affairs).........  1857

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1873



November 2, 2021.................................................  1941

    Barrett, Hon. Thomas, of Wisconsin, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg................  1947

    Harpootlian, Jamie L., of South Carolina, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia.....................  1950

    Miller, Scott, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the 
      Swiss Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without 
      additional compensation as Ambassador to the Principality 
      of Liechtenstein...........................................  1952

    Ramanathan, Erik D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden........................  1955

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1968



December 1, 2021.................................................  1985

    Nathan, Scott, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief 
      Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development 
      Finance Corporation........................................  1990

    Bass, Hon. John R., of New York, nominated to be Under 
      Secretary of State (Management)............................  1993

    Brzezinski, Hon. Mark, of Virginia, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.......................  1995

    Adler, Michael M., of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to 
      the Kingdom of Belgium.....................................  1998

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2024



December 14, 2021 (a.m.).........................................  2067

    Blome, Hon. Donald Armin, of Illinois, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.............  2074

    Garcetti, Hon. Eric M., of California, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of India........................  2077

    Gutmann, Dr. Amy, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Federal Republic of Germany.........................  2080

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2094
December 14, 2021 (p.m.).........................................  2151

    Hill, Hon. Christopher R., of Rhode Island, nominated to be 
      Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia.......................  2156

    Taylor, Michele, of Georgia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council with the 
      rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service............  2159

    Albright, Alice, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 
      Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge 
      Corporation................................................  2162

    Donnelly, Hon. Joseph, of Indiana, nominated to be Ambassador 
      to the Holy See............................................  2164

    Whyche-Shaw, Oren E., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S. 
      Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five 
      years......................................................  2180

    Ebong, Enoh T., of the District of Columbia, nominated to be 
      Director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency..........  2182

    Nucete, Leopoldo Martinez, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S. 
      Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank 
      for a term of three years..................................  2185

    Jorge, Maria Fabiana, of the District of Columbia, nominated 
      to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-
      American Development Bank..................................  2188

    Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2196


                              NOMINATIONS

                         TUESDAY, JULY 27, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m., in 
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L. 
Cardin presiding.
    Present: Senators Cardin [residing], Shaheen, Murphy, 
Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.
    Also present: Senator Graham.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will 
come to order.
    We are convened today to consider four of President Biden's 
nominations: the Honorable Rufus Gifford of Massachusetts to be 
the chief of protocol; Ms. Lee Satterfield of South Carolina to 
be an assistant secretary of state; the Honorable Isobel 
Coleman to be deputy administrator of the United States Agency 
for International Development; and the Honorable Christopher Lu 
to be representative of the United States of America to the 
United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform. Senator Hagerty 
and I both agree that we will defer our opening statements 
because we have some of our distinguished--have two of our 
distinguished colleagues that are with us to introduce. And 
since I might have some judicial nominations before the 
Judiciary Committee this year, I will recognize Senator Graham.

               STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA

    Senator Graham. Thank you. I owe you one. Okay. Well, thank 
you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member. I really appreciate this. 
It is a big treat for me. Ms. Satterfield is from South 
Carolina, a University of South Carolina graduate with a degree 
in journalism. Her father was a legendary football coach at 
Furman that won a national title, and she is being nominated to 
be the assistant secretary for the Bureau of Educational and 
Cultural Affairs at State. She has been endorsed by the last 
six assistant secretaries for the position, the Alliance for 
International Exchange, Public Diplomacy Council, and the 
Public Diplomacy Association of America, and Trey Gowdy. I do 
not know how much you care about the last one, but he is a good 
golfer, for whatever that matters. But the reason Trey is doing 
this, she is well respected in our State, and we are proud of 
the fact that President Biden chose her for this job, and I 
look forward to helping.
    In this position--she has been involved in this space for a 
long time. She launched the Center for Diplomatic Engagement, 
the Center for Global Leadership. She has executive branch 
experience. Prior to this nomination in the Obama 
administration, she served as acting assistant secretary of 
state and deputy assistant secretary of state in the Bureau of 
Educational and Cultural Affairs, so she knows what she is 
talking about. She has also served as deputy chief of staff of 
protocol of the United States. During the Clinton 
administration--you must have been a child back then. During 
the Clinton administration, she served as the chief of staff 
for the Secretary of Labor, and as special assistant to the 
President, and staff director for the White House Office of 
Public Liaison.
    I cannot think of a more qualified, decent person to have 
this job representing our Nation at a critical moment as we 
engage the world, and I wholeheartedly support this nomination. 
And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for letting me speak first.
    Senator Cardin. Well, Senator Graham, we very much 
appreciate you coming to the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee. Thank you. Senator Markey for an introduction.

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. It is 
my pleasure to introduce Ambassador Rufus Gifford, a native of 
the great Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and to welcome his 
husband, Stephen, his mom, Ann, and his father, Chad, all of 
whom call the Bay State home. Rufus' two golden retrievers are 
no doubt watching at home on C-SPAN 2 as we gather.
    It is not every day this committee considers a nominee with 
as eclectic a career as Rufus Gifford. His credits include 
Hollywood producer, reality TV star show, ambassador, 
congressional candidate, and cookbook co-author. It was an 
unconventional route to today. After graduating from Brown 
University in the mid-1990s, he set out for Hollywood to 
produce the next great American film. He jokes that he wanted 
to make classics like Chinatown or Ordinary People. Instead, 
instead he gave American audiences Daddy Care 2 and Dr. 
Dolittle 2. Jokes aside, after his time in Tinsel Town, Rufus 
discovered his true calling in politics and public service.
    After honing his skills as a--as a staffer on the Kerry 
Campaign in 2004, he met then Senator Barack Obama in 2007, 
which began a decade-long professional journey with the 44th 
President. In 2013, President Obama nominated Rufus to be U.S. 
Ambassador to Denmark, and he was unanimously confirmed by the 
United States Senate. Shortly after arriving in Copenhagen, 
Rufus agreed to be the headliner of a reality TV show, I Am the 
Ambassador. Rufus often reminds people that it is more of a 
documentary than a reality TV show. I Am the Ambassador may 
have lacked the cliffhangers and the drama of the Kardashians, 
but it did earn him the Danish equivalent of an Emmy. The 
show's innovative approach to public diplomacy gave Danish 
viewers, particularly young people, and all-access pass into 
the life of a U.S. Ambassador and the U.S. diplomatic presence 
in the country. In a country of just 5 million people, 200,000 
Danes tuned in each episode to watch as the Ambassador toured 
the country to speak at town halls, meet with migrant children, 
and visit Greenland to witness the effects of climate change. 
The series also showed the Ambassador advance core U.S. 
interests, such as lobbying the Danish defense minister to 
continue his country's steadfast support of the U.S. coalition 
in Iraq and NATO forces in Afghanistan. One Danish viewer said 
that ``It is the type of show you would watch with your mother-
in-law, and she would say, oh, he is a lovely man, that Rufus 
Gifford.''
    When it came to a decision of where to exchange marital 
vows, Rufus and Steven picked Copenhagen Town Hall, the 
historic venue where the first legal same-sex civil union in 
the world was issued in 1989. If only Rufus as a teenager in 
the 1980s could know the acceptance and happiness he would find 
in 2015 as he married the love of his life surrounded by family 
and friends, ambassadors, and even Crown Prince Frederick and 
Crown Princess Mary of Denmark, and that President Biden would 
later place faith in him to serve in a highly public role as 
the chief of protocol. What a testament to the progress we have 
made.
    Rufus' effusive personality makes him the perfect choice 
for this new role. In Copenhagen, Rufus opened the ambassador's 
residence to thousands of visitors. As chief of protocol, he 
will once again play host to foreign dignitaries at the White 
House and Blair House. His hand will be the first outstretched 
to greet a prime minister, president, or monarch. The position 
to which Rufus is nominated is, therefore, a reflection of our 
country to the world, the first impression, and what a first 
impression it will be. To echo a Danish fan of his, ``He is a 
lovely man, that Rufus Gifford.'' Congratulations on your 
nomination, Rufus. I look forward to what I hope will be your 
swift confirmation.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Markey, for the 
introduction. As you know, our committee vets all nominees. A 
lot of times all we do is read a lot of articles. This is going 
to be much more enjoyable to see your video clips as we review 
your qualifications. At this point, I will introduce my 
colleague, Senator Van Hollen, for an introduction.

              STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank 
you and Senator Hagerty, Senator Shaheen, members of the 
committee. I am grateful for the opportunity to introduce to 
the committee the President's nominee to serve as the next 
permanent representative to the United Nations for management 
and reform, Mr. Christopher Lu. Chris possesses the leadership, 
the experience, and the dedication and character required for 
this role, and I am confident that he will serve our country 
well if confirmed.
    While Chris is now a resident of Virginia, he grew up in 
Senator Cardin's and my State of Maryland. He comes from 
Rockville, Maryland where his parents settled after arriving in 
this country from Taiwan. Chris cut his teeth early on the 
Thomas S. Wootton High School debating team and then went on to 
pursue his bachelor's degree at Princeton University. It was 
during that time there that our paths first crossed in the 
summer of 1986, 35 years ago. Chris was an intern in the office 
of Maryland senator, Mac Mathias, where I at the time was 
working as the legislative assistant for defense and arms 
control. Even back then, Chris stood out for his intellect and 
passion for service. We got to work together on a range of 
issues and became friends. From this internship in Senator 
Mathias' office, he went to Harvard Law School before launching 
his career in public service, a career that would span 2 
decades in all three branches of government.
    He first worked as a clerk for Judge Robert Cowan of the 
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit and gained 
experience here on Capitol Hill as the deputy chief counsel of 
the House Oversight and Reform Committee. He later became a key 
aide to then Senator Barack Obama, a role that would take him 
from the Capitol to the White House. From 2009 to 2013, he 
served in the executive branch as the White House Cabinet 
secretary and as assistant to the President, and during the 
first term of the Obama administration, Mr. Lu co-chaired the 
White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific 
Islanders. In 2014, Chris was unanimously confirmed by the 
United States Senate to be deputy secretary of the U.S. 
Department of Labor, a position of key responsibilities, 
overseeing an agency with 1,700--excuse me--17,000 employees 
and a $112 billion budget. He performed his duties with 
distinction and professionalism. He is currently the Teresa A. 
Sullivan practitioner senior fellow at the University of 
Virginia Miller Center.
    Members of the committee, I have long appreciated and 
admired Chris' 20-year career in public service and I am 
thankful as a citizen for his enduring commitment to serving 
our country. But despite his very distinguished public service 
career, Chris never forgot where he started out, as an intern 
here on Capitol Hill. He always credited that first internship 
with Senator Mathias for giving him his start in public 
service, and he also placed special emphasis on the fact that 
Senator Mathias' office paid its interns even at that time. 
Without that stipend, without that support, Chris could not 
have afforded to take that summer internship, which led him on 
his way. A few years later, Senator Schatz, Senator Murphy, 
members of this committee, and others sponsored and we passed 
legislation to enable all congressional interns to be paid, and 
one of the people I was thinking about at that time was Chris 
Lu. And when he heard about our efforts, he reached out and we 
did a video supporting that legislation, which passed.
    Chris' commitment to public service and his desire to open 
the doors of opportunity to others and future generations are 
what make him such an exceptional leader. And, members of the 
committee, he is exactly the kind of person we want 
representing our country in the United Nations. I am pleased to 
strongly support his nomination, and I urge the committee to do 
so as well.
    Mr. Chairman if I could ask unanimous consent to also enter 
into the record two letters of support for Chris Lu. One is 
from over a dozen Asian-American and Pacific-Islander advocacy 
groups. The other is from former high-ranking officials in 
Republican administrations who worked with Chris at the 
University of Virginia. Thank you, members of the committee, 
and I urge you to support this fine nomination.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Van Hollen, thank you very much for 
that introduction. I am sure that my interns who are watching 
this hearing appreciate the history of why they are receiving 
some compensation. And let me just also put it--my observations 
of Senator Mathias. He was an inspiration not only to you and 
to our nominee, but to many of us in public service in 
Maryland, an outstanding United States senator.
    With that, let me welcome all four of our nominees again, 
and thank you very much for your willingness to serve during 
this extremely challenging period in America's history. We 
recognize it is not easy and it is a family commitment, so we 
thank you and your families for your willingness to serve our 
Nation. Each of the positions that you have been nominated for 
are critically important to United States. The chief of 
protocol is responsible for advising the President, the Vice 
President, the Secretary of State, and other high-ranking 
officials on matters of national and international protocol, 
creating an environment for successful diplomacy. We have 
significant challenges today to succeed in diplomacy. The 
Office of Assistant Secretary of State for Education and 
Cultural Affairs promotes personal, professional, and 
institutional ties between private citizens and organizations 
of in the United States and abroad, and presents U.S. history, 
society, art, and culture to foreign audiences, international 
exchange programs, such as the Fulbright, the Humphrey, 
International Visitor Leadership, and Exchange Visitor Program, 
provides opportunities for individuals from foreign countries 
to live, study, and work in the United States, and provides 
similar opportunities for U.S. citizens abroad.
    The deputy administrator of United States Agency for 
International Development is one of the key leaders in our 
USAID family, specifically responsible to oversee policy and 
programming, including relief response and resilience, the 
Bureau of Development, Democracy, and Innovation, the Bureau 
for Global Health, which our committee is going to be taking up 
legislation later this week, and regional bureaus, among 
others, that are the responsibility of the deputy 
administrator. And the representative of the United States at 
the United Nations for management and reform is a critically-
important position. It is one of the five positions with the 
rank of Ambassador at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in 
New York. The Ambassador directs the Missions Management and 
Reform Section, which was established to ensure that a senior 
official at the United States U.N. focuses on issues of 
management and reform within U.N. system.
    So, we have key positions and we have qualified nominees, 
and we thank you again for your willingness to serve. And with 
that, let me turn it over to the ranking member, Senator 
Hagerty.

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. Senator Cardin, thank you very much, and I 
want to thank all the nominees for appearing before this 
committee today. I want to thank you for your service and for 
your willingness to step up and serve our great Nation.
    First, I would like to start with the nomination of the 
chief of protocol. This position has the unique responsibility 
of advancing American foreign policy goals by creating an 
environment conducive for American diplomacy. As the former 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I recognize that protocol can be 
incredibly challenging with its own set of complex and 
intricate issues. It is an essential component of a successful 
foreign policy, and I look forward to hearing the nominee's 
views on how he will perform the role of chief of protocol. 
Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be the 
assistant secretary of state for educational and cultural 
affairs. As authoritarian states, such as China and Russia, 
look to systematically curb freedom and democracy throughout 
the world, it is imperative that the United States continue to 
bolster its people-to-people diplomacy. We should look for 
opportunities to spread the values and ideals of the United 
States by facilitating various academic, cultural, sports, and 
professional exchange programs. I am very interested to hear 
how the nominee intends to advance U.S. foreign policy 
objectives through educational and cultural programs.
    I would like to turn to the nomination to be deputy 
administrator for policy and programming at USAID. We know that 
thoughtfully-targeted and -designed foreign assistance can help 
advance the national security, the economic security, and the 
humanitarian interests of the United States. This means that 
ensuring resources that are properly aligned with the broader 
strategic objectives the United States will be implemented 
properly. I look forward to hearing from the nominee on this 
matter. And now, I would like to turn to the nominee to be 
representative to the United Nations for U.N. Management and 
Reform. This is a position that requires keen judgment and an 
even temperament. As authoritarian states look for ways to 
increase their influence in the United Nations, the United 
States will need to exercise its leverage, including its 
administrative and budgetary leverage, to protect the integrity 
of the United Nations. At the same time, the United States 
should look for support from our allies and its partners to 
shoulder the financial burden of maintaining and funding the 
United Nations. As these discussions and negotiations over the 
administrative and budgetary aspects of the U.N. continue, it 
will be critical for the representative of the United States to 
maintain a strong position to ensure that the United Nations is 
properly and efficiently managed.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Senator Hagerty. We 
will now proceed to our nominees. Your entire statement will be 
made part of our record.
    And without objection, the two letters of support mentioned 
by Senator Van Hollen will also be made part of our record.


    [The information referred to is located at the end of this 
hearing transcdript]


    Senator Cardin. At this time, let me recognize Ambassador 
Gifford, who was previously introduced by Senator Markey.

STATEMENT OF HON. RUFUS GIFFORD OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO 
BE CHIEF OF PROTOCOL AND TO HAVE THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING 
                     HIS TENURE OF SERVICE

    Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of 
the committee, for the opportunity appear before you today, and 
thank you, Senator Markey, for the very kind introduction.
    Eight years ago, almost to the day, I sat grateful and 
humbled before this distinguished committee as President 
Obama's nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark. 
Today, I sit before you doubly humbled and grateful to be 
nominated by President Biden to once again serve the country I 
love. If confirmed as President Biden's nominee for chief of 
protocol for the United States, I am eager to showcase the best 
of America and all of America, while reaching out to our 
friends, allies, and partners throughout the world. I also wish 
to extend gratitude to Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Secretary and the 
over 50,000 State Department employees made up of civil and 
Foreign Service professionals, locally-engaged staff, eligible 
family members, and contractors to continue bringing America 
back to the table.
    I am joined here today by my veterinarian husband, Dr. 
Stephen DeVincent, who was a fellow at the State Department 
when we first met and who is joining me for the second time on 
this great journey. And I am joined by my mom and dad, Ann and 
Chad Gifford. I want to thank all three of them for supporting 
me today.
    Today, in these unprecedented times, traditional diplomacy, 
like so much else in our great country, has been challenged by 
COVID-19. However, the United States has remained strong and 
resilient through the pandemic and has proven that we can work 
in new and creative ways. In Denmark, I led our amazing team of 
Americans and locally-engaged staff to strengthen our bilateral 
relationship and modernize diplomacy while fully embracing the 
fact that diplomacy starts and ends with human relationships, 
face-to-face interactions, shaking hands, and breaking through 
our differences. These are the fundamental ways to carry out 
the art of protocol, but I also believe that we now have the 
ability to leverage new tools and technology to build and 
strengthen our relationships at home and abroad.
    We also have a responsibility to model and represent 
America's diversity by being more inclusive and equitable at 
every opportunity. This can begin from the moment protocol 
engages with each and every visiting delegation. If confirmed, 
I pledge to support the administration's foreign policy goals 
and reach new audiences using both traditional and modern 
diplomatic methods of engagement. To do that, I believe I must 
fully invest in the people who have been at the core of the 
Office of Protocol for years, across administrations, 
empowering them and building a true team, one with clarity of 
mission to work together and advance American foreign policy 
interests.
    Today, the Office of the Chief of Protocol has seven 
divisions which focus on elements specific to protocol 
diplomacy. The Blair House, the presidential guest house, has 
hosted official delegations since it was sold to the U.S. 
Government in the mid-1900s. The Blair House operates similar 
to a boutique hotel and can serve as a representational venue 
or provide contingent lodging. The Ceremonials Division 
executes events for both the White House and the Secretary of 
State involving the Diplomatic Corps and visiting high-level 
officials, as well as presidential inaugurations, state 
funerals, and other ceremonies. Ceremonials officers advise on 
flag etiquette, forms of address, and event logistics. 
Diplomatic Affairs is responsible for maintaining the 
Diplomatic Corps order of precedence and the publication of the 
Foreign Diplomatic List. It coordinates the accreditation of 
bilateral chiefs of mission, heads of delegation, charge 
d'affaires, and deputy chiefs of mission and their dependents. 
It directs the process for new bilateral chiefs of mission and 
heads of delegation, including arrivals and presentations of 
credentials to the President at the White House.
    Diplomatic Partnership, a revived division, is responsible 
for outreach to the Diplomatic Corps domestically and will 
engage audiences, both through social media and other forum. It 
has several programs, including Experience America, State of 
the administration, issues roundtables, and the American 
Heritage Series. Major Events is responsible for planning and 
executing multilateral summits, major conferences, and other 
large-scale events. Most recently, Major Events Division 
carried out the largest virtual summit, virtual official event, 
with the April 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate, reaching out to 
40 world leaders. The Visits Division assistant accompanies 
presidential delegations abroad. It works closely with other 
Federal agencies and takes a role in the logistical planning of 
bilateral meetings with the President, First Lady, Vice 
President, and Secretary of State, as well as officials and 
state visits and large-scale international meetings and 
summits. Finally, the Management Division keeps all the other 
divisions running, making sure they have all the needed 
resources. If confirmed as the chief of protocol, I pledge to 
lead the team of experienced protocol staff to showcase the 
very best America has to offer.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again 
for the--for the opportunity to appear before you today and for 
your consideration of my nomination. If confirmed, I look 
forward to serving the United States and working with Congress 
to help advance our foreign policy. I look forward to your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Gifford follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Hon. Rufus Gifford

    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for the 
opportunity to appear before you.
    Eight years ago almost to the day, I sat grateful and humbled 
before this distinguished committee as President Obama's nominee to be 
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark. Today, I sit before you, doubly 
humbled and grateful to be nominated by President Biden to once again 
serve the country I love. If confirmed as President Biden's nominee for 
the Chief of Protocol for the United States, I am eager to showcase the 
best of America--and all of America--while reaching out to our friends, 
allies, and partners throughout the world.
    I also wish to extend gratitude to Secretary of State Antony 
Blinken. If confirmed, I look forward to working together with the 
Secretary and the over 50,000 State Department employees made up of 
civil and foreign service professionals, locally engaged staff, 
eligible family members and contractors to continue bringing America 
back to the table.
    I am joined here today by my veterinarian husband Dr. Stephen 
DeVincent, who was a fellow at the State Department when we first met 
and who is joining me for the second time on this great journey. I am 
also joined (virtually?) by my Mom and Dad and several close friends. I 
want to thank them for supporting me today.
    Today, in these unprecedented times, traditional diplomacy--like so 
much else in our great country--has been challenged by COVID-19. 
However, the United States has remained strong and resilient through 
the pandemic and has proven that we can work in new and creative ways. 
In Denmark, I led our amazing team of Americans and locally engaged 
staff to strengthen our bilateral relationship and modernize diplomacy 
while fully embracing the fact that diplomacy starts and ends with 
human relationships, face to face interactions, shaking hands and 
breaking through our differences. These are the fundamental ways to 
carry out the art of protocol, but I also believe that we now have the 
ability to leverage new tools and technology to build and strengthen 
our relationships at home and abroad.
    We also have a responsibility to model and represent America's 
diversity by being more inclusive and equitable at every opportunity. 
This can begin from the moment protocol engages with each and every 
visiting delegation.
    If confirmed, I pledge to support the administration's foreign 
policy goals and reach new audiences, using both traditional and modern 
diplomatic methods of engagement. To do that, I believe I must fully 
invest in the people who have been at the core of the Office of 
Protocol for years, across administrations, empowering them and 
building a true team--one with clarity of mission to work together to 
advance American foreign policy interests.
    Today, the Office of the Chief of Protocol has seven divisions 
which focus on specific elements of protocol diplomacy.
    The Blair House, the Presidential guest house, has hosted official 
delegations since it was sold to the U.S. Government in the mid 1900s. 
The Blair House operates similar to a boutique hotel and can serve as a 
representational venue or provide contingent lodging.
    The Ceremonials division executes events for both the White House 
and the Secretary of State involving the diplomatic corps and visiting 
high level officials, as well as Presidential inaugurations, state 
funerals, and other ceremonies.
    Ceremonials Officers advise on flag etiquette, forms of address, 
and event logistics.
    Diplomatic Affairs is responsible for maintaining the Diplomatic 
Corps Order of Precedence and the publication of the foreign Diplomatic 
List. It coordinates the accreditation of bilateral Chiefs of Mission, 
Heads of Delegation, Charges d'affaires and Deputy Chiefs of Mission 
and their dependents. It directs the agrement process for new bilateral 
Chiefs of Mission and Heads of Delegation, including arrivals and 
presentations of credentials to the President at the White House.
    Diplomatic Partnership, a revived division, is responsible for 
outreach to the diplomatic corps domestically and will engage audiences 
both through social media and through other forums. It has several 
programs, including Experience America, State of the administration, 
Issue Roundtables, and American Heritage Series.
    Major Events is responsible for planning and executing multi-
lateral summits, major conferences, and other large-scale events. Most 
recently, the Major Events division carried out the largest virtual 
official event through the April 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate, 
reaching out to 40 world leaders.
    The Visits division assists and accompanies Presidential 
delegations abroad. It works closely with other federal agencies and 
takes a lead role in the logistical planning of bilateral meetings with 
the President, First Lady, Vice President, and Secretary of State, as 
well as Official and State visits and large-scale international 
meetings and summits.
    Finally, the Management division keeps all the other divisions 
running, making sure that they have all needed resources.
    If confirmed as the Chief of Protocol, I pledge to lead the team of 
experienced protocol staff to showcase the very best America has to 
offer.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the 
opportunity to appear before you today and for your consideration of my 
nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to serving the United States 
and working with Congress to help advance our foreign policy.
    I look forward to your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Ambassador Gifford. We will now 
hear from Ms. Satterfield, who was previously introduced by 
Senator Graham.

STATEMENT OF LEE SATTERFIELD OF SOUTH CAROLINA, NOMINATED TO BE 
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL AFFAIRS)

    Ms. Satterfield. Sorry. I would like to thank Senator 
Graham for his introduction. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member 
Hagerty, and members of the committee, thank you for giving me 
the opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's 
s nominee to be assistant secretary of the Bureau of 
Educational and Cultural Affairs. I am honored to be considered 
by the Senate for this important position and grateful to 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence that 
they have placed in me. I would like to thank my family--my 
husband, Patrick, our sons, Jack and Connor--and all of my 
supportive extended family, friends, and colleagues.
    I have worked in various capacities in the consequential 
field of international engagement for over a decade and 
dedicated the majority of my almost 30-year career to public 
service. If confirmed it would be the honor of a lifetime to 
lead a bureau whose mission is to increase mutual understanding 
between the people of the United States and people around the 
world through educational, professional, and cultural 
exchanges. My experience has prepared me to carry on the proud 
tradition of excellence at the Bureau. As president of Meridian 
International Center, I led efforts to connect leaders through 
cultural exchange and collaboration, driving solutions to 
shared global challenges and fostering international 
cooperation for the past 6 years.
    I am a passionate champion for using U.S. policy priorities 
through people-to-people exchanges. Having previously served in 
ECA as deputy assistant secretary and acting assistant 
secretary, I know these programs of engagement are an integral 
part of our diplomacy, which President Biden has placed at the 
center of U.S. foreign policy. And I hold the many dedicated 
professionals who make these programs successful in the highest 
regard. Public diplomacy is a strategy, and like foreign policy 
professionals, public diplomacy practitioners must survey the 
global terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive 
advantages in meeting threats and challenges.
    Those advantages are numerous. The United States has the 
highest-quality, most open and diverse system of higher 
education in the world. We are and must remain the destination 
of choice for the best and brightest students. We can welcome 
international students and protect our national interests. The 
United States economy is infused with an entrepreneurial spirit 
that attracts, inspires, and innovates. American culture is the 
most pervasive and influential culture in the world. English is 
the language of the world, opening doors and minds. American 
values are the foundation of a world that rejects violence and 
extremism, and that embraces liberty, individual dignity, and 
democracy. ECA exchanges are purposefully designed to leverage 
all of those inherent strengths of our country. Exchanges have 
an unparalleled ability to convey and share the American 
experience, ultimately making our country more secure and 
globally competitive.
    As set forth in the Interim National Security Strategic 
Guidance, we are engaged in a global competition for influence 
and power with authoritarian states, such as Russia and China. 
To meet this current challenge, our most powerful assets remain 
those that have guided and strengthened our Nation since the 
beginning: our democratic principles. If confirmed, I will 
thoughtfully evaluate conditions for scaling up in-person 
exchanges, prioritizing health, safety, and welfare, and build 
on lessons learned from ECA's successful virtual programs. I 
will ensure ECA programs represent, promote, and support 
equity, diversity, and inclusion, while also advancing those 
principles within the workforce. I will demonstrate responsible 
stewardship of taxpayer dollars by measuring and evaluating 
program performance through a data-driven approach.
    As Secretary Blinken stated, among the best investments we 
make are in our exchange programs. I will continue ECA 
activities that benefit the American people and the U.S. 
economy, contributing directly to local economies and fostering 
business and educational opportunities, and I will promote 
those opportunities to U.S. citizens. I will build on ECA's 
robust global alumni network. Successful exchange programs are 
not one-and-done events, but rather an initial investment in 
foreign audiences and a community of potential foreign policy 
allies. One in three current world leaders are part of the over 
1.5 million alumni of ECA exchanges. If confirmed, I will aim 
to strengthen people-to-people ties and advance our country's 
foreign policy goals under the leadership of Secretary Blinken 
and in consultation with Congress.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Satterfield follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Lee Satterfield

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you 
today as President Biden's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of the 
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. I am honored to be 
considered by the Senate for this important position, and grateful to 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have 
placed in me.
    I would like to thank my family: my husband, Patrick, our sons Jack 
and Conor, and all of my supportive extended family, friends, and 
colleagues.
    I have worked in various capacities in the consequential field of 
international engagement for over a decade and dedicated the majority 
of my almost 30-year career to public service.
    If confirmed, it would be the honor of a lifetime to lead a Bureau 
whose mission is to increase mutual understanding between the people of 
the United States and people around the world through educational, 
professional, and cultural exchanges.
    My experience has prepared me to carry on the proud tradition of 
excellence at the Bureau. As President of Meridian International 
Center, I have led efforts to connect leaders through cultural exchange 
and collaboration, driving solutions to shared global challenges and 
fostering international cooperation for the past six years.
    I am a passionate champion of advancing U.S. policy priorities 
through people-to-people exchanges. Having previously served in ECA as 
Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting Assistant Secretary, I know these 
programs of engagement are an integral part of our diplomacy which 
President Biden has placed at the center of U.S. foreign policy, and I 
hold the many dedicated professionals who make these programs 
successful in the highest regard.
    Public diplomacy is a strategy, and like foreign policy 
professionals, public diplomacy practitioners must survey the global 
terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive advantages in 
meeting threats and challenges. Those advantages are numerous.


   The United States has the highest-quality, most open and diverse 
        system of higher education in the world. We are, and must 
        remain, the destination of choice for the best and brightest 
        students. We can both welcome legitimate international students 
        and protect our national interests from malign influence.

   The United States economy is infused with an entrepreneurial spirit 
        that attracts, inspires, and innovates.

   American culture is the most pervasive and influential popular 
        culture in the world.

   English is the language of the world, opening doors and minds.

   American values are the foundation of a world that rejects violence 
        and extremism and that embraces liberty, individual dignity, 
        and democracy.


    ECA exchanges are purposefully designed to leverage all those 
inherent strengths of our country. Exchanges have an unparalleled 
ability to convey and share the American experience, ultimately making 
our country more secure and globally competitive.
    As set forth in the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance, 
we are engaged in a global competition for influence and power with 
authoritarian states such as Russia and China. To meet this current 
challenge, our most powerful assets remain those that have guided and 
strengthened our nation since the beginning - our democratic 
principles.
    If confirmed, I will:


   First, thoughtfully evaluate conditions for scaling up in-person 
        exchanges prioritizing health, safety, and welfare and continue 
        building on lessons learned from ECA's successful pivot to 
        virtual and hybrid programs during the pandemic.

   I will ensure ECA programs represent promote and support equity, 
        diversity, and inclusion while also advancing those principles 
        within the workforce.

   I will demonstrate responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars by 
        measuring and evaluating program performance through a data-
        driven approach. As Secretary Blinken stated, ``Among the best 
        investments we make are in our exchange programs.''

   I will continue ECA activities that benefit the American people and 
        U.S. economy, contributing directly to local economies and 
        fostering business and educational opportunities, and I will 
        promote those opportunities to US citizens.

   I will build on ECA's robust global alumni network and continue 
        upgrading alumni engagement platforms. Successful exchange 
        programs are not one and done events, but rather an initial 
        investment in foreign audiences and a community of potential 
        foreign policy allies. One in three current world leaders are 
        part of the over 1.5 million alumni of ECA exchanges.


    If confirmed, I will aim to strengthen people-to-people ties and 
advance our country's foreign policy goals under the leadership of 
Secretary Blinken and in consultation with Congress. Thank you, and I 
look forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony. We 
will now hear from the nominee--President Biden's nominee for 
deputy administrator for policy and programming at USAID, 
Ambassador Isobel Coleman, who is a foreign policy and global 
development expert with more than 25 years of experience 
working in government, the private sector, and nonprofits. Most 
recently, she served on the Biden transition team, leading the 
review of the U.S. mission in the United Nations--to the United 
Nations. From 2014 to 2017, she was the U.S. Ambassador to the 
United Nations for management, reform, and special political 
affairs. During this time, she represented the United States in 
the U.N. General Assembly on budgetary matters and the U.N. 
Security Council on Africa and peacekeeping issues. From 2018 
to 2020, she was the chief operating officer of GiveDirectly, 
an international nonprofit group that deals with poverty by 
providing unconditional cash transfers to the extreme poor.
    It is a pleasure to have Ambassador Coleman before us.

STATEMENT OF HON. ISOBEL COLEMAN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE A 
     DEPUTY ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR 
       INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (POLICY AND PROGRAMMING)

    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Chairman Cardin, and 
Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members of the 
committee. I am honored to appear before you as President 
Biden's nominee to be deputy administrator for policy and 
programming at USAID. I am grateful to President Biden and 
Administrator Power for their trust in me at this important 
moment. I would also like to thank the SFRC staff who have so 
strongly supported the mission of USAID and have been stalwart 
partners to the Agency.
    I would not be appearing before you today without the love 
and support of my family, who have encouraged me every step. My 
wonderful husband, Struan, who is here with us today, and my 
terrific children, Cullen, Struan, Julian, Josie, and Adrian; 
my siblings, Carolyn, Richard, and Douglas; and my loving 
parents, Michael and Edie; and mother-in-law, Jenny. I thank 
you all.
    Over the past 20 years, my work as a writer, diplomat, and 
NGO leader has taken me to trouble spots around the world from 
Afghanistan and Yemen to South Sudan and Eastern Congo. I have 
had the privilege of visiting more than a dozen USAID missions, 
and I have seen up close the incredible work of USAID staff and 
partners, from programs training young women to provide 
lifesaving maternal care in rural Afghan villages, to democracy 
programs helping young people understand their newfound 
political rights in Tunisia. These and other American 
investments not only improve the lives of millions, but also 
advance our own interests. We at home are more secure and more 
prosperous when democracy and economic opportunities expand for 
others around the world.
    Today, the work of USAID is more important than ever. 
COVID-19 continues to ravage the world's most vulnerable 
populations. The pandemic's secondary effects, including loss 
of incomes, food insecurity, and widespread school closings, 
are exacting a steep toll in many communities. Untethered 
corruption is destabilizing countries around the world, and 
conflict is now driving more than 80 percent of humanitarian 
needs. My career has helped prepare me to lead the Agency to 
confront the challenges facing our global development efforts 
at this time.
    I have written extensively about economic reform and 
democratization, and I am probably best known for my decades-
long work to underscore the advantages of investing in women 
and girls globally. My years in the private sector have helped 
me to hone my management skills. My time as a diplomat at the 
U.N. exposed me to the benefits and challenges of 
multilateralism and instilled in me the imperative of 
leveraging our resources to marshal those of other countries. 
And as an NGO working across Africa, I gained firsthand 
appreciation for the acute challenges facing USAID partners in 
delivering assistance to those devastated by conflict and 
humanitarian disasters. If confirmed, I will bring these 
experiences to bear at USAID to ensure that our programming 
continues to be more innovative and effective, that it is 
aligned to administration and congressional priorities, and to 
mobilize other governments, international organizations, and 
the private sector to be force multipliers of our work.
    I will also lead on ensuring a culture of diversity, 
equity, and inclusion across the Agency. Meeting today's 
demands, from helping partner countries adapt to climate 
change, to countering democratic backsliding, depends on 
finding innovative ways to do more with less. To that end, I 
will strive to ensure that the Agency is breaking down 
programmatic silos to realize the multiplier effect of our work 
across bureaus and sectors.
    I am clear-eyed about the competitive challenges posed by 
China, Russia, and other authoritarian regimes, and I will make 
sure that USAID is deploying the best of America, including 
technical expertise, financing, corporate partnerships, and 
innovation alongside our generous grants, to provide an 
alternative to predatory development models that breed and 
exacerbate corruption. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you 
and your colleagues to ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are 
being deployed effectively to advance American foreign policy 
interests while doing the most good for the most people. I will 
bring to my role the same commitment to transparency, 
bipartisanship, and collaboration with this committee that I 
brought to my prior role in government.
    I thank you again for this opportunity to appear before 
you, and I look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Coleman follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Isobel Coleman

    Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members 
of the committee: I am honored to appear before you as President 
Biden's nominee to be Deputy Administrator for Policy and Programming 
at USAID. I am grateful for President Biden and Administrator Power's 
trust in me at this important moment. I would also like to thank the 
SFRC staff who have so strongly supported the mission of USAID and have 
been stalwart partners to the Agency.
    I would not be appearing before you today without the love and 
support of my family who have encouraged me at every step: my wonderful 
husband Struan; my terrific children Cullen, Struan, Julian, Josie, and 
Adrienne; my siblings, my loving parents Michael and Edie, and my 
mother-in-law Ginnie. I thank you all.
    Over the past 20 years, my work as a writer, diplomat, and NGO 
leader has taken me to troubled spots around the world--from 
Afghanistan and Yemen, to South Sudan and Eastern Congo. I have had the 
privilege of visiting more than a dozen USAID missions and I have seen 
up-close the incredible work of USAID staff and partners--from programs 
training young women to provide life-saving maternal care in rural 
Afghan villages; to democracy programs helping young people understand 
their new-found political rights in Tunisia. These and other American 
investments not only improve the lives of millions but also advance our 
own interests. We at home are more secure and prosperous when democracy 
and economic opportunities expand for others around the world.
    Today, the work of USAID is more important than ever. Covid-19 
continues to ravage the world's most vulnerable populations. The 
pandemic's secondary effects, including loss of incomes, food 
insecurity, and widespread school closings, are exacting a steep toll 
in many communities. Untethered corruption is destabilizing countries 
around the world, and conflict is now driving more than 80 percent of 
humanitarian needs.
    My career has helped prepare me to lead the Agency to confront the 
challenges facing our global development efforts at this time. I have 
written extensively about economic reform and democratization, and I'm 
probably best known for my decades-long work to underscore the 
advantages of investing in women and girls globally. My years in the 
private sector have helped me to hone my management skills. My time as 
a diplomat at the U.N. exposed me to the benefits and challenges of 
multilateralism and instilled in me the imperative of leveraging our 
resources to marshal those of other countries. And, as an NGO leader 
working across Africa, I gained first- hand appreciation for the acute 
challenges facing USAID partners in delivering assistance to those 
devastated by conflict and humanitarian disasters.
    If confirmed, I will bring these experiences to bear at USAID to 
ensure that our programming continues to be more innovative and 
effective, that it is aligned to administration and congressional 
priorities, and to mobilize other governments, international 
organizations, and the private sector to be force multipliers of our 
work. I will also lead on ensuring a culture of diversity, equity, and 
inclusion across the Agency.
    Meeting today's demands--from helping partner countries adapt to 
climate change, to countering democratic backsliding--depends on 
finding innovative ways to do more with less. To that end, I will 
strive to ensure that the Agency is breaking down programmatic silos to 
realize the multiplier effect of our work across bureaus and sectors. I 
am clear-eyed about the competitive challenges posed by China, Russia, 
and other authoritarian regimes, and will make sure that USAID is 
deploying the best of America--including technical expertise, 
financing, corporate partnerships and innovation alongside our generous 
grants--to provide an alternative to predatory development models that 
breed and exacerbate corruption.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work with you and your colleagues to 
ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are being deployed effectively to 
advance American foreign policy interests while doing the most good for 
the most people. I will bring to my role the same commitment to 
transparency, bipartisanship, and collaboration with this committee 
that I brought to my prior role in government.
    I thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you and I 
look forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments. We 
will now turn to the Honorable Christopher Lu, who was 
previously introduced by Senator Van Hollen.

 STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER LU OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
 REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED 
   NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM, WITH THE RANK OF 
  AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE THE ALTERNATIVE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE 
    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL 
ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS 
 REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED 
             NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM

    Mr. Lu. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and 
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear today. I 
would like to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and 
Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. I am 
grateful to Senator Van Hollen for his kind words and his 
tireless efforts to create opportunities for future public 
servants. And, most importantly, I would like to thank my wife, 
Katie Thompson, who is here today, for her steadfast support.
    I am the proud son of immigrants who came to this country 
more than 60 years to start a new life. Government service is 
literally in my blood. My father, who was a civilian employee 
at the Department of Defense, believed that working for the 
Federal Government was the best way to repay the country that 
had been so good to him. I have tried to follow my father's 
example during my 20 years of Federal service where I have 
focused on improving how government addresses the needs of the 
American people.
    As deputy chief counsel of the House Oversight Committee, I 
conducted investigations to improve the effectiveness of 
Federal programs. During my time as legislative director for 
then Senator Obama, we worked with former senator, Tom Coburn, 
to pass legislation to improve the transparency of Federal 
spending and reduce no-bid contracts. As White House Cabinet 
secretary, I coordinated dozens of Federal agencies to ensure 
the effective delivery of services during the Great Recession. 
And at the Department of Labor, I was the chief operating 
officer of a $12 billion agency with 17,000 employees, and I 
oversaw the budget, personnel, procurement, and IT functions. 
If confirmed, I look forward to applying my experience to this 
critical position, representing the United States at the U.N.
    Since its founding, the United Nations has been an 
indispensable force for advancing peace and security and 
improving the lives of the world's most vulnerable people. The 
events of the past year have highlighted how interconnected our 
world is and how complex problems often can only be addressed 
in collaboration with other countries. A well-managed U.N. is 
in the best interest of the United States. It is also a smart 
investment for the American people who are the largest funders 
of the U.N. budget.
    Despite its many successes, the U.N. has struggled at times 
to live up to its founding ideals. In order to address the 
complex issues of the 21st century, the U.N. needs to operate 
more like a 21st century organization. If confirmed, I will 
push for greater transparency and accountability in how the 
U.N. spends its funds, makes its decisions, and operates its 
programs. Waste, fraud, and abuse should be rooted out and 
eliminated, anti-Israel bias must be rejected wherever it 
exists, sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers and 
staff must end, and constant vigilance is needed towards 
countries, like China and Russia, that seek to undermine the 
U.N. and the rules-based international order.
    I am well aware of the challenges of driving change in an 
organization where the United States is just one of 193 
members. However, as Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield told this 
committee in January, we must have the courage to insist on 
reforms that make the U.N. efficient and effective and the 
persistence to see the reforms through. Since its founding, the 
U.N. has endured and prospered because of American leadership. 
If confirmed, I look forward to utilizing my 2 decades of 
Federal management experience to ensure that the United Nations 
moves closer to reaching its full potential.
    Thank you for considering me for this position. I look 
forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Lu follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Christopher P. Lu

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear today as the nominee to be the 
Permanent Representative to the United Nations for Management and 
Reform.
    I would like to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and 
Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. Most 
importantly, I would like to thank my family, especially my remarkable 
wife Katie Thomson, for their steadfast support.
    I am the proud son of immigrants who came to this country more than 
60 years ago to start a new life. Government service is literally in my 
blood. My father was a civilian employee at the Department of Defense 
because he believed that working for the federal government was the 
best way to repay the country that had been so good to him.
    I have tried to follow my father's example during my 20 years of 
federal service, where I have focused on improving how the government 
addresses the needs of the American people.
    As the Deputy Chief Counsel of the House Oversight and Reform 
Committee, I conducted investigations to improve the effectiveness of 
federal programs. During my tenure as the legislative director for 
then-Senator Obama, we worked with former Senator Tom Coburn to pass 
legislation to improve the transparency of federal spending and reduce 
no-bid contracts. As the White House Cabinet Secretary, I coordinated 
dozens of federal agencies to ensure the effective delivery of services 
during the Great Recession.
    At the Department of Labor, an agency with 17,000 employees and a 
$12 billion budget, I was the chief operating officer and oversaw the 
budget, personnel, procurement, and IT functions. We utilized an 
extensive performance management system, incorporated best practices 
from outside the federal government, and focused on employee morale. In 
the annual survey of federal employee engagement, the Labor Department 
rose from 17th place before I arrived to 6th place when I left.
    If confirmed for the role of Representative to the United Nations 
for Management and Reform, I look forward to applying my management 
experience to this critical position.
    Since its founding, the United Nations has been an indispensable 
force for advancing peace and security, improving the lives of the 
world's most vulnerable people, and confronting global problems like 
economic inequality, climate change and human rights. As Secretary 
Blinken said to the U.N. Security Council in May: ``No period in modern 
history has been more peaceful or prosperous than the one since the 
United Nations was created.''
    The events of the past year have highlighted how interconnected our 
world is and how complex problems often can only be addressed in 
collaboration with other countries. A well-managed United Nations is in 
the best interest of the United States. It is also a smart investment 
for the American people, who are the largest funders of the U.N. 
budget. Indeed, a 2018 GAO report found that it would cost the United 
States eight times as much money if we were to undertake unilaterally 
the U.N.'s peacekeeping missions.
    Despite its many successes, the U.N. has struggled at times to live 
up to its founding ideals. In order to address the complex issues of 
the 21st century, the U.N. needs to operate more like a 21st century 
organization. In recent years, Secretary-General Guterres has 
implemented important operational reforms. But more can and should be 
done, and U.S. leadership is critical to driving U.N. reform.
    If confirmed, I will push for greater transparency and 
accountability in how the U.N. spends its funds, makes its decisions, 
and operates its programs. The performance of programs should be 
evaluated using data. Waste, fraud and abuse should be rooted out and 
eliminated. Anti-Israel bias must be rejected wherever it exists.
    Instances of sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers and 
staff must end. And constant vigilance is needed of those nations, such 
as China and Russia, that seek to undermine the U.N. and the rules-
based international order.
    I am fully cognizant of the challenges of driving change in an 
organization where the United States is just one of 193 members. 
However, as Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield told this committee in 
January: ``We must have the courage to insist on reforms that make the 
U.N. efficient and effective, and the persistence to see reforms 
through.''
    In the 75 years since its founding, the U.N. has endured, expanded 
its mission, and transformed itself because of American leadership. If 
confirmed, I look forward to utilizing my two decades of federal 
management experience to ensure that the United Nations moves closer to 
reaching its full potential.
    Thank you for considering me for this position, and I look forward 
to answering your questions.


    Senator Cardin. And thank you for your testimony. The 
committee has four standard questions that we ask all nominees. 
I will go down the line, ask if you could answer ``yes'' or 
``no'' to these questions for the record.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
    Ms. Satterfield. Yes, I do.
    Mr. Lu. Yes.
    Senator Cardin. You cannot nod. You have to respond.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Yes, I do.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Do you commit to keep this 
committee fully and currently informed about the activities 
under your purview?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
    Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Yes, I do.
    Mr. Lu. Yes.
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
    Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Yes.
    Mr. Lu. Yes.
    Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
    Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Yes.
    Mr. Lu. Yes.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to each of you on your nominations. I look 
forward to working with you, and I am sure the rest of the 
committee feels the same way. Ambassador Coleman, I would like 
to begin with you because one of the things you said in your 
opening statement, and you talked a little bit about this in 
your written testimony, is that you are going to strive to 
ensure the Agency is breaking down siloes to realize the 
multiplier effect of work across bureaus and sectors. And in 
your opening statement, you talked about the importance of 
investing in women and girls, which I am a big proponent of. 
Can you talk a little bit about how you could fully integrate 
women and girls across all aspects of USAID?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for that 
question on a topic near and dear to my heart. Investing in 
women and girls cannot be a side show, an afterthought. It 
really has to be the main event. There is so much compelling 
evidence today that shows that investing in women and girls 
creates positive cycles for countries, that it improves not 
only their own lives, the lives of their families, of their 
communities, but it leads to more prosperous countries and the 
world as a whole. So, when we look at efforts on food security, 
humanitarian assistance, global health, whatever it is that 
USAID is doing--climate change and resilience--women and girls 
have to be front and center. They are often the most vulnerable 
in their communities and ones we need to make sure that they 
are receiving attention. And we know that when efforts and 
programming is targeted to women and girls, the spillover 
effects for the whole family are tremendous.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I assume we can feel--
rest assured that you will commit to making that a priority, if 
confirmed.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Absolutely, it will be one of our 
priorities. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Ms. Satterfield, I totally 
agree with your comment about cultural exchanges being an 
initial investment in our foreign allies, and it is the best 
way for people around the world to learn about the United 
States and for Americans to learn about others around the 
world. But one of the challenges that we have had in New 
Hampshire is with the J-1 Visa Program. I think it is a 
terrific program, and we have a lot of employers who not only 
appreciate the ability to learn from the foreign visitors, but 
who also are able to give them jobs, and that has been an 
important aspect of our seasonal economy in New Hampshire with 
tourism. So can you talk about how you would work, if 
confirmed, with American businesses to address issues that we 
have had with the J-1 Visa Program over the last year so that 
we are not facing a winter and a spring next year where we have 
these same problems where young people are not able to get to 
the United States because we have embassies closed down and we 
cannot do the work to ensure that they can arrive in the United 
States?
    Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator, and I agree that the 
J-1 Visa Program, now called BridgeUSA, is a valuable foreign 
policy tool and an important public diplomacy program 
specifically to communities all across the country. I have seen 
recent reports about the shortage of international visitors in 
camps that are not being able to continue because of the 
shortage. And I feel for those parents and families and also 
those small businesses that affected. The BridgeUSA Program is 
poised to be stronger than ever. There have been significant 
improvements in the program over the last couple of years, and 
now those alumni are included as part of all of the State 
Department alumni and continuing engagement after they return 
home, so your point about a critical audience is key.
    If I am confirmed, I will work very closely with Consular 
Affairs to prioritize the J-1 visitors and to communicate with 
sponsors and communities about the various ways that we can 
ensure that these participants are able to come to the United 
States as soon as possible.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. As we continue to 
struggle with COVID, both here in the United States and around 
the world, will you also commit to working with State to 
develop a plan for how we will address this if we continue to 
have embassies closed around the world?
    Ms. Satterfield. Yes, Senator, I will.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. I would just 
reinforce what Senator Shaheen said on the--on the J-1's. I 
think many parts of our country depended upon the J-1's, but 
also the value of the exchange as well as the need in our 
country was clearly missed during COVID-19. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. There we go. Thank you. Chairman Cardin, I 
just want to thank you for your remarks, and, Senator Shaheen, 
the J-1 issue is also a big issue in my State as well, and I 
echo your concern and appreciate the fact that, Ms. 
Satterfield, you will be willing to work with us on this, if 
confirmed. If I could first turn to Ambassador Gifford, chief 
of protocol plays a critical diplomatic role. You will be 
charged with advising not only national, but international 
diplomatic protocols. Our Nation will rely upon you. As the 
former United States Ambassador to Japan, I understand how 
difficult sometimes the nuances of diplomatic protocol can be, 
and it will be requiring you to have very keen judgment as you 
execute your duties, if you are confirmed. Also, I want to 
remind you that, if confirmed, you will be representing all 
Americans, and I hope that you will keep that in mind.
    And with that in mind, I would like to understand your 
views, Ambassador, on the importance of bipartisanship in the 
execution and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, and 
whether you will commit to work with me and the other members 
of this committee to make sure that bipartisan representation 
is critically represented in all of our diplomatic protocol 
issues.
    Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Senator. The answer to that 
is absolutely, 100 percent. As someone like you, who has served 
overseas and has seen the real beauty, and strength, and power 
of American diplomacy globally, as far as I am concerned, 
partisan politics has absolutely no place at the State 
Department, that politics famously stops at the water's edge. 
And then, of course, when we are living and working at the 
State Department, that holds true as well. The way I think 
about this is when we--if I am confirmed and I am privileged 
enough to take that oath of office, I pledge to serve, protect, 
defend the Constitution of the United States, I do not--no 
President, no ideology, certainly no political party. And for 
me, I think I have a record to back that up because that is 
what I did from 2013 until I left my post in 2017. And I commit 
to you wholeheartedly to do that once again if I am confirmed 
in this position.
    Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that, Ambassador. I have been 
very frustrated myself seeing former diplomats come back and 
behave in a partisan manner, and I think that that needs to be 
parked. And just as you say, you will be representing all of 
us, and I appreciate your wholehearted focus on that. 
Ambassador Coleman, if I could turn to you, please. I have 
enjoyed our opportunity to discuss matters related to the 
charter that you are looking to undertake. I would like to talk 
to you about two areas: China and Afghanistan. USAID funds a 
tremendous amount of effort to help ethnic Tibetans to maintain 
their culture, to maintain their entrepreneurial presence. It 
is this type of program that I wholeheartedly support, and I 
would love to hear your views on how you would look at 
continuing USAID's support for other groups that may be, in 
some way, oppressed or damaged in some manner by China's malign 
behavior.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator Hagerty, for that 
question, and I thank you for your time last week that we were 
able to spend to get to know each other a bit. It is a very 
important question. We have seen an increasing authoritarian 
turn in China and an erosion of human rights in that country. 
You mentioned the Tibetans, but, of course, the situation with 
the Uyghurs is very dire, too. USAID is doing what it can to 
support the Uyghur people, particularly those who are taking an 
activist role and those who have been oppressed by the country. 
Some of them have left the country, and USAID is taking efforts 
across China to ensure human rights programming where it can, 
but often outside the country.
    Senator Hagerty. I hope we can continue this conversation, 
particularly with the thought of how we can prevent the CCP 
from diverting or, in some way, frustrating those efforts. I 
will look forward to having those conversations with you should 
you be confirmed.
    Ambassador Coleman.  I look forward to it.
    Senator Hagerty. With respect to Afghanistan, I see a very 
challenging role there because we are making commitments to 
continue U.S. aid, but the Taliban has taken over half the 
districts there, putting our presence there under tremendous 
pressure. Have you had the opportunity to think about how you 
will deploy USAID resources under the current conditions in 
Afghanistan, particularly as you see them trending?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator, for that question, 
too. I have--I have spent a bit of time in Afghanistan. I have 
been there maybe half a dozen times over the past 20 years and 
have seen some very good work that USAID has done there. And I 
recognize that the situation is very fragile right now and 
rapidly changing. I think USAID has made some strong gains in 
Afghanistan and will do what it can, both through our own 
efforts on the ground, but also working through partners there, 
local partners, international NGOs, and U.N. agencies, to 
continue some of the good work that we have done. But if 
confirmed, I will certainly make Afghanistan a priority and to 
do contingency planning as the situation evolves.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to all of you on your nominations. Ms. 
Satterfield, if I could begin with you, and thank you for the 
work you have done at the Meridian House. Let me pick up on 
that work and something I heard you say, which is that you 
believe that educational and exchange programs do play an 
important role in our foreign policy. I agree with you. If you 
look at the previous administration even before the pandemic 
hit, there was a big drop off in the number of students coming 
to the United States. In the very first year of the previous 
administration, international student enrollment in U.S. 
universities declined by 6.6 percent in the first academic 
year. We don't need to go into all the reasons for that, but my 
question to you is, is it your goal to restore a more robust 
enrollment of foreign students to the United States and to 
reinvigorate our exchange programs?
    Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator, for that question and 
bringing up this incredibly important point. The United States 
remains the number one destination for hosting international 
students, even though the numbers have dropped. Also, there is 
growing competition from other countries to recruit students to 
come there to study, and we cannot rest on laurels. It is 
absolutely my intent to continue to find ways to message to 
international students. We need strong outreach with accurate 
and comprehensive information. Frankly, like the statement that 
was put out yesterday by the State Department--a joint 
statement by the State Department and the Department of 
Education listing the ways that international students can come 
to the United States to U.S. universities and colleges and 
participate in a way, we can also network through Education 
USA, which is ECA's educational advising arm, and through our 
American Spaces, which are in over 600 places around the world. 
I absolutely commit, if confirmed, to making that a priority.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, terrific, because, as you say, we 
have seen a drop off in the number of enrollments even before 
the pandemic, and obviously we need to take into account health 
issues, but as you mentioned, we are seeing incredible 
competition around the world. Other countries see it as in 
their interest to attract students, and we have a whole lot to 
offer and also a window into, you know, some of the values that 
form our country in foreign policy--freedom of speech and other 
things. So, I really hope and am pleased that you are going to 
make that a priority.
    I also just want to mention to you that there is a very 
good exchange program with young African leaders, the Young 
African Leaders Initiative, YALI. You are probably familiar 
with it. I chair the Africa Subcommittee here and Senator 
Rounds is the ranking member, and we intend to--shortly to 
introduce legislation to codify that program. Congresswoman 
Bass introduced and passed that in the House and look forward 
to working with you. I hope I will have your commitment to work 
with us on that.
    Ms. Satterfield. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Ambassador Coleman, if I 
could--well, first let me start with Sudan. I had a chance to 
visit Sudan a little while back with Senator Coons, and, as you 
know, the United States through AID has committed $700 million 
to support the transition from dictatorship to democracy. This 
committee is currently reviewing some of the rough drafts of 
the proposal. We need to get it done quickly, in my view. Are 
you familiar with that proposal, and do you commit to working 
with this committee to make sure that we implement it fully?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator, for bringing up 
Sudan. It is one of the few bright spots actually on the 
horizon as it makes its transition from military rule to 
civilian governance, and if confirmed, I will absolutely make 
Sudan one of my priorities. I am familiar with the legislation. 
I do not know the details of it, but I do understand that $700 
million has been committed, and investments in helping the 
civilian government understand how to govern, and building 
institutional capacity, and working with civil society so that 
they can strengthen that democratic governance process there is 
critically important. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And my last question relates 
to what Senator Hagerty brought up with respect to Afghanistan. 
I do know if you have seen the move, Charlie Wilson's War, but 
for those of you who have not, I recommend it to you. It is a 
story about a House member who was successful in getting all of 
his colleagues to support the purchase of Stinger missiles to 
provide to the mujahideen, which did help drive the Soviets out 
of Afghanistan. But the very end of the movie is a--is a scene 
of him asking his colleagues to support funding for education 
and schools in Afghanistan, and he was unsuccessful at doing 
that. We know what happened after the Soviet--we pushed the 
Soviets out, and we sort of, you know, left the scene, and the 
Taliban filled the vacuum, and they gave--they, of course, gave 
sanctuary to al-Qaeda. So I--two questions. One is, what is 
AID's vision for its continued participation in Afghanistan? 
Number two, how are you going to navigate the security 
situation there?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator, for the question. 
You know, USAID, I understand, is looking at the situation very 
closely in Afghanistan and, as I said earlier, doing 
contingency planning. It is almost impossible to know what will 
happen at this point and any time frame. But it has invested 
$22 billion in that country over the past 20 years and have 
some remarkable gains to show for it in terms of significant 
declines in maternal mortality, more girls in school than ever 
before in that country's history, and seeking ways to make sure 
that those gains are not lost, that, in fact, that they are 
sustained, whether it is through direct interventions or 
working through partners on the ground through the multilateral 
system and the U.N. agencies, but also recognizing the 
possibility for refugee flows and being ready for that.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, I think we all have our hands 
full there with respect to what will unfold, but I appreciate 
your determination to stay engaged, security allowing. Thank 
you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Madam Chair and Ranking Member Hagerty, 
thank you, and congratulations to the panel. This is a very 
highly-qualified panel. Ambassador Gifford, it is good to see 
you again, and I want to start with you. I would have asked 
exactly the question that Senator Hagerty did. Looking at the 
background of a Rufus Gifford that I did not know and seeing so 
much political activity, I would have asked, can you, you know, 
take an oath and be even handed in your work. I have had the 
virtue of working with Rufus significantly in the past, and I 
couldn't say this about everybody I have worked in a political 
capacity, but I can say it about Rufus Gifford that he is going 
to be very, very even handed in his approach to the job, which 
is what he did when he was Ambassador to Denmark. Your success 
there was very, very notable.
    Let me ask you this, Ambassador Gifford. You talked about 
the many external-facing roles of the protocol chief, but there 
is also this internal-facing role. You talked about the 
Management Division within the Office. In the past, there have 
been some controversies about internal management issues. Tell 
us what you would do, should you be confirmed, to foster a very 
professional and inclusive and even-handed environment in the 
office?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Senator, and this is a--
this is an issue that is near and dear to my heart. I am 
certainly aware of the ongoing challenges. There are issues 
with morale, et cetera. And listen, I think that from a 
management standpoint, and I think this is--one important thing 
to note here is that service overseas, understanding the 
culture of the State Department, understand the expertise that 
I am walking into, if I am confirmed for this job, is where you 
start, I think. General respect for the civil servants who have 
been doing this work for years, understanding that if I am 
confirmed in this position, that I have a lot to learn still, 
that they are the career professionals, and I am coming in to 
lead, of course, but I still--but I need to be building that 
team and fostering that sense--that sense of just that word 
``team.''
    And I have to say that over the--with the various teams 
that I have managed roughly the same size, diverse staffs in a 
variety of different ways, I like to say that I, at the 
beginning of any job like this, I take the bull by the horns 
and ensure that we change the tone and that we create an 
environment that is equitable, diverse, and empowering because, 
honestly, if we are going to accomplish the mission, that is 
what we have got to do. That is where were you got to start.
    Senator Kaine. Excellent. Thank you for that. Ms. 
Satterfield, your Bureau is very important, and it is very 
important to Virginia because we have a significant number of 
people who work on programs. For example, in Fulbright, we have 
53 Virginians doing Fulbrights during 2020 and 2021 Peace 
Corps, 114 Virginians in the 2020 Peace Corps Program. We have 
also hosted critical programs, including the Young African 
Leaders Conference that Senator Van Hollen asked you about at 
UVA in 2014 and at Virginia Commonwealth University in 2016. 
So, there is a lot I would like to ask, but I am just going to 
ask you about this. Talk to us about the challenges of the 
Fulbright Program during the time of COVID and how you intend 
to keep this program vibrant and active, even as the State 
Department is issuing new guidance and other agencies are 
issuing new guidance every day about travel restrictions that 
may need to be continued with some of the nations where we have 
Fulbright scholars.
    Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator. It is important to 
continue to provide ways that we can connect with people around 
the world and Americans, particularly through Fulbright. It 
happens to be the 75th anniversary of that program this year, 
and it is a strong and vibrant way that we reach out to other 
communities across the world. I remember recently I was 
speaking with some college students and talking about the role, 
I am confirmed, that I will play in the United States. As soon 
as I mentioned ``Fulbright,'' their eyes lit up. It has a--it 
resonates, not only here in the United States, but in all 
places around the world.
    The pandemic has created a challenge for doing in-person 
programming, but I think that--we hope that we will be able to 
continue in-person programs where possible, and continuing 
Fulbright and other public diplomacy programs will critical. 
And if I am confirmed, I will look forward to determining ways 
we can do that safely.
    Senator Kaine. Excellent. Well, I am going to--I am going 
to include Ambassador Coleman and Mr. Lu in a last comment or 
question. So, Mr. Lu, you are a wonderful public servant. Since 
you are nominated for a position that Ambassador Coleman has 
had, I hope you guys have lunch right after this and let her 
give you a lot of good advice about how to do it. Ambassador 
Coleman, here is something I am just interested in, and I just 
want to put it on your radar screen. There is a program at 
USAID called the New Partnerships Initiative, which is designed 
to invest in NGOs--small NGOs and local partners in the USAID 
humanitarian contracting space. There was a Foreign Policy 
article in May, just recently, that criticized USAID for 
distributing the NPI awards largely through large contractors, 
kind of undercutting the whole goal of the program, which is to 
focus on small contractors and local partners. Senators Rubio 
and I are going to introduce a bill this week called the New 
Partners--New Partnerships Initiative Authorization Act to 
really try to make sure that we are building capacity among 
creative and innovative new partners, and not just legacy 
partners, who do great work. But we want to create more 
innovation and more opportunity. And I hope that will be an 
area that you will focus on, should you be confirmed, and we 
will look forward to working with you on that.
    Senator Cardin. Ambassador Coleman, if I might start with a 
question in regards to how you intend to set priorities within 
USAID. And I mention this with President Biden making it clear 
that our foreign policy is going to be wrapped in our values, 
something that, I think, every member of this committee 
strongly supports. He has also indicated corruption is a core 
national security concern. If you look at what the trends are 
around the world, decline of democratic states, the rise of 
corruption in many countries, including some of our allies 
where we see a rise in corruption, good governance and the role 
USAID plays in anti-corruption becomes critically important. 
Later this week, our committee will be considering legislation 
to expand our role and USAID's role in global health, something 
we desperately need to do. My question is, we have a limited 
amount of resources today under USAID that is devoted to good 
governance and anti-corruption. How do you intend to prioritize 
good governance and anti-corruption to protect and expand the 
capacity of USAID to deal with this critical issue for our 
country?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator Cardin, for that 
terrific question. And also let me just start by thanking you 
for your leadership on this issue. Whether it is the Global 
Magnitsky Act or the Combatting Global Corruption Act, you have 
truly shown tremendous leadership on bringing corruption to the 
forefront of what needs to be a whole-of-government approach to 
combating this scourge around the world, so thank you.
    If confirmed, I know that corruption--anti-corruption 
efforts will be very central to a whole range of efforts. Not 
only has President Biden made this one of his priorities, but 
Administrator Power also created an anti-corruption task force 
and is really focused on this issue because it is such a 
challenging topic in so many parts of the world. And, you know, 
if confirmed, I would really dig into the programs that exist, 
look at what has been effective, look at new areas that we 
could invest more in, but really make this something that is 
mainstreamed throughout all of our work that we are doing 
because it is so important.
    Senator Cardin. I would just underscore that one of the 
areas that we really need to strengthen is the capacity of our 
embassies to deal with understanding the problems in their 
country and how we can best interact to deal with anti-
corruption measures. So, one of the areas that could help USAID 
is if there was stronger capacity within missions to be able to 
provide that type of knowledge and help. I would just urge you 
to make that part of your priority selections to strengthen the 
State Department's ability to deal with anti-corruption.
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator. If confirmed, I 
will absolutely work with my State Department colleagues on 
that.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Mr. Lu, I want to talk about a 
serious issue we have had at the United Nations. We have United 
Nations peacekeepers. As part of the way that the 
administratives are handled, there are a lot of countries that 
lobby to become peacekeepers, and yet we have seen sexual 
exploitations too often in regard to peacekeepers. So, I want 
to get your commitment and your response to how you will use 
your position at the United Nations to make sure that we 
protect the safety of the people on which the United Nations is 
operating with peacekeepers, and that safety will be the top 
concern, not just the politics of which countries are selected 
for peacekeeping.
    Mr. Lu. Senator, thank you for that question. The United 
States has a zero-tolerance policy when it comes to sexual 
exploitation and abuse. There have been improvements, I 
understand, in recent years under the Secretary-General's 
leadership in terms of preventing sexual exploitation and 
abuse, increasing transparency of allegations, suspending 
troops engaged in wrongdoing, often repatriating them and 
sometimes even withholding payments. All of that being said, 
far more needs to be done, and the progress that has been made 
in recent years, including under Ambassador Coleman's 
leadership, happens when the U.S. is actively engaged in the 
United Nations. So, you have my commitment, Senator, that if 
confirmed, this will be a top priority of mine, and I know it 
is of Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield as well.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Ambassador Gifford, I want to 
ask you about diplomatic immunity. It is something that is 
absolutely essential for diplomats to be able to carry out 
their responsibilities, but we know the pressure that develops 
particularly when there is a particular incident. So how do you 
intend to provide guidance in regards to U.S. position globally 
on defending diplomatic immunity?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Well, I think--thank you for the 
question, Senator, and it is--it is critically important. I 
think one of the roles of the chief of protocol here is 
understanding that when issues of diplomatic immunity arise, 
and they will inevitably arise, that we have to manage what 
could become the significant frictions in a bilateral 
relationship. And how do you do that? This is so much, for me, 
about communication, that we are not policymakers in the chief 
of protocol, if I am confirmed. So, what I think needs to be 
prioritized is heightened communication between whatever 
Bureau, understanding the issue that has come up and dealing 
with it collectively. And I think in an issue like these 
involving incredibly-sensitive issues, that has got to be 
prioritized above and beyond all else.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Markey?
    Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. Ms. 
Satterfield, your position at the Bureau of Educational and 
Cultural Affairs will allow you to establish import 
restrictions on cultural goods from foreign countries through 
the authorization of memorandums of understanding. Cultural 
property MOUs have the power to impact the cultural heritage of 
ethnic and religious minority populations, which the United 
States should aim to protect. If confirmed, will you urge the 
administration to appoint an advocate for religious and ethnic 
minorities as a public representative to the Cultural Property 
Advisory Committee to ensure that minorities populations are 
properly represented?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator. ECA is very proud 
of the work of the Cultural Heritage Center to protect and 
preserve global heritage. It is critically-important work, as 
you said. ECA can and should ply a strong role, particularly in 
cooperating with law enforcement to prevent the financing of 
transnational terrorism through looting and trafficking of 
antiquities. If I am confirmed, I look forward to working with 
Congress, other parts of the Department, and private entities, 
particularly through the advisory committee, to ensure a 
diversity of perspective when continuing the important work as 
it was laid out originally by Congress.
    Senator Markey. Okay. Thank you. Ms. Coleman, the United 
Nations Development Program and the World Health Organization 
recently reported that if low-income countries had similar 
COVID-19 vaccination rates as high-income countries, they could 
have added $38 billion to their collective GDPs in 2021. 
Through the G7, we have announced ambitious plans to share 1 
billion COVID-19 vaccine doses with low-income countries. 
Global vaccine inequity still remains a very serious challenge. 
With the rise of the Delta variant, addressing the vaccine 
equity issues are more urgent than ever. If confirmed, will you 
commit to prioritizing the push for increased vaccine 
manufacturing and equitable vaccine distribution in your role 
at USAID?
    Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator. Absolutely. There 
is perhaps no greater challenge today than the global pandemic 
and its secondary effects, and how it is ravaging countries 
around the world. And I would like to thank this committee and 
Congress for its generosity on providing the 500 million 
vaccines and the $4 billion to Gavi. So, it is incredibly 
important to get the rest of the world vaccinated, and I echo 
President Biden's comment to be--that the United States should 
be the arsenal of vaccination, and I will do everything I can 
to make that happen.
    Senator Markey. Thank you. And, Mr. Lu, climate change is 
an existential threat that continues to harm the quality of 
life for people all around the world. For that reason, our 
efforts to combat climate change must be closely aligned with 
efforts playing out in multilateral institutions like the 
United Nations. We also have to oversee any multilateral 
commitments to ensure they come to actionable fruition. How can 
we work to reform the U.N. system to ensure that climate 
commitments are monitored and measured so that they don't 
simply remain empty statements or words?
    Mr. Lu. Senator, thank you for that question. I certainly 
share your concerns. The Biden administration believes that we 
can be the most effective in multilateral organizations when we 
actively participate in them, and we have the greatest 
credibility in these organizations when we pay our dues in full 
and on time, so being an active player gives us that leverage. 
Climate change, in particular, is an important policy issue, as 
you well know, not only to the President, but to Ambassador 
Thomas-Greenfield. This is an issue that she has raised in the 
U.N. Security Council, but it is, frankly, an issue that cuts 
across so many different parts of the multilateral system. So, 
if confirmed to this position, I will use my position in terms 
of managing programs to ensure that those that relate to 
climate change are effectively managed and well funded.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you so much. And, Mr. Gifford, in 
your role, you are welcoming the rest of the world to the State 
Department, to the White House. We have gone through a 
turbulent time over a 4-year period, and now we are trying to 
re-stabilize all of our relationships. Could you just step back 
for a second and just lay out why you think that is important 
that we respect each nation in the world and that we treat them 
in a way that ensures ultimately that we will be able to elicit 
from them the kind of response the United States is looking for 
on policy issues all across the spectrum?
    Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Senator. This is, again, 
something very near and dear to my heart. There are two words 
over--during the time that I have been preparing for this 
hearing and whatnot that keep coming up, and those two words 
are ``dignity'' and ``respect.'' And I pledge to you that when 
I think about this job, when I think about how we interact with 
world leaders and partners--partner countries around the world, 
I will lead with dignity and respect. And I think that the soft 
power of diplomacy cannot be overstated, and, as you mentioned, 
you are the first hand that folks shake when they are walking 
down from their plane at Andrews or at Dulles or whatever it 
may be. And I think as Senator Hagerty said in his introduction 
that we create the environment conducive to diplomacy. And as 
far as I am concerned, that is the way you create that 
environment in which diplomacy can thrive. You do that with 
dignity and respect.
    Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, and thank each and 
every one of you for your willingness to serve. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Senator Cardin. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Cardin. I wanted to 
just follow up with a few additional questions. You are very 
kind to let me do that. First, if I could turn to you, Ms. 
Satterfield. It is wonderful to see you here. In your opening 
testimony, you commented about the global competition for 
influence that we find ourselves in with authorization 
countries, such as China and Russia. I would like to compliment 
your Department on the wonderful work that they have done with 
human exchanges, particularly the Fulbright Program and other 
exchange programs, that I have seen firsthand have an enormous 
impact. I would also like to make a comment, that there is an 
alumni network there that I see as immensely valuable, and I 
would look forward to working with you to driving value from 
that alumni network, because I think it could make a real 
difference for the United States' interests around the globe.
    Another thing you mentioned, and I compliment you for your 
operational experience. You talked about implementing standards 
and metrics to basically be a good steward of U.S. taxpayer 
dollars. As you look at this program and take a data-driven 
approach to how you measure and evaluate what happens, could 
you talk a bit about how you might use that approach to 
evaluate how we are doing versus China and Russia, two 
authoritarian countries that are trying to exert their 
influence, when you look at our programs relative to what they 
are doing?
    Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, senator. As it relates to 
measurement and evaluation, it is a critically-important point 
and one that the Bureau has been working very hard to come up 
with a way to have parity across the various programs. They are 
also different, and that is a good thing. We want a variety of 
opportunity because what works in one community might not work 
in another, but that has proven to be challenging for M&E. And 
the Bureau has done a really wonderful job, in my opinion, 
based on the information that I have received in preparing for 
this hearing, to create a program that is a new framework that 
will ECA to have more data at its fingertips so that we can 
make good data-driven decisions. And that will be rolled out 
Bureau-wide at the end of next year.
    Senator Hagerty. As a businessperson, I have always focused 
on competition. I think we should acknowledge what our 
competition is and measure our performance according to that 
competition, so I encourage you to continue to proceed in that 
fashion. Thank you.
    Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Hagerty. Mr. Lu, if I could turn to you for a 
moment. I would like to talk with you about the Human Rights 
Council. The Biden administration has announced its intent to 
run for a seat on the Council this fall, and Secretary of State 
Blinken has also acknowledged that the Council is flawed, and 
he has promised to seek reform. In fact, in 2011, the Obama 
administration stated that the mandatory review of the Council 
failed to yield even minimally positive results. So, Mr. Lu, if 
you are confirmed, I would like to understand the type of 
reforms that you would like to seek as you look at improving 
the United Nations Human Rights Council.
    Mr. Lu. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. I agree, the United 
Nations Human Rights Council is a flawed organization, but we 
also need to recognize the important work that it has done in 
terms of shining a spotlight on abuses in Syria, Iran, North 
Korea, its promotion of women, LGBTQ individuals, but it has a 
persistent anti-Israel bias based on a permanent agenda item at 
its meetings. The Biden administration believes, as I said to 
Senator Markey, that the best way to reform these organizations 
is by engaging with them, and that is what we intend to do. It 
is also a flawed organization because of the membership. We 
have some of the most egregious human rights abusers who are 
members of the Human Rights Council.
    When Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has addressed this issue, 
she said, yes, it is uncomfortable sitting side by side with 
these people, but it is as uncomfortable for them to be sitting 
next to us and for us to be calling them out. And I understand 
that the record has shown that when the U.S. actively engaged 
in the Human Rights Council, that the number of anti-Israel 
resolutions decreases, but you are 100-percent right, this will 
be a challenge.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want 
to thank all of our nominees today for their appearance. Thank 
you.
    Senator Cardin. Let me again thank all of our witnesses 
for--nominees for your testimony today and, again, your 
willingness to serve.
    The committee record will remain open through Thursday for 
questions for the record, and we would ask that you respond to 
those questions as promptly as possible. We know that we have a 
backlog in the nomination process and confirmation process, so 
your cooperation will be deeply appreciated.
    [The information referred to follows:]
    Senator Cardin. And once again, we thank you very much for 
your willingness to serve.
    With that, the committee will stand adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:25 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              


              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Rufus Gifford by Senator James E. Risch

Morale in the Office of the Chief of Protocol
    Question. Leadership and morale-building are important parts of any 
management position within the State Department. If confirmed, how 
would you lead the Office of the Chief of Protocol? What specific steps 
would you take to improve morale?

    Answer. There is nothing more important to me than the well-being 
of my team. Morale of our employees is also directly related to 
recruitment and retention. Drawing upon my experiences as the former 
ambassador to Denmark and from the private sector, leadership must 
model tenets that align mission goals with integrity, professionalism, 
and transparency.
    If confirmed, I plan to consult current leadership to understand 
where the Office of the Chief of Protocol has come from and where it 
still needs to go. I will make it clear that any type of partisan 
political influence or bias is unacceptable. I will assess personnel 
management and the current staffing situation. I will determine whether 
we need to address additional resource requirements. Finally, I will 
promote a collaborative environment where all of us can gel as a team 
and execute programs in a seamless fashion.
    There is no doubt that improving and maintaining morale will be 
difficult during the pandemic. However, I will ensure that we fully 
engage within the Department of State's ``Future of Work'' policy to 
build a more mobile and agile workforce, and direct appropriate 
resources for our office space and technology needs. These tools and 
resilience building resources will help me lead towards great morale.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Robert Menendez

J1 Programs
    Question. J1 programs are some of the most effective and cost 
efficient public diplomacy programs the United States has. However, as 
you know, the COVID-19 pandemic, which brought on severe visa 
processing delays and challenges has deeply negatively impacted not 
only U.S. public diplomacy efforts but also small businesses, schools, 
and families across the United States who rely on these programs.

   The backlog of Summer Work Travel visas negatively impacted many 
        small businesses in New Jersey and other tourist destinations. 
        How will you, alongside the Bureau of Consular Affairs, work to 
        utilize technology and security to prevent such a backlog in 
        the future? Do you believe there is more can we be doing? Do 
        you have the resources you need to do so?

    Answer. I recognize the important contributions that exchange 
visitors make to New Jersey businesses, and the positive impact they 
have on states and communities across the nation. The COVID-19 pandemic 
continues to severely affect consular operations at our embassies and 
consulates. I am informed that as the global situation continues to 
evolve, the Department is seeking ways to process visa applications 
efficiently around the world, consistent with both guidance from health 
authorities and with the U.S. travel restrictions currently in place. I 
understand ECA and Consular Affairs continue to work together on these 
issues, and I will continue that engagement and communication if 
confirmed.

    Question. Teacher exchange programs were also severely impacted by 
a backlog of visa processing and other challenges. Many K-12 classrooms 
are reliant upon these educational exchange programs. Will you commit 
to working to get the program back to pre-pandemic levels and look to 
scaling up these programs in the future?

    Answer. Yes. I recognize the important contributions the BridgeUSA 
Teacher program makes to K-12 classrooms. The Department is committed 
to ensuring as many visa applicants can be interviewed as health 
restrictions allow and has provided updates to sponsoring organizations 
to advise them on operational changes. If confirmed, I will continue to 
work with our consular colleagues and keep teacher category sponsors 
and prospective teacher participants informed.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator James E. Risch

Meridian Recusal
    Question. If confirmed, do you pledge to recuse yourself from any 
funding or contracting decisions related to your previous employer, 
Meridian International Center?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, per my ethics agreement with the 
Department of State and the Office of Government Ethics, I would not 
participate in funding or contracting decisions related to Meridian 
International Center.

Au Pair Program
    Question. Recently, several U.S. states have sought to regulate the 
au pair programs, despite the fact that it is a federal program. This 
has been accomplished in at least one state, to fairly disastrous 
effect for au pair families and participants there. In response, the 
Department of State has attempted to unify the program and clarify that 
federal au pair regulations preempt state and local laws. This 
clarifying regulation is essential to the program's continued 
viability. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting this clarifying 
regulation?

    Answer. The Au Pair program has for many years been an effective 
public diplomacy program, fostering the mutual understanding between 
people of the United States and other countries through in-person 
exchanges.
    The nature of the Au Pair program, fostering such exchange by 
placing young people in American homes and caring for young children, 
makes it unique and special. I am committed to ensuring the health, 
safety, and welfare of all participants.
    I am aware there is an effort underway to strengthen the Au Pair 
program through regulations, and, if confirmed, I look forward to 
working through that process with stakeholders and keeping Congress 
informed.

    Question. The issue of undue influence by foreign countries--
particularly China--has become a central U.S. foreign policy issue in 
recent years. In addition to increased reporting by think tanks, the 
State Department has engaged directly with U.S. universities on these 
matters.

   If confirmed, do you plan to continue State Department engagement 
        with the educational community on these issues?

    Answer. Yes. A clear understanding of the organizations and 
entities that Beijing uses to attempt to undermine U.S. policy is 
important. Of particular concern are activities that lack transparency 
and attempt to hide or downplay their affiliations and objectives. If 
confirmed, I would continue to work with State Department officials 
promoting transparency on this topic so that the educational community 
can make more informed decisions. For example, I understand that ECA 
issued an updated public guidance directive to Exchange Visitor Program 
(BridgeUSA) sponsors on Confucius Institutes (CI) in November 2020. The 
objective of this Guidance Directive was to provide sponsors more 
clarity regarding the possible regulatory violations presented in some 
CI operations so they can make informed choices about sponsoring 
exchange visitors coming on programs in support of CIs. I understand 
that this clarity of CI operations is one of several reasons for why a 
growing number of universities have decided to end their Confucius 
Institute affiliations.

    Question. The issue of undue influence by foreign countries--
particularly China--has become a central U.S. foreign policy issue in 
recent years. In addition to increased reporting by think tanks, the 
State Department has engaged directly with U.S. universities on these 
matters.

   If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to highlight the 
        risks of undue influence by foreign governments and other 
        actors in U.S. universities and colleges?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support the Department's 
outreach work with interagency partners to increase transparency of 
foreign government actions and promote sharing of best practices so 
U.S. colleges and universities are well informed and can protect 
themselves and their students from undue foreign influence.

    Question. I introduced legislation designed to enhance State 
Department and congressional oversight of Mutual Educational and 
Cultural Exchange Act (MECEA) programs with the People's Republic of 
China (PRC).

   Does the Biden administration plan to reinstate these programs in 
        the future?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Secretary's re-
examination of the decision to terminate approval of the MECEA Section 
108a programs operated by China, with vigilance to potential 
counterintelligence and propaganda risks.

    Question. If so, and if confirmed, do you commit to consulting with 
Congress in advance of making such a decision?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's goal of 
working with this committee and Congress to ensure this administration 
meets the China challenge. As I committed at my nominations hearing, I 
will engage in meaningful consultation with Congress while policies are 
being developed.

    Question. How should the Department exercise greater scrutiny of 
these programs given potential counterintelligence risks and their use 
as propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Secretary's re-
examination of the decision to terminate approval of the MECEA Section 
108a programs operated by China, with vigilance to potential 
counterintelligence and propaganda risks.

    Question. The United States has suspended permission of any PRC 
national on an ``F'' or ``J'' visa to study or conduct research in the 
United States where the individual's academic or research activities 
are likely to support a PRC entity implement or supporting the Chinese 
Communist Party's (CCP) ``military-civil fusion'' strategy. This policy 
prevents U.S. research and technological innovation from falling into 
the hands of our most serious military competitor. Do you commit to 
retaining this policy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's continuous 
review to ensure our policies protect the integrity of U.S. research 
and innovation along with our academic and research institutions.

    Question. What are your views on current measures in place to apply 
sufficient scrutiny to donations and contracts between U.S. 
universities and foreign entities?

    Answer. I am supportive of measures to ensure that donations and 
contracts between U.S. universities and foreign entities benefit the 
United States and are not subject to undue foreign influence. If 
confirmed, I will encourage efforts to educate and inform educational 
institutions about their possible exposure to undue foreign influence 
through such arrangements.

            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Effect of the COVID-19 Pandemic
    Question. The pandemic significantly hampered the normal operation 
of most ECA-administered international exchanges, with many 
participants returning home to the U.S. and foreign participants having 
to be repatriated to their home countries before their programs were 
complete. ECA is now conducting exchange activity online in a virtual 
format as it proves feasible to do so.

   What are the lessons learned from ECA's pivot to virtual during the 
        pandemic?

    Answer. When the COVID-19 pandemic temporarily halted most USG-
funded in-person exchanges, ECA's innovation and flexible management of 
international exchanges powered a transition to new strategies, 
sustaining advancement of foreign policy objectives and achieving 
lasting benefits even amid the pandemic. Most ECA programs pivoted 
rapidly to virtual and hybrid models providing, or virtually 
replicating, the in-person exchange experience. This pivot was possible 
because ECA could leverage the relationships with stakeholders that 
were developed with previous in-person exchanges. ECA was also able to 
reach new audiences with some innovative virtual elements and will look 
to continue some of those elements after the pandemic recedes.
    In addition, with careful management by ECA staff and the 
monitoring and health protocols in place at U.S. host campuses, many 
foreign Fulbright participants were able to remain at their U.S. host 
colleges and universities and new foreign Fulbrighters and other 
academic exchange participants were able to participate in in-person 
programs, thanks to the flexibility and resilience of U.S. higher 
education institutions. As recognized by the Inspector's General review 
of ECA's response to the pandemic, the experience showed the strength 
of ECA's program management practices, as well as the high level of 
commitment and capacity by U.S. higher education to safely host and 
educate students.
    I understand ECA is evaluating how it can continue to use virtual 
engagement or hybrid models to expand the impact of exchange programs 
and help the Bureau reach new audiences. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working with Congress and other stakeholders to apply the lessons 
learned during the pandemic.

American Spaces
    Question. There are more than 600 American Spaces around the world, 
which serve as virtual and in-person platforms to engage foreign 
nationals through a wide variety of U.S. State Department-sponsored 
programs and resources on important topics such as studying in the 
U.S., English language learning, and U.S. culture. This program, 
managed by the Office of American Spaces, moved to the Bureau of 
Educational and Cultural Affairs in May of 2019.

   How have American Spaces (or the American Spaces program) furthered 
        U.S. foreign policy goals under the ECA Bureau?

    Answer. Through American Spaces, the U.S. Government is present in 
more than 610 programming venues worldwide, with over 14 million people 
participating in virtual programs in FY 2020. Since the Office of 
American Spaces joined the ECA bureau in 2019, the Department has been 
able to enhance its work in public diplomacy and integrate ECA 
programming in the areas of English language teaching, EducationUSA 
advising, alumni engagement, cultural programs, and sharing information 
about the United States to further U.S. foreign policy goals. As a 
result of American Spaces and the Regional Public Engagement Specialist 
(REPS) Foreign Service corps coming under ECA, the Bureau has also 
fostered increased cooperation between REPS and Regional English 
Language Officers, as well as the EducationUSA advising program, to 
achieve mission and Department goals.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Cory A. Booker

Visa Processing
    Question. One of the issues that has been taking up much of my 
staff's time is the delay our constituents are facing in being able to 
reunited with family overseas or having family members visit them. 
Similarly, many businesses in New Jersey rely on seasonal workers and 
exchange visitors from all over the world. The Alliance for 
International Exchange is reporting a 75% decrease overall in visa 
processing for education and cultural exchange programs, which of 
course has major economic consequences.

   Can you share how you will address these capacity limitations?

    Answer. I recognize the important contributions that exchange 
visitors make to New Jersey businesses, and the positive impact they 
have on states and communities across the nation. The COVID-19 pandemic 
continues to severely affect consular operations at our embassies and 
consulates. The Department is committed to ensuring as many visa 
applicants can be interviewed as health restrictions allow, and has 
provided updates to sponsoring organizations to advise them on 
operational changes. I understand ECA and Consular Affairs continue to 
work together on these issues, and I will continue that engagement and 
communication if confirmed.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator James E. Risch

Global Health
    Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public 
health research--such as gain-of-function research--in cooperation with 
countries that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have 
violated or failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or 
where the United States cannot certify that such country is in 
compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention?

    Answer. I understand that USAID does not fund Gain of Function 
Research, and that USAID does not fund work anywhere in the world that 
would make viruses more lethal or transmissible in humans.

    Question. If confirmed, will you ensure USAID's research and 
development grants are fully vetted and do not flow to partners or sub-
grantees engaged in such research?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure that USAID funds do 
not support gain-of-function research, i.e. research that makes a virus 
more transmissible or pathogenic, through either the prime or 
subpartners.

    Question. The budget proposes a substantial increase for Family 
Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/RH), through both bilateral aid 
programs and contributions to the U.N. Population Fund. If confirmed, 
how will you ensure USAID compliance with current law, which prohibits 
the use of U.S. foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion, 
support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against the 
legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will follow the law and ensure compliance 
with all applicable laws and regulations, including those related to 
family planning and abortion.
    The administration takes seriously the legislative requirements 
related to voluntarism and informed choice in family planning 
activities and those related to abortion. I understand that the Agency 
has worked for decades to ensure compliance with all applicable laws, 
including the Helms and Siljander amendments.
    It is important that USAID continue to work closely with field 
missions and implementing partners to ensure awareness of statutory and 
policy requirements applicable to their programs.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to provide to this 
committee a complete, detailed spend plan for the funds received 
through the American Rescue Plan (ARP) for the international COVID-19 
response, to include all aspects of the response, from vaccine sharing 
to second order impacts?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure compliance with 
Congressionally-mandated reporting on COVID funding, including 
obligations and disbursements by operating unit, that the State 
Department and USAID submit every 60 days and I commit to regular 
briefings and consultations with the committee on the use of funds, 
which I understand is guided by the U.S. COVID-19 Global Response and 
Recovery Plan.

    Question. How would you assess the performance of COVAX to date?

    Answer. COVAX has performed as well as could be expected in light 
of ongoing constraints to the global vaccine supply. It is my 
understanding that while COVAX is below its original delivery 
projections, as a result of shortfalls in global vaccine production and 
disruption to its planned supplies, actions such as the G7 vaccine 
commitment to finance and provide more than two billion doses from the 
United States and G7 partners by the end of 2022 are critical to 
enabling the success of COVAX. If confirmed, I will support efforts to 
expand the availability of safe and effective vaccines globally to 
bring this pandemic to an end.

    Question. How can USAID ensure that COVAX is working expeditiously 
to get shots in arms while guarding against waste, fraud, and abuse?

    Answer. I have learned that USAID's $4 billion in contributions to 
Gavi/COVAX in 2021 were provided in tranches, which allowed USAID to 
ensure Gavi/COVAX obtained the funding needed from other donors to 
scale up global vaccine access, while closely monitoring COVAX's 
performance. USAID also participates in Gavi's Audit and Finance 
Committee, and, as a part of that, regularly reviews the risks involved 
in procuring and delivering COVID-19 vaccines. It is my understanding 
that Gavi/COVAX has established multiple methods for receiving reports 
of fraud, and all allegations are handled by Gavi's SAID to strengthen 
and reinforce existing systems related to fraud awareness and reporting 
to mitigate these threats to multilateral and bilateral vaccine 
campaigns.

    Question. How can USAID ensure that U.S. financial contributions to 
COVAX are not used to underwrite the purchase and distribution of 
substandard Chinese COVID-19 vaccines, particularly following the 
recent announcement that COVAX would, in fact, begin making major 
purchases of Chinese vaccines?

    Answer. I understand that the generous U.S. contribution to COVAX 
was not used to purchase vaccines made in China, and that the full 
U.S.-provided $4 billion had been allocated by COVAX prior to the 
facility's decision to purchase Sinopharm and Sinovac. I am not aware 
of any additional U.S. contributions planned for COVAX at this time. If 
confirmed, I will join my colleagues in continuing to forcefully raise 
concerns about procurement of lower-efficacy vaccines, and to urge the 
People's Republic of China to pick up its fair share of the global 
burden on vaccine access.

    Question. Under what circumstances would U.S. bilateral vaccine 
contributions be more appropriate than contributions via COVAX?

    Answer. I believe that the U.S. Government (USG) is most effective 
when both bilateral and multilateral efforts are able to support 
responsible and accountable partners. Multilateral funding allows the 
USG to leverage the financial commitments, technical expertise, and 
diplomatic engagement of many other partners, often achieving economies 
of scale and burden-sharing with other donors. Bilateral funding 
enables USAID field teams and ongoing local assistance efforts to 
address priorities that may not be effectively or efficiently covered 
through multilateral channels.

Humanitarian Assistance
    Question. The U.N.'s Global Humanitarian Appeal of $36.1 billion 
for 2021 is the largest in history. What can USAID do to enhance the 
efficiency and effectiveness of U.S. humanitarian assistance, so we can 
spread our aid dollars farther, while also leveraging other donor 
support to meet historic humanitarian needs?

    Answer. With humanitarian needs throughout the world at an all 
time-high, USAID's ability to reach people in need and improve the 
efficiency of our programs is of utmost importance. If confirmed, I 
will continue to emphasize the importance of USAID to be responsible 
stewards of American taxpayers' dollars. That's why I believe that 
measuring and analyzing results--and adapting and innovating when 
programs fall short--is part of the day-to-day management of USAID's 
operations, including humanitarian assistance programs. I will also 
ensure, if confirmed, that USAID engages with other donors to leverage 
our assistance and help as many people in need.

    Question. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has released a 
memo which, among other things, directs the new OMB Made in America 
Office to ``review how best to ensure agency compliance with cargo 
preference requirements to maximize the utilization of U.S.-flag 
vessels, in excess of any applicable statutory minimum, to the greatest 
extent practicable.'' This is likely to increase pressure upon USAID to 
exceed existing cargo preference requirements for food aid under the 
Food for Peace Act, notwithstanding the fact that the Government 
Accountability Office (GAO) repeatedly has found that such requirements 
significantly increase the cost of food aid whilefailing to advance the 
purposes of the Cargo Preference Act of 1954.

   Do you agree that U.S. cargo preference requirements for food aid 
        have outlived their statutory purpose?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to 
make USAID's programming to combat rising food insecurity and build the 
resilience of vulnerable communities as effective and efficient as 
possible. Each of the food assistance modalities--U.S. in-kind food, 
locally and regionally procured food, and cash-based programming--
should complement the others in addressing food insecurity efficiently 
and effectively. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian 
need, USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency 
of our programs is of utmost importance. Cargo preference requirements 
increase the cost of programming U.S. in-kind commodities in 
humanitarian programs. If confirmed, I will look closely at every 
opportunity to stretch our food aid as far as possible.

    Question. In your view, how would an increase of cargo preference 
requirements impact the ability of USAID to meet historic levels of 
need for food aid?

    Answer. At a time of unprecedented humanitarian need globally, an 
increase in cargo preference would compromise USAID's ability to reach 
hungry people, as well as our ability to reduce logistical and cost 
efficiency in our programs. USAID pays almost 50 percent more per 
metric ton to ship commodities on U.S.-flag vessels than foreign-flag 
vessels. An increase in cargo preference requirements would directly 
result in increased transportation costs for food assistance programs, 
which would reduce the amount of resources USAID can dedicate to 
purchasing commodities and reaching beneficiaries with life-saving 
assistance.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with OMB to 
mitigate the deleterious impact of U.S. cargo preference requirements 
on food aid?

    Answer. I am committed to working with Congress and the 
interagency, including OMB, to make USAID's food assistance programming 
as effective and efficient as possible. The COVID-19 pandemic and 
mitigation measures have compounded the effects of climate-related 
disasters and complex emergencies, creating unprecedented global 
humanitarian needs.
    For example, an estimated 23 million additional people will require 
emergency food assistance compared to 2019. Each food assistance 
modality (U.S. in-kind food, locally and regionally procured food, and 
cash-based programming) is critical to USAID's ability to respond 
appropriately to each crisis.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to 
reform U.S. international food aid programs and bolster the Global Food 
Security Strategy in a manner that saves lives, supports early 
recovery, stimulates agriculture-led economic growth, and ultimately 
promotes self-reliance?

    Answer. Yes. The pandemic has exacerbated food insecurity and 
malnutrition worldwide, with the most vulnerable bearing the brunt of 
its impact. I understand that Feed the Future is leveraging its 
existing global portfolio to respond to the crisis in the following 
ways: (1) engaging governments on trade and inclusive economic growth 
policies; (2) engaging government and private sector partners to 
safeguard and increase access to nutritious food; (3) working with 
small and medium sized enterprises across the food system and unlocking 
private sector funds to accelerate economic recovery, growth and 
employment; (4) transitioning households and communities off of 
assistance through economic inclusion models; and (5) supporting 
governments to create and strengthen their existing social protection 
systems, including shock-responsive safety nets and risk financing. It 
will be critical to further leverage Feed the Future as countries 
rebuild economically in the long wake of the pandemic, and I understand 
that USAID is currently looking at ways to do this.

Power Africa
    Question. In the face of growing Chinese influence and investment, 
and in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, there arguably has never been 
a more important time to advance U.S. strategic programs to reduce 
energy poverty, support transformative energy development, and 
stimulate economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the President's 
FY 2022 budget request proposes to reduce by 26 percent funding for one 
of the most important instruments the USG has in its arsenal to 
accomplish these goals--Power Africa--while simultaneously imposing 
carbon caps and renewable energy mandates that inevitably will push 
developing economies in sub-Saharan Africa closer to China.

   Should reducing energy poverty in sub-Saharan Africa be a priority 
        for USAID?

    Answer. Absolutely. It is my understanding that Power Africa is 
well positioned to address energy poverty, bolster human development, 
and mitigate climate change impacts through private sector-led energy 
development that delivers reliable, uninterrupted energy and inclusive, 
catalytic and sustainable economic growth. I understand that Power 
Africa funds will promote mutual economic prosperity between the US and 
African partners, as well as promote two-way trade and investment to 
counter malign influences by advancing universal energy access through 
30,000 milliwatts in new clean energy generation and connecting 60 
million homes and businesses to electricity by 2030.

    Question. If so, how can that reasonably be accomplished while the 
administration redirects funding for Power Africa to undefined climate 
change objectives and abandons the bipartisan, bicameral agreement on 
an ``all-of-the-above'' approach under the historic Electrify Africa 
Act?

    Answer. It is my understanding that Power Africa is expected to 
play a leading role in the administration's climate change agenda while 
maintaining its focus on addressing energy poverty in Africa. If 
confirmed, I look forward to discussing how we can continue to advance 
Power Africa's goals and expand energy development in Africa.

Venezuela
    Question. The authoritarian regime in Cuba reportedly has developed 
its own COVID-19 vaccine.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that USAID will not 
        provide any direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 
        vaccination campaign in which the Cuban state-owned vaccine is 
        used?

    Answer. It is my understanding that USAID will only support 
procurement and delivery of vaccines that meet rigorous quality 
standards, are safe and efficacious, and have been approved or 
authorized for emergency use by a stringent regulatory authority, such 
as the U.S. FDA or the World Health Organization. I understand that 
USAID has not provided, and has no plans to provide, direct or indirect 
support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign in which any Cuban vaccine 
is used. Cuba has not published its trial data for its vaccines, nor 
has the vaccine received an emergency use listing or authorization from 
the World Health Organization.

    Question. Will you also commit to ensuring that USAID will not 
provide direct or indirect support to a vaccination campaign in 
Venezuela that is non-transparent and discriminatory?

    Answer. I understand that USAID has no plans at this time to 
provide direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign 
in Venezuela, where current vaccination efforts are non- transparent 
and discriminatory. Venezuela is a self-financing participant in COVAX, 
which means that it does not receive donor-supported vaccines or other 
assistance. USAID would only provide COVID-19 vaccination support if 
Venezuela established a credible, impartial, and transparent national 
vaccination plan, implemented in partnership with, or under the 
auspices of, international partners.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure that USAID's support 
for the World Food Program in Venezuela will not strengthen the ability 
of the Maduro regime to exert control over the Venezuelan people?

    Answer. USAID support for the U.N. World Food Program (WFP) in 
Venezuela is intended to address the emergency food needs of vulnerable 
Venezuelan children impacted by the crisis. It is my understanding that 
WFP's programs are operationally independent from any Maduro regime 
programs and hence, will not strengthen the Maduro regime. I understand 
that WFP is maintaining its own independent supply chains and food 
distributions and WFP has indicated no instance of interference by the 
Maduro regime or attempt by the Maduro regime to gain reputational 
benefits during this pilot food assistance program.

Afghanistan
    Question. While the Department works to inject hundreds of millions 
in foreign aid into Afghanistan--a reflection of its purported desire 
to recalibrate the bilateral relationship by investing more in 
development and assistance lines of effort--USAID OIG plans to scale 
back its presence in-country, reducing staffing and closing its sub-
office in Kabul. All of this is occurring as the Taliban continues to 
make rapid advances on the ground. According to open source reporting, 
the U.S. intelligence community assesses that the Government in Kabul 
may fall in as little as six-to-twelve months after the U.S. and NATO 
military withdrawal, potentially triggering a humanitarian and security 
crisis.

   In light of the deteriorating security climate, how can USAID 
        sustain the development gains made in Afghanistan over the past 
        20 years, particularly as pertains to the hard earned rights of 
        women and minorities?

   As we look to recalibrate our bilateral relationship with 
        Afghanistan, what more can be done to support health, 
        education, empowerment of women and girls, and government 
        transparency?

   How can USAID conduct effective oversight of U.S. foreign 
        assistance programs in Afghanistan, given its diminished 
        presence on the ground?

    Answer. With support from the United States Government, the 
Government and people of Afghanistan--particularly women and girls--
have made enormous gains over the last 20 years. Afghans are healthier, 
better educated, more prosperous, and enjoy greater freedoms than two 
decades ago. However, we must acknowledge that women and development 
gains are now under significantly increasing threats and the security 
environment is deteriorating. I understand that USAID's gender program 
in Afghanistan is robust and broad, with programming that extends 
across the entire country and includes education and political and 
economic participation. I understand that USAID intends to continue to 
work with women leaders, the private sector, and civil society 
organizations to adjust programs and approaches in order to continue 
supporting the rights and safety of women and girls. If confirmed, I 
will work with my colleagues across government to ensure that USAID is 
doing everything it can to protect the safety of our local partners and 
the brave civil society society leaders who continue to strive for a 
better life.
    I understand that USAID provides on-going and strategic program 
oversight despite security restrictions in Afghanistan, and that 
monitoring and oversight measures taken in Afghanistan include: vetting 
of implementing partners (IPs), multi-tiered monitoring efforts, and 
financial controls. I also understand that USAID will continue to use 
third- party monitoring to provide programmatic oversight where our 
partners and programs operate. These third-party monitors are local to 
each region and have been capable of accessing USAID programs across 
the country. If the security environment affects USAID partners' and 
programs' ability to operate, third-party monitoring efforts will 
correspondingly adjust.

West Bank & Gaza
    Question. Since January 2021, the Biden administration has re-
established relations with the Palestinian Authority (PA) and announced 
nearly $360 million in planned U.S. assistance. This move has occurred 
despite the lack of progress in PA reforms, including its toxic so- 
called ``pay to slay program.'' If confirmed, will you commit to 
working with this committee to ensure that any U.S. assistance for 
``reconstruction'' efforts in Gaza are allocated in a manner that is 
consistent with U.S. national security interests and does not in any 
way benefit Hamas, politically or otherwise?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with this committee to 
allocate USAID's humanitarian and development assistance in a manner 
that is consistent with U.S. national security interests. I understand 
that the Department of State and the USAID Mission in the West Bank and 
Gaza (WBG) have a robust, 15-year-old, partner vetting process to 
mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources could inadvertently 
support Hamas or other terrorist groups. I also understand that USAID 
implementing partners in the WBG have aggressive risk- mitigation 
systems in place aimed at ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is 
reaching those for whom it is intended and that assistance is closely 
coordinated with the Government of Israel, who approves all materials 
that enter Gaza. If confirmed, I will abide by all legislation, 
including the Taylor Force Act, that governs how assistance can be 
deployed in the WBG.

Syria
    Question. There is no replacement for cross-border mechanisms to 
deliver humanitarian assistance in Syria, particularly as cross-line 
assistance is costly, ineffective, and prone to manipulation. If 
confirmed, how will you ensure that U.S. assistance is not routed 
through Damascus and is instead delivered directly to those in need?

    Answer. Rising humanitarian needs and an increasingly complex 
operating environment continue to pose significant challenges for 
humanitarian actors throughout Syria who continue to reach the most 
vulnerable at great risk to themselves. The July 9 reauthorization of 
cross-border assistance through UNSC Resolution 2585 provided crucial 
relief for the Syrian people, but it does not completely fill the vast 
needs on the ground. That is why it is vital for the United States to 
continue to advocate for unimpeded humanitarian access through all 
possible means--including continued authorization and expansion of U.N. 
cross-border access and unhindered cross-line assistance. I understand 
that no U.S. assistance is routed through the Syrian Arab Republic 
Government. I also understand that all USAID humanitarian assistance is 
implemented through independent humanitarian organizations--such as 
U.N. agencies and NGOs--to reach those most in need in line with 
humanitarian principles.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Policy Framework
    Question. Administrator Power, in her confirmation hearing, 
emphasized that she would place special emphasis on four core 
challenges: the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, conflict and state 
collapse, and democratic backsliding. The previous administrator, Mark 
Green, had sought to deemphasize such global priorities and focus on 
country-specific challenges in response to some complaints of 
``initiative fatigue'' due to what some described as the proliferation 
of competing priorities and presidential initiatives during the Obama 
administration. The USAID Policy Framework, issued in 2019, reflects 
Administrator Green's country-tailored approach and focuses on the 
broad goal of ``ending the need for foreign assistance'' by promoting 
self-reliance among aid recipients.

   As you work to develop the next Policy Framework, what do you view 
        as the chief cross- cutting themes that are likely to emerge? 
        Or do you agree with Ambassador Green that a country-by-country 
        focus makes more sense?

   How do you see Administrator Power's four big challenges as fitting 
        into USAID's next Policy Framework, particularly as they relate 
        to other priorities set by Congress in recent years, such as 
        basic education and food security?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with the 
Administrator Power, interagency colleagues, Congress and external 
stakeholders to develop an updated Policy Framework, if required. In my 
view, an emphasis on global priorities that meet the needs of the 
moment, evidence-based development practice and attention to country 
needs and regional trends are important and consistent with one 
another.

Human Rights
    Question. A key priority for me is ensuring that supporting 
democracy and promoting human rights is at the forefront of our foreign 
policy. But as a lethal pandemic, economic and physical insecurity, and 
violent conflict ravaged the world in 2020, democracy and human rights 
defenders sustained heavy losses in their struggle against 
authoritarian regimes, shifting the international balance in favor of 
tyranny.

   What more can we do to further these efforts with our European 
        partners?

   How can we better work within the OSCE to address these issues?

    Answer. I agree that a unified transatlantic alliance that acts 
from common principles of human rights protection and rule of law is 
the strongest bulwark against authoritarianism. I understand that USAID 
engages frequently with E.U. officials to seek to align policy and to 
increase burden sharing on key issues such as the COVID-19 global 
response, human rights, and democracy and governance. For example, I 
understand that two of USAID's flagship civil society programs are now 
leveraging significant funding from the U.K. Foreign Commonwealth 
Office and the European Union Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and 
Enlargement Negotiations. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring new 
opportunities to expand upon our partnership with our European partners 
to support civil society and democracy across Europe and Eurasia. The 
E.U.'s new seven-year budget articulates a commitment to human 
development and rule of law. This presents an additional opportunity 
for greater cooperation. As we see autocratization begin to spread 
within Europe, USAID can support our European counterparts in 
identifying concrete ways to re-engage citizens who feel they have been 
left behind, to bolster the structure and ability to serve of 
democratic institutions, and to investigate and shut down opportunities 
for kleptocracy. As you note, foreign malign influence continues to 
challenge democratic progress around the world. In Brussels, Secretary 
Blinken and E.U. leaders recently discussed challenges that the 
People's Republic of China presents to the rules-based order and agreed 
to resume U.S.-EU dialogue to coordinate approaches.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with Ambassador Carpenter 
and the U.S. delegation to the OSCE to identify new opportunities to 
engage with human rights defenders in increasingly restrictive 
countries to gather information, identify regional trends, and track 
unmet needs in dynamic environments.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator Cory A. Booker

Humanitarian Access in Ethiopia
    Question. As you know, the humanitarian situation in Tigray is 
dire. Despite improvements in physical access, the restrictive 
operating space for humanitarian actors to enter the region, move 
freely, communicate, access fuel and banking services necessary to 
implement assistance, and the blockage of vital supplies are creating 
the conditions for a humanitarian disaster, including widespread 
famine.
    Aid workers have been targeted and the aid operation politicized by 
parties to the conflict. Humanitarian experts have indicated that 
unless the operating environment improves in the next few weeks, it 
will be too late to prevent catastrophe.
    Access challenges and impediments to effective principled response 
are not new, but humanitarian need is higher than ever, and coordinated 
and effective U.S. government advocacy to facilitate respect for 
international humanitarian law and reduce barriers that prevent U.S. 
assistance from getting to those who need it most is critical.

   If confirmed, how would you elevate and address the urgent 
        challenges facing aid delivery in Tigray within the interagency 
        and in your external engagements?

   How can the agency leverage evidence and learning from conflict 
        contexts like Tigray to create effective policy and strategies 
        to reduce political and operational barriers to humanitarian 
        aid delivery in future crises?

    Answer. The loss of life and mass displacement resulting from the 
conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region is profoundly disturbing and 
unacceptable. I understand the administration, with support from 
Members of Congress and U.N. representatives, has undertaken numerous 
diplomatic efforts to end the violence and facilitate humanitarian 
access. If confirmed, I would ensure USAID works in close conjunction 
with the interagency and the international community to push for a 
constructive political dialogue and a negotiated ceasefire between 
parties. I would also work to identify strategic pressure points to 
ensure unhindered humanitarian access to those in need and would 
advocate for all parties to cease hostilities and respect international 
humanitarian law.
    To learn from past conflict contexts, we must draw lessons from the 
Agency's past experiences and apply them to future work for greater 
impact. By capturing, organizing and disseminating evidence, and by 
engaging with peer interagency and other partners, we can build better 
humanitarian and peacebuilding programs, policies and strategies.

Protecting Women in Afghanistan
    Question. This committee has been deeply concerned about the safety 
of women following the U.S.'s withdrawal. We are even more concerned 
about the safety of women that have worked on USAID cooperative grants. 
Currently, these partners are not eligible for the Special Immigrant 
Visa (SIV) program.

   What protections should be considered for them in light of the 
        danger they may be facing for their work with the United 
        States?

    Answer. I share your concerns about the additional challenges 
facing Afghan women in this increased environment of insecurity within 
Afghanistan, and I understand that USAID is committed to working with 
our partners who represent the women of Afghanistan and the interagency 
to explore short and long-term opportunities for increased protection 
including through refugee programs in coordination with the Department 
of State. A sustained deteriorating security environment will make the 
Agency's ability to provide development and humanitarian assistance 
more difficult. If confirmed, I commit to working with the 
administrator and experts at the Agency to conduct robust contingency 
planning for different scenarios so that USAID can continue its 
assistance. I commit to engaging at the highest levels to explore every 
possible opportunity for supporting the Afghans at particular risk for 
their work alongside USAID and our partners.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Christopher Lu by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Do you believe that any country, including the United 
States, should pay more than 25 percent of the peacekeeping budget?

    Answer. I believe all countries should pay their fair share of the 
peacekeeping budget. If confirmed, I will work to reach an agreement to 
lower the U.S. assessment rate as close to 25 percent as possible and 
ensure that other countries pay their fair share.

    Question. Do you support going beyond the 25 percent cap as imposed 
by Congress and signed into U.S. law which bears the current 
President's name?

    Answer. The President's FY 2022 budget requests a waiver of the 25 
percent peacekeeping cap to allow the United States to pay our full 
assessment. If confirmed, I will not undertake any action that 
contravenes U.S. law. I welcome the opportunity to work with Congress 
to meet our financial obligations, including addressing the substantial 
level of arrears that have accumulated over the past four years, and 
the cap on peacekeeping funding.

    Question. What is your position on repayment of current U.S. 
peacekeeping arrears?

    Answer. The President's FY 2022 budget requests a partial repayment 
of U.S. peacekeeping arrears. If confirmed, I welcome the opportunity 
to work with Congress to meet our financial obligations, including 
addressing the substantial level of arrears that have accumulated over 
the past four years.

    Question. Are there any specific steps you believe the U.N. should 
take to reduce the overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget? If so, 
what are they?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing and assessing all 
existing U.N. peacekeeping missions to ensure they are still necessary 
for the promotion of international peace and security. If confirmed, I 
will provide active U.S. engagement in Fifth Committee (Administrative 
and Budget) negotiations to ensure missions are appropriately 
resourced. For missions that we deem in the U.S. interest to maintain, 
I will ensure they are as effective and efficient as possible, while 
also providing the resources to fully implement their mandates, 
including well-trained and well-equipped troops and police and 
necessary assets.

    Question. Are there any specific U.N. peacekeeping missions you 
would support reducing or terminating? If so, what missions do you 
believe should be reduced or terminated?

    Answer. At this point, I do not have sufficient information to make 
a determination regarding the reduction or termination of any existing 
U.N. peacekeeping mission. If confirmed, I will work with State 
Department colleagues to assess the effectiveness of these missions to 
ensure they are still necessary for the promotion of international 
peace and security.
    U.N. peacekeeping operations are among the most effective 
mechanisms of burden-sharing in addressing the global challenges to 
international peace and security. The Department of State and USUN 
regularly work within the U.N. system, through the United States' 
permanent seat on the Security Council, engagement with the U.N. 
Secretariat, and the General Assembly, to ensure that missions are 
addressing evolving conditions on the ground and fulfilling mandated 
tasks. If a new mission is proposed, the Security Council's standard 
practice is to review its mandate annually before determining whether 
to extend it. This allows the United States to regularly assess 
progress toward mandated tasks and performance benchmarks and to use 
our leverage as a permanent member to adjust mandates as necessary.
    In recent years, U.N. peacekeeping missions have closed in Cote 
d'Ivoire, Haiti and Libera, and the peacekeeping mission in Darfur is 
in the process of closing now. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen 
and improve the effectiveness of U.N. peacekeeping operations, while 
providing missions with realistic and achievable mandates, as well as 
the necessary resources to fully implement those mandates.

    Question. The U.N. maintains several particular bodies and 
departments that focus on the Palestinians. These including the 
Division on Palestinian Rights (DPR), the Committee on the Exercise of 
the Inalienable Rights of Palestinian People (CEIRPP), and U.N. 
Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL).

   Will you work to challenge the existence and funding of these 
        departments?

    Answer. The United States will continue the tradition of 
maintaining its role as an honest broker in the Middle East, both as a 
staunch supporter and defender of Israel, and as a promoter of the 
legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. The United States 
remains firmly and consistently committed to achieving a comprehensive 
and lasting peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians based on 
a two-state solution. If confirmed, I will assess the mandates of these 
particular U.N. bodies and departments, and make recommendations on 
them. I will support organizations and efforts that contribute to these 
goals.

    Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles 
in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical 
standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have 
overtly advanced Chinese Communist Party goals, rather than acting 
independently to advance the global good. It is clear the United States 
has had mixed success with elections for heads of International 
Organizations (IO) in the past and, as a result, is taking more robust 
and coordinated steps to advocate for qualified and independent 
candidates in U.N. bodies.

   If confirmed, will you prioritize robust strategies to secure 
        qualified and independent candidates to lead U.N./IO bodies, 
        especially highly specialized agencies?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize increasing U.S. efforts to 
identify and support qualified and independent candidates to lead U.N./
IO bodies, including specialized and technical agencies. Such 
organizations and agencies play an important role in standard-setting 
across a broad range of issues that have an impact on our national 
security, including civil aviation and maritime safety; nuclear 
safeguards, safety, and security; internet freedom; digital and 
emerging technologies; intellectual property; and narcotics control and 
criminal justice.
    If confirmed, I will work with the rest of the Bureau of 
International Organization Affairs to identify qualified and 
independent candidates who are committed to advancing priorities 
including transparency and accountability in the U.N. system, engage 
with key U.N. leadership to communicate our personnel and elections 
priorities, coordinate with our partners to support likeminded 
individuals, and support efforts to strengthen the pipeline of talented 
American citizens interested in serving with the United Nations at all 
levels. I will also work with Congress, other federal agencies, the 
private sector, and non-governmental organizations to build support for 
these candidates so that the United States can compete effectively with 
other countries, including the People's Republic of China, to uphold 
the foundational values and principles of the U.N. system.

    Question. Countering malign influence within the U.N. system will 
require a robust whole-of-government approach as well as orchestrated 
cooperation between the U.S. and likeminded partners.

   If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these efforts 
        within our Government and between governments to identify, 
        recruit, and elect qualified, independent candidates to lead 
        U.N. agencies?

    Answer. The Department has established a new office in the Bureau 
of International Organization Affairs--the Office of Multilateral 
Strategy and Personnel (IO/MSP)--focused on supporting qualified 
candidates for U.N. elections, multilateral appointments, and 
competitive positions, as part of a broader effort to strengthen the 
foundational principles and values of the U.N. and multilateral system. 
If confirmed, I will coordinate with the rest of the U.S. Government, 
including Congress and other federal agencies, the private sector, non-
governmental organizations, and our allies and partners, to expand our 
recruitment networks and attract qualified and independent U.S. 
citizens and likeminded candidates with broader, more diverse 
backgrounds and support their election efforts from New York and across 
the globe. These efforts will include dynamic campaign strategies that 
leverage the whole of the U.S. Government's resources and influence to 
support U.S. citizen candidates and likeminded partners.

    Question. Additionally, please describe your intended efforts to 
bolster U.S. talent recruitment for more junior positions, such as 
those in the Junior Professional Officer program, in the U.N. and other 
International Organizations.

    Answer. Successfully increasing the number of U.S. citizens 
employed in the U.N. system requires a multifaceted approach that will 
involve identifying and advocating for qualified candidates for 
positions at all levels, including in junior roles. The Junior 
Professional Officer program is one of the key opportunities offered by 
the U.N. to encourage young professionals interested in serving in 
international organizations, and it provides them with hands-on 
experience across various U.N. agencies. If confirmed, I will 
coordinate closely with my colleagues in the International Organization 
Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder bureaus and agencies and consult 
with Congress to ensure we have sufficient resources, tools, and 
staffing to support more positions for American citizen JPOs in the 
U.N. system. With these resources, we can work strategically to 
increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the U.S. Government 
at key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities, expand our 
recruitment and outreach activities to ensure these opportunities are 
widely known and available to interested U.S. citizens, and provide 
tools and services to strengthen our competitiveness in placing 
qualified American citizens into the U.N. system. If confirmed, I also 
look forward to using my public statements and travel to champion the 
need for more young American professionals to work in the U.N. system.

    Question. Before fiscal year 2021, there was a 15 percent 
withholding requirement of U.S.-assessed contributions to the U.N. 
designed to enhance whistleblower protections. This is now gone.

   Do you support re-instating the 15 percent withholding until these 
        certifications were made? If not, why not?

    Answer. I am a strong believer in whistleblower protections. If 
confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to examine the benefits and 
leverage that the conditional withholding of funds provides. Experience 
shows that temporarily withholding funds can sometimes be of use in 
advancing reform, except in those cases where withholding will 
negatively impact an important program that the United States 
specifically supports.
    My understanding is, because of the extraordinary nature of 
withholding funds, the withholding of funds from the World Intellectual 
Property Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization was 
a factor that the missions of other countries to those organizations 
took into account when deciding whether to support reforms that the 
U.S. missions to those organizations were advancing. In both instances, 
the support of other countries was essential to getting eventual 
agreement on needed reforms, especially in the areas of ethics and 
whistleblower protections.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work to address barriers to 
advance U.N. management reforms, especially those created by the 
different priorities among member states?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and likeminded member 
states that strongly support U.N. management reform. Recognizing that 
all member states will have their priorities, if confirmed, I will work 
to maximize the areas of agreement to advance our highest priority 
reforms. If confirmed, I will work closely with reform-oriented leaders 
and agents of change within the U.N. system to lend our support to 
their efforts, particularly within the General Assembly's Fifth 
Committee (Administrative and Budget). I also welcome the engagement of 
members of Congress in advocating for U.N. management reforms.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you measure success in 
implementing management reforms at the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that international 
organizations within the U.N. system are accountable and responsible 
for the U.S. taxpayer resources they receive. This includes continuing 
the longstanding U.S. policy of promoting budget discipline and 
transparency, as well as continuing efforts to ensure that other 
countries pay their fair share. I also will work to ensure that the 
U.N. prioritizes program effectiveness, operational efficiency, and 
results-based budgeting.

    Question. What policies need to be implemented to maintain fiscal 
responsibility and accountability within the U.N. system?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure international 
organizations in the U.N. system adhere to best management and 
oversight practices in ensuring financial and managerial transparency. 
This transparency is achieved, in part, through annual in-depth reviews 
of the 34 regular budget sections that the U.N. Secretary-General 
submits to the General Assembly and Fifth Committee each spring and 
summer, along with accompanying reports that the Advisory Body on 
Administrative and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ) provides. These reports 
contain hundreds of pages of financial and programmatic details on each 
aspect of the U.N. regular budget. The U.S. Mission similarly conducts 
in-depth annual reviews of proposed budgets for U.N. peacekeeping 
missions in the fall. Additionally, the reports of the Office of 
Internal Oversight Services and the reports of the U.N. Board of 
Auditors, which contain the audited financial statements for the U.N. 
regular budget and each peacekeeping mission budget, are valuable in 
analyzing budget requests.
    The IO Bureau and U.S. Missions to U.N. System organizations in New 
York, Geneva, Rome, and Vienna similarly scrutinize the budgets and 
financial statements of the U.N. funds and programs and each of the 
U.N. specialized agencies. The U.S. Mission will also continue to 
support strong U.S. candidates for U.N. technical, budgetary, and 
oversight bodies. Our membership and leadership on these bodies enable 
us to promote fiscal discipline and accountability.

    Question. While the U.N. has taken steps to improve its efficiency, 
operational effectiveness, and accountability, the continuing need for 
reform is obvious to most observers, including strong supporters of the 
institution. The U.N. Secretary-General has committed to an agenda of 
reform. The U.S. push for reform is one of the main drivers behind the 
progress to date.

   In your opinion, what are the top three reforms that the U.N. could 
        undertake in the coming two years that will have the greatest 
        impact?

    Answer. During my two decades of federal service, much of my work 
has focused on improving the functioning of government organizations. 
If confirmed, I will work to advance reforms that make the U.N. more 
efficient and effective, including in its achievement of the goals U.N. 
member states have set for it, and ensure that the Secretary-General 
communicates the tangible benefits of implemented reforms to all 
stakeholders. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to hold the 
U.N. accountable to its mission and its member states.
    In particular, I believe we must do all we can to ensure the U.N. 
is (1) implementing the reform program that has been set out by the 
Secretary General, particularly to improve the U.N.'s capacity for 
conflict prevention (this includes strengthening the Resident 
Coordinator program, which will improve U.N. operations and 
coordination across the entire United Nations System through 
efficiencies and economies among the U.N. Secretariat and the United 
Nations Funds and Programs); (2) enhancing accountability in the use of 
resources through the elimination of waste and fraud and strengthened 
protections for whistleblowers; and (3) enhancing the standards for 
peacekeeper performance and improved accountability in combatting 
sexual exploitation abuse accompanied by strengthening prevention 
measures and protection for victims.
    If confirmed, my work will be guided by three principles:

   Working to ensure that all countries pay their fair share to the 
        United Nations and that the U.N. exercises greater budget 
        discipline. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging on the 
        assessment negotiations which are scheduled to begin this fall.

   Supporting initiatives to transform the U.N. into an organization 
        that can better meet the challenges of the 21st century. If 
        confirmed, I will advocate for a greater prioritization of 
        performance metrics that demonstrate tangible outcomes 
        resulting from the delivery of mandated programs

   Countering the negative impact of countries like China and Russia 
        that push ideologies that undermine the U.N.'s mission and the 
        rules-based international order.

    If confirmed, I will consult with Congress about where we see the 
U.N. making satisfactory progress in these areas, and where additional 
efforts are needed.

    Question. How will you explain to the Secretary-General and the 
member states that continued reform is a precondition for full U.S. 
support of the U.N.?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States asserts 
its leadership role across the U.N. system. This will include paying 
our dues in full and on time, subject to the required Congressional 
appropriations and authorizations, to maximize our influence, and 
exerting that influence to continue advancing reforms and uphold the 
foundational values of the international rules-based order. I also 
welcome the engagement of members of Congress in advocating for U.N. 
reform in their discussions with the Secretary-General and member 
states.

    Question. What tactics would you use if reform efforts falter or 
lack urgency?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and likeminded member 
states who strongly support U.N. management reform. Recognizing that 
all member states will have their priorities, if confirmed, I will work 
to maximize the areas of agreement to advance our highest priority 
reforms. I will regularly consult with other parts of the U.S. 
Government, including Congress, as to other possible levers for 
achieving reform.

    Question. With an increase of the use of telework by the United 
Nations system, how will you work to create cost savings? In 
particular, will you explore closing or selling U.N. facilities which 
are not being used?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to achieve agreement by U.N. 
member states to make the most economic use of U.N. facilities, 
including analyzing lessons learned during the COVID-19 shutdowns that 
may help improve workplace flexibility and efficiency, while realizing 
cost savings through measures to reduce the U.N.'s footprint in 
headquarters locations. In New York, the U.N. has already ended two 
leases for office space, and measures are also being implemented in 
Geneva as part of the renovation project there, such as through the 
sale and leasing of space to other occupants.
    With the greater use of technology to conduct meetings, I also 
believe the U.N. needs to re-examine its overall approach to staff 
travel, in particular for conferences.

    Question. Over the years, some experts have questioned the ability 
of the U.N. Office of International Oversight to effectively monitor 
U.N. programs in part because the office is largely dependent on 
funding from the U.N. programs that it audits. Some governments, 
including the United States, maintain that this could lead to a real or 
perceived conflict of interest.

   What is your view on this issue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Office of 
Internal Oversight Services continues to receive its funding from the 
General Assembly, and thus the U.N. member states, so that it can 
freely audit the U.N. Secretariat. In general, the U.N. funds and 
programs have their own, internal audit offices, as do the U.N. 
specialized agencies. These internal audit offices are generally funded 
through the regular (assessed) budgets of the specialized agencies and 
the core (unearmarked) budgets of the U.N. funds and programs. The 
internal audit offices are ultimately accountable to the member states, 
not the secretariats, of these entities.
    Similarly, the U.N. Board of Auditors, which audits the financial 
statements and makes recommendations related to internal controls and 
other financial management practices of the U.N. and the U.N. funds and 
programs, is funded through the U.N. regular budget and reports to the 
U.N. General Assembly. The external auditors of the U.N. specialized 
agencies, which are usually the highly capable and independent national 
audit offices of countries such as the United Kingdom, India, and the 
Philippines, are also funded through the regular (assessed) budgets of 
the specialized agencies and report to each agency's member states.

    Question. Do you think U.N. internal oversight is sufficiently 
independent?

    Answer. I believe that any organization, including the United 
Nations, can do more to improve the effectiveness and independence of 
its internal oversight mechanism. If confirmed, I will work to ensure 
that the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) maintains maximum 
independence from the U.N. Secretariat while ensuring accountability to 
the United States and other U.N. member states. The Management and 
Reform Section at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations has been at 
the forefront of pressing for maximum independence of OIOS since its 
creation in 1994, with the goal of having OIOS operate like an 
Inspector General in the U.S. Government. A key opportunity to advance 
the independence and effectiveness of OIOS is in the negotiations each 
fall on General Assembly resolutions that define OIOS's mandate and 
responsibilities. The most recent resolution, A/Res/75/247 adopted on 
December 31, 2020, contains five paragraphs on operational 
independence, the most prominent of which is paragraph 6:

          6. Reaffirms the operational independence of the Office, 
        stresses that its independence and objectivity are vital in 
        ensuring that its internal oversight functions are carried out 
        in a credible, factual and unbiased manner, and reaffirms the 
        authority of the Office to initiate, carry out and report on 
        any action to fulfil its responsibilities with regard to 
        internal audit, inspection and evaluation, and investigations;



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Christopher Lu by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. If confirmed, will you be a strong advocate for us paying 
our dues to the U.N. in full and on time?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States 
reasserts its leadership role across the U.N. system. This will include 
paying our dues in full and on time in order to maximize our influence 
and exerting that influence to advance reforms and uphold the 
foundational values of the international rules-based order.

    Question. What is your strategy for the upcoming triennial 2022-
2024 scales of assessments negotiations to ensure that all countries 
pay their fair share?

    Answer. I understand that the administration is currently reviewing 
options to try to reach an agreement in the U.N. General Assembly to 
potentially lower future U.S. assessment rates. If confirmed, I will 
work to reach an agreement in the U.N. General Assembly to try to lower 
the U.S. assessment rates and ensure that other countries pay their 
fair share. I welcome the opportunity to work with Congress to take the 
steps necessary to allow the United States to meet our financial 
obligations.



                               __________
      

Letter from AAPI (Asian American and Pacific Islander) Organizations in 
                 Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]







  Letter from Former Senior Members of Republican Administrations in 
                 Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]



Letter from the Congressional Asian Pacific and American Caucus (CAPAC) 
               in Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]



                              ----------                              




                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        WEDNESDAY, JULY 28, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:11 a.m. in 
Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee, 
presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, and Cruz.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing on nominations of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominations for four very 
important positions. Secretary, former Senator, Ken Salazar to 
be Ambassador to Mexico, Ms. Jessica Lewis to be Assistant 
Secretary of State for Political and Military Affairs, 
Ambassador Donald Lu to be the Assistant Secretary of State for 
South and Central Asian Affairs, and Ms. Marcella Escobari to 
be an Assistant Administrator for the United States Agency for 
International Development for Latin America and the Caribbean.
    Congratulations on all your nominations. I know all of you 
have a distinguished history of public service. We appreciate 
your willingness to continue to serve your country, and those 
members of your family.
    I understand that Senator Bennet and Senator Hickenlooper, 
our colleagues from Colorado, will be introducing Secretary 
Salazar this morning. So we will go to them.
    Senior Senator from Colorado, Senator Bennet?

               STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL BENNET,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO

    Senator Bennet. Thank you, Chairman Menendez for having me, 
the Ranking Member as well, for allowing Senator Hickenlooper 
and me to introduce Ken Salazar, President Biden's nominee to 
serve as the United States Ambassador to Mexico.
    Ken is no stranger to this body where he served with 
distinction, and Colorado is honored to call him our own. And I 
am grateful to call him a mentor and a brother. In my view, 
President Biden could not have made a better choice.
    The American Southwest embodies our braided history with 
Mexico, and I cannot think of anyone with a deeper connection 
to the region than Ken.
    Our history goes back over 400 years when Ken's family 
settled in New Mexico before America was even a country. Later, 
the family journeyed to Colorado, San Luis Valley, where they 
have farmed for five generations.
    If you drive down to the Valley and visit San Luis, which 
is Colorado's oldest town, there is a stone marker identifying 
the state's first irrigation ditch, The People's Ditch, etched 
into the stone or the names of farmers and ranchers who were 
entitled to draw water from that ditch, because they were the 
ones who dug it, and the name Salazar is among them.
    The Valley is a sparse, beautiful part of our state, but it 
was not an easy place to grow up. The Salazar family ranch in 
Los Rincones did not have electricity until 1982.
    Ken and his siblings grew up reading with oil lamps. They 
did not have phones, or television, but they did have the 
example of their parents, both incredible patriots. Ken's 
father, Henry, served in World War II and became a staff 
sergeant. He was so proud of his service to America, that he 
asked the family to bury him in uniform, which they did.
    When the war broke out, Ken's mother, Emma, also wanted to 
do her part. So she traveled to Washington by herself, when she 
was only 19, to work at the Pentagon. Neither of his parents 
had a college education, but they worked hard to provide their 
family with opportunities they never had, all eight of their 
children, including Ken, became first-time college graduates.
    They were so proud of everything Ken went on to achieve, 
from working as a lawyer at top western firms, to breaking 
barriers as the first Hispanic-American elected to statewide 
office, as Colorado's Attorney General, to become the first 
Mexican-American elected to the U.S. Senate outside of New 
Mexico, to joining President Obama's historic Cabinet as 
Secretary of the Interior.
    Ken is exactly who we need to strengthen our vitally 
important relationship with Mexico, which is critical to the 
stability and prosperity of our entire hemisphere. But as this 
committee appreciates, the relationship faces no shortage of 
challenges, from immigration, to trade, energy, resource 
management, public health, and the rule of law.
    Ken has worked and lived virtually all of these issues. As 
Colorado's Attorney General, Ken negotiated several extradition 
arrangements with Mexico, many of which remain in place today. 
In the Senate he led important immigration reform with Ted 
Kennedy and John McCain. He shaped major provisions of the Farm 
Bill. He helped craft by partisan energy bills. When he left to 
serve in the administration, Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell 
praised his leadership on the floor, and the Senate confirmed 
his nomination unanimously.
    As Interior secretary, Ken negotiated water-sharing 
agreements between the U.S. and Mexico, and strengthened 
bilateral cooperation around conservation to protect Big Bend 
National Park along the Rio Grande.
    I could go on, Mr. Chairman, but it comes down to this, you 
would struggle mightily to find someone more qualified than 
Ken. He has the experience and substance to hit the ground 
running, and a life story that represents America at our best.
    I urge the committee to advance his nomination with an 
overwhelming bipartisan vote. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. When I am up for a nomination, I 
want you introducing me, Senator Bennet.
    Senator Hickenlooper?
    Senator Bennet. I will be there.

              STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN HICKENLOOPER,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO

    Senator Hickenlooper. Well, good morning, Mr. Chairman, and 
Ranking Member, and members of the committee.
    I am also equally honored to introduce Secretary Ken 
Salazar, President Biden's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to the 
United Mexican States. I have known Ken for over 30 years, from 
when we first had a jazz club in the basement of my restaurant, 
and he was raising money for a campaign to protect open lands 
in Southern Colorado called La Tierra. We got John Nichols to 
come speak, and raised--I think we raised 16 or $1,800.
    His older brother, John, who some of you remember, from 
serving in the House, was my Secretary of Agriculture, my first 
term as governor. Ken has been beside me on every campaign, and 
every major issue, every political battle I fought. And I have 
tried to be by his side as well.
    As Michael said, his family story is emblematic of the 
relationship between the U.S. and Mexico. His family settled in 
Southwest, United States was then New Spain in the 16th 
century. His ancestors helped found the City of Santa Fe. 
Michael described him growing up on Los Rincones without 
electricity. He did not mention that Los Rincones is a scrabble 
of about six buildings. The big city, Manassa, which is four 
miles away, almost has a population of a thousand.
    Again, the ranch down there is one of the most beautiful 
places in Colorado. My son, Teddy, learned to ride, ride a 
horse on this ranch when he was 11 years old. And of those 
eight children that Ken's parents, Emma and Henry raised, all 
eight graduated from college.
    And I was also--well, you ought to get him to tell the 
story at some point, but children six, seven, and eight were 
all born on the same long night, which is a story only he can 
tell. He served Governor Romer, both as chief counsel and as 
secretary of Natural Resources, and both in those roles, and as 
a U.S. Senator, and as the secretary of Interior, he never 
shied away from tough issues.
    He understands the importance of collaboration, and 
bipartisanship, pragmatism. He is a world-class negotiator, 
which I think he got from his mother, Emma. She was about 5 
feet 2 inches, and yet one of the strongest, most potent 
political forces in Colorado. She blessed two generations of 
candidates, and they were not always Democrats, but she blessed 
to two generations, she blessed me on my reelection in 2014 
when she was 91 years old.
    When he came to the Senate, Ken designated and chose 
Senator John McCain as his mentor, as a freshman senator, and 
the two worked together on immigration reform, both working 
with Republicans and Democrats, he convened ranchers and 
environmentalists throughout his term as secretary--as Interior 
secretary, on water issues, conservation issues, et cetera.
    From a ranch in Conejos County, Colorado, to the hallways 
of this chamber, Ken has had a package of experiences that make 
him uniquely qualified to be a remarkable Ambassador to Mexico. 
Mexico is an important ally and trading partner. Nuevo Laredo 
now is our largest port of entry, and in many--in so many 
cases, the United States and Mexico share priorities. And I 
think that it is a delicate point in the relationship now, a 
point that demands someone with the skills of Ken Salazar.
    All of us in Colorado are so grateful for all of his 
contributions, the things that he has done. He created 
something called Great Outdoors Colorado that, to this day, is 
perhaps the greatest public-private partnership around land 
conservation in the history of this country. In everything that 
he has done, he has been able to bring people together, resolve 
conflict, and create progress.
    And that is exactly what we need now. We are all fortunate 
to his, once again, answering the call to service, to take on 
this crucial role at this crucial time.
    I wholeheartedly support his nomination, and I hope that he 
gets widespread support from every single person on this 
committee.
    The Chairman. Well, thank you, Senator Hickenlooper. I did 
not think there was much that could be added after Senator 
Bennet, but you did a fantastic job of filling out the total, 
the total picture. So we know that both of you have very busy 
agendas and you are welcome to excuse yourselves at any time.
    With that, let me take a moment to introduce Ms. Jessica 
Lewis. It is with a mixture of deep pride and wistfulness that 
we are here today considering the nomination of Ms. Lewis to be 
the next Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of 
Political Military Affairs.
    I, like many others in both the Senate and the House, have 
had the good fortune of working closely with Ms. Lewis and 
benefiting from her exceptional wisdom, drive, and judgment. 
Ms. Lewis is recognized across party lines as one of the most 
effective and respected leaders on Capitol Hill, she is a 
trailblazer for women in national security. Indeed, if approved 
by the Senate, she will be the first woman confirmed to hold 
this position.
    You all know her as the majority staff director of this 
committee, and prior to that, as a senior national security and 
foreign policy advisor for then Majority Leader Harry Reid. 
What you may not know is that she came to Capitol Hill almost 
two decades ago to work for me as a foreign policy advisor and 
staff director of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee in the 
House of Representatives. So we are proud of all of Jessica's 
accomplishments since then.
    And while it would be impossible to catalogue all of these 
accomplishments here, I do want to highlight her leadership, 
her steady hand during this past year in particular, leading 
the staff to an incredibly productive year, while also 
providing invaluable advice on the committee's foreign policy 
priorities. I have been deeply impressed, and that is not an 
easy thing to do, but not at all surprised.
    I would like to highlight that Ms. Lewis' tireless 
dedication over her entire career to mentoring young 
professionals as well, elevating her colleagues, and empowering 
those who have not been traditionally represented in the field, 
are exemplary. And I have no doubt she will apply herself in 
the same way, and with equal success at the State Department.
    Secretary Salazar is a friend of mine, and of this 
committee, and I am deeply gratified by your nomination to be 
Ambassador to Mexico. It is a Testament to the Biden 
administration's seriousness about restoring a productive and 
respectful relationship with the people and Government of 
Mexico. One of the most important, expansive bilateral 
relationships we have.
    The task ahead of you is great. You will need to continue 
engaging on the critical issues of trade and migration that 
have been central in our bilateral relationship, while also 
engaging on the, often uncomfortable, issues that face both our 
nations, including the trafficking of drugs, weapons, and 
people, environmental threats, and issues of democracy, 
governance, and rule of law, including with respect to human 
rights and labor rights.
    I have no doubt that your vast experience in government, 
your personal ties to Mexico, and your commitment to bipartisan 
solutions will make you an excellent ambassador upon your 
confirmation.
    Of the Office of Political Military Affairs, for which Ms. 
Lewis has been nominated, are of vital importance to U.S. 
foreign and national security policy, and to this committee. It 
is a position with immense impact for safeguarding U.S. 
national security and promoting and accomplishing vital U.S. 
foreign policy objectives.
    In recent years, the Bureau's relationship and credibility 
with this committee has been strained, though it has been 
improving. I expect that with Ms. Lewis at the helm, the 
Bureau's level of cooperation with the oversight activities of, 
and consultation with this committee will improve considerably. 
And I will put that expectation to the test.
    Ambassador Lu, I am pleased to see you back again before 
this committee, this time to be the next Assistant Secretary 
for South and Central Asian Affairs, a region of critical 
importance and significant challenges. Indeed, the rapidly 
deteriorating situation in Afghanistan will require sustained 
Senate oversight for how the administration plans to mitigate 
the effects of the withdrawal.
    I, along with many members of this committee are especially 
concerned about the plight of women, and the minorities as the 
Taliban continues to gain military strength.
    In addition, as the administration evacuates the first 
group of Afghan SIV applicants, I continue to be concerned 
about the thousands of remaining Afghan SIV applicants and our 
Afghan human rights and democracy partners whose lives remain 
in grave danger from the Taliban.
    And as you know, any peaceful resolution to this conflict 
must be regional in nature, and will require the Assistant 
Secretary to be deeply engaged.
    Our relationship with India is growing, bolstered by a 
vibrant Indian-American community here in the United States, I 
expect our diplomats to deepen this relationship while 
remaining true to our core values, and raising concerns as 
necessary.
    In Bangladesh, I continue to advocate for labor rights in 
the establishment of unions to ensure that workers in every 
sector can work in safe conditions. There will be no shortage 
of challenges, but I am confident that your knowledge and 
experience in the region will serve you well as you take on 
this role.
    Ms. Escobari, your extensive experience helping countries 
in our hemisphere chart a path towards prosperity, including in 
your previous service as USAID Assistant Administrator for 
Latin America and the Caribbean Bureau, which make you 
exceptionally qualified for this position. As you know, the 
challenges we face in the region are growing by the day. 
Democratic backsliding has accelerated in many countries 
aggravating by the ongoing socioeconomic impact of COVID-19.
    With the recent assassination in Haiti, widespread protests 
and regime violence in Cuba, and authoritarian crackdown in 
Nicaragua, humanitarian emergency in Venezuela, and numerous 
challenges related to irregular migration, the Western 
Hemisphere today is less secure, less prosperous, and less 
stable than it had been in many years.
    We look forward to hearing how you will work to address 
those challenges, if confirmed.
    In closing, the four of you have immense challenges ahead, 
I am confident that your rich experiences will serve you well 
as you take on your new responsibilities upon confirmation. We 
look forward to your testimonies. And this is normally a little 
longer than we would in introducing, nominees, but you are 
coming into critical positions.
    So let me turn to the distinguished ranking member for his 
opening remarks.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thanks to our 
witnesses for joining us today, and your willingness to serve, 
and of course your families who will share in that sacrifice.
    I want to start with the nomination of Assistant Secretary 
of State for South Asian Central Affairs. Personally, my top 
two foreign policy priorities are China and global health. And 
India is a major player in both of these priorities.
    So I look forward to hearing your views on how we can work 
with India to maintain a favorable balance of power in the 
Indian Ocean, and continued to partner in the fight against 
COVID, and other global health concerns, including vaccine 
development and manufacturing in India.
    It is also becoming clear that a hasty U.S. withdrawal from 
Afghanistan threatens to squander our hard-fought gains there. 
Ambassador Lu, we welcome your thoughts on the way ahead.
    Next, we have the nomination of Assistant Secretary of 
State for Political-Military Affairs. Our security partnerships 
are essential to protecting our vital national interests. They 
are also critical aspect of competition with China and Russia. 
We will often hear from our allies and partners over the 
problems and the speed of our security cooperation process. And 
often state is at the forefront of these problems.
    I look forward to hearing how you plan to strengthen our 
relationships with partners, and allies, and keep the U.S., the 
security partner of choice around the world. I have no doubt 
you have great qualifications for that task in as much as your 
service on this committee has shown that to be such.
    On the nomination of Assistant Administrator of USAID for 
Latin America and the Caribbean, if confirmed, you will have no 
shortage of challenges, especially the political and 
humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, the growing violence and 
poverty in Haiti surrounding the recent assassination of 
President Moyes, democracy in Cuba and Nicaragua, and holding 
governments in Central America accountable for addressing the 
drivers of irregular immigration.
    And for the nomination of a U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, 
Senator Salazar, Secretary Salazar, it is good to see you 
again. As neighbors, Mexico and the United States share an 
enduring interest in maintaining robust security and economic 
cooperation. I look forward to hearing your thoughts, 
especially on how to address the growing role of Mexican 
transnational criminal organization in the production and 
trafficking of fentanyl into the United States.
    I think all of us have been shocked by the state of 
politics in Mexico, with the huge number of assassinations that 
have taken place of people that are running for public office, 
and the current state of affairs there. It is staggering how 
many people have been killed.
    Ambassador--excuse me--Senator Salazar, your ability to 
handle these things, I have absolutely no question about. It 
has been a pleasure working with you on issues that were 
parochial to my state while you were Secretary of the Interior. 
I enjoyed serving with you briefly in this chamber.
    And with that I will yield back my time. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    All right, we will turn to our nominees. We will start with 
Secretary Salazar, and moved down the dais. We ask you to 
summarize your statement in about five minutes, so we can have 
a conversation with you. Your full statements will be included 
in the record without objection.
    And with that, we recognize Secretary Salazar.

 STATEMENT OF HON. KENNETH LEE SALAZAR, OF COLORADO, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
     UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES

    Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and Ranking 
Member Risch, and all the members of this committee, for the 
time this morning. I appreciate your service and your 
leadership on this committee.
    I also want to acknowledge and thank my good friends, 
Senator Michael Bennet, and Senator John Hickenlooper for their 
long journey with me together, working on issues that we so 
much care about for Colorado and the United States of America.
    And I want to acknowledge my family back in Colorado, and 
the San Luis Valley, and in Denver. My wonderful wife, 
Esperanza, watching this hearing this morning with Melinda, 
Andrea, Mireya, and Selena, and Blake, and all of my family in 
the valley, thank you so much for being the wind beneath my 
wings for all of the journey that I have had in this wonderful 
life of mine.
    Let me also acknowledge my guests here today. Former 
colleagues from the U.S. Senate, as well as friends, Stephanie 
Valencia, Felicia Escobar and Dan Restrepo, I thank them for 
their help in my own--in my journey.
    So let me also say, this is a very proud moment for me, 
proud because President Joe Biden is a person who cares a lot 
about Mexico, Central America and Latin America, his many 
trips, even as Vice President trying to deal with these issues 
that have been around for--the United States for a very long 
time, are a testament to his attention to the North-South 
relationship and to the Western hemisphere.
    And so I am very proud to be able to work with him, to have 
the opportunity, if confirmed by this committee and the Senate, 
to be able to work on the issues that he so much cares about.
    And likewise, Vice President Kamala Harris, she and I knew 
each other back in her days as attorney general. And I know her 
interest in dealing with the issues, including the root causes 
in the relationship between the U.S., Mexico, Central America, 
and Latin America.
    So I very much look forward to being a part of their team, 
but I can only do that work effectively if I also work closely 
with the members of this committee, and that includes both the 
majority and the minority staff, it includes a you, Senator 
Menendez, Senator Risch, and each of the members of this 
committee. We may not always agree, but what I will make sure I 
do is that I have the opportunity to hear your voices and to 
work with you, to deal with these solutions, or these 
challenges, and create solutions that we have all been looking 
for.
    So let me just say a word about how I see the issues for 
the United States and Mexico. Our futures are inextricably 
bound together as two nations, as people that have a very 
common heritage.
    We are inextricably bound together because of the 
demographics of our two nations. We are inextricably bound 
together because of the migration patterns of the history of 
our two nations. We are inextricably bound together with our 
economic and jobs, dreams, and the prosperity for both nations. 
And we are inextricably bound together with the dream of 
security, and freedom from the fear of violence that we 
currently see on the border, on both sides of the border, and 
on the southern border of Mexico, as well as in other places in 
Latin America. And we are bound together by our history and by 
our heritage.
    I will not spend a long time talking about those issues, 
but very quickly on the demographics, we have about 170 million 
Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in both countries. It is 
interesting that of those 170 million more than one-fourth of 
the population resides here in the United States. And they come 
from families like mine that have been around, through our 
heritage, for 400, 700 years with our Native American, Mexican, 
and Spanish backgrounds, through the Mexican-American War in 
1848, and then for the last 170 years as American citizens.
    We are bound together because the issues of migration have 
brought us together historically through the push and pull of 
the history of migration into this country. It is an issue 
which still bedevils this country in terms of how we deal with 
a sustainable, orderly migration system, and in order to get to 
that point, we have to work closely with the Mexican Government 
to share our interest in dealing with those issues.
    We are bound together because of our economy and jobs. You 
know, they say that the Latino population is the mainstream 
economy in the United States, some 60 million strong, Cuban 
Americans, and Puerto Ricans, and Dominicans, and 60 million 
strong contributing greatly to the economy United States and to 
the future, political, and demographics of this country. So we 
need to make sure that we are integrating that community.
    And on security, we cannot deal with the security issues 
without having the Mexican Government working with us. It is 
incumbent upon them because it is a shared responsibility that 
we have to deal with the violence issues, both on that side of 
the border, as well as on this side of the border.
    So let me just conclude by saying, Mr. Chairman, and 
Ranking Member Risch. This is a very proud moment for me, it is 
a very proud moment because of our history, but it is also a 
very proud moment, as I look forward to the future, yes, full 
of challenges, but full of opportunities. It is a proud moment 
for us to bring the two nations closer together and to deal 
with a kind of reality that creates prosperity, security, and 
peace for the peoples of both the United States and Mexico.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Salazar follows:]


           Prepared Statement of the Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member and members of the committee, I am 
proud and humbled to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to Mexico.
    My history is deeply rooted in Mexico and the United States. My 
forebearers came from Mexico and Spain in the early 1600s and settled 
along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte near Santa Fe, New Mexico. 
Following the end of the Mexican-American War, they migrated north and 
established the settlement of Los Rincones in the San Luis Valley. 
Today, we still ranch and farm the same lands along the tributaries of 
the Rio Grande.
    My father was a proud soldier in World War II. My mother helped 
open the Pentagon as a public servant. After the war, they returned 
home. At home, our native language was Spanish. We were poor and worked 
in the fields and home alongside our parents. We were taught to dream 
big dreams and the timeless values of faith, hard work and education. 
All eight of their children became first generation college graduates.
    Like my parents, I am a proud American. If confirmed, I will work 
tirelessly to advance the interests of the United States and to 
strengthen the common bonds between the United States and Mexico. I 
recognize the difficult and enormous challenges ahead. I also am 
optimistic about the opportunities ahead for our two nations.
    In my view, it is time to create transformative change in the 
United States-Mexico relationship by ushering in a new era of 
partnership with our southern neighbor.
    That partnership must:


   address jobs and economic opportunity for the people of the United 
        States and Mexico through trade, infrastructure, tourism, and 
        investment;

   secure our shared borders and create an orderly, safe, and humane 
        framework for migration;

   identify partnerships that address the scourge of violence and 
        respects the rule of law; and

   engage in a global sustainability transformation for a viable 
        planet while respecting the sovereignty of both nations.


    If confirmed, I will seek the advice and guidance of this committee 
and its members in my service to the United States. I look forward to 
working with President Biden and Vice President Harris and the United 
States Congress to advance the interests of the United States in 
Mexico. I also look forward to working with the Mexican Government to 
advance our shared interests in Mexico and here in the United States.
    Thank you.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Secretary Salazar.
    Ms. Lewis?

    STATEMENT OF JESSICA LEWIS, OF OHIO, NOMINATED TO BE AN 
   ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (POLITICAL-MILITARY AFFAIRS)

    Ms. Lewis. Chairman Menendez. Thank you, first of all, for 
your kind words. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
members of the committee, I am honored and humbled to be here 
as the Biden-Harris administration's nominee to be Assistant 
Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs.
    I would like to thank President Biden for nominating me, 
and Secretary Blinken for his support. I was lucky enough to 
start my career on this committee, under then Chairman Biden 
when Secretary Blinken was the staff director on the committee.
    I would like to thank my father, Robert Lewis, for raising 
my sister and me; his strength and love after my mother, Molly 
Lewis, passed away when I was a child, made me who I am today. 
I am also lucky to have the love and support of my stepmother, 
who is truly my second mother, Patricia Lewis. And I am joined 
by my sister, Kaitlynn Griffith, who has been with me every 
step of the way.
    My greatest joy in life has been as a mother, and I would 
like to thank my 9-year-old son, Matthew, who is wisely 
enjoying a day of summer camp today instead of sitting through 
a hearing. And to my incredible community of friends, thank you 
for being my second family.
    I would like to personally thank Chairman Menendez, who 
hired me nearly 20 years ago as a staffer on the House Foreign 
Affairs Committee, and who trained me to be a staffer. The 
Chairman has the sharpest mind I have encountered, and has 
taught me to stand up for what I believe. I would not be here 
before the committee today if it were not for Senator Menendez.
    I would like to thank former Senator Harry Reid, who taught 
me the ways of the Senate during my nine years working for him, 
and Senator Cardin, who brought me on as staff director of this 
committee.
    And finally, I would like to thank the outstanding 
bipartisan staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, to 
my team, you are simply the best.
    To my Republican colleagues, working with you has taught me 
when we can come together, as we recently did on the China Bill 
which passed this committee with overwhelming support, we are 
at our very best.
    I have spent my entire career in public service, if 
confirmed I would be honored to continue that path at the State 
Department. I began my career teaching third grade in public 
schools, and believe my work as a teacher serves as the 
foundation for all I do today.
    I then worked at the Organization of American States 
running education, training, and technology programs in Latin 
America. Since then, I have spent nearly 20 years on The Hill 
and have worked on some of the most critical national security 
legislation of our time. I staffed the Conference Committee for 
the legislation that implemented the 9/11 Commission 
recommendations in the early-2000s, and recently negotiated 
passage of the Countering American Adversaries Through 
Sanctions Act only a few years ago.
    And, as Senator Reid's National Security advisor, I worked 
directly with the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees, 
the Defense Department, and our Intelligence Agency.
    The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs manages our arms 
sales, and security assistance, negotiates international 
security agreements, and manages our security relationships 
with other countries. The Bureau is also in charge of U.S. 
programs to help countries cope with the after effects of war 
through conventional weapons destruction programs.
    If confirmed, I would focus on four areas. First, as 
President Biden promised, a plan to enhance the consideration 
of human rights in our decision-making to ensure our arms sales 
are in our foreign policy interest, and in line with American 
values.
    Second, I am committed to reinvigorating the Bureau's 
relationship with this committee and with Congress.
    Third, I want to focus on strengthening the workforce at 
the Bureau, and specifically its efforts to improve diversity, 
equity, and inclusion.
    Fourth, I believe the judicious provision of U.S. defense 
equipment can deepen our relationships with our allies and 
partners, and support our foreign policy and national security. 
I believe if government can help to keep the global playing 
field level, our defense companies can continue to out-compete 
any rival while upholding our values.
    In conclusion, if confirmed, I am committed to leveraging 
the tools of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau in the 
service of U.S. foreign policy and American values.
    Thank you. And I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Lewis follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Jessica Lewis

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, 
I am honored and humbled to be here as the Biden-Harris 
administration's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for 
Political-Military Affairs.
    I would like to thank President Biden for nominating me, and 
Secretary Blinken for his support.
    I would like to thank my father Robert Lewis for raising my sister 
and me. His strength and love after my mother, Molly Lewis, passed away 
when I was a child, made me who I am. I am also lucky to have the love 
and support of my stepmother--who is truly my second mother--Patricia 
Lewis. I am joined by my sister Kaitlynn Griffith, who has been with me 
every step of my life. My greatest joy in life has been as a mother, 
and I would like to thank my 9-year-old son Matthew, who is wisely 
enjoying a day of summer camp today instead of sitting through a 
hearing. And to my incredible community of friends--thank you for being 
my second family.
    I would like to personally thank Chairman Menendez, who hired me 
nearly 20 years ago as a staffer on the House Foreign Affairs Committee 
and who trained me to be a staffer. The Chairman has the sharpest mind 
I have encountered and has taught me to stand up for what you believe 
in. I would not be here before the committee today if it were not for 
Senator Menendez.
    I would like to thank former Senator Harry Reid, who taught me the 
ways of the Senate during my 9 years working for him, and Senator 
Cardin, who brought me on as staff director of this committee.
    Finally, I would like to thank the outstanding bipartisan staff of 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. To my team, you are simply the 
best. To my Republican colleagues, working with you has taught me when 
we can come together--as we recently did on the China bill which passed 
this committee with overwhelming support--we are at our best.
    I have spent my entire career in public service; if confirmed, I 
would be honored to continue that path at the State Department. I began 
my career teaching third grade in public schools and believe my work as 
a teacher serves a foundation for all I do.
    I then worked at the Organization of American States running 
education, training, and technology programs in Latin America.
    Since then, I have spent nearly 20 years on the Hill and have 
worked on some of the most critical national security legislation of 
our time. I staffed the conference committee for the legislation that 
implemented the 9-11 Commission recommendations in the early 2000s and 
negotiated passage of the Countering Americas Adversaries Through 
Sanctions Act only a few years ago.
    And, as Senator Reid's national security advisor, I worked directly 
with the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees, the Defense 
Department, and our Intelligence Agencies.
    The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs manages our arms sales and 
security assistance, negotiates international security agreements, and 
manages our security relationships with other countries. The Bureau is 
also in charge of U.S. programs to help countries cope with the 
aftereffects of war through conventional weapons destruction programs.
    The Bureau is also unique because of its dedicated workforce. They 
have a well-deserved reputation for professionalism, and they have 
performed the challenging work of the Bureau across administrations.
    If confirmed, I would focus on four areas.


   First, as President Biden promised, I plan to enhance the 
        consideration of human rights in our decision-making to ensure 
        our arms sales are in our foreign policy interest and in line 
        with American values.

   Second, I am committed to reinvigorating the Bureau's relationship 
        with this committee and Congress.

   Third, I want to focus on strengthening the workforce at the 
        Bureau, and specifically its efforts to improve diversity, 
        equity, and inclusion.

   Fourth, I believe the judicious provision of U.S. defense equipment 
        can deepen our relationships with our allies and partners and 
        support our foreign policy and national security. I believe if 
        government can help to keep the global playing field level, our 
        defense companies can continue to outcompete any rival while 
        upholding our values.


    In conclusion, if confirmed, I am committed to leveraging the tools 
of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau in the service of U.S. foreign 
policy and American values.


    The Chairman. Thank you. And as a good staffer, you came in 
under five minutes. So it is just amazing.
    Ambassador Lu, please go ahead?

STATEMENT OF HON. DONALD LU, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
   NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (SOUTH ASIAN 
                            AFFAIRS)

    Ambassaador Lu. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, 
distinguished members of this committee, I am honored and 
humbled to be here today as President Biden's nominee to be the 
next Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian 
Affairs.
    I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence they have shown in me. I would not be here today 
without the love and support of my family. I am joined today by 
wife and best friend, Ariel. And we have two wonderful 
teenagers at home, Kip and Aliya. Unlike Security Salazar's 
kids, they are not watching, they are sleeping soundly at the 
moment.
    As the son of an immigrant to the United States, I am 
particularly proud to have served my country in the U.S. 
Foreign Service in the Peace Corps. During my 30 years at the 
State Department, I have worked in India, Pakistan, and Central 
Asia, advancing our agenda on counterterrorism, democracy, and 
anti-corruption.
    As someone who believes that the Foreign Service and the 
Civil Service should look like the face of America, I am 
committed to implementing the President's vision on diversity, 
equity, and inclusion.
    Mr. Chairman, with the President's decision to withdraw 
American troops from Afghanistan by September 11, we are faced 
with new risks and new opportunities. And in particular, we 
have an historic opportunity to rebalance our relations with 
the countries of this region to better reflect our long-term 
strategic priorities.
    First, it is in our national interest to continue to 
strengthen our fast-growing strategic, economic, and people-to-
people ties with India, while also speaking forthrightly about 
human rights and our democratic values. As two great Indo-
Pacific powers, we must strive to ensure that our Asian 
partners remain sovereign and free, and not dominated by a 
single power.
    As two great democracies, we must demonstrate through our 
example why democracy promotes peace, stability, and personal 
freedoms. And as two great free-market economies, we can build 
a more stable and inclusive global economy.
    As the producer of 60 percent of the world's vaccines, 
India is critical to the global fight against COVID-19, and if 
confirmed, I would work with India to end this devastating 
pandemic. And I commit to working with India and our partners 
to tackle the climate crisis.
    Second, on Pakistan: We have for more than 20 years defined 
our relations with this important partner primarily through the 
prism of counterterrorism and security. If confirmed, I will 
build on our long history of friendship with Pakistan to 
advance human rights, religious freedom, counterterrorism 
cooperation, and an improved business climate for American 
investors.
    Third, Afghanistan: I started my career working on the 
Afghan border in the Pakistani City of Peshawar. I saw then, 
first-hand, the desperate plight of Afghan refugees. I have a 
deep commitment to encouraging peace, security, human rights, 
and the rights of women and girls. If confirmed, I will work to 
advance our objectives in Afghanistan.
    Finally, in the other countries of South and Central Asia, 
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, 
Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives, we face 
competition from China and Russia like never before. We must 
recommit ourselves to robust engagement with these countries to 
support their sovereignty and independence in the face of many 
challenges.
    Critical new tools have been authorized in this effort, 
from the creation of the Development Finance Corporation, to 
this committee's important work on the Strategic Competition 
Act.
    If confirmed, I will work to make the United States a 
reliable international partner for the Governments and peoples 
of these countries, one who is willing to call out malign 
influence, and stand up for human rights and democracy.
    Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will take seriously my role 
as a steward of the public trust. I will safeguard our precious 
resources, our people, our embassies, and the strong reputation 
of the United States.
    I believe in the importance of our voice in support of 
human rights, religious freedom, and democracy, and if 
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Congress to build 
robust relations between the United States and the nations of 
South and Central Asia. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Lu follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Donald Lu

    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear here today as President Biden's 
nominee to be the next Assistant Secretary of State for South and 
Central Asian Affairs. I am grateful to the President and to Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
    As the son of an immigrant to the United States, I am particularly 
proud to have served my country in the U.S. Foreign Service and the 
Peace Corps. During my 30 years in the State Department, I have worked 
in India, Pakistan, and Central Asia advancing our agenda on 
counterterrorism, democracy, and anti-corruption. And as someone who 
believes that the Foreign Service and the Civil Service should look 
like the face of America, I am committed to implementing the 
President's vision on diversity, equity and inclusion.
    Mr. Chairman, with the President's decision to withdraw American 
troops from Afghanistan by September 11, we are faced with new risks 
and new opportunities. In particular, we have an historic opportunity 
to rebalance our relations with the countries in the region to better 
reflect our long-term strategic priorities.
    First, it is in our national interest to continue to strengthen our 
fast-growing strategic, economic, and people-to-people ties with India, 
while also speaking forthrightly about human rights and our democratic 
values. As two great Indo-Pacific powers, we must strive to ensure that 
our Asian partners remain sovereign and free, and not dominated by a 
single power. As two great democracies, we should demonstrate through 
our example why democracy promotes peace, stability, and personal 
freedoms. And as two great free-market economies, we can build a more 
stable and inclusive global economy. As the producer of 60 percent of 
the world's vaccines, India is critical to the global fight against 
COVID-19, and if confirmed, I would work with India to end this 
devastating pandemic. And I commit to working with India and our 
partners to tackle the climate crisis.
    Second, on Pakistan, we have for more than 20 years defined our 
relations with this important partner primarily through the prism of 
counterterrorism and security. If confirmed, I will build on our long 
history of friendship with Pakistan to advance human rights, religious 
freedom, counterterrorism cooperation, and an improved business 
environment for American investors.
    Third, on Afghanistan, I started my career working on the Afghan 
border in the Pakistani city of Peshawar and saw first-hand the 
desperate plight of Afghan refugees. I have a deep commitment to 
encouraging peace, security, human rights, and the rights of women and 
girls. If confirmed, I will work to advance our objectives in 
Afghanistan.
    Finally, in the other countries of South and Central Asia--
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Nepal, 
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives--we face competition 
from China and Russia like never before. We must recommit ourselves to 
robust engagement with these countries to support their sovereignty and 
independence in the face of many challenges. Critical new tools have 
been authorized in that effort, from the creation of the Development 
Finance Corporation, to this committee's important work on the 
Strategic Competition Act. If confirmed, I will work to make the United 
States a reliable international partner to the Governments and peoples 
of these countries, one who is willing to call out malign influence and 
stand up for human rights and democracy.
    Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will take seriously my role as a 
steward of the public trust. I will safeguard our precious resources--
our people, our embassies, and the strong reputation of the United 
States. I believe in the importance of our voice in support of human 
rights, religious freedom, and democracy. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working with the Congress to build robust relations between the 
United States and the nations of South and Central Asia.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
    Ms. Escobari?

STATEMENT OF HON. MARCELA ESCOBARI, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED 
 TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY 
FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT [LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN]

    Ms. Escobari. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
members of the committee, thank you for opportunity to testify 
before you today.
    It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve 
as Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean 
at USAID.
    My passion for development was sparked by growing up in 
Bolivia, one of the poorest countries in our hemisphere, the 
daughter of two pediatricians who worked in the country's 
public hospitals.
    They brought home a passion for making a difference one 
child at a time, but also the frustrations of seeing kids die 
more from disease than poverty. They wanted to prevent disease, 
not just treat it. My father started the first blood bank in 
our city, and my mother tried to change culture, implementing 
practices of hand-washing in maternity wards.
    My parents inspired me to tackle the root causes, not just 
the symptoms of poverty. So I want to thank those watching this 
today, my husband, Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and our 
friends and family, whose support and love are the reasons I 
can sit before you today.
    When I had the honor to serve in this role for the last 
year of the Obama administration, the region faced acute 
threats. Venezuela's economy had contracted by 60 percent, and 
300,000 people had fled the country. Hurricane Mathew had hit 
an already-battered Haiti, and Colombia was embarking on a 
fragile peace process.
    Now the stakes are even higher. The pandemic has hit Latin 
America harder than any other region in the world. 5.6 million 
people have fled Venezuela, a humanitarian crisis created by an 
oppressive and inept regime. The people of Cuba and Nicaragua 
are seeing renewed crackdowns on their most fundamental rights. 
And one of the strongest democracies in the region, Colombia, 
is being shaken by economic and social unrest.
    Our ability to extend a hand urgently and wholeheartedly, 
in partnership with our southern neighbors will largely 
determine the course of the region's recovery.
    I believe that the stakes are profound, nothing less than 
the faith of the region's citizens that liberal democracy, rule 
of law, and market-based economies can deliver on their most 
pressing needs.
    The inability, and in a few cases unwillingness of national 
governments to respond to these needs, have led to political 
instability that threatens the future of the region, as well as 
the security of the United States.
    So I sit before you with a sense of urgency. If confirmed, 
I will focus on these pressing issues: combating COVID-19, 
confronting the security and migration crisis in Central 
America, and strengthening governance across the region.
    My passion and conviction come from my parents, but my 
optimism that we can make a difference, is grounded in a career 
studying and implementing development. My early experiences in 
the private sector taught me the importance of creating 
conditions for investment and growth. In academia, I learned 
the value of good ideas, and while there are no silver bullets, 
there is a lot we know about what works and what does not.
    If confirmed, I will bring a focus on data and evidence, as 
well as the ability to iterate quickly on lessons learned. 
During my time at USAID, I had the privilege to work with 
dedicated and knowledgeable professionals, who regularly go 
above and beyond the call of duty.
    If confirmed, I will empower their efforts and contribute 
to a culture where respect, equity, diversity, and inclusion 
are part of our values and the way that we operate, both here 
and abroad.
    Since leaving the Obama administration, I have worked on 
the barriers to inclusion and opportunities faced by workers 
here in the United States. We often draw lines between so-
called ``developed'' and ``developing'', between Global North 
and Global South. But in truth, there is no bright line when it 
comes to the crippling effects of poverty.
    The need for inclusive, sustained growth is as real in 
Appalachia as it is in Antigua. I hope to bring that humility 
to this job, the sense that every nation is a work in progress, 
and given the cross-border nature of our challenges, climate 
change, pandemics, cyber threats, our fates are linked, and our 
ability to work together, even more urgent.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify. And I look 
forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Marcela Escobari

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for considering my nomination.
    It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve as 
Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Latin America and the 
Caribbean at USAID.
    My passion for development was sparked during my childhood in 
Bolivia, one of the poorest countries on the continent, as the daughter 
of two pediatricians who practiced in the country's public hospitals.
    They brought home a passion for making a difference one child at a 
time, but also the frustration of seeing children die more often from 
poverty than disease.
    They wanted to prevent disease, not just treat it. My father 
started the first blood bank in our city, and my mother tried to change 
culture--with simple things like handwashing practices, or promoting 
the use of breast milk.
    My parents inspired me to tackle the root causes--not simply the 
symptoms--of poverty.
    I want to thank them (who are watching this today),my husband, 
Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and our friends and family, whose 
support and love are the reasons I can sit before you today.
    When I had the honor to serve in this role for the last year of the 
Obama Administration, the region faced acute threats. Venezuela's 
economy had contracted by 60 percent, 300,000 people had fled the 
country. Hurricane Mathew had hit an already battered Haiti, and 
Colombia was embarking on a fragile peace process.
    Now the stakes are even higher. 5.6 million people have fled 
Venezuela- a humanitarian crisis created by an oppressive and 
incompetent regime. The people of Cuba and Nicaragua are seeing renewed 
crackdowns on their most fundamental rights. And one of the strongest 
democracies in the region, Colombia, is being shaken by economic and 
social unrest. The pandemic has struck Latin America harder than any 
other region in the world.
    Our ability to extend a hand--urgently and wholeheartedly--in 
partnership with our southern neighbors will largely determine the 
course of the region's recovery.
    I believe that the stakes are profound--nothing less than the faith 
of the region's citizens that liberal democracy, rule of law, and 
market-based economies can deliver on their most basic needs.
    Inequitable, and lackluster growth have left citizens frustrated 
and demanding better. And the inability or, in a few cases, 
unwillingness, of national governments to respond adequately has led to 
political instability that threatens the future of the region as well 
as the security of the United States.
    I sit before you with a sense of urgency.
    If confirmed, I will focus on these pressing issues: combating 
COVID-19, confronting the security and migration challenges in Central 
America, and strengthening governance across the region.
    This means empowering civil society to stand up to authoritarian 
regimes, while also helping democratic governments improve their 
capacity to deliver basic goods and services--from water to electricity 
to health.
    My passion and conviction come from my parents, but my optimism is 
grounded in a career studying and implementing international 
development.
    My early experiences in the private sector taught me the importance 
of creating conditions for investment and growth. In academia, I 
learned the value of good ideas, and while there are no silver bullets, 
there is a lot we know about what works and what doesn't in 
development. If confirmed I will bring a focus on data and evidence, as 
well as the ability to iterate quickly on lessons learned.
    During my time at USAID, I had the privilege to work with dedicated 
and knowledgeable professionals, who regularly go above and beyond the 
call of duty. If confirmed, I will empower their efforts and contribute 
to a culture where respect, equity, diversity and inclusion are part of 
our values and the way that we operate, both here and abroad.
    Since leaving the Obama administration, I've worked on the barriers 
to inclusion and opportunity faced by workers here in the United 
States.
    We often draw lines between so-called developed and developing, 
between the Global North and Global South, but in truth, there is no 
bright line when it comes to the crippling effects of poverty.
    The need for inclusive, sustainable growth is as real in Appalachia 
as it is in Antigua.
    I hope to bring that humility to this job--the sense that every 
nation is a work in progress, and given the cross-border nature of our 
challenges--climate change, pandemics, and cyber threats--our fates are 
linked, and our ability to work together, even more urgent.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today, and I 
look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you, all. Let me start with 
a series of questions on behalf of the full committee. And a 
simple yes or no from each of you, but would suffice. I have 
these questions that speak to the importance of--that this 
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the 
Executive Branch, and that we expect and will be seeking from 
you. So I would ask each of you to provide just a yes or no 
answer.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    Mr. Salazar. Yes.
    Ms. Escobari. Yes.
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    Mr. Salazar. Yes.
    Ms. Escobari. Yes.
    Ambassador Lu:
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing a notification after the fact?
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
    Ms. Escobari. Yes.
    Mr. Salazar. Yes:
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to request for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    Mr. Salazar. Yes.
    Ms. Escobari. Yes.
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    The Chairman. Yes. All right, thank you. All right, let me 
start off then, a round of five minutes.
    Secretary Salazar, in the last four years, there were 
serious problems in the U.S. cooperation with Mexico on 
migration issues, and previous administration threatened Mexico 
with sanctions over migration, implemented policies that forced 
asylum seekers to remain in dangerous Mexican border 
communities during their application process, and signed a 
series of agreements whose contents have never been provided in 
full to Congress.
    Some of these policies, in my view, were morally 
reprehensible as well as potentially on lawful. And while the 
Biden administration has taken steps to put things on a better 
path, we need a holistic strategy to strengthen bilateral 
cooperation on migration issues, and ensure that the United 
States upholds its international obligations and domestic laws.
    So can you take a moment? You referenced it somewhat in 
your own personal history, but to lay out the vision of how you 
view the United States and Mexico working together to have a 
productive and respectful manner to address the challenges 
related to irregular migration?
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. We need to 
find the synergy with Mexico to deal with a shared set of 
challenges. For Mexico there is displacement underway with 
people leaving Mexico and coming into this country because of a 
lack of opportunity there. The Mexican Government has an 
interest in making sure that their people stay there. No one 
would want to be going away from their home to a country far 
away unless they were fleeing poverty, or violence, or other 
forms of distress.
    And so what we need to do is to have a high-level dialogue 
with Mexico to address both the short-term issues that 
currently deal with issue of irregular migration, but also as 
the President and the Vice President have said, dealing with 
the longer-term issues of the root causes, and so working with 
my colleagues, hopefully if I get confirmed in the State 
Department, including the panel who is here today, so Secretary 
Blinken, and the President, and the Vice President, we hope to 
bring about that kind of dialogue that creates a holistic 
strategy to deal with the issues of migration.
    The Chairman. Let me turn to the question of violence and 
crime, violence and the influence of organized crime in Mexico 
have reached highly concerning levels. In the lead up to the 
June mid-term elections, over 100 politicians were murdered, 36 
of whom were running for office. These trend lines and the 
serious implications for our national security mandate that we 
find ways to strengthen U.S.-Mexico security cooperation.
    There are areas for easy--there are areas for easy 
consensus, such as strengthening efforts to address financial 
crimes tied to the drug trade, and expanding bilateral efforts 
to combat arms trafficking from the U.S. to Mexico.
    However, in other areas, we face potential obstacles to 
improving security cooperation, including a new Mexican law 
approved in December that appears to threaten bilateral 
cooperation and the linkages between drug traffickers and 
senior Mexican officials, as evidenced in the arrest of General 
Cienfuegos last year. I trust that upon your confirmation, you 
will give these issues your full attention, and keep the 
committee informed.
    Mr. Salazar. Mr. Chairman, yes, I will. This is an area 
where the administration is already engaged in high-level 
dialogues with Mexico on how we deal with these shared issues. 
And it is something that this committee obviously will be 
involved in. So I very much look forward to working with the 
administration and you to find the solutions.
    The Chairman. And finally, there is new data from the 
Center for Disease Control and Prevention, showing that in 2020 
over 93,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in the United 
States, making it the most lethal year for overdoses on record, 
opioids, and fentanyl in particular pose highly lethal risk to 
our citizens, and the U.S. Government has to undertake every 
effort possible to address this tragedy.
    We have to improve domestic to address illicit drug 
consumption, and we must expand efforts to combat the scourge 
of illicit production and trafficking of fentanyl and other 
opioids.
    Data indicates that drug traffickers are increasingly 
shipping fentanyl precursors from China to Mexico, where drug 
trafficking organizations are producing fentanyl and 
trafficking it to the United States. Given the threat to U.S. 
citizens posed by illicit fentanyl trafficking, I also trust 
you will raise this issue at the highest levels with Mexican 
officials upon your confirmation.
    Mr. Salazar. I will do, Mr. Chairman.
    All right, Ms. Lewis, just a quick question for you, I have 
several, but I want to go to the ranking member. The informal 
review process for arm sales has existed for decades, and is a 
vital consultative relationship between this committee and the 
Bureau of Political Military Affairs to work through questions, 
issues, and concerns about proposed arm sales before they are 
formally notified to Congress.
    That relationship suffered under the last administration, 
but it has improved dramatically under Secretary Blinken. Do I 
have your commitment to continue and deepen this consultation 
process with this committee?
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    The Chairman. The last administration infamously attempted 
to evade congressional oversight on multiple arms sales to 
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates by abusing 
authorities intended only for emergency. There was no serious 
argument that these sales qualified as emergencies under the 
law. And this episode I would expect should never be repeated.
    Do you commit to only recommend using the emergency 
authorities under the Arms Export Control Act in true emergency 
situations, and not in an effort to evade Congress?
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Secretary Salazar, as you transition into this I am 
wondering if you are familiar with the backlog of U.S. 
extradition requests that the United States has out to Mexico. 
My state in particular has one unique case, but others also. We 
are struggling a bit with this, and certainly you can blame 
part of it on COVID, but they also seem to drag their feet.
    Are you familiar with this issue? And if not, I assume you 
will commit to get on board with it and see if we cannot move 
this along a little better.
    Mr. Salazar. Yes, Senator Risch. I am generally familiar 
with the issue. I will say that, as Colorado attorney general, 
I worked closely with your attorney general, now Attorney 
General Wasden, to develop among the attorneys general the--at 
the state level with our counterparts in Mexico, the Article 4 
prosecution units, which now exist in many of the attorneys 
Generals' offices around the country.
    And so I would look forward to bringing that experience in 
terms of the bilateral relationship to make sure that the 
extradition process as under the Constitution, actually are 
implemented.
    Senator Risch. I appreciate that. And certainly, that work 
that you did is one of the things that is driving all of this, 
and that is that it is streamlining the process, but it is 
still not moving as fast as we would like to see it. So 
appreciate your thoughts on that. And I hope you will move 
forward.
    Do you have any thoughts on the--the chairman made 
reference to this, a number of--I understand this is an 
internal issue within Mexico, but I think Americans were 
stunned to hear that in this electoral season, which they had 
their elections, I believe, on June 6th, and on the run-up to 
that there were 88 candidates assassinated who were running. I 
mean this is--this is not a hallmark of a democracy by any 
stretch of the imagination. What are your thoughts on that?
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Senator Risch. We need to make sure 
that we have a strong democracy here at home in the United 
States, and also that in Mexico, they are a sovereign, and we 
respect their sovereignty, but they, too, have a shared 
interest in making sure that the violence, including the 
assassinations of the last--that occurred during the last 
election are something that does not happen.
    And so it is something that I am certain we will be able to 
work with the Mexican Government as we enter into the dialogues 
between the United States and Mexico to address the issues of 
violence.
    Senator Risch. Thank you.
    Ambassador Lu, I want to talk for a minute about our 
withdrawal from Afghanistan. I noted this just within the last 
24, 48 hours, the Taliban met with the Chinese, a delegation 
from China. And I do not know what was on the agenda. I can 
about assure you what was not on the agenda was human rights, 
or treatment of the Uyghurs. What are your thoughts as far as 
China is now moving into that vacuum?
    Ambassaador Lu. Senator Risch, first thank you for your 
attention and interest in this important issue. I read with 
concern the same press articles about the Chinese meeting with 
the Taliban. I know that the countries surrounding Afghanistan, 
including China, share many of the same concerns we have about 
the deteriorating situation there.
    I can assure you, if confirmed, I will do everything in my 
power to encourage those countries to be messaging directly to 
the Taliban that any recognition, any assistance, any support 
is contingent upon the Taliban's participation in a peace 
process that results in a negotiated political settlement, as 
well as respect for the progress that has been made over the 
last years in respecting minority rights, the rights of women 
and girls, and counterterrorism.
    We do face the challenge of independent countries with 
different views in that region. But I firmly believe we share a 
common goal of having stability and peace in Afghanistan.
    Senator Risch. Thank you for your thoughts on that. My 
personal view, I think it is going to be a heavy lift trying to 
convince the Taliban that they will respect the gains that have 
been made in that country for women's rights. But it is our 
duty to press on with that. And I am encouraged to hear your 
words in that regard. I expect that that is what you will do.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
    The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, Ranking Member Risch, 
and congratulations to the nominees. What a wonderful panel.
    I am particularly happy to see my longtime friend, Senator 
Salazar, and also Ms. Lewis, who is just a stellar part of the 
Senate family, it is always nice to see you, and a member of 
the Senate family on the other side of the dais, being 
nominated for a position for which their work entitles them. So 
congratulations to all of you.
    Senator Salazar, let me start with you, with respect to one 
particular challenging aspect of the U.S.-Mexico relationship 
right now, and that is the targeting of the press and 
journalists in Mexico. I place a real high emphasis on 
protecting freedom of the press. Senator Graham and I 
introduced a bill in May, the International Press Freedom Bill 
to help make journalists safer overseas, and even create a 
special visa category to enable threatened journalists to find 
safe Haven in the United States.
    I am really concerned about attacks on journalists. And for 
years Mexico has been the deadliest country in the world for 
journalists. Eight journalists were killed in 2020. Three have 
been killed so far this year. I took a CODEL recently with six 
members, bipartisan, in Mexico at the beginning of July. And we 
met with civil society groups and groups of journalists, and 
they really laid out their concerns about this.
    Often the attacks are unsolved. They do not necessarily 
believe the attacks are by the Government, but they are often 
by criminal groups who are not then investigated. And they feel 
like there is a sort of impunity when it comes to analyses, and 
investigation, and certainly prosecution of these attacks.
    There is a unit within the--equivalent of the Attorney 
General's Office in Mexico that is supposed to focus on these 
attacks, but it is widely criticized for solving one or two 
high-profile cases, and then letting others go unaddressed.
    Should you be confirmed, and I will do all I can to make 
sure that you are, how might you address this particular issue 
to try to promote more safety for those journalists in Mexico?
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and thank you as 
well for your long-time service, and friendship, and guidance 
over the years on so many issues. You raise an issue that is of 
a very serious nature. Here in this country we all celebrate 
the fact that we have a First Amendment, and that we have 
freedom of the press. And it is something that is one of the 
most enshrined values of our society, and of democratic 
societies.
    And so when those who are moving forward with the reporting 
of the news, the journalists that you speak about have to live 
under threat and are in a position where their reporting ends 
up getting trampled upon in some way, by whoever it does it. We 
have a shared interest with Mexico, and Mexico, from my point 
of view, does not want to tolerate what is happening now with 
some of the violence against journalists.
    So I would commit to you, Senator Kaine, that I would work 
with the Mexican Government, at all levels to address this 
issue, and work closely with you to make sure that we are 
addressing this issue, not only in Mexico, but around the 
world.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Salazar. And here is a 
question for both Ms. Escobari and Senator Salazar, and maybe, 
Ms. Escobari, I will start with you.
    The U.S. is going to host the Summit for the Americas 
which, it happens every three or four years, the timing is a 
little bit variable now as to whether it will be late '21 or 
early '22. The U.S. has not hosted it since 1994. I think it is 
a particularly important time to have the Summit for the 
Americas because of COVID, and vaccine diplomacy, and 
backsliding democracies, and street unrests in many nations, so 
it is a really important time.
    Mr. Chair, I really look forward to taking up the Brian 
Nichols nomination soon. I know it was held over today at 
Senator Cruz's request, but for the U.S. to host the Summit for 
the Americas without a confirmed State Department Head over the 
Western Hemisphere Division would be a challenge.
    But as you think about participating, either from the USAID 
space or from--as Ambassador of Mexico and a Summit for the 
Americas, what would be the kinds of things that you would like 
to see on the agenda in that summit?
    Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Senator. And for your commitment 
to development through many years, and there are many 
priorities in the region. I think just to start I would say 
that COVID at times feels like priority one, two, and three, 
just because it has ravaged the region. The reasons are 
structural reasons why that has been the case, high 
urbanization, you know, informality, poor health systems, but 
really it has had not only the highest rates of deaths, but 
also the highest contractions of GDP anywhere in the world.
    So the ability together with the region, with our help, 
with other allies internationally, to help in the procurement 
of vaccines, and in the distribution of vaccines, and 
eventually in the manufacturing of vaccines, and their safe and 
equitable distribution, I think would be at the top of that 
list.
    Senator Kaine. I will submit the second half of the 
question to Senator Salazar, for the record, since I am over my 
time. But I appreciate the opportunity to visit with you all. 
Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Salazar. Mr. Chairman, might I just make a quick 
response to his question since I think it is relevant to most 
of the committee members?
    The Chairman. Of course, of course.
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, 
Senator Kaine.
    The Summit of the Americas to me represents a great 
opportunity for Canada, the United States and Mexico to really 
stand up for the North American Continent. So as I participate 
in that process, if I am confirmed by the Senate, expected on 
the agenda, we will be talking about economic issues, jobs, 
trade, economic opportunity, migration and how we deal with 
those issues, both from Canada and from Mexico, the borders.
    I imagine we should be talking and we will be talking about 
security, given the high level dialogues that are going on. But 
in addition to that, the whole issue of conservation and 
environment. The shared borders are political borders, but the 
environment, and the ecology, transborder into Canada, 
transborder into Mexico are also very important. And so how we 
deal with that issue, in my view, should be a part of what we 
focus on, on the Summit for North America.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I understand we have Senator Young 
with us, virtually.
    Senator Young. Thank you, chairman. And welcome to our 
nominees.
    Senator Salazar, when I served along our Southern Border as 
a Marine Corps officer in the mid-1990s, I saw first-hand the 
impact of the border crisis on our own country, and on those 
who were crossing our southern border.
    Sadly, the scale of the crisis has become much greater 
today. This has indeed become what you might characterize as a 
50-state border crisis. The vast majority of migrants I 
understand are not coming from Mexico, but from other countries 
further south. And that means that our neighbor, Mexico, is 
suffering from a migration crisis of its own, including 
securing its own southern border, addressing humanitarian 
issues, just like we are, and dealing with the economic 
stresses of a surging migration across their southern states.
    The task is made even more challenging for that government, 
by the presence of predatory criminal trafficking groups in the 
region. How do you view Mexico's responsibility, Mr. Senator, 
inactions to secure its southern border? And if you can speak 
to the largest enforcement gaps where Mexico needs to focus to 
gain greater supervision over its southern border, I would 
really appreciate that.
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Senator Young. And thank 
you as well for your service.
    You start from a reality that we are facing with--facing in 
this country and have faced for a very long time, you described 
the situation at the border back in the 1990s, when you were 
serving around the border. And the reality of it is that these 
issues have been with us for a very long time. And that really 
underscores an important role of this committee, and a very 
important priority for the President and for the Vice 
President.
    And that is, long term, looking at the root causes of what 
is creating this problem. We have had these challenges for a 
very long time. And as you say, a very much affecting Mexico in 
terms of the migrant trail that we now see going across Mexico. 
So how we work with Mexico to develop a strategy that is 
effective both for the short term and the long term will be one 
of the highest priorities that I will take on as Ambassador to 
Mexico.
    The Mexican Government has said clearly that--and are 
providing significant resources into securing their own 
Southern border. They have said, and are working on trying to 
help their--the Central American countries to the south. And so 
we need to succeed on that mission in a collaborative way with 
Mexico, so that we can address the problem for the long term.
    And I commit, Senator Young, to working with you and the 
members of this committee to make sure we get that done.
    Senator Young. Well, thank you for that commitment. And I 
am appreciative of that. I know other members of the committee 
are as well.
    Let me dive into a couple of specifics. There are networks 
of spotters, guides, informants all within Mexico that are so 
severely degrading efforts of the U.S. Border Patrol to try and 
secure that border, which I think is in the interest of course 
just not--not just of the United States, but also of our 
Mexican neighbor.
    So if confirmed, what will you do to improve coordination 
and cooperation between the U.S. and Mexican Border Patrol 
authorities?
    Mr. Salazar. Senator Young, that underscores the importance 
of what the Biden administration is doing with Secretary 
Blinken and others, engaging in the high-level dialogue around 
security and violence issues. And we expect that we will spend 
a good amount of our time working on those issues. If I am 
fortunate enough to get confirmed by the United States Senate, 
I commit to you that that will be one of the highest priority 
issues.
    Senator Young. If you look at the surge that has occurred, 
really since earlier this year, I do understand this is an 
ongoing, longstanding problem, as I acknowledged from the 
beginning, but there has been a surge from the beginning of 
this year. Why does it appear that Mexico has been less willing 
to work with the Biden administration on this immigration, 
unauthorized, than the Trump administration?
    Mr. Salazar. Senator Young, I think as Chairman Risch said 
a few minutes ago, we need to have a holistic approach to the 
issues in Mexico. It is more than just the issue of securing 
the border. We need to have a safe, secure, and efficient 
border. And Mexico shares that interest with us, we share that 
interest, the administration is working hard to develop a 
northerly and fair and humane system of migration into this 
country. And we need to make sure that we are working together 
with Mexico and with the U.S. Senate to address that challenge 
that has been around for a very long time.
    Senator Young. Okay. I thank you for your time. I thank you 
for your service. You did not answer my final question about 
why it appears that Mexico has been less willing to work with 
the Biden administration, apparently, on this issue than the 
Trump administration. So perhaps if you want to weave that into 
your future comments, you can. Thank you so much.
    Mr. Salazar. I am happy to elaborate, Senator. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator van Hollen.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Risch; and congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
    Senator Salazar, great to see you back, thanks for stepping 
up again. We have just five minutes. I am going to concentrate 
my time on situation in South and Central Asia.
    Ambassador Lu, thank you for your terrific service as a 
member of the Foreign Service. You have made us proud.
    I see that Secretary Blinken is now in India to discuss a 
wide range of issues that are important to the United States-
Indian relationship, and to discuss our common interests in the 
Quad. And I support that initiative.
    I would like to focus on the situation in Pakistan and 
Afghanistan. And I welcome your statement that our relationship 
with Pakistan should be beyond the one-dimensional security 
lens. And you indicate that, if confirmed, you will build on 
our long history of friendship with Pakistan to advance human 
rights, religious freedom, counterterrorism cooperation, and an 
improved business environment for American investors.
    And I look forward to working with you to achieve those 
goals. Of course, a key issue that impacts the United States, 
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the surrounding area, is the U.S. 
withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan. And what that means. We 
had Ambassador Khalilzad before this committee in late April. 
And I just want to see if you are on the same page with him as 
to the situation here. So I have a couple of very, yes/no 
questions.
    First, do you agree that if Afghanistan descends into total 
chaos, even more than the conflict we see today, that that 
could mean an influx of thousands of refugees into Pakistan?
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
    Senator Van Hollen. Okay. And do you agree that it is in 
Pakistan's interest to achieve stability and a political 
settlement in Afghanistan?
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes, absolutely.
    Senator Van Hollen. And do you agree with Ambassador 
Khalilzad that in the Doha talks, Pakistan has facilitated the 
discussions between the Afghan Government and the Taliban?
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes. The African Government and the--
certainly the Taliban and the United States, and I think we 
would like to see Pakistan do even more to facilitate Taliban's 
involvement in talks with other Afghan leaders. Yeah.
    Senator Van Hollen. And would you agree that a political 
settlement is the only viable long-term path forward?
    Ambassaador Lu. A hundred percent, yes.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. So, one of the things that 
some of us were proposed on a bipartisan basis, Senator Young 
from Indiana, Senator Cantwell, myself, and others, is the idea 
to give all parties some kind of hope and a better economic 
future. People in Afghanistan, people in those border regions 
of Pakistan. And the idea is to establish what we call 
Reconstruction Opportunity Zones.
    And the idea is that textiles and certain other goods that 
are produced and manufactured in those areas would have duty-
free access to the United States. In order to establish the 
potential of a peace dividend and a good future for people in 
the region.
    Ambassador Khalilzad said he supported the concept. I know 
the administration has been looking at it, had interest in 
pursuing this with you and the administration. Have you had a 
chance to look at their proposal, and what you think it could 
mean in terms of, you know, building a better future?
    Ambassaador Lu. Senator Van Hollen, first let me say huge 
thanks on behalf of my colleagues at the State Department. It 
is wonderful to have such a strong supporter of our relations 
with South Asia sitting in the U.S. Senate.
    I believe strongly that enhanced economic integration is 
one of the keys to a durable peace in Afghanistan and 
throughout the region. I support a deepening of economic ties 
between Afghanistan and Pakistan. And if confirmed, I will work 
to expand trade and investment between these two countries and 
the United States. I believe we should be exploring all of the 
options on the table.
    I am personally very interested in the legislation that you 
and other members of the Senate have proposed. And I look 
forward, if confirmed, to be providing technical feedback and 
dialogue to you and other members of the committee, from State 
Department, Department of Congress, and the USTR.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Do we have your commitment 
that you and the State Department would provide our staff with 
technical feedback on the legislation?
    Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Now, just in closing, you 
know, I think we have established the important role Pakistan 
can play in trying to facilitate some kind of negotiated 
settlement in Afghanistan. I think all of us hope for the best, 
although we all understand that there are huge risks that we 
are witnessing right now. But I cannot understand why, given 
that importance, President Biden has not yet contacted directly 
and called the Prime Minister Khan. Can you explain that? It is 
a mystery to me.
    Ambassaador Lu. Senator, I completely agree with you, the 
dialogue is essential between the United States and Pakistan at 
a high level. As you know, there have been several high-level 
administration discussions with Pakistan to include multiple 
engagements by Secretary Blinken with the Pakistani Foreign 
Minister. These talks have focused on critical issues.
    Senator Van Hollen. Mr. Ambassador, I do not--I am aware of 
all that but, as you know, the President has reached out to 
lots of foreign leaders. Given the importance of the future 
developments in Afghanistan to us, given the importance of the 
relationship with Pakistan, it seems to me a totally unforced 
error that the President of the United States has not made that 
phone call. There is no need for you to comment. I appreciate 
your service.
    And thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Ranking Member.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Ms. Chairman. Congratulations to 
each of the nominees. Senator Salazar, good to see you. I 
enjoyed visiting with you yesterday in my office.
    As you know, I am increasingly concerned about what appears 
to be a deliberate and a systematic campaign by the Mexican 
Government to undermine American companies and especially 
American energy companies. Just a few weeks ago the Mexican 
Government gave its state oil firm, Pemex, a major-shared oil 
find, over a private consortium led by Houston-based, Talos 
Energy, which had first discovered the crude and had already 
invested nearly $350 million in the project.
    This decision was just one of a series of moves that the 
Mexican Government has pursued to roll back Mexico's historic 
2013 energy sector liberalization reforms, which benefited both 
them and us. It goes without saying that these moves are in 
significant tension with both the Mexican Constitution and the 
USMCA.
    On July 29th, I joined Senator Cornyn, Senator Inhofe, and 
sent a letter to President Biden highlighting these concerns. 
The next morning President Lopez Obrador dismissed the letter 
saying quote, ``There is really no problem, and that the 
concerns are insignificant''.
    Let me start by asking you, do you agree with the Mexican 
President that the concerns about Mexico's tilt away from U.S. 
companies towards Mexican Government control of the energy 
sector towards open hostility to American companies, do you 
agree with the Mexican President that those concerns are 
insignificant?
    Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, the rule of law is important, 
obviously important to us here in the United States, and to 
interests here that are investing in Mexico, and my 
understanding is the ambassador, the U.S. Trade Representative 
for the United States has said that energy is covered under the 
United States-Canada-Mexico Agreements. So I think what we need 
to do is to raise these issues and make sure that we are 
protecting American investment in Mexico.
    Senator Cruz. So I am deeply concerned that right now the 
Mexican Government is feeling no meaningful pressure from the 
Biden administration to reverse its campaign, to undermine 
American energy firms, and so what I would like to ask you, is 
first of all, to what degree do you assess that the Mexican 
Government's moves in the energy sector are harmful both to 
them and us?
    Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, I intend to work on these 
issues, if confirmed, and if I get your support, coming out of 
this committee, and on the floor of the Senate. You know, I was 
very involved in the negotiation of the Gulf of Mexico 
Transboundary Agreement with Secretary Clinton and with the 
support of President Obama. It was because of those 
Transboundary Agreements which, frankly, had resolved an issue 
that had been outstanding for some 50 years, that we have had 
the investment of the movement that we have had in the energy 
sector.
    It is a complicated issue, but I intend to give it 
everything that I have to see how we can work with the Mexican 
Government that are sovereign, I respect their sovereignty, but 
we will work together to see whether we can find some solution 
to this challenge.
    Senator Cruz. So if you are confirmed as Ambassador, what 
specific steps do you expect to take to halt and reverse the 
Mexican Government's targeting of and discrimination against 
American energy firms?
    Mr. Salazar. Yeah, we will work closely with my colleagues 
in the Biden administration, both in the White House, as well 
as within USDR, and the State Department, the Commerce 
Department, to see how we can address these issues.
    Senator Cruz. Do you think it is a problem?
    Mr. Salazar. It is a problem, sir.
    Senator Cruz. Why is it that the Mexican Government seems 
to be moving away from American interest, and American 
priorities, and seems to be moving rapidly away from them in 
the last six months, during the Biden administration?
    Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, there is a reality that I do not 
believe that the United States has engaged in the kind of 
bilateral relationship with Mexico during the last four years 
under the former administration, or even before that. And so 
what we need to do is we need to engage in the kinds of 
dialogues that will make sure that we are developing 
sustainable issues and a sustainable framework between the 
United States and Mexico.
    We cannot afford to have our relationship with Mexico go 
into an abyss of dysfunction. And that is in the shared 
interest of both the United States and Mexico. And I commit to 
working not only with the President, and the Vice President, my 
colleagues in the State Department, Secretary Blinken, but with 
you, to see how we can come up with a kind of framework that 
will address the issues that this committee, both on the 
Democratic side, through Senator Menendez, and on the 
Republican side through Senator Risch, has an interest in 
dealing with, because if we do not deal with these issues in 
this very difficult time in the relationship between the U.S. 
and Mexico, we will be facing some very significant issues on 
down the road.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And 
congratulations to each of you on your nominations, we 
appreciate your willingness to continue in public service.
    I am going to give Senator Salazar a little rest for a 
minute, and start with you, Ms. Lewis. And again, we will miss 
you with the committee, but are delighted that you are going to 
be continuing to do your good work.
    I think you were with the committee when we passed the 
Women Peace and Security Act, which I am very proud of. It has 
been a bipartisan effort. We have seen it starting to be 
implemented in the Department of Defense, I think less so in 
the Department of State.
    And so can you talk about how you might be able to promote 
WPS goals and your strategy, if confirmed, to make sure that it 
is incorporated into global peace operations, and into 
international military education, conventional weapons, and how 
you would work with DOD?
    Ms. Lewis. Absolutely. First of all, Senator, thank you so 
much for your leadership on this issue. You really have been a 
guiding light for all of us.
    In the Bureau of Political Military Affairs, there already 
has been a focus on this issue. One of the changes they have 
implemented is to make sure that in the training that we 
provide that as we look at working with individual militaries, 
we make sure that the representation of women is equal to the 
representation of women in their services when we train them. 
And I was pleased to learn about that. That would be something 
I would want to continue and grow moving forward.
    I also think, as you look at all of the pieces of the work 
that the Bureau does, other issues such as the great work that 
the Bureau does demining, making sure that our civilians--
civilians are protected from some of these landmines also has a 
great impact on local communities, but also specifically on 
women. And I know that is something that they take into 
consideration.
    And then finally, as I said, in my opening statement, I 
know that really looking at the workforce inside the Bureau 
would also be something that would be a priority for me. If 
confirmed, I believe I would be the first woman in this 
position, but I also am aware that the Bureau has an incredibly 
talented pool already. And it would be my job to look closely 
at the unique makeup of this Bureau, which includes civil 
service, foreign service, also a number of people in uniform 
who come over, to make sure that we are also looking at the 
issue of women moving forward and really using the talents of 
women inside the Bureau.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I appreciate that. And 
look forward to working with you. And as you know, the 
importance of this initiative is that when women are at the 
table we are more successful, in conflict areas, in ensuring 
that success is spread to all elements of the community. So 
thank you.
    Ms. Lewis. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Senator Salazar, now that you have caught 
your breath. As you may be aware, New Hampshire has a real 
challenge with substance misuse. It has been an issue, not just 
in our state, but throughout the country. And we saw in 2020 
that we had more overdose deaths, drug deaths than we have had 
any time in our history.
    And one of the things that we know in New Hampshire is that 
many of the illegal substances that come into the United States 
come in through Mexico. And as I understand, there have been 
some tensions in recent years with Mexico in terms of how we 
can best work together to intercept and interdict those drugs. 
So can you talk a little bit about what your approach would be 
to addressing that with Mexico?
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen, for the 
question. The issue of drugs north is something that has been 
around for a very, very long time. And that issue is 
exacerbated in part by what China is doing in Mexico with 
fentanyl.
    Senator Shaheen. Right.
    Mr. Salazar. And all of those issues that are affecting the 
people of New Hampshire, and throughout the United States of 
America. It is a shared problem between the United States and 
Mexico, and I commit to working with the Mexican Government, 
and United States authorities to look for solutions to the 
problem.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I hope you will come back 
to this committee and let us know what resources we can help 
you with in order to continue to address that in a successful 
way.
    Mr. Salazar. Thank you. I will.
    Senator Shaheen. And Ambassador Lu, I have been very 
concerned about what is happening in Afghanistan now, as I am 
sure you are, as we look at the gains made by the Taliban. And 
one of my biggest areas of concern is what happens to the women 
and girls in Afghanistan. It has been one of the greatest 
successes of our efforts there, not only of the United States 
but the international community.
    So tell me what you think, what more you think we can do as 
the United States to raise concerns about what is happening 
there in the international community? How can we support 
ensuring that the freedoms that women and girls, and other 
ethnic minorities in the country enjoy now, are not totally 
erased as the Taliban continue to make gains?
    Ambassaador Lu. Senator Shaheen, I was really moved by your 
tribute to Afghan women who were killed by the telephone in the 
hearing in May with Ambassador Khalilzad. I actually knew one 
of those young women. Fatima Khalil was a senior at the 
American University of Central Asia in Kyrgyzstan, the posting 
I just left. I spoke at her graduation, one of the brightest, 
most capable and self-confident people I have ever met in my 
life.
    She had an American education, spoke fluent English, a 
worldview that was unlike anyone else. And she could have gone 
anywhere, done anything. And she decided what she really wanted 
to do is go back to her home country to work on human rights, 
and the rights of women and girls, and the Taliban killed her 
for that.
    Senator Shaheen. Right.
    Ambassaador Lu. So it is personal for me, as I know it is 
for many of us who have worked in and around this region, I 
share your deep concern about what is happening now in 
Afghanistan, and the women and girls who are now at risk. I 
think it is critical that we continue our robust assistance to 
the programs that we have been running for years in Afghanistan 
that have promoted such progress over 20 years, training, 
education, legal services.
    But now we have to expand that. We need to look at how we 
are caring for those who are at risk. And as we know, we are 
good at doing that all over the world, including in very 
difficult places, in Cuba, and Russia, and Iran, and North 
Korea, we need to up our game. And I know there are very smart 
people in the interagency right now, putting together plans 
about how we would use the U.S. refugee admissions process, or 
emergency humanitarian relief to try to mitigate some of these 
risks. And we look forward, if confirmed, to working with you 
and other members of Congress to put together that plan.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I look forward to that. 
My time is up, but I just want to relay to you what I heard 
from some of the women leaders in Afghanistan who were urging 
us in the United States to have our President, our Vice 
President, all of our high-level officials speak out in the 
international community about what the Taliban are doing and 
raise international awareness and condemnation for what is 
happening there. So I hope you will agree to do that if 
confirmed.
    Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And thank you for 
your leadership in this disregard. We appreciate your clarity 
and voice on this all the time.
    Some final questions, there is a vote going on.
    So, Ms. Lewis, I do not think you would get away that easy. 
When the Department of Defense through existing authorities, 
and seeking new ones, has assumed an outside role in providing 
security assistance to foreign countries, providing foreign 
assistance is, and in my view, always should be the purview of 
the Secretary of State and the State Department conferred by 
diplomats in the service of our foreign policy.
    I want to ask you. Will you use all means at your disposal, 
if confirmed, to conduct oversight on U.S. security assistance 
for foreign countries, and foreign persons, regardless of which 
U.S. agency is providing it?
    Ms. Lewis. Yes.
    The Chairman. And if confirmed, will you work closely with 
the committee to prevent any further loss or duplication of 
state security assistance authorities?
    Ms. Lewis. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. Okay. All right, one last question. You fully 
support the Taiwan's Relations Act, is that correct?
    Ms. Lewis. Yes, sir.
    The Chairman. And U.S. support for Taiwan self-defense?
    Ms. Lewis. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to treating Taiwan the same as 
every other state in the Arms Process Sale?
    Ms. Lewis. Yes, sir, consistent with the Taiwan Relations 
Act.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Lu, let me ask you. At this point as the 
security environment grows more precarious in Afghanistan, what 
leverage, what efforts can we realistically take to support 
members of civil society? Senator Shaheen just talked about 
Afghan women and girls, and I echo that, but also civil 
society. And what measures can we take to take care of those 
partners who worked for the National Democratic Institute, the 
International Republican Institute, CIPI, Internews and IFAS, 
they do not qualify for special immigrant visas, but they 
created extraordinary service at all times?
    Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely. Mr. Chairman, in my first job 
in the State Department, I worked in the American Consulate in 
Peshawar, Pakistan. In one of my jobs, I was an admin officer, 
was to support our staff of our embassy in Kabul, our local 
staff. And they had long since stopped working in the embassy. 
The embassy had been closed for three years at that point.
    But we maintained the commitment to our people. And that 
commitment went on for 12 years until we reopened our embassy, 
we paid their salaries, we took care of them. It is critical 
that we take care of the people who have shown loyalty, and 
service to us. Whether that is our own employees, people who 
have been interpreters and translators for the Military and the 
State Department, or it is folks that have worked in civil 
society supporting our programs. These were dangerous jobs even 
then, and they are even more at risk today.
    I hear you on, the fact that they would not qualify for 
special immigrant visas. I do think there is a discussion 
within the interagency and with the Congress about how to 
safeguard these people at risk. It is a broad category, and we 
are looking at the full range of possibilities. The U.S. 
Refugee Admissions Process, humanitarian parole, humanitarian 
emergency assistance.
    I welcome, if you, sir, or your staff have ideas about how 
we can make sure we are showing loyalty to those people, who 
have risked their own safety and their lives to support our 
common goals. I think it is not something we are going to get 
done alone as an administration. It will take the 
administration, plus Congress, and international partners to 
safeguard all of these people.
    The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that. We do, and we will 
share them. But, you know, these entities that are promoting 
the core values through the different roles they play, are 
important to be able to preserve, not only in this case, but 
send a global message that when you do this work, whatever it 
is in the world, however dangerous it is, that you in fact will 
be backed up. And I think that that is incredibly important.
    One last question for you, Ambassador, I have been very 
involved in supporting labor rights in Bangladesh. I appreciate 
the efforts since the Rana Plaza disaster, but there is a lot 
of work that remains to make sure, that Made in Bangladesh does 
not mean made in the blood of Bangladeshi workers.
    Do I have your commitment to press the Bangladeshi 
Government to allow unions to register and function without 
repression?
    Ambassaador Lu. Yes, you do, sir.
    The Chairman. Okay.
    And then finally, Ms. Escobari, I do not want you to think 
nobody cares about what you are doing. We do a great deal. I 
think you have extraordinary experience in the development 
aside of the role that you are going to play and you even 
referenced it in your remarks. And so I will not dwell on that, 
but I do want to say that part of what USAID is, it has to do 
with, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean, is the 
democracy side of it. And sometimes at AID, not under Samantha 
Power, but in the past I have feared that we have lost the 
democracy side of the USAID mission.
    When I see protests in Cuba, when I see what is happening 
in Haiti, when I see what is happening in Nicaragua, and 
elsewhere, I see a tremendous backsliding on the question of 
democratic governance and human rights. Can you speak a little 
bit as to how you will see your mission at AID in that regard?
    Ms. Escobari. Senator, thank you for your question, and for 
always speaking very forcefully on behalf of democratic rights 
and accountability in the region.
    I do see good governance as a prerequisite to progress on 
everything else. Corruption is corrosive for many reasons, but 
in particular because it undermines citizens' beliefs that 
governments can deliver for them. USAID's efforts have focused 
on the--you know, in supporting civil society, human rights 
defenders, free press, all of these efforts reinforce citizens' 
demand for democracy.
    And on the supply side, as you know, there are also great 
efforts on just improving the rule of law and making it more 
available. And if confirmed, I will double down on those 
efforts, and also pursue other new approaches that that can 
address the recent backsliding. That is very particular in 
key--in key countries that you mentioned.
    The Chairman. As I said to Administrator Power, I am keen 
on this issue, and I have both put in language support to help 
the Agency as well as in the appropriations process, so we look 
forward to working with you with that.
    Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And let me thank 
all four of our nominees for their willingness to serve and 
continue to serve our country. And I thank your families.
    I wanted, particularly, to acknowledge and thank Jessica 
Lewis for her extraordinary help to me and to our committee. 
You have the diplomatic skills to take on this new assignment. 
If you can handle the egos of the members of this committee, 
you can handle any challenge that you might confront in the 
State Department. So we wish you only the best.
    It is good to see my former colleague, Ken Salazar, before 
us. We always enjoyed his company in the Senate, and look 
forward to his service to our Nation in Mexico.
    I am going to ask one question to Mr. Salazar and Ms. Ms. 
Escobari. And that is to deal with corruption.
    Mexico is a great neighbor of ours. They have a serious 
problem on protection of human rights, particularly 
journalists, they have a corruption issue. Our hemisphere, 
unfortunately, has a systemic corruption issue in many 
democratic states. And I know the President has identified 
corruption as a national security core interest. We have in 
this committee passed additional resources to deal with 
corruption.
    I just really want to underscore the importance of this 
subject in your portfolios. I had a chance to talk to Mr. 
Salazar yesterday, or the day before, and we had a, I think, a 
good conversation on this subject.
    So, Ms. Escobari, if you could just share with us your 
strategies for how you are going to deal with countries that 
have free elections, but have elected--have not been able to 
deal with systemic corruption, which has led to significant 
erosion of human rights and stability in these nations.
    Ms. Escobari. You know, as I mentioned in my last comments, 
I do think good governance is a prerequisite for progress on 
everything else. In the last quarter of the 20th century, Latin 
America actually saw the greatest gains in liberal democracy, 
but these gains were not accompanied with the investments in 
human capital, physical capital to really create a middle 
class. And now we have political and economic elites that 
remain entrenched, corruption permeates everyday transactions. 
And unequal growth has left citizens frustrated. And this has 
become really fertile ground for authoritarian and populous 
leaders.
    So I think that focusing on the ability of these states to 
deliver the goods and services, but also to support civil 
society, to hold those governments accountable to deliver is 
the kind of ingredients that we need to strengthen rule of law 
at a time that all the pressures on these economies make them 
increasingly fragile.
    Senator Cardin. One of the areas that we really need to 
improve upon, is to build a capacity in our embassies, in each 
of these countries, to be able to identify the weaknesses of 
the countries in which they are representing the United States 
in, and to be able to work with our different agencies as to 
how we can work with the country to make significant progress 
on any corruption issues.
    It seems to me that is one of the areas that should be a 
priority of the position you have been nominated for. And just 
again, we welcome your commitment to really work to make a 
major difference in our capacity in each of these countries.
    Ms. Escobari. Yes. You have my commitment. And I think it 
is really beneficial that USAID has a presence and has had a 
presence in these countries for many years, and can add that 
perspective to regional embassies.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
    That brings this nominations hearing to a close. The record 
for the hearing will remain open until the close of business on 
Thursday, July 29th, which is tomorrow, I would urge members to 
get their questions in for the record today.
    I would urge the nominees, if you are in receipt of 
questions for the record that you answer them fully and 
expeditiously so that the committee can consider your 
nominations before a business meeting.
    With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Robert Menendez

Violence and Crime in Mexico
    Question. Violence and the influence of organized crime in Mexico 
have reached highly concerning levels. In the lead up to the June 
midterm elections, over 100 politicians were murdered, 36 of whom were 
running for office. These trend lines and the serious implications for 
our national security mandate that we must finds ways to strengthen 
U.S.-Mexico security cooperation.

   Would you please lay out your priorities for strengthening our 
        security cooperation with Mexico?

    Answer. I understand U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top 
national security priority, and neither country can successfully 
confront transnational organized crime alone. It is critical that 
efforts to dismantle transnational criminal organizations, address 
illicit drug production and trafficking, reduce impunity and 
corruption, and strengthen the rule of law receive the full cooperation 
of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to 
comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government on how we can 
best align our security and law enforcement efforts, so this 
cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of both our nations. I 
will also not hesitate to raise any concerns that I believe to be 
obstacles to our bilateral cooperation.
    If confirmed, I also look forward to engaging in a review with 
appropriate U.S. and Mexican officials to ensure specific programs are 
effective in addressing our shared challenges, and will look for 
opportunities with Mexico to make additional adjustments to our 
programming where necessary and appropriate to reflect changes in 
conditions and priorities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In April, the Supreme Court of Mexico unanimously ruled 
in favor of the U.S. position concerning a long running trade dispute 
with Mexico involving fresh potato exports. If confirmed, would you 
make it a priority to ensure that the regulatory process in Mexico 
reinstates and maintain market access for U.S. fresh potato exports and 
U.S. potato growers in general?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities as U.S. Ambassador 
to Mexico will be securing and maintaining fair market access for U.S. 
businesses in Mexico. Agricultural trade between the United States and 
Mexico is an important component to our overall trade relationship, and 
as Ambassador, I would work with the U.S. Trade Representative and the 
Department of Agriculture to ensure U.S. agricultural products are not 
disadvantaged.

    Question. American investors in Mexico are experiencing significant 
and growing regulatory challenges under the administration President 
Lopez Obrador, including increasing difficulties in getting permits for 
a range of activities. These actions are contrary to Mexico's 
obligations under the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement. If confirmed, 
would you make it a priority to ensure that Mexico abides by its 
obligations under the USMCA?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the U.S. 
Trade Representative and other U.S. agencies to ensure Mexico fully 
adheres to its commitments under the USMCA. Mexico is one of the United 
States' most important trading partners and represents a crucial market 
for U.S. businesses. As Ambassador, one of my top priorities would be 
ensuring the full implementation of the USMCA.

    Question. Mexico has a broader definition of refugee than the 
United States and the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention. For example, Mexico 
recognizes a right to asylum based on ``generalized violence; foreign 
aggression; internal conflicts; massive violations of human rights; and 
other circumstances leading to a serious disturbance of public order.'' 
As a result, many would-be asylum seekers arriving in Mexico from 
Central America could qualify as refugees in Mexico. If confirmed, do 
you commit to ensure the Government of Mexico enforces its own legal 
obligations towards would-be asylum seekers arriving in Mexico?

    Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Mexico, I will work with 
colleagues at the State Department and international organization 
partners to continue to support efforts to improve access to 
protection, humanitarian relief, and local integration opportunities 
for displaced persons and vulnerable migrants in Mexico. I understand 
that, through its international organization (IO) partners, the 
Department supports humanitarian assistance for refugees, asylum 
seekers, and vulnerable migrants. This assistance includes support for 
local integration for refugees and asylum seekers, as well as helping 
Mexico to strengthen the capacity of its asylum system.

    Question. In June 2020, the Treasury Department designated a number 
of Mexico-based individuals and entities that were part of a sanctions 
evasion network supporting the corrupt regime of Nicolas Maduro in 
Venezuela. Earlier this year, there were reports that at least three 
Cuban-flagged oil tankers designated by the Treasury Department for 
transporting Venezuelan oil to Cuba have been serviced in the Mexican 
port of Veracruz, in apparent violation of U.S. sanctions. If 
confirmed, do you commit to ensure robust understanding and enforcement 
of U.S. sanctions policy in Mexico?

    Answer. Mexico can play a critical role in helping to address some 
of the most complex issues in the region pertaining to democracy, 
governance, human rights, and the rule of law. Building an effective 
U.S.-Mexico partnership requires ensuring Mexico has a fulsome 
understanding of all U.S. policies, including those related to 
sanctioning authorities. If confirmed, I will ensure that the 
Government of Mexico fully understands U.S. sanctioning authorities and 
policies. I will also commit to working with Mexico to advance 
democratic and human rights priorities throughout the region.

    Question. Mexican transnational criminal organizations are 
producing increased quantities of fentanyl and cartels, such as the 
Sinaloa and the New Generation Jalisco Cartel, are the primary 
trafficking groups responsible for smuggling fentanyl into the U.S. 
from Mexico. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage Mexico take 
meaningful actions to tackle transitional criminal activities 
throughout its territory, including the production and trafficking of 
fentanyl and other illicit narcotics? Do you commit to periodically 
review International Narcotics and Law Enforcement programs in Mexico 
to ensure they are focusing on meaningfully reducing the flow of 
fentanyl and other synthetic opioids to the U.S.?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to encourage Mexico to take 
meaningful actions to tackle transnational criminal activities 
throughout its territory, including the production and trafficking of 
fentanyl and other illicit narcotics.
    If confirmed, I also commit to periodically reviewing INL programs, 
and all U.S. Government interagency counterdrug efforts in Mexico, to 
ensure they are focused on meaningfully reducing the flow of fentanyl 
and other synthetic opioids to the United States.

    Question. In December 2020, Mexico approved reforms to its national 
security law, limiting the power of foreign law enforcement agents in 
the country and restricting their ability to operate. If confirmed, do 
you commit to ensuring effective law enforcement cooperation with 
Mexico?

    Answer. Yes. I understand U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains 
a top national security priority. It is critical that efforts to 
dismantle transnational criminal organizations, reduce impunity and 
corruption, and strengthen the rule of law in Mexico receive the full 
cooperation of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to 
comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government to ensure our 
law enforcement cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of the 
United States and Mexico.

    Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report, Mexico was identified as Tier 2 due to its overall increasing 
efforts but still not fully meeting the minimal standards for 
eliminating trafficking. What steps would you take as Ambassador, if 
confirmed, to engage with the host government and civil society 
organizations on bolstering efforts to improve prosecution and 
protection efforts?

    Answer. Trafficking in persons (TIP) is a heinous crime perpetuated 
throughout the region that must be addressed through a holistic 
approach. The Department of State supports various programs that help 
develop the capacity of investigators and prosecutors at the state and 
federal levels to combat this crime. The State Department also supports 
efforts to prevent human trafficking and assist victims through support 
for shelters.
    If confirmed, I pledge to support the administration's policy to 
counter TIP in Mexico, including the implementation of the Operations 
Group on Human Smuggling and Human Trafficking that Vice President 
Harris announced during her June visit to Mexico, and the 
recommendations from the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. I will 
work with my staff to identify areas where we can make headway in 
state- and federal-level prosecutions, including prosecutions of forced 
labor crimes and complicit officials, and in significantly enhancing 
comprehensive protection services for trafficking victims. I plan to 
discuss bilateral cooperation on the issue in high-level discussions 
and under a potential Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue. I will also 
engage Mexico on its commitments under USMCA's labor chapters, 
particularly as they pertain to forced labor.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report, Mexico was described as having instances of intolerant 
behavior towards religious minorities. What is your assessment of this 
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the Office of 
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. I understand there were some instances of intolerance 
towards religious minorities highlighted in the 2020 Religious Freedom 
Report; however, Mexico has been a strong partner in promoting 
religious freedom in its own country and the region. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with the Office of International Religious Freedom to 
promote and protect religious freedom in Mexico. I pledge to work with 
the Mexican Government, religious leaders and communities, and civil 
society to ensure the country maintains momentum on assuring religious 
freedoms and address the instances where those freedoms may by 
threatened.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, 
Mexico was identified as having committed severe human rights abuses, 
including impunity for government and military employees, corruption, 
torture by security forces, violence against journalists and human 
rights defenders, and more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to 
address these instances with the host government?

    Answer. The promotion of human rights is central to U.S. national 
security and prosperity. The United States uses a wide range of 
diplomatic tools to advance respect for human rights, including working 
directly with the Mexican Government and civil society. USAID and the 
Department of State have implemented projects to address various human 
rights concerns, including forced disappearances, violence against 
human rights defenders and journalists, and impunity, as well as public 
diplomacy programs to support and train human rights defenders.
    The Department promotes accountability for human rights violations 
and abuses by implementing human rights-related sanctions and visa 
ineligibilities, and Leahy Law assistance restrictions. Consistent with 
U.S. law and Department policy, prior to furnishing assistance to 
security force units and individuals, all candidates are subject to 
Leahy vetting to assess if there is credible information of gross 
violations of human rights. The Department also submits reports 
consistent with the requirements of the relevant annual appropriations 
act.
    If confirmed, I plan to utilize all the available tools at my 
disposal to promote human rights in Mexico and support all programs 
being implemented. I will seek to work with the Government of Mexico to 
ensure human rights is a central tenet in high-level security 
discussions, as well as look to relaunch the annual Bilateral Human 
Rights Dialogue, which last met in December 2017.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and 
active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of 
journalists and human rights activist undermines freedoms of expression 
and association, as well as regional security.
    I am committed to supporting efforts to promote respect for human 
rights and press freedom. Through USAID, the U.S. currently supports 
Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for Journalists and Human Rights 
Defenders, and works with state-level counterparts to expand the 
protection measures available for these groups. USAID also supports the 
Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of 
Expression to investigate and sanction aggressions against journalists 
and defenders. My understanding is that we also build and support 
professional networks and provide training to equip journalists to face 
challenges and professional risks specific to Mexico. Working with the 
Committee to Protect Journalists, we support training on journalist 
safety, investigative journalism guidelines, and best practices to 
increase transparency and accountability.
    If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights and 
the rule of law and reduce impunity. I will continue calls for Mexican 
authorities to investigate and prosecute those responsible for crimes 
against journalists and human rights defenders wherever they occur, and 
will actively engage with civil society organizations working these 
issues.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. If confirmed, how will you address human rights concerns 
with the Lopez Obrador administration and ensure that U.S. funds are 
not supporting policies or entities that are committing abuses?

    Answer. The promotion of human rights is central to U.S. national 
security and prosperity. The United States uses a wide range of 
diplomatic tools to advance respect for human rights, including working 
directly with the Mexican Government and civil society. USAID and the 
Department of State have implemented projects to address various human 
rights concerns, including forced disappearances, violence against 
human rights defenders and journalists, and impunity, as well as public 
diplomacy programs to support and train human rights defenders.
    The Department promotes accountability for human rights violations 
and abuses by implementing human rights-related sanctions and visa 
ineligibilities, and Leahy Law assistance restrictions. It is my 
understanding that, prior to furnishing assistance to security force 
units and individuals, the Department conducts Leahy vetting to assess 
if there is credible information that such units committed gross 
violations of human rights. The Department also submits reports 
consistent with the requirements of the relevant annual appropriations 
act.
    If confirmed, I plan to utilize all the available tools at my 
disposal to promote human rights in Mexico and support all programs 
being implemented. I will seek to work with the Government of Mexico to 
ensure human rights are a central tenet in high-level engagement, as 
well as look to relaunch the annual Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue, 
which last met in December 2017.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with civil society 
groups, independent journalists, and human rights defenders that have 
been targeted by the Government?

    Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and 
active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of 
journalists and human rights activist undermines freedoms of expression 
and association, as well as regional security.
    The Department is committed to supporting efforts to increase 
respect for human rights and press freedom. Through USAID, we currently 
support Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for Journalists and 
Human Rights Defenders and work with state-level counterparts to expand 
the protection measures available for these groups. USAID also supports 
the Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of 
Expression to investigate and sanction aggressions against journalists 
and defenders. We also build and support professional networks and 
provide training to equip journalists to face challenges and 
professional risks specific to Mexico. Working with the Committee to 
Protect Journalists, we support training on journalist safety, 
investigative journalism guidelines, and best practices to increase 
transparency and accountability.
    If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights and 
the rule of law and end impunity. I will work with the Department to 
continue calling on Mexican authorities to investigate and prosecute 
those responsible for crimes against journalists and human rights 
defenders wherever they occur, and actively engage with civil society 
organizations working these issues.

    Question. How can Congress help advance human rights concerns, 
including violence against journalists?

    Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and 
active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. Congress can 
help advance administration priorities on human rights in Mexico by 
ensuring the Department and USAID maintain appropriate resource levels 
for security and development assistance, which include programming on 
human rights, the protection of journalists, and development of 
Mexico's capacity to investigate and prosecute aggressions against 
journalists and human rights defenders.
    I would also recommend Congressional members engage with Mexican 
authorities whenever possible to discuss human rights issues. If 
confirmed, I would invite Congressional delegations to come to Mexico 
to observe the human rights situation on the ground.

    Question. Will you commit to working with me to advance the 
Combating Global Corruption Act and to raising the profile of efforts 
to fight international corruption as a U.S. national security priority, 
particularly in Mexico?

    Answer. I understand Department of State priorities include 
supporting Mexico in addressing public corruption, transparency, and 
the rule of law. U.S. assistance programs train justice sector 
operators; establish, improve, and certify internal affairs 
departments; increase transparency and accountability through culture 
of lawfulness and ethics programs; and promote civil society and media 
participation. I understand all Mexican security officials receiving 
training or other assistance are subject to Leahy Law human rights 
vetting. I am also aware that the Department considers human rights, 
ties to organized crime, and corruption when implementing foreign 
assistance programs, as well as assesses the applicability of visa 
ineligibility authorities to target officials involved in significant 
corruption or gross violations of human rights.
    If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress to assess all 
potential tools that can be deployed to help in the fight against 
international corruption, as well as discuss potential areas of 
cooperation on anti-corruption in high-level engagements.

    Question. Do you see opportunities to work with the Organization of 
American States to further our anti-corruption agenda?

    Answer. The OAS has a unique and vital role and mandate in the 
Americas: to promote a hemispheric commitment to representative 
democracy, human rights, and development and security cooperation. More 
than any other multilateral organization, the OAS today is the premier 
forum through which the member states can work together to improve the 
lives of our citizens and bring to life the democratic principles 
articulated in the OAS Charter and the landmark Inter-American 
Democratic Charter.
    I understand the OAS's Inter-American Convention Against Corruption 
(IACC) adopts a comprehensive approach in which 34 member states work 
together to fight corruption. There are also opportunities in the OAS 
to work with countries to review legal frameworks and institutions 
through the Follow-up Mechanism for the Implementation of the IACC 
(MESICIC).
    With the Lopez Obrador administration having made anti-corruption a 
central tenet of his administration, if confirmed, I will work to 
engage with Mexico to ensure we use every available tool at the 
bilateral and multilateral levels to address corruption.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you address corruption concerns 
with the Lopez Obrador administration and ensure that U.S. funds are 
not ending up with corrupt entities and individuals?

    Answer. The United States supports Mexico's efforts to address 
corruption, transparency, and the rule of law. President Lopez Obrador 
has made anticorruption a focal point of his presidency. If confirmed, 
I will work with the Mexican Government to further discussions on 
anticorruption efforts and will continue to support U.S. anticorruption 
programming that assists Mexican Government and civil society efforts 
to counter corruption at federal, state, and local levels. If 
confirmed, I, and the Department, will continue to ensure all Mexican 
security officials receiving training or other assistance are subject 
to Leahy Law human rights vetting. Furthermore, I will continue to 
ensure we assess and mitigate the risk of corruption before providing 
assistance.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. What is your view of the current situation in Cuba?

    Answer. I have been watching the historic protests in Cuba and the 
Cuban Government's troubling response very closely. I can assure you 
that Cuba is among this administration's highest priorities. If 
confirmed, I will carry out the administration's aims to support 
peaceful protesters; to denounce human rights abuses, including 
violence, detentions, and Internet shutdowns and censorship; and to 
urge countries--even those opposed to U.S. sanctions--to support the 
Cuban protestors' demands for human rights and fundamental freedoms 
enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These are 
universal values every country should support.

    Answer. If confirmed, will you press the Mexican Government to 
support the bipartisan U.S. policy on Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will carry out the administration's aims to 
denounce human rights abuses, including violence, detentions, and 
Internet shutdowns and censorship; and to urge countries--even those 
strongly opposed to U.S. sanctions--to support Cuban protestors' 
demands for human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    Question. In your opinion, how has implementation of the USCMA been 
affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

    Answer. While the COVID-19 pandemic limited the possibility of in-
person collaboration, I commend our interagency colleagues and their 
counterparts in Mexico and Canada for finding ways to advance the USMCA 
implementation process despite the challenges. For example, Mexico took 
significant steps to undertake its herculean task of labor reform. 
While the recent report shows there is still work to be done, what was 
accomplished in establishing the labor courts, especially under the 
circumstances, is laudable. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work 
with the interagency and our Mexican counterparts to continue the 
implementation process and address the areas where COVID-19 has 
complicated our joint efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Ambassador to 
ensure that economic cooperation with Mexico under USMCA supports the 
growth of American businesses?

    Answer. Since the USMCA entered into force July 1, 2020, I 
understand it has proven a valuable tool for improving trade relations 
between the United States, Mexico, and Canada. As Ambassador to Mexico, 
I will work with the State Department, the U.S. Trade Representative, 
and other U.S. Government agencies to continue building areas for 
cooperation and ensure full regulatory compliance with the agreement. I 
will also prioritize engagement on labor issues and support USTR's 
efforts through the Rapid Response Mechanism to ensure U.S. businesses 
are on an equal footing.



                               __________


           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record 
         Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How do you see the relationship between making the United 
States ``the security partner of choice'' and ensuring that U.S. 
security partners respect human rights and international humanitarian 
law, especially when using U.S.-origin defense equipment?

    Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human 
rights must be at the center of our foreign policy and have made it 
clear that the United States will cooperate with allies and partners 
where our priorities align and not shy away from defending U.S. 
interests and American values where they do not. Strong U.S. security 
partnerships around the world come with a multitude of benefits, 
including the opportunity to positively influence a country's human 
rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely with 
partners, set an example for human rights standards, and, when 
appropriate, provide training and education to enhance professionalism 
and adherence to human rights standards.
    If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our partner 
forces are taking steps to comply with international law and protect 
human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights concerns 
are given full weight in arms transfer decisions.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that human 
rights concerns are given equal weight as other considerations when 
assessing potential arms sales?

    Answer. I understand the Administration is working to develop a new 
Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms transfer 
decisions reflect the Administration's foreign policy priorities, 
including the respect for human rights and the rule of law. Promoting 
the protection of human rights in our arms transfer process bolsters 
our own national security, as well as that of our partners. If 
confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision-making process to 
ensure human rights concerns are given full weight in arms transfer 
decisions, in accordance with the CAT Policy. I will also seek to 
assist partner forces in taking steps to comply with international law, 
build security sector governance capacity, and protect human rights.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Does the current global amount, allocation, and 
geographical distribution of State Department security assistance 
sufficiently account for the strategic challenges facing the United 
States and its allies and partners?

    Answer. State ensures that its security assistance strategically 
advances U.S. diplomatic and defense relationships, and that 
investments in foreign security forces advance U.S. foreign policy and 
national security interests, within the parameters set by the law and 
Congress. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that State's security 
assistance investments continue to focus on addressing strategic 
challenges facing the United States and its allies and partners, to 
ensuring our assistance and diplomatic efforts are the foreign policy 
tool of first resort, and to continuing to engage with Congress on this 
important issue.

    Question. Does the Department have sufficient visibility into 
Department of Defense security cooperation activities so that State can 
guide planning for those activities, not just concur or object prior to 
implementation?

    Answer. As I understand it, there is a coordination process that 
has been developed between the Departments of State and Defense, 
including State's participation in fora hosted by the Office of the 
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and combatant commands, as well 
as the annual State-Defense Joint Security Sector Assistance Review. 
This process provides key State stakeholders the opportunity to 
participate in planning for security assistance activities prior to 
receipt of formal concurrence requests in order to ensure both 
departments' programs are complementary and mutually supportive. If 
confirmed, I commit to work to improve mechanisms that allow State to 
ensure that Defense's security assistance supports U.S. foreign policy 
goals and objectives.

    Question. Do you commit to maintaining the tiered review process, 
and ensuring that this committee retains its role as the body in the 
Senate charged with reviewing the policy implications of potential arms 
sales?

    Answer. I commit to maintaining the tiered review process, and I 
will work with the Committee in its role as the body in the Senate 
reviewing potential arms sales.

    Question. Does the Department and its interagency partners 
sufficiently prioritize and expedite sales essential to the vital 
national interests of the U.S. and its most critical allies?

    Answer. I understand the Department's top priority, working 
together with the interagency, is to advance vital national interests, 
including those shared by our allies, within the framework of existing 
laws. If confirmed, I will continue to seek efficiencies to improve the 
interagency process and work closely with our partners and allies to 
streamline vital capabilities for our critical partners that support 
U.S. foreign policy and security interests, and commit to continuing to 
engage with you and your office on this important issue.

    Question. Does the Department spend sufficient time and attention 
in working with critical allies to develop requirements together to 
address those capabilities most needed for our shared interests? Does 
the Department have the personnel, especially at posts, to build and 
maintain the relationships required to jointly develop requirements?

    Answer. The Department, working with colleagues at the Department 
of Defense, staffs embassies with Security Cooperation Officers (SCOs) 
who serve under Chief of Mission authority as well as their respective 
Combatant Command. These SCOs form the ``first line'' as key 
interlocutors with foreign Defense Ministries and services and are 
responsible for the development and maintenance of professional working 
relationships to advance U.S. strategic objectives and jointly develop 
requirements. If confirmed, I will work with the Department and DoD to 
ensure these vital positions are adequately trained and staffed to meet 
our foreign policy objectives

    Question. Do you support changing the arms sales process to require 
a resolution of approval for sales? Why or why not?

    Answer. It is my sense that arms transfers are a key part of our 
security cooperation with allies and partners--and it is our 
relationship with allies and partners around the world that gives the 
United States a critical edge over our competitors and adversaries. If 
confirmed, I will examine this matter and consult with the Committee.

    Question. Do you support restricting the arms sales emergency 
authority to those articles and services that can be delivered within 
60 days?

    Answer. I understand Congress's concern that the emergency 
authorities within the Arms Export Control Act be used to respond only 
to genuine emergencies. If confirmed, I would consult with subject 
matter experts in the Department of State and Department of Defense to 
identify whether there would be any negative policy or logistical 
implications to such limitations before giving any specific proposal my 
full support.

    Question. Should the United States seek the return of U.S.-origin 
defense articles if issues emerge with end use by the foreign country 
or international organization customer?

    Answer. I understand that there are many legal issues and other 
more practical matters of logistics and finance involved in such an 
option. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our foreign partners 
only use U.S.-origin defense articles and services for the purposes for 
which they were provided, and that the Department considers the full 
range of consequences if a partner cannot or will not protect U.S.-
origin defense articles; if confirmed, as well, I commit to continuing 
to engage with Congress on this important issue.

    Question. Do you support imposing a new requirement for Leahy-like 
vetting for all U.S. arms sales?

    Answer. The President has made it clear that respect for human 
rights must be at the center of U.S. foreign policy, which includes 
policy decisions on arms transfers.
    If confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision process to 
ensure it adequately considers human rights and the risk of civilian 
casualties when making such decisions, including preventing U.S. origin 
items from being transferred to foreign security force units that have 
committed gross violations of human rights. I will also insist on 
adherence to our agreements on the use of U.S.-origin defense equipment 
by our allies and partners, compliance with both the laws of armed 
conflict and respect for human rights, and will consider the full range 
of consequences should violations occur. If confirmed, I will continue 
to engage with Congress on this important question.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you balance vital U.S. national 
interests when we have values-based disagreements or human rights 
concerns with partners? In your opinion, do security partnerships give 
us more influence when we have human rights disagreements with 
partners, not less?

    Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human 
rights must be at the center of U.S. foreign policy. If disagreements 
with our partners arise, I believe we must address them openly and have 
frank conversations when necessary. The United States will cooperate 
with allies and partners where our priorities align and not shy away 
from defending U.S. interests and American values where they do not.

    Answer. Among the many benefits of U.S. security partnerships 
around the world is an opportunity for us to influence the training, 
doctrine, and professionalism of partner armed forces in ways that 
enhance adherence to human rights standards and build security sector 
governance capacity. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure we take 
every opportunity to leverage our security relationships to enhance 
human rights around the world.

    Question. Should the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 
(DRL) have a veto over arms sales?

    Answer. DRL plays an integral role in the arms transfer decision 
process, and their input is essential to ensuring human rights are 
considered.
    If confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision process and 
work closely with DRL to ensure human rights concerns are given full 
weight in arms transfer decisions.

    Question. Do you support reversing the Obama Administration's 
Export Control Reform initiative, and making large categories of 
articles FMS-only once again?

    Answer. As you are aware, the export control reforms initiated 
under the Obama Administration were completed, and the categories of 
items from the munitions list moved to Department of Commerce control 
are now being regulated under the Export Administration Regulations. 
Separately, if confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to 
work closely with our DoD colleagues to maintain an appropriate FMS-
Only list that guarantees the successful development of partner 
capabilities and the protection of U.S. technology. If confirmed, I 
would be glad to continue to engage with Congress on this issue.

    Question. Many Americans believe U.S. allies free-ride off of U.S. 
military commitments. If confirmed, how would you plan to ensure 
sufficient burden-sharing by our allies?

    Answer. I support President Biden's call to reinvigorate our 
alliances. Security simply costs more in today's complex environment, 
and, if confirmed, I will work to reframe the burden sharing 
conversation at NATO to increase focus on capabilities, readiness, and 
force generation, in addition to defense spending. In that same spirit, 
when appropriate, I believe the United States should seek fair and 
equitable cost-sharing arrangements with our partners. We saw how this 
diplomatic approach secured quick results in the new multiyear cost 
sharing agreement with the Republic of Korea that was signed in April. 
If confirmed, the PM bureau, under my guidance, will continue to 
impress upon our allies that only with greater mutual investment in 
defense can we ensure our alliances are able to adapt quickly to a 
changing security landscape with the necessary capabilities and 
military readiness.

    Question. Is being a signatory to the Treaty for the Prohibition of 
Nuclear Weapons consistent with being a U.S. ally?

    Answer. While the United States understands and shares the desire 
to advance nuclear disarmament goals, we do not support the Treaty on 
the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). I believe the TPNW is 
incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence relationships that are still 
necessary for international peace and security, and it may reinforce 
divisions that hinder the international community's ability to work 
together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges. All 
NATO Allies share our opposition to the TPNW, and the U.S. position on 
this issue has spanned administrations. Seeking to ban nuclear weapons 
through a treaty that does not include any States Parties that possess 
nuclear weapons will not reduce nuclear arsenals.

    Question. What is the Department doing to expedite delivery of 
critical capabilities to those priority allies and partners most in 
danger from growing threats from the People's Liberation Army?

    Answer. There is no doubt that the People's Liberation Army's 
growing capabilities pose significant challenges to our allies and 
partners in the region. PM prioritizes security cooperation activities, 
including arms sales and security assistance to bolster our allies' and 
partners' capabilities to secure their land and maritime borders and 
increase Maritime Domain Awareness, security, the rule of law, and 
freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will 
support efforts to increase interoperability with partners, and force 
projection and posture in the region. Empowering our partners and 
allies in these ways serves to deter more aggressive PRC military 
behavior in the region.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to encourage Taiwan to 
invest in its own defense, and to acquire capabilities most suitable 
for defense against the Peoples Liberation Army?

    Answer. The United States has sold nearly $30 billion worth of arms 
to Taiwan since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's 
ability to defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged 
on total value alone. Taiwan should focus on an asymmetric defense 
concept and prioritize modern, resilient, and cost-effective 
approaches. As I understand it, our expanding security cooperation, 
which is calibrated to meet the threat from the PRC, seeks to encourage 
and support Taiwan in developing those capabilities. As part of that 
cooperation, if confirmed, I will encourage Taiwan to spend on defense 
an amount commensurate with the growing threat it faces and to 
prioritize the appropriate capabilities.

    Question. How can we best capitalize on Japan's increasing focus on 
Taiwan, and its efforts to improve its own defensive capabilities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to working closely with allies 
to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values in the Indo-
Pacific region. I believe Japan can be a critical partner in that 
respect. For the first time since 1969, a U.S.-Japan Leaders' statement 
referenced the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait; 
in addition, Japan's annual defense white paper stressed this year that 
``stability of the situation around Taiwan is important, not only for 
the security of our country, but for the stability of the international 
community.'' If confirmed, I will commit to exploring opportunities to 
collaborate with Japan to reinforce peace and stability in the Taiwan 
Strait.

    Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the U.S. Department of 
State consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could 
jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our 
relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially 
those in Southeast Asia?

    Answer. Advancing defense cooperation in Southeast Asia and 
supporting our defense partners throughout the Indo-Pacific remains 
critical to ensuring our national interests in safeguarding the rules-
based international order and global peace and prosperity. If 
confirmed, and as I committed at my nominations hearing, I look forward 
to consulting extensively and meaningfully with Congress as we advance 
U.S. objectives in the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. Do you consider the Philippines to be a strategically 
important ally of the United States? Please explain your position.

    Answer. The U.S.-Philippine alliance is a relationship founded on 
shared strategic interests, shared history, culture, and strong 
connections between our nations. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the 
United States stands with the Philippines in the face of the PRC's 
provocations, pressure and unlawful maritime claims in the South China 
Sea. I understand that we share the Philippines' concerns regarding the 
PRC's problematic and coercive activity in the South China Sea, and 
that we will continue to work with our Philippine counterparts through 
bilateral and multilateral cooperation to ensure a free and open Indo-
Pacific. At the same time, I take seriously the matter of human rights 
abuses in the Philippines and, if confirmed, will work with State to 
consistently raise this as an issue of great concern with their 
government.

    Question. The United States military currently cooperates with the 
Armed Forces of the Philippines on counterterrorism and maritime 
security. Multiple members of Congress have proposed limiting or 
cutting off U.S. security assistance to the Philippine military because 
of concerns over human rights abuses. Do you believe that taking such a 
step is in U.S. interests?

    Answer. A longstanding treaty ally, the Philippines continues to be 
a critical partner in the Indo-Pacific on an array of issues. I take 
seriously the matter of human rights abuses in the Philippines, and my 
understanding is that we consistently raise this as an issue of great 
concern with their government. When violations have occurred, the 
United States works with the Armed Forces of the Philippines to promote 
accountability for violators. My understanding is that PM does not 
provide assistance to the Philippine National Police. If confirmed, I 
will ensure that any provision of security assistance is closely 
aligned with the Administration's bilateral and regional foreign policy 
objectives, remains in compliance with the Leahy Law and maximizes 
human rights training in military-to-military security cooperation 
activities.

    Question. The United States military currently cooperates with the 
Armed Forces of the Philippines on counterterrorism and maritime 
security. Multiple members of Congress have proposed limiting or 
cutting off U.S. security assistance to the Philippine military because 
of concerns over human rights abuses. Do you believe that taking such a 
step would improve human rights conditions in the Philippines?

    Answer. I understand State consistently underscores the importance 
of respect for human rights and accountability for any violations to 
all levels of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and civilian 
leadership. Maintaining our security assistance relationship can be an 
important way the United States can continue to engage on the human 
rights agenda. If confirmed, I will ensure the provision of security 
assistance is closely aligned with the Administration's bilateral and 
regional goals, remains in compliance with applicable law, including 
the Leahy Law, and maximizes human rights training in military-to-
military security cooperation activities.

    Question. Do you agree that it is in our national interest to 
strengthen our security cooperation with Vietnam, Malaysia, the 
Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand? If so, please elaborate 
specifically on the U.S. interests it serves.

   If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to advance security 
        partnerships with these nations, including your views on 
        continuing arms sales, engaging in capacity-building, and 
        cooperating on advanced technology with South and Southeast 
        Asian partner countries facing China's coercion and growing 
        military power?

    Answer. It is absolutely in the national interest of the United 
States to strengthen security cooperation with allies and partners to 
ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific region, build interoperability, 
bolster U.S. force projection, ensure freedom of navigation and 
overflight, uphold rule of law, counter transnational crime and terror 
organizations, respond to natural and humanitarian crises, and reassure 
our allies and partners of U.S. commitment to the region, empowering 
them against coercion and malign influence and enabling them to play an 
effective role in global peacekeeping. Security cooperation can provide 
opportunities to instill U.S. values in support of preserving the 
rules-based international order.
    If confirmed, I will work to expand engagement with these nations 
at all levels, including by promoting the United States as the region's 
preferred security partner and helping to ensure they can protect and 
advance shared interests in the region. I will also seek to deepen and 
expand our overall defense cooperation with these nations by advancing 
key foundational defense agreements, which will help enable the 
transfer of defense articles and establish mechanisms that allow for 
greater overall defense cooperation.

    Question. Does the TPNW present a threat to the integrity of the 
NATO alliance, and the security of NATO member states?

    Answer. All NATO Allies share our view that the TPNW is 
inconsistent with the Alliance's nuclear deterrence policy, is at odds 
with the existing non-proliferation and disarmament architecture, risks 
undermining the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and does not 
take into account the current security environment. NATO has made 
several statements opposing the TPNW, most recently in its June 2021 
Summit Communique. If confirmed, I will work to ensure our Allies 
carefully consider the impact on their security and the Alliance prior 
to making any decisions relating to the TPNW.

    Question. If Egypt takes receipt of Russian Su-35s, what impact do 
you anticipate it will have on U.S. security sector assistance to 
Egypt?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues at the Department 
in urging the Government of Egypt to refrain from new major Russian 
arms purchases, including Su-35 fighter aircraft, which risk triggering 
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) Section 
231 sanctions and would damage our bilateral security sector 
cooperation and assistance. While it is too early to prejudge the 
Administration's response to the scenario you outlined, if confirmed, I 
will work with my State colleagues to fully implement CAATSA, and I 
look forward to working with you and your colleagues on this matter.

    Question. Can you commit to advocating for strong U.S. support to 
the Multinational Forces and Observers (MFO) in Egypt's Sinai 
Peninsula?

    Answer. As I understand it, the Multinational Forces and Observers 
(MFO) plays an integral role in maintaining security and provides a 
framework for an enduring military-to-military relationship between 
Egypt and Israel. So long as that is necessary and cooperation 
continues between the two partners, if confirmed, I will advocate for 
strong U.S. support for the MFO.

    Question. The Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) was founded 
in 2005 and over the last 15 fiscal years, has received almost $1.3 
billion in funding. This funding has accomplished several objectives, 
including building self-sufficient peace operations training, 
supporting partner country development, enhancing partner country 
operational readiness, and expanded the participation, integration, and 
leadership women in peace operations, to name a few. GPOI has improved 
the capacity and operations of U.N. peacekeeping forces in Africa and 
globally. Please describe the efforts you will take, if confirmed, to 
continue to integrate women into GPOI's work in both peacekeeping 
troops and in leadership positions in peacekeeping missions.

   GPOI provides critical training to partner countries looking to 
        deploy peacekeepers, which includes topics like preventing 
        sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), violence against women, as 
        well as technical training. Given the high number of instances 
        of SEA committed by peacekeeping troops globally, how would you 
        direct GPOI to enhance trainings to counter these occurrences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support PM's work through GPOI to 
increase the meaningful participation of women in peace operations by 
promoting efforts to: encourage partners to increase recruitment, 
training, and deployment of women at all levels of peace operations--
including in leadership and decision-making positions; incorporate 
gender topics into training for all peacekeepers; and invest in gender-
responsive upgrades at partner training centers.
    Moreover, if confirmed, I will direct PM to pursue activities 
through GPOI that enhance and expand upon existing SEA prevention and 
accountability training incorporated into pre-deployment training, as 
well as National Investigation Officers training.

    Question. Do you commit to ensuring the State Department advertises 
the GPOI programming as part of our assistance to U.N. peacekeeping 
efforts?

    Answer. Yes, I do. In fact, I understand there will be a 
particularly valuable and timely opportunity to do so as we approach 
the U.N. Peacekeeping Ministerial in December.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. How do you see the relationship between making the United 
States the security partner of choice and ensuring that U.S. security 
partners respect human rights and international humanitarian law, 
especially when using U.S.-origin defense equipment?

    Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human 
rights must be at the center of our foreign policy and have made it 
clear that the United States will cooperate with allies and partners 
where our priorities align and not shy away from defending U.S. 
interests and American values where they do not. Strong U.S. security 
partnerships around the world come with a multitude of benefits, 
including the opportunity to positively influence a country's human 
rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely with 
partners, set an example for human rights standards, and, when 
appropriate, provide training and education to enhance professionalism 
and adherence to human rights standards.
    If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our 
partners' forces are taking steps to comply with international law and 
protect human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights 
concerns are given full weight in arms transfer decisions.

Congressional Review of Arms Sales
    Question. During the previous administration, I have been concerned 
that congressional review periods have been bypassed for certain arms 
sales and the administration refused to respond to congressional 
inquiries regarding those sales.

   What steps will you take to address these concerns?

    Answer. Given my experience on the committee, I very much 
understand the importance of Congressional oversight, whether in terms 
of the need to respond to inquiries, to respect and maintain both the 
formal and informal Congressional review processes, as well as the 
value that Congressional perspectives bring to the Executive Branch's 
own policy deliberations. If confirmed, I will respect the role of 
Congress in the arms transfer process, will adhere to all statutory 
requirements, and will ensure the Bureau is responsive to Congressional 
requests for information.

    Question. In your experience working in Congress, what observations 
have you made about factors that may hinder Congress from effectively 
exercising its oversight role over the arms sales process?

    Answer. In addition to the absolute prerequisite of Executive 
Branch cooperation with Congress on these matters, I would note that 
arms sales are authorized under different sections of U.S. law and may 
involve equities under the jurisdiction of the Senate's Foreign 
Relations, Armed Services, Appropriations, and even Banking Committees.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Recent protests against the Government in Colombia have 
resulted in more than 40 reported deaths and thousands of injuries. In 
some cases, protests had turned violent and erected blockades to 
prevent the distribution of food and medicine to communities in need. 
Colombian military personnel and law enforcement had been deployed for 
crowd control and have broken up these blockades. The Colombian 
Government has been proactive in investigating instances of alleged 
human rights abuses committed by security personnel.

   In your opinion, to what degree will the human rights conditions on 
        Colombia's FMF program evolve based on state security forces' 
        response to the mass demonstrations that began in late April 
        2021?

    Answer. I understand that Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for 
Colombia supports efforts to strengthen the appropriate role of the 
Colombian military, including to provide aviation, riverine, and 
maritime security, in a democratic society. All FMF for Colombia is 
provided consistent with the Leahy Law, and therefore human rights are 
taken under consideration. If confirmed, I will continually review the 
impact and effectiveness of our foreign assistance programs, as well as 
opportunities to augment and reinforce human rights-related components.
    From 2008 to 2017, previous administrations had bundled Taiwan arms 
sales notifications together, announcing multiple notifications on a 
single day, which led to extended periods of time between arms sales 
announcements. Since September 2018, this approach changed, with the 
administration announcing one or two Taiwan arms sales packages at a 
time, with shorter gaps between notifications.

    Question. Do you agree that the former approach had significant 
downsides, particularly with regard to strategic planning and signaling 
U.S. support for Taiwan?

    Answer. I understand the concern with previous approaches, and 
commit to moving requests for transfers of defense articles upon 
receipt of each request. If confirmed, my overriding goal will be to 
make available to Taiwan the defense articles and services necessary to 
enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, consistent 
with the Taiwan Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy. U.S. 
security cooperation with Taiwan is calibrated to meet the threat from 
the PRC and ensure we fulfill our commitments to Taiwan, as reflected 
in the Taiwan Relations Act.
    From 2008 to 2017, previous administrations had bundled Taiwan arms 
sales notifications together, announcing multiple notifications on a 
single day, which led to extended periods of time between arms sales 
announcements. Since September 2018, this approach changed, with the 
administration announcing one or two Taiwan arms sales packages at a 
time, with shorter gaps between notifications.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to further improve upon the 
approach developed since 2018, and ensure that the United States 
maintains a regularized and robust arms sales process that addresses 
Taiwan's defense needs as expeditiously as possible?

    Answer. I recognize the serious and growing threat that the PRC 
poses to Taiwan, and the urgency of Taiwan improving its self-defense 
capabilities. If confirmed, I will support moving requests for 
transfers of defense articles upon receipt of each request. This is 
identical to the arms sales process used for other partners.
    The United States sold nearly $30 billion worth of arms to Taiwan 
since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's ability to 
defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged on total 
value alone. Taiwan should focus on an asymmetric defense concept and 
prioritize modern, resilient, and cost-effective approaches. Our 
expanding security cooperation seeks to encourage and support Taiwan in 
developing those capabilities.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How many Afghan allies who have or are now applying for 
SIVs will the U.S. relocate?

    Answer. The Department of State remains committed to Afghan 
partners who assisted the United States over the past two decades in 
Afghanistan. On July 29, 2021, the first relocation flight arrived in 
the United States with 221 Afghan special immigrant applicants, 
including 70 minors. A second flight arrived on August 2, 2021 with 181 
SIV applicants. The Department is leading a worldwide effort to 
continue relocating eligible applicants and their families over the 
course of the next several weeks. There are approximately 20,000 Afghan 
principal applicants at some stage of the SIV application process, but 
about half of these applicants need to take action and provide legally-
required documentation before the U.S. Government can begin processing 
their case and determine their eligibility for consideration for an 
SIV. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government intends to support 
all SIV applicants who are determined to be eligible for the program.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to press the Bangladeshi 
Government to allow unions to register and function without repression?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to press the Bangladeshi Government 
to allow unions to register and function without repression, so that 
they may continue their important work to try and improve working 
conditions in Bangladesh.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensure that a labor 
attache is sent to our embassy in Dhaka this year?

    Answer. Knowing the importance of having a labor attache and how 
one can support the improvement of labor conditions in country, I 
commit to ensuring that a labor attache is sent to Embassy Dhaka as 
soon as possible. The Department is working with the Department of 
Labor to establish and fill this important position.

    Question. If confirmed, do I have your commitment that USG 
assistance for labor unions will not diminish under your leadership?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to work with interagency 
stakeholders to support labor unions. Their work has been vital to 
improvements to strengthening safety improvements in the ready-made 
garment sector, and we will need to continue to support their work so 
that labor conditions can improve in all industrial sectors in 
Bangladesh.

    Question. What are the prospects for the Indian Government to 
further diminish arms sales from Russia?

    Answer. In recent years, India has taken significant steps to 
reduce its defense cooperation with Russia and increase cooperation 
with other partners, especially the United States, through increasingly 
sophisticated joint military exercises, increasing defense purchases, 
and deepening implementation of interoperability agreements. If 
confirmed, I will urge India to continue to turn away from major 
defense equipment purchases from Russia, and continually convey our 
concerns that Russia does not share the common strategic interests and 
values underpinning the U.S.-India partnership.

    Question. Beyond the purchase of the S400, are you concerned that 
the Indian Government will seek to make further significant purchases 
of Russian arms?

    Answer. In recent years India has increasingly diversified its 
defense purchases away from Russia. I will continue to support and 
encourage U.S. defense sales with India and urge all of our allies and 
partners to avoid purchasing new major defense equipment from Russia.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage with the Indian 
Government on the challenges faced by the Sikh farmers community in 
Punjab and their ability to peacefully protest now and in the future?

    Answer. The farm laws themselves are an issue for the people and 
Government of India. However, peaceful protests are a hallmark of any 
thriving democracy as the Indian Supreme Court described on a case 
regarding the farm protests. If confirmed, I will underscore our strong 
support for the right to peacefully protest with the Indian Government.

    Question. If confirmed, do you have a plan to advocate for 
effective accountability in Sri Lanka?

    Answer. Accountability and impunity for human rights abusers 
continues to be an issue of great concern in Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I 
will continue to seek a commitment from the Sri Lankan Government to 
credibly address longstanding human rights cases and respect civil 
society, members of ethnic and religious minority groups, and human 
rights defenders. Additionally, I will seek to utilize available tools 
to promote accountability, including, as applicable, Section 7031(c) 
visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky sanctions, in a targeted 
manner, to advance our human rights goals.

    Question. Given the concerns that several Senators have raised on 
security cooperation with Sri Lankan officials who have been implicated 
in human rights abuses during the war, do you commit to consult closely 
with this committee and staff on any arms sale or future security 
cooperation effort with Sri Lanka?

    Answer. The Biden administration takes very seriously the need to 
incorporate human rights into our engagements with Sri Lanka, including 
our security and law enforcement cooperation objectives. Our long-term 
strategic interests are best served by a stable, peaceful, and 
prosperous Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I commit to closely consult with 
the committee to ensure that in any engagement with or equipment 
transfer to the military, law enforcement, counterterrorism or security 
officials, we continue to emphasize respect for democratic governance, 
human rights, accountability, and rule of law.

U.S. Businesses in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan
    Question. Several U.S. businesses have expressed concerns about the 
rule of law their ability to operate in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Do I 
have your commitment to work with the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee on these cases as they happen to ensure that U.S. businesses 
are not treated unfairly?

    Answer. Promoting United States investment in Central Asia is a key 
pillar of the U.S. Central Asia Strategy, and facilitating U.S. exports 
and investments supports the G7 Build Back Better World initiative. If 
confirmed, I will work with our host government partners to improve the 
business and investment climate in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, and I 
will work with those in federal agencies and private industry to 
address issues when they arise. I will also work closely with the 
committee to ensure you are apprised of key developments.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In your view, has India taken significant steps to reduce 
its defense cooperation with Russia? What are some of the most notable 
steps? Other than the S-400 purchase, what else concerns you about the 
Indian-Russian relationship?

    Answer. In recent years, India has taken steps to reduce its 
defense cooperation with Russia and increase cooperation with other 
partners, especially the United States, through ever more sophisticated 
joint military exercises, increasing U.S. defense purchases, and 
concluding defense enabling agreements, such as COMCASA. If confirmed, 
I will urge India to continue to diversify away from Russian arms and 
reiterate Russia does not share the common strategic interests and 
values underpinning the U.S.-India partnership.

    Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security 
relationship with India in the short-term? What about the longer-term?

    Answer. U.S.-India defense ties have expanded significantly over 
the past two decades, as evidenced by the conclusion of five major 
defense enabling agreements and over $20 billion in bilateral defense 
trade.
    In the coming years, the United States will look to increase the 
interoperability of our forces through additional logistics 
cooperation, expanded defense information sharing, increasingly complex 
multi-service exercises with like-minded partners, maritime domain 
awareness, peacekeeping, and joint development of defense technologies 
in line with India's status as a Major Defense Partner of the United 
States. In addition, the United States will look to deepen defense 
cooperation in important domains such as emerging technologies, space, 
and cyber.

    Question. What will you do to work with the Indians on boosting 
COVID vaccine manufacturing in the region and ensuring these vaccines 
are available for export to support dire global vaccine needs?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Indian Government to 
expand COVID-19 vaccine production to make vaccines globally available 
and affordable both through the Quad Vaccine Partnership and 
bilaterally. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the Indian Government 
to address global medical supply chain constraints that limit necessary 
inputs for vaccine production.

    Question. What role do you see India playing in the Indo-Pacific 
region in light of the growing challenges from China?

    Answer. The United States and India share a vision of a free, open, 
secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. The United States welcomes India's 
emergence as a leading global power and its role as a net security 
provider in the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I will work with 
colleagues and the interagency to encourage India to continue its 
important contributions toward capacity building, maritime security, 
economic development, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief in 
the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. What will be your main priorities in cooperating with 
India through the Quad and cooperating with India in Southeast Asia?

    Answer. The Quad aims to build relationships with partners that 
share our values, perspectives, and approaches to regional and global 
challenges on a range of political, economic, and security issues. If 
confirmed, I plan to work with my counterpart in the Bureau of East 
Asian and Pacific Affairs and interagency to encourage Quad partners, 
including India, to expand our robust cooperation on priorities 
including maritime security, counterterrorism, COVID-19 vaccine 
production, and climate change. If confirmed, I will work with the 
Indian Government to reaffirm our strong support for ASEAN's unity and 
centrality, enhance our coordination in the East Asia Summit and ASEAN 
Regional Forum, and look forward to exploring ways of working with 
India in the Mekong sub-region and across the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. Do you commit to making the resolution of the Lincoln 
House issue a priority with India, and to directing the U.S. Ambassador 
to India to do the same?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will also consult closely with Members 
of Congress on this issue.

    Question. The Indian Ministry of Defense is also involved in this 
issue. Do you commit to ensuring relevant U.S. Department of Defense 
officials are briefed on the issue, and to ensuring they raise it with 
their own counterparts as well?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In 2016, the Obama administration labeled India a ``major 
defense partner,'' a designation supported by Congress in the Fiscal 
Year 2017 National Defense Authorization Act. Some have called for an 
amendment to the Arms Export Control Act to facilitate more defense 
sales to India and help solidify it as a Major Defense Partner. Does 
the Biden administration support such a step?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to consult closely with the Bureau 
of Political-Military Affairs, the Department of Defense, and Congress 
on this and other steps to advance our defense and security partnership 
with India.

    Question. The Obama administration launched the Defense Technology 
and Trade Initiative with India to promote joint co-development and 
production of defense systems. Thus far, that objective has not been 
realized. To what do you attribute this?

    Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative 
(DTTI) has been a valuable mechanism in building linkages between the 
U.S. and Indian defense establishments. While some DTTI working groups 
have faced challenges, many, such as the Aircraft Carrier Technologies 
Working Group, have resulted in productive technical exchanges. In 
2019, the United States and India concluded a DTTI Industry-to-Industry 
Framework to promote greater collaboration with the private sector.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Department of 
Defense to advance progress under the DTTI.

    Question. Will the Biden administration pursue greater cooperation 
under DTTI with India? If so, what will be the administration's key 
priorities?

    Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative 
(DTTI) has catalyzed exchanges on a range of technologies, including 
related to aircraft carriers and small unmanned aerial vehicles. If 
confirmed, I intend to work closely with my Department of Defense 
counterparts to further deepen cooperation with India through DTTI.

    Question. Will the Biden administration advocate for India's 
membership on the U.N. Security Council and in the Nuclear Suppliers 
Group?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with my 
counterparts. The administration will review reform proposals and work 
closely with Allies and partners at the U.N. to ensure that UNSC 
reforms are undertaken in such a way as to enhance the efficiency of 
the Council, promote U.S. values, and leave unaltered the veto power. 
Moreover, I intend to work across the interagency to continue U.S. 
support for India's membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

    Question. How will the Biden administration cooperate with India on 
5G, digital security, and other emerging technology issues? Please be 
specific.

    Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized cooperation with 
India on a host of emerging technologies issues, both bilaterally and 
through the Quad Critical and Emerging Technology Working Group. The 
United States and India, along with other Quad partners, intend to 
focus on the coordination of technology standards development and the 
joint efforts to maintain the integrity of standards-setting bodies, 
cooperation on telecommunications development, including the 
diversification of equipment suppliers, and convening dialogues on the 
security of technology supply chains, especially microelectronics and 
critical minerals.

    Question. Pakistan played a positive role in bringing the Taliban 
to the table, but has publicly refused to host U.S. CT [Counter-
Terrorism] assets and has been unable to force the Taliban back to the 
table. What is an appropriate role for Pakistan in Afghanistan? Is it 
time for a change in U.S.-Pakistan policy?

    Answer. I believe Pakistan has an important role in Afghan peace 
negotiations. I understand the Department continues to make clear that 
progress toward a political settlement in Afghanistan, and 
collaboration on regional stability efforts, including against 
terrorist groups, are vital elements of an expanded U.S.-Pakistan 
relationship. If confirmed, I will also encourage Pakistan and 
Afghanistan to improve economic ties and expand trade, which will help 
build incentives to reap the dividends of peace. Further, if confirmed, 
I will also work to expand trade and investment between the United 
States and these two countries to help enhance broader regional 
economic integration.

    Question. The Taliban continues to seize more territory and 
threaten population centers while our embassy footprint is increasingly 
confined to Kabul. How do we provide adequate oversight of taxpayer 
dollars in Afghanistan? Absent issuing OFAC waivers, what should the 
policy be about assistance to Taliban-held areas?

    Answer. The Department continues to monitor U.S. Embassy Kabul's 
staffing to ensure the necessary flexibility and sufficient resources 
to advance U.S. interests, including supporting efforts to reach a 
political settlement and supporting Afghanistan's stability. 
Maintaining an appropriate diplomatic presence is essential to ensure 
that we can support our Afghan partners and that we have the staff to 
monitor our assistance and programming. Both the Department and USAID 
have been developing scenario-based contingency plans to adjust U.S. 
assistance programming as the operating environment warrants, including 
to ensure it continues to advance U.S. interests and is consistent with 
U.S. law and policy.

    Question. What is the administration's strategy for processing the 
large volume of pending SIV applications from Afghanistan given the 
deteriorating situation on the ground?

    Answer. The Department of State remains committed to Afghan 
partners who assisted the United States over the past two decades in 
Afghanistan. For that reason, the Department has taken steps to address 
the large volume of pending Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) applications 
from Afghanistan. The Department is currently working to relocate SIV 
applicants who are in the advanced stages of processing to either the 
United States or other third country locations while we complete their 
special immigrant applications. We began relocating SIVs and their 
families to Fort Lee in Virginia in late July and appreciate Congress' 
generous support in this regard. We have also increased our consular 
staffing levels to augment our processing capacity across all stages of 
the SIV application process, and we are currently examining ways to 
make the application process more efficient. The Department looks 
forward to working with Congress on this issue and appreciates your 
attention to this matter.

    Question. Efforts to combat trafficking in persons vary country to 
country in the South and Central Asian region. Some made significant 
progress during the 2020 reporting period. How can you, if confirmed, 
bolster these efforts?

    Answer. Trafficking in persons is a serious crime which affects all 
countries. If confirmed, I will press South and Central Asian states at 
the highest levels of government to build on foundational improvements 
to prevent vulnerability of populations to trafficking, including 
marginalized individuals; increase prosecution of traffickers; and 
protect victims of trafficking. I will continue to seek opportunities 
for collaboration between the United States and regional partners to 
increase government anti-trafficking capacity in the wake of the COVID-
19 pandemic, which has significantly increased vulnerability to 
trafficking around the world. I will continue to prioritize close 
collaboration with other key Bureaus within the Department of State and 
the international and local NGO community to address this important 
concern.

    Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious 
Freedom report and the 2021 U.S. Commission on International Religious 
Freedom Annual Report, some countries in the South and Central Asian 
region were identified as intolerant of religious freedom or having a 
significant hand in repressing religious minorities. What is your 
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work 
with the Office of International Religious Freedom to bolster religious 
freedom regionally?

    Answer. Respect for religious freedom and equal treatment under the 
law are fundamental principles of the United States. Intolerance of 
religious freedom and the repression of religious minorities anywhere 
is deeply concerning and counter to U.S. values, including in the South 
and Central Asian region. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of 
International Freedom and other relevant Bureaus in the Department of 
State and the larger interagency community to bolster religious freedom 
in South and Central Asia through work with the NGO community, direct 
engagement with governments and other avenues as appropriate.

    Question. The protection of fundamental human rights remains a 
priority in the region. If confirmed, how will you direct the bureau to 
engage with civil society to bolster these rights?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will press our partners at the highest 
levels to recognize the valuable role of civil society in building 
open, inclusive, and just societies by protecting fundamental freedoms. 
Civil society--particularly women-led civil society organizations and 
human rights defenders. Civil society, when respected and allowed 
operational space, can be a positive force in addressing many of the 
most pressing issues in the region, particularly those that affect 
vulnerable communities, and we will continue to seek opportunities 
through diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance to support their 
work, develop their capacities, and strengthen their role in their 
communities. We will press our partners to engage in the legal reforms 
needed to protect free speech, assembly, association, and religion as 
vital components of a free society.

    Question. How will U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan affect our 
interaction with Central Asia nations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to bilaterally engage our 
Central Asian partners on counterterrorism and security priorities, 
including as related to Afghanistan, in support of their independence, 
sovereignty, and territorial integrity. I would also continue to 
utilize the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform for the United States and 
the Central Asian states to expand regional security cooperation and 
increase connectivity between Central Asia and Afghanistan.

    Question. Do you believe that the nations of Central Asia will 
prove to be useful partners in helping to stabilize Afghanistan? If so, 
how would you expect to see these nations act to maintain peace and 
security in the region?

    Answer. The nations of Central Asia have been supportive partners 
of the United States in reducing terrorist threats in the region and 
working to support stability in Afghanistan. If I am confirmed, I 
intend to continue working with the five Central Asian nations to 
improve security and stability in the region through such as efforts as 
improving border security, countering the flow of narcotics, sharing 
information across borders, as well as assisting refugee populations 
and increasing economic connectivity.

    Question. As the U.S. leaves Afghanistan, do believe that the U.S. 
should begin to interact with the Central Asian nations differently? If 
so, how?

    Answer. For 30 years, the United States and the five Central Asian 
nations have built shared commitments to peace, prosperity, and 
security in the region. I believe our consistent engagements to 
strengthen those commitments should continue as the United States 
maintains its support for the independence, sovereignty, and 
territorial integrity of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, 
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

    Question. How can we counteract Chinese attempts to gain a foothold 
in the region's economy?

    Answer. While most South and Central Asian countries seek to 
maintain positive relationships with the PRC and look towards Beijing 
for development financing and trade, they do not view their 
relationships as zero sum and actively seek to diversify their economic 
relationships to avoid becoming too dependent on Beijing. In Central 
Asia, for example, the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform strengthens 
countries' independence, sovereignty, and economic connectivity, in 
turn increasing their negotiating power in relations with the PRC and 
other regional actors. Investments in exchanges and increasing capacity 
in higher education are also mechanisms that allow the United States to 
maintain influence with South and Central Asian Governments and 
society, and positively shape their economic development and empower 
local communities. I will work intensively with U.S. Government 
investment institutions such as the Development Finance Corporation, 
our representatives to multilateral development institutions such as 
the World Bank, IFC and, and like-minded 3rd country bilateral 
partners, and U.S. private sector partners to develop creative options 
to enable the economies in the region to develop in a healthy, balanced 
manner.

    Question. To what extent does the BRI lead to the expansion of 
China's institutions and legal norms in Central Asia? How can and 
should the U.S. work to counter that growth?

    Answer. From its inception, the land-based ``Belt'' portion of BRI 
prioritized developing China's economic and logistical linkages to its 
western neighbors in Central Asia and it continues to be a region of 
focus for the initiative. In addition to rail infrastructure 
investments, BRI projects have since expanded to include energy 
projects, port developments along the Indian Ocean, and information 
communications technology (ICT). While countries in the region look to 
BRI to meet their development financing needs, the opaque nature of BRI 
financing leads to increased corruption and elite capture, creates 
unsustainable debt, and limits countries' flexibility in their 
bilateral relationship with Beijing. In cooperation with our 
international partners, the private sector, and the interagency, we are 
promoting alternatives to PRC financing and advancing regional economic 
development, including through the U.S. International Development 
Finance Corporation (DFC), and also working to improve transparency.

    Question. In Central Asia, China has already begun funding and 
building the Digital Silk Road. Telecommunications infrastructure, 
surveillance networks, and other modernizing technologies are being 
lent and sold to Central Asian Governments. These give China a foothold 
in the Governments and societies which will be a platform for Beijing 
to spread influence. How can the United States compete and counter 
Chinese influence in the Central Asian tech space?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage our Central Asian partners 
to work with trustworthy vendors for their Information and 
Communications Technology (ICT) infrastructure and services. As part of 
a long-term approach that sets Central Asia on a path toward working 
with trusted partners, we will continue looking for opportunities to 
promote global and regional programs, such as the World Bank's Digital 
Central Asia and South Asia (CASA); ways to further bilateral 
cooperation in the tech space; and programs to foster greater ICT 
transparency. I will work with the Development Finance Corporation and 
other USG partners to develop creative approaches to the challenge, and 
collaborate closely with the Congress on the matter.

    Question. To what extent do you believe that there is an emerging 
Russia-China axis? Some suggest that the U.S. should try to drive 
wedges between the two nations to destroy any emerging axis. Do you 
agree with that analysis? Could such a thing be accomplished in Central 
Asia?

    Answer. We face competition from China and Russia like never 
before, and must recommit ourselves to robust engagement with the 
countries of Central Asia to support their sovereignty, independence, 
and territorial integrity in the face of many challenges. Over the past 
two decades, China has supplanted Russia as the region's largest trade 
and investment partner, though Russia remains an important security 
partner for many of the countries in the region, and there are signs 
that Moscow is wary of losing influence. Through our own bilateral and 
multilateral engagement within the region, we are working to build 
Central Asian countries' resilience and independence from malign 
influence from any and all external actors of concern.

    Question. President Biden and his administration have repeatedly 
made commitments to upholding universal rights at home and abroad. In 
Turkey, authorities are abusing people's human rights and attacking 
peaceful dissidents at an alarming rate. Turkey's abuses have spilled 
into Central Asia, where the Governments have been pressured to 
scrutinize and close down Gulenist schools. The most recent abuse 
involved Turkey's kidnapping and illegal extradition of a Turkish-born 
Gulenist teacher in Kyrgyzstan. How can the U.S. better use its 
influence to prevent protect Central Asian nations from undue Turkish 
influence and work to protect those who may be subject to persecution 
once back in Turkey?

    Answer. U.S. diplomacy in Central Asia, including through the C5+1 
diplomatic platform, balances against regional over-reliance on foreign 
powers and addresses a core objective of our Central Asia strategy: 
protecting the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of 
the Central Asian states. If confirmed, I will work in concert with 
colleagues from EUR and the rest of the Department of State to continue 
efforts to promote the rule of law and respect for human rights in 
Central Asia bilaterally, regionally through the C5+1 platform, and 
multilaterally through the OSCE and other fora. I will remind Central 
Asian partners at the highest levels that requests for extraditions or 
transfer of individuals across international borders must happen 
transparently and with respect for the legal process. I will also 
continue to remind Central Asian partners of their non-refoulement 
obligations to prevent individuals from facing the threat of torture or 
mistreatment abroad. The Department of State is in direct contact with 
the spouse of the missing Turkish schools director and is working to 
ascertain what happened to him.

    Question. What do you believe the role of sanctions should be in 
the creation and execution of U.S. foreign policy?

    Answer. I believe the sanctions tools provided by the various 
sanctions authorities are critical for the creation and execution of 
U.S. foreign policy. I have seen firsthand the powerful impact our 
sanctions have when formulating policies and diplomatic strategies. 
When used thoughtfully to further U.S. and like-minded countries' 
democratic and human rights goals, these tools can dissuade, deter or 
even stop the behaviors they were designed to address. Well-developed 
sanctions advance our bilateral relationships and help our regional 
partners.

    Question. With respect to Russia, how do you believe the sanctions 
imposed on that country since 2014 have affected the Russia's economy 
and foreign policy decision making?

    Answer. I believe the sanctions imposed on Russia since 2014 were 
effective in raising the economic cost for Russia to pursue aggressive 
and hostile activities. These sanctions also deterred many of Russia's 
traditional trading partners from continuing to do business as usual.

    Question. What secondary impacts do you believe U.S. sanctions on 
Russia have had on Central Asian economies and politics?

    Answer. Most countries in Central Asia have longstanding trade 
relationships with Russia and have faced secondary economic impacts 
from U.S. sanctions on Russia, including effects related to Russia's 
devaluation of its currency.

    Question. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment was passed in 1974 and 
mandated sanctions on the Soviet Union until it allowed Soviet Jews the 
option to leave the USSR. Despite the fact that all Jews who wish have 
long since left the post-Soviet Central Asian nations, they all still 
remain cursorily sanctioned under Jackson-Vanik.? Practically, what 
effect has the continued existence of Jackson-Vanik sanctions (waived 
though they may be) have on the nations who remain thus labeled?

    Answer. The Jackson Vanik (JV) Amendment imposes trade penalties on 
non-market economies that restrict emigration. When the Soviet Union 
broke apart in 1991, the amendment was applied to all of the newly 
independent states.? However, since 1998, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and 
Tajikistan have received and maintained Presidential Waivers to the JV 
restrictions, based on the Department of State's semi-annual 
certification that they are fully compliant with the Amendment's 
requirements for free and open emigration; in other words, they are 
granted Normal Trade Relations (NTR) status, but it is not permanent 
(PNTR).
    Given their longstanding compliance with the law, JV is no longer 
relevant for these countries. PNTR status would allow Uzbekistan, 
Kazakhstan and Tajikistan to compete fairly with the rest of the world 
when forming trade relationships.

    Question. Do you believe that the Jackson-Vanik sanctions on the 
Central Asian nations should be repealed without condition? Should they 
only be repealed when the nations in question make further human rights 
concessions?

    Answer. The denial of PNTR under Jackson-Vanik is an ongoing 
bilateral irritant, and one that limits our trade potential in the 
region. Trade discrimination under laws such as JV is technically 
prohibited under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), of 
which both Kazakhstan and Tajikistan are members. Uzbek-istan is in the 
process of joining the WTO in 2021. The Kyrgyz Republic was granted 
PNTR in 2001 when it acceded to the WTO. Restoring PNTR to Kazakhstan, 
Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan now would reassure them that the United 
States supports peace and economic development in the region. Ending 
the applicability of the Jackson-Vanik amendment to these countries 
would allow the United States to grant them PNTR and would advance our 
goals of promoting economic growth and regional connectivity. The 
Department's position is that it should be repealed based on the 
countries' compliance with the terms of the original legislation.
    With regards to human rights concessions, the Department of State 
uses more effective and targeted tools--such as the Trafficking in 
Persons (TIP) Report, the Human Rights Report, and the Religious 
Freedom Report, to apply leverage and motivate reform. Withholding PNTR 
would not be as effective as these existing mechanisms.

Trafficking in Persons in Central Asia
    Question. The State Department just released the 2021 Trafficking 
in Person's Report, and while some Central Asian nations showed 
improvement in the past year, there are still serious issues with the 
fight against trafficking. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan were 
removed from the Tier 2 watch list, however Tajikistan and Turkmenistan 
remain at Tier 3.

   Please outline what steps you will take to address this issue with 
        Tajikistan and Turkmenistan to help them make improvements.

    Answer. Tajikistan demonstrated overall increasing efforts compared 
to the previous reporting period and was ranked Tier 2 in the 2021 
Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, but many improvements in anti-
trafficking remain to be seen. If confirmed, I will work with the 
Office to Combat and Monitor Trafficking in Persons to press the 
Government to increase efforts to combat trafficking, including by 
adopting and implementing standard operating procedures for identifying 
trafficking victims and referring them to care. I will also encourage 
the Government to train law enforcement to screen for signs of 
trafficking among vulnerable groups.
    While some progress has been made, trafficking in Turkmenistan 
remains a serious concern. If confirmed, I will encourage the 
Government of Turkmenistan to implement its new National Action Plan to 
Combat Trafficking, as well as continue to press for further action to 
end government policies or actions that compel or create pressure for 
the mobilization of forced labor, to include eliminating the cotton and 
silk production quotas and mandatory participation in public works. I 
will work with regional partners, including international 
organizations, to encourage the Government of Turkmenistan to grant 
independent observers full access to monitor cotton cultivation and 
cease the harassment, detention, and abuse of individuals for 
documenting labor conditions.

    Question. As Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan have all 
recently made key improvements in fighting the trafficking of persons, 
what steps do you believe the U.S. can and should take to help those 
nations maintain that success and make further improvements?

    Answer. Though the tier ranking upgrades in Central Asia are 
promising, human trafficking must be fought tirelessly and efforts must 
always increase. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the 
positive trajectory of efforts in the Central Asian region by 
increasing coordination among states on anti-trafficking efforts, 
including through the C5+1 platform and partnering with international 
and regional partners to increase government capacity to protect 
victims, prevent trafficking among vulnerable populations, and increase 
prosecution of traffickers across all states. However, many countries 
risk overemphasizing a multilateral approach out of a misconception 
that trafficking requires cross-border movement. In reality, all these 
countries could do more to prevent, detect, and address trafficking 
within their own borders. I will therefore work to ensure Central Asian 
countries do not pursue multilateral approaches to the exclusion of 
their own urgently needed policy reforms and improvements, particularly 
in regards to legislation, steps to eliminate state-sponsored forced 
labor, and the identification and protection of victims among 
vulnerable or marginalized groups and those subjected to forms of 
trafficking that do not involve cross-border movement.

    Question. In Central Asia, media freedom is still severely limited 
due to both the active efforts of governments to silence dissent, and 
the lack of legal protections afforded to independent journalists. 
Abuse, imprisonment, torture, and killings of reporters are not 
uncommon. Free media is all but eliminated in some of these countries. 
If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, how will you address this problem 
in Central Asia and make clear that we will not allow the abuse and 
imprisonment of journalists anywhere in the world?

    Answer. Central Asia must take tangible steps to enshrine 
fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression and the press, 
into laws that enable an environment of political pluralism. If 
confirmed, we will encourage the region to allow space for peaceful 
dissent and non-violent speech, both online and offline--it is more 
important than ever that the press be allowed to continue to report 
freely on events as they develop. We will continue to support 
democratic principles, rule of law, and protection of human rights for 
all in Central Asia, as they are key elements to the development of any 
society, and will help unlock the full potential of the region.

Anti-Corruption/Rule of Law
    Question. Several high-profile scandals have exposed the Western 
financial system's inability to prevent corruption. In the FY 2021 
NDAA, the U.S. Congress updated its anti-money laundering laws to shift 
the burden of disclosure from the banks to the corporations and 
beneficial owners. And the EU has been working on a rule-of-law 
mechanism to link EU funds to good governance, as well as cracking down 
on ``golden visas.'' This corruption hurts both the citizens of the 
countries where the money was stolen and stored. Many of the high-
profile cases have involved Central Asian rulers, their families, and 
oligarchs.

   What concrete actions will you take as Assistant Secretary for SCA 
        to push countries to reform their systems and crack down on 
        corruption?

    Answer. As President Biden said last month in establishing the 
fight against corruption as a core national security interest, 
``corruption attacks the foundations of democratic institutions, drives 
and intensifies extremism, and makes it easier for authoritarian 
regimes to corrode democratic governance.'' The Department currently 
works to combat corruption through development and promotion of 
internationally recognized standards, commitments, and obligations, 
such as those enshrined in the U.N. Convention against Corruption. 
Further, the Department uses diplomacy to promote reform, foreign 
assistance to strengthen institutions, and visa restrictions to promote 
accountability for corrupt actors. If confirmed, I will work to push 
countries to reform their systems and crack down on corruption, 
including through the use of the FY 2021 NDAA anti-money laundering 
provisions and other tools in U.S. law. Recognizing the fight against 
corruption cannot be won by governments alone, I will also take steps 
to strengthen the ability of civil society and media to reveal 
corruption, foster public demand for change, and address weak 
governance and poor human rights conditions that cultivate corruption.

    Question. How important is it that the United States and its 
European allies take steps to make our own systems less friendly to 
kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money?

    Answer. It is key that the United States leads by example with our 
partners and allies to make our own systems less friendly to 
kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money, to increase 
coordination, and share lessons learned in the fight against corruption 
globally. By undertaking measures to protect our financial system from 
dirty money, we protect our own institutions and make it harder for 
authoritarians and corrupt authorities to syphon away their countries' 
economic resources. If confirmed, I will work closely with the U.S. 
Department of Justice, U.S. Treasury Department and other relevant 
interagency partners on this important effort.

    Question. Will the administration make a concerted push on anti-
corruption in the EU and its periphery with the dual purpose of 
benefitting European citizens and making it more difficult for malign 
actors like Russia and China to gain a foothold?

    Answer. Yes. The administration has established countering 
corruption as a core U.S. national security interest. The Department 
will develop plans for increasing efforts to combat corruption by 
December 2021 under the National Security Study Memorandum process, and 
will continue to work closely with allies and partners to prevent and 
expose the PRC's and Russia's efforts to export corruption as a tool of 
influence, sow instability, and gain market access. We must also 
continue efforts to foster government transparency and, separately, 
protect the enabling environment for civil society and journalists as 
part of our efforts, given their crucial role in combatting corruption.

    Question. Since the change of Government in Uzbekistan in 2016, 
there have been many positive changes, but they have come at a slow 
pace. International organizations have only slowly been allowed to 
register to work in the country. If confirmed, do you commit to working 
to help more international NGOs register in Uzbekistan?

    Answer. The United States supports Uzbekistan's political and 
economic reforms. Civil society is a crucial component to any 
functioning democracy and is necessary to continue these reforms. If 
confirmed, I will continue our work with Uzbekistani partners to ensure 
local and international NGOs can easily register and operate freely to 
serve all persons of Uzbekistan, including those from vulnerable 
communities.

    Question. The U.S. Peace Corps has not been able to operate in 
Uzbekistan since 2005. They have been working to try and restart 
operations in Uzbekistan, but the process has been very slow, both 
because of bureaucratic inertia in Uzbekistan and the problems posed by 
the Coronavirus pandemic. If confirmed, do you commit to working to 
facilitate the reentry of the U.S. Peace Corps into Uzbekistan?

    Answer. I understand the Uzbekistani Government has invited the 
Peace Corps to return to Uzbekistan, and that the Peace Corps has begun 
a virtual assessment of conditions in Uzbekistan for possible re-entry. 
I understand that once pandemic conditions allow the Peace Corps to 
visit Uzbekistan, the Peace Corps will make a final determination of 
whether or not it can establish a program in Uzbekistan. If confirmed, 
I commit to supporting the Peace Corps in the re-entry process.

    Question. What spheres do you consider as most ripe for future 
reform and positive changes in Uzbekistan? If confirmed, are there 
specific areas in which you will push Uzbek authorities to make 
progress? Please specify which.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead U.S. support for 
Uzbekistan's political and economic reforms, including strengthening 
human rights and democracy, and improving healthcare, education, 
agriculture, and rule of law. I will also continue to work with the 
Government of Uzbekistan to support improvements to the business and 
investment climate, including privatization of state-owned enterprises, 
and to strengthen climate ambition. I also look forward to working with 
our Uzbekistani partners, including through the C5+1 diplomatic 
platform, to support greater regional engagement, building on 
Uzbekistan's initiatives to improve relations within Central Asia and 
foster connectivity with Afghanistan.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Central Asia
    Question.  The five ``Stans'' are all under increasing pressure 
from both China and Russia--neither of which is encouraging the 
development of market economies or rule-of-law. As co-chair of the 
Helsinki Commission, I have noted that these governments, and civil 
society groups from them, are active participants in OSCE proceedings, 
including the annual Human Dimension gathering in Warsaw. They seem 
very interested in staying connected to Europe and North America. Based 
on your time in Kyrgyzstan, what are your thoughts on whether OSCE 
could provide a bridge to the democratic West for these five countries?

    Answer. The OSCE, particularly through its field operations in each 
Central Asian country, plays an invaluable role by increasing 
cooperation between Western and Central Asian countries on key issues--
including countering terrorism, promoting democratization and human 
rights, water and energy management, border control, and migration. It 
also provides a forum to raise concerns about regional security and 
violations of OSCE commitments, including human rights, and has been a 
main platform for the United States to challenge Russia directly for 
its actions. The OSCE Academy in Bishkek provides master's level 
education for students from Central Asia and Afghanistan and is a model 
for the region. I fully support further OSCE engagement in Central 
Asia.

    Question. How do we ensure that human rights are more prominent in 
our engagement with India? What is your response to myriad assessments 
that see India's democracy and human rights record trending negatively?

    Answer. As the Secretary mentioned during his recent visit to 
India, every democracy, including our own, is a work in progress. The 
U.S.-India relationship is underpinned by a commitment to democracy, 
human rights, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will regularly raise 
our human rights concerns with the Indian Government in the spirit of 
our close strategic partnership. I will also ensure that our support 
for civil society and media in India is robust.

    Question. No one group has made more significant strides since 2001 
than Afghan women. In terms of the economy, women have come a long way 
since the fall of the Taliban regime. They have returned to work by the 
hundreds of thousands, many becoming business owners and entrepreneurs. 
Afghanistan has rebuilt an education system that had basically stopped 
functioning. In 2001, only 900,000 students were in primary school--all 
of them male. Today, more than 9 million students are in school, and 
nearly 40 percent of them are girls.

   What do you think the implications of the military withdrawal will 
        be for Afghan women and girls?

    Answer. While it is difficult to overstate the significant gains 
made by Afghan women and girls over the last 20 years, I recognize how 
much remains to be done. Rising insecurity, the COVID-19 pandemic, 
decades of conflict, widespread poverty, humanitarian crises, and 
cultural barriers continue to threaten progress made in women and 
girls' rights in Afghanistan. Even though U.S. military troops are 
withdrawing, I understand the United States will continue to support 
the rights of Afghan women and girls through diplomacy and by 
maintaining significant humanitarian and development assistance.

    Question. How can the administration hold the Taliban and Afghan 
Government to account in preserving the rights and gains of Afghan 
women without the support the U.S. military provided to Afghan forces 
and the check it served as on the Taliban?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will closely monitor the status of women 
and girls in Afghanistan and will consult with Afghan and international 
partners and civil society on how best to promote accountability. While 
the future of Afghanistan is for Afghans themselves to decide, the 
United States has made clear that future development assistance and 
international legitimacy depend on the actions of the Afghan Government 
with respect to rights and fundamental freedoms, especially those of 
women, children, and members of minority groups.

    Question. What can we do to preserve the rights and gains of Afghan 
women and girls?

    Answer. I believe continued high-level diplomatic engagement and 
programmatic support by the United States and international community 
is required to help maintain and build upon the gains made by Afghan 
women and girls in the last 20 years. I am committed to using the full 
force of our diplomatic, economic, and development toolkit to support 
the Afghan people, particularly women and girls. U.S. and international 
development and humanitarian assistance has been instrumental in 
providing Afghan women and girls with access to the resources, 
expertise, and tools necessary for achieving the gains of the last two 
decades.

    Question. Pakistan has been accused of numerous reported human 
rights abuses, some of them even perpetrated by the Government. 
Watchdog groups often rank Pakistan among the world's most dangerous 
countries for journalists and women. How do we hold the Pakistani 
Government accountable for human rights abuses?

    Answer. In addition to documenting human rights abuses in Pakistan 
through the Human Rights Report and International Religious Freedom 
report, the Department regularly raises concerns about issues of human 
rights and individual freedoms during engagements with Pakistani 
officials, including at the senior-most levels. Such issues include 
media freedom, the rights of women and girls, sexual and gender-based 
violence, and protection of minority groups, among others. If 
confirmed, I will strongly and consistently urge Pakistan to uphold the 
rule of law and respect human rights and freedoms in accordance with 
its constitution and international obligations. I will also encourage 
the Pakistani Government to protect press and media freedoms for all 
and will emphasize in engagements with Pakistani counterparts that a 
vibrant press and informed citizenry are key for any free nation.

    Question. How do we elevate the voices of targeted communities in 
Pakistan, including journalists and others critical of the Government?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy and Consulates in Pakistan engage 
regularly to hear the concerns of civil society organizations, 
activists, religious leaders, journalists, and businesses, including 
those from underserved and at-risk communities. If confirmed, I will 
maintain our robust engagement with these constituencies to continue 
listening to their concerns and raising these issues with senior 
Pakistani officials. These communities are also often represented by 
civil society organizations that do important work to address these 
concerns and advocate for change with the Pakistani Government, but 
these organizations are often hampered by overly burdensome 
restrictions on their operations. If confirmed, I will continue to 
stress to the Pakistani Government the imperative of a vibrant civil 
society to any democracy, and the value of allowing civil society 
organizations to help deliver vital assistance to Pakistan's most 
vulnerable communities, including women, children, and members of 
religious minority groups.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon Donald Lu by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. In your opinion, how will the U.S. withdrawal of troops 
from Afghanistan impact future security in Central Asia?

    Answer. Our Central Asian partners are deeply concerned about the 
deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan. Each of the Central 
Asian republics are taking steps to reinforce their border security. In 
general, they share our counterterrorism and security priorities in 
Afghanistan and are interested in enhancing cooperation. Per the 
President's instructions, we are working to maintain significant 
counterterrorism assets in the region. If confirmed, I will continue to 
engage partners, allies, and key stakeholders in Central Asia on how 
best to monitor and counter terrorist threats in the region.

    Question. What effect might it [the U.S. withdrawal of troops from 
Afghanistan] have on the longstanding U.S. policy goal of fostering 
intraregional connectivity within Central Asia?

    Answer. Connectivity remains a key element of United States policy 
across Central and South Asia. My vision of regional connectivity 
includes stable and secure infrastructure that meets the highest 
international standards; open markets operating on a fair and 
competitive playing field; and a sustainable and healthy environment. 
It also includes Afghanistan's greater integration with its neighbors, 
and realizing its potential as a regional transit, trade, and energy 
hub. Regional connectivity is critical to long-term peace and stability 
in Afghanistan and the region. Peace and regional integration are 
mutually reinforcing.
    We will continue to foster cooperation to build Central Asian 
connectivity with Afghanistan through the C5+1 diplomatic platform, 
bilateral dialogues, trilateral discussions with Afghanistan's Central 
Asian neighbors, and a planned quadrilateral format including the 
United States, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to encourage the 
Central Asian states to work with the Afghan Government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue strategic efforts to 
encourage the Central Asian states to develop closer ties with the 
Afghan Government across energy, economic, cultural, trade, and 
security sectors, which directly contribute to regional stability. This 
effort would include utilizing the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform 
for the United States and the Central Asian states to expand security 
cooperation and increase connectivity between Central Asia and 
Afghanistan.

    Question. The main logic behind the U.S. Government's negotiations 
with the Taliban is that the promise of U.S. assistance to them is 
enough incentive to change its policies or behavior. Do you believe 
this, especially given recent reports of Taliban activity that suggest 
otherwise?

    Answer. I remain concerned about the Taliban's recent military 
operations in Afghanistan. The group's public position remains to find 
a solution to the conflict through a negotiated political settlement. I 
understand the Taliban and Islamic Republic negotiating teams continue 
to meet and discuss the parameters of a settlement, and I hope both 
sides can accelerate those negotiations. The Taliban also have 
routinely expressed their desire for diplomatic and economic relations 
with the rest of the world, including the United States. I am committed 
to using our full diplomatic, economic, and development toolkit, as 
well as working alongside the international community and Afghanistan's 
neighbors, to support efforts to establish peace and promote the future 
that Afghans are seeking.

    Question. What can you tell me of the Taliban's views on the 
participation of women in the political system and the role of religion 
in society? Have these views really moderated since 2001?

    Answer. In public statements, Taliban leaders have emphasized their 
commitment to upholding and guaranteeing all the rights afforded to 
women under Islamic law, but they have not followed through on these 
statements with visible reforms regarding the social and political 
inclusion of women in the areas they control. In a joint declaration 
released after the July 2019 Intra-Afghan Peace Conference in Doha, the 
Taliban agreed to assure ``women rights in political, social, economic, 
educational, cultural affairs within the Islamic framework of Islamic 
values.'' Taliban leaders have also said that women can hold political 
office, except as head of state or chief justice. However, women do not 
play an active role within the Taliban's shadow administration or 
structures, and Taliban officials sanction repressive behavior in 
Taliban controlled or influenced communities. If confirmed, I will 
promote women's full, meaningful, and equal inclusion in Afghan 
society.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to step up 
cooperation with India in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. The United States and India share a comprehensive, global 
strategic partnership and a vision of a free, open, secure, and 
prosperous Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will continue to expand 
cooperation with the Indian Government bilaterally, regionally, and 
multilaterally on the global recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, 
mutual prosperity, Quad engagement, climate change, defense and 
security issues, and shared values.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to promote India's role in 
the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, and more generally, to strengthen 
this important platform?

    Answer. The Quad aims to build relationships with partners that 
share our values, perspectives, and approaches to regional and global 
challenges on a range of political, economic, and security issues. If 
confirmed, I will work with my counterparts in the Bureau of East Asian 
and Pacific Affairs and the interagency to encourage Quad partners to 
expand cooperation on maritime security, counterterrorism, COVID-19 
vaccine production, democratic principles, and climate change, among 
other priorities.

    Question. If confirmed, what needs to happen to encourage India to 
take a more constructive approach to its neighbors that China is 
actively seeking to influence?

    Answer. The United States welcomes India's emergence as a leading 
global power and its role as a net security provider in the Indian 
Ocean region, underpinned by our shared commitment to the rule of law, 
freedom of navigation, democratic values, and regional connectivity. If 
confirmed, I will encourage the Indian Government to continue its 
important contributions toward capacity building, economic development 
and connectivity, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and 
numerous other areas of cooperation with its neighbors.

    Question. How will you support South Asian states who have 
territorial disputes with Beijing, such as India and Bhutan?

    Answer. The United States strongly opposes unilateral attempts to 
advance territorial claims by incursions or encroachments, military or 
civilian. Parties to territorial disputes must adhere to international 
law and resolve differences through dialogue. If confirmed, I will 
engage closely with the Indian Government to understand how the United 
States can best support India including through defense technologies, 
intelligence sharing, and diplomatic support. If confirmed, I will also 
work to further advance our friendship with Bhutan and reaffirm our 
support for its sovereignty.

    Question. How do you plan to counter Chinese malign influence in 
smaller South Asian states, such as Sri Lanka and Nepal?

    Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China's 
activities contrary to international norms of behavior, such as 
promoting disinformation or excessive debt in South Asia. If confirmed, 
I will seek to counter the PRC's application of economic pressure 
through assistance and help countries manage existing debt loads, 
evaluate contracts for transparency and equity, and combat corruption. 
Economic pressure through assistance has been a key tool of 
manipulation used by the PRC. We will also lead with our most powerful 
tool--our values--which most clearly demonstrate the value of 
democratic leadership in the region.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with New Delhi to 
coordinate and strengthen U.S. and Indian support of the Tibetans in 
exile in India?

    Answer. I commend India's hosting of Tibetan refugees over many 
decades. India's continued support is crucial to ensuring that a large 
part of the Tibetan diaspora can freely practice their language, 
culture, and religion. If confirmed, I'll work with the Indian 
Government to ensure that Tibetans in exile in India, including the 
Dalai Lama, can continue to promote peace and understanding around the 
world without external influence.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Question. The State Department's 2020 Country Report on Human 
Rights and Practices for India notes, among other significant human 
rights issues, the Government of India places ``restrictions on freedom 
of expression and the press, including violence, threats of violence, 
or unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, use of 
criminal libel laws to prosecute social media speech, censorship, and 
site blocking.'' If confirmed, what steps do you intend to take to 
promote freedom of speech and freedom of expression in India?

    Answer. Freedom of speech and freedom of expression are fundamental 
rights enshrined in the Indian constitution and as fellow democracies, 
the United States and India have a shared interest to engage on these 
issues, as the Secretary did in his recent travel to New Delhi. If 
confirmed, I intend to follow the Secretary's principled leadership on 
the matter and work closely with U.S. Mission India and colleagues 
across the Department to continue our robust engagement with Indian 
journalists and media, to raise concerns with the Indian Government, 
and to consult faithfully with Congress.

    Question. The State Department's Ambassador-at-Large for 
International Religious Freedom expressed concern about the 
implications of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) when it was passed 
by the Indian parliament in 2019. Also citing the CAA and other 
significant downward trends in religious freedom conditions, the U.S. 
Commission on International Freedom (USCIRF) recommended in its 2020 
Annual Report that the State Department designate India as a Country of 
Particular Concern in its next annual report on International Religious 
Freedom. What is the State Department's policy regarding the CAA?

    Answer. Respect for religious freedom and equal treatment under the 
law are fundamental principles of both the United States and India. 
While the Indian Government has not yet actively implemented the 
Citizenship Amendment Act, the Department continues to call on India to 
protect the rights of its religious minorities in keeping with India's 
constitution and history of diversity.

    Question. How does the Department factor USCIRF recommendations 
into its own deliberations when determining whether a country is 
included as a Country of Particular Concern in the International 
Religious Freedom report?

    Answer. USCIRF is an independent commission established under the 
1998 International Religious Freedom (IRF) Act to provide policy 
recommendations to the President, Secretary of State, and Congress with 
respect to matters involving international religious freedom. The 
Secretary considers a wide variety of factors, including USCRIF 
findings as required by the IRF Act, when making the annual religious 
freedom designations.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to hold frank conversations 
with your counterparts in the Indian Government regarding its 
obligation to commit to freedom, democratic principles, equal treatment 
of all citizens, human rights, and the rule of law for all?

    Answer. Yes.

Diplomatic Vision for Afghanistan After U.S. Troop Withdrawal
    Question. U.S. policymakers and foreign policy experts had 
initially expected the withdrawal of U.S. military forces to be 
accompanied by a diplomatic surge. Yet the security situation in 
Afghanistan may preclude the possibility of such a surge.

   Given the security challenges in Afghanistan, what is your vision 
        for U.S. diplomatic engagement and presence in Afghanistan 
        after the U.S. troop withdrawal is complete?

   If the State Department is unable to lead a diplomatic surge, how 
        can the United States best secure the gains that we have made 
        in human rights, education and empowerment of girls, and other 
        important issues in Afghanistan? In other words, how can the 
        United States best help the Afghan people and promote U.S. 
        interests in Afghanistan?

    Answer. I understand all the agencies at our Embassy will continue 
their important work, as long as security conditions permit, consistent 
with the administration's commitment to stay fully engaged on behalf of 
U.S. interests in Afghanistan. This will include our consular support 
to U.S. citizens and fulfilling our commitment to Afghans who have 
worked alongside us through adjudication of Special Immigrant Visas. I 
will remain in frequent communication with our Embassy in Kabul and the 
interagency to continuously evaluate information pertaining to the 
security of U.S. citizens and U.S. Government personnel, facilities, 
and interests in Afghanistan in order to mitigate any emerging threats. 
I will also consult with stakeholders on creative approaches, such as 
off-shoring, that can advance U.S. interests while keeping our mission 
safe.
    I am committed to using our full diplomatic, economic, and 
development toolkit to support efforts to establish peace and promote 
the future that Afghans are seeking. If confirmed, I will do everything 
I can to sustain and further advance the gains achieved by Afghan 
society, particularly those made by Afghan women, girls, and minorities 
over the last 20 years. I am committed to using our diplomatic and 
assistance resources to continue to advocate for women's rights, 
support their meaningful participation in peace negotiations, work to 
create quality educational opportunities, assist women to join the 
workforce, combat gender-based violence, and expand access to quality 
healthcare.

    Question. In your testimony, you noted that for the past 20 years, 
the U.S.-Pakistan relationship has been defined by the war in 
Afghanistan and related U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the region. 
With U.S. troops leaving Afghanistan, there is an opportunity to 
redefine the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Issues such as climate change, 
strategic competition with China, economic development, and others may 
be on the table.
    Despite many shared interests and priorities, the U.S.-Pakistan 
relationship has been beset by years of distrust and unaligned 
policies. What will it take for the United States and Pakistan to move 
beyond the persistent challenges in our bilateral relationship to 
cooperate on our shared priorities?

    Answer. The Department continues to make clear it seeks further 
assistance from Pakistan for progress toward a political settlement in 
Afghanistan and collaboration on regional stability efforts, including 
against terrorist groups. Such actions would contribute importantly to 
an expanded U.S.-Pakistan relationship. If confirmed, I will push for 
more bilateral cooperation based on shared priorities, including 
securing a responsible end to the conflict in Afghanistan, advancing 
regional security and fighting terrorism, expanding both bilateral and 
regional commercial and trade opportunities, promoting sustainable and 
inclusive economic development, and ad

Chinese Territorial Aggression in Bhutan
    Question. China reportedly claims as many as eight areas inside 
Bhutan as being Chinese territory. In 2015, China announced that it had 
built an entirely new village called Gyalaphug inside a 232-square-mile 
area claimed by China since the early 1980s, but internationally 
understood as part of Lhuntse district in northern Bhutan.
    China's efforts to fortify the Tibetan borderlands, expand its 
maritime control in the South China Sea, and conduct other provocative 
measures are nothing new. Yet building a new village inside the 
territory of another country is different. According to at least one 
report, China does not need the land it is settling in Bhutan. Its aim, 
rather, is to force the Bhutanese Government to cede territory that 
China wants elsewhere in Bhutan to give Beijing a military advantage in 
its struggle with New Delhi.

   What is the Department's policy on Chinese efforts to expand its 
        borders by building towns and villages in disputed territories?

   If confirmed, what efforts will you lead to protect Bhutan's 
        sovereignty and prevent it from becoming a pawn in China's 
        attempts to gain an advantage over India?

    Answer. The Department is very concerned with the People's Republic 
of China (PRC)'s construction of towns and villages in disputed 
territories. Parties to territorial disputes must adhere to 
international law and resolve differences through dialogue. If 
confirmed, I will work to advance our friendship with Bhutan, reaffirm 
our commitment to its sovereignty, and coordinate with our partners, 
including India, to address the PRC's buildup in the Tibetan 
borderlands and to support a free and open region capable of resolving 
differences through dialogue. I also pledge to work closely with 
Congress to address this concerning trend.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Todd Young

    Question. What are the limits of cooperation that we can expect to 
see from India given their history of non-alignment?

    Answer. Over the last two decades, the United States and India have 
made tremendous strides across all aspects of our strategic 
partnership. Our cooperation encompasses a wide range of issues, 
including regional cooperation in the Indo-Pacific; the Quad; trade and 
investment; defense and security; climate change remediation; clean 
energy; higher education and people-to-people; shared values, and 
science and space. India has a unique foreign policy outlook given its 
history, but given our growing strategic convergence the Indo-Pacific, 
I am confident U.S.-India ties will continue to mature and deepen.

    Question. China is aggressively pushing on India's border and is 
now claiming areas in which they have never had a historic assertion. 
Do you believe China is trying to find an ``off-ramp'' for this issue 
or is it looking to escalate the dispute with India?

    Answer. The United States is concerned by Beijing's pattern of 
ongoing attempts to intimidate its neighbors, including India. We're 
closely following updates of any troop disengagement, and we welcome 
ongoing efforts to de-escalate the situation. We continue to monitor 
closely as both sides work toward a peaceful resolution. We urge direct 
dialogue and a peaceful resolution to border disputes.

    Question. What message is China trying to send with its actions? Do 
you believe it is pushing this issue specifically to discredit India 
with regional allies?

    Answer. The United States is deeply concerned by a pattern of 
territorial encroachment and failure to abide by the previous status 
quo along China's disputed terrestrial and maritime borders. We will 
stand with friends, partners, and allies in the face of the PRC's most 
assertive policies and for the good of the region.

    Question. Do you believe these escalations will push India into a 
more robust and long-term security agreement with the U.S.?

    Answer. India will seek partnerships based on its interests, but 
our shared vision for the Indo-Pacific portends greater regional and 
bilateral cooperation.

    Question. India is the biggest donor to the Afghan National 
Government and 5th globally. What are India's interests in Afghanistan? 
Or is this more just another front in the long running competition with 
their neighbor Pakistan?

    Answer. The United States and India have a shared interest in a 
stable and peaceful Afghanistan. India does not wish to see Afghanistan 
turn into a terrorist safe haven that undermines its security. We 
welcome India's support for the peace process and its long-running 
development assistance program.

    Question. What does India stand to lose if security situation in 
Afghanistan worsens?

    Answer. India has expressed concern about potential terrorist 
attacks against Indian interests in Afghanistan, as well as the impact 
on regional stability should the security situation deteriorate 
further. In the immediate term, India is also concerned about the 
threat to India's personnel and nationals working in Afghanistan.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Robert Menendez

Cuba
    Question. As part of USAID's work in defense of human rights, it is 
my understanding that USAID carries out programming focused on 
addressing the forced labor practices of Cuba's foreign medical 
missions.

   What is your assessment of these medical missions and, if 
        confirmed, will you continue USAID's current programs?

    Answer. I believe that Cuba's foreign medical missions, as noted in 
the Department of State's 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, 
represent a form of labor trafficking. As noted by the TIP report, the 
Cuban Government ``failed to inform participants of the terms of their 
contracts, confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened 
medical professionals and their family members if participants left the 
program.''
    I understand that USAID has programs in place currently to support 
the human rights of Cuban workers, including medical personnel.
    Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of this 
administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for the 
journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists seeking to 
challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities, who maintain a tight 
grip on all aspects of life on the island and are ruthless in seeking 
to stifle dissent. If confirmed, I will continue to promote all types 
of programming to support human rights and fundamental freedoms for the 
Cuban population and look forward to consulting with you on this issue.

COVID-19 and Economic Recovery
    Question. COVID-19 has had a particularly devastating impact on 
Latin America and the Caribbean, claiming at least 1.2 million lives. 
Today, only one in ten individuals in the region is fully vaccinated.

   If confirmed, what strategies will you implement to increase access 
        to and distribution of vaccines in the region?

    Answer. To date, I understand that the United States Government has 
delivered over 33 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to 15 countries in 
Latin America and the Caribbean.
    Furthermore, it is my understanding that USAID is also preparing 
countries to safely and effectively distribute COVID-19 vaccines. To 
date, I understand USAID has provided more than $75 million globally, 
including $13.5 million for the Latin America and Caribbean region, to 
assist countries to develop their national COVID-19 vaccine 
distribution plans, address misinformation and vaccine hesitancy to 
improve trust and confidence, strengthen supply chain and logistics to 
distribute vaccines with speed, equity, and safety, train health 
professionals to administer vaccines, and manage health information 
systems for better data tracking. If confirmed, I commit to supporting 
the Agency's efforts to increase access to vaccines in the region.

    Question. How would you balance addressing the multiple 
consequences of COVID-19 on public health, economies, social 
development, and women and children in the region?

    Answer. It is my understanding that USAID continues to monitor and 
address the evolving and varied second-order impacts of the pandemic on 
the region, and will leverage existing and new programs to address the 
most critical challenges. COVID-19 has hurt economies throughout the 
region, disproportionately impacting the poor and vulnerable. COVID-19 
has also contributed to a humanitarian crisis in the region, increased 
gender-based violence, and lack of access to income-generating 
opportunities. The response today also needs to address the millions of 
children not receiving routine vaccinations and the millions displaced 
from school. To date, I understand that USAID has responded to such 
impacts with programming to support microcredit and job training for 
small businesses and entrepreneurs; the expansion of social protection, 
psycho-social and educational support in vulnerable communities; job 
opportunities for likely migrants; and the adoption of e-commerce 
strategies and tools to respond to COVID-19 economic restrictions. If 
confirmed, I will prioritize addressing the second-order impacts of the 
COVID-19 pandemic in the region.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator James E. Risch

Central America
    Question. Successive U.S. strategies have failed to make any 
discernable progress in achieving or advancing the goal of reducing 
mass illegal migration from Central America. If confirmed, what actions 
would you recommend taking to build and maintain political will among 
the political leadership in the countries of Northern Central America 
to tackle the push factors of illegal migration? What specific reforms 
should individual governments adopt to effectively reduce illegal 
migration from the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, my priorities in Central America will include 
expeditiously strengthening programs that seek to improve conditions in 
the region and tackle the major drivers of migration. While the 
specific drivers of irregular migration cannot be generalized across 
countries or even communities, they are generally tied to insecurity, 
lack of economic opportunity, and the effects of poor governance and 
corruption, and I will work with other U.S. Government agencies to 
build the political will of partner nations to address these drivers. 
COVID-19 has exacerbated these conditions, as have major natural 
disasters (including hurricanes) recently hitting the region.
    If confirmed, I will continue USAID's current approach of tailoring 
and adapting programs to the unique needs of each country and 
community. I will also continue the Agency's practice of using 
migration data to focus resources geographically in response to 
specific, local drivers of migration. USAID will work with a wide range 
of stakeholders from civil society and the private sector to increase 
the impact of our efforts. I will also commit to working closely with 
our partners in the region. I understand that USAID works closely with 
multiple stakeholders in the region both in the public and private 
sectors as well as with civil society organizations and international 
non-governmental organizations.And I look forward to further 
consultations with Congress on how to further improve the effectiveness 
of these programs.

Nicaragua
    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize programs and 
activities designed to improve the capacity of the democratic forces in 
Nicaragua to be a credible political challenge to the Ortega regime?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring USAID supports viable, 
democratic processes, institutions and forces in Nicaragua. USAID is 
focused on the November 2021 national elections in Nicaragua and on 
restoring democratic processes and respect for human rights through 
expanding opportunities for coalition building and supporting electoral 
integrity and an active civil society.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to channel any humanitarian 
assistance that USAID may provide in Nicaragua solely through 
independent non-governmental organizations?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to channeling any USAID-provided humanitarian 
assistance solely through independent NGOs and Public International 
Organizations (PIOs). U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided through 
impartial international and local organizations and U.N. agencies, who 
are on the ground working with vulnerable populations, for the sole 
purpose of helping people in need.

Cuba
    Question. The Government of Cuba maintains an estimated 50,000 
medical personnel in more than 60 countries under conditions that meet 
the definition of human trafficking. The United States, the United 
Nations, independent media outlets, and non-governmental organizations 
have all documented and called out the Cuban regime's exploitative and 
coercive practices toward doctors participating in its overseas medical 
programs. Do you agree that the Cuban regime's overseas medical 
missions amount to human trafficking? If confirmed, do you commit to 
ensure USAID Missions in U.S. Embassies in countries that accept Cuban 
medical missions help communicate the realities of the forced labor 
practices employed by the Cuban regime?

    Answer. I believe that Cuba's foreign medical missions, as noted in 
the Department of State's 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, 
represent a form of labor trafficking. As noted by the TIP report, the 
Cuban Government ``failed to inform participants of the terms of their 
contracts, confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened 
medical professionals and their family members if participants left the 
program.''
    I understand that USAID has programs in place currently to support 
the human rights of Cuban workers, including medical personnel.
    Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of this 
administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for the 
journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists seeking to 
challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities. If confirmed, I will 
continue to promote programming to support human rights and fundamental 
freedoms for the Cuban population and look forward to consulting with 
you on this issue.

    Question. Do you commit to maintain a robust USAID democracy 
program focused on advancing respect for basic human rights in Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue USAID's work to support 
democratic activists and human rights defenders in Cuba. The role of a 
vibrant civil society continues to be essential to Cuban democracy. I 
gather that USAID has a portfolio in place to continue supporting a 
diverse sector of independent activists in Cuba who will push for 
democratic freedoms, including religious freedom. The Agency will also 
continue providing basic needs assistance to political prisoners, 
persecuted activists, and their families. NGOs are poised to continue 
defending the human rights of those who are abused and even jailed for 
their political beliefs.

Haiti
    Question. Haiti is facing a complex and worsening crisis of 
governance. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring USAID plays an 
effective role in promoting economic self-reliance and meaningful 
dialogue among the different political forces? If confirmed, do you 
commit to dedicate resources to strengthening Haiti's technical 
capacity to hold elections?

    Answer. The Haitian people deserve democracy and prosperity. Haiti 
has been without a functioning government for too long, and in the 
meantime, conditions continue to deteriorate. The political parties 
need to come together to end the misery, corruption and insecurity 
wreaking havoc for the Haitian people. While Haiti is facing a complex 
emergency that USAID assistance alone cannot resolve, USAID does have 
an important role to play in helping to promote democracy, human 
rights, and governance. With respect to the upcoming legislative 
elections, I understand that USAID's current activities aim to promote 
credible elections, increase political party competition, and expand 
civic participation in electoral processes to help end the ongoing 
political crisis of rule by decree. If confirmed, I will advocate for a 
strong whole-of-government and multi-donor approach for targeted 
democracy, human rights, governance and humanitarian assistance to 
promote democratic political reform, peace and stability.

Venezuela
    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring USAID-supported 
humanitarian efforts in Venezuela do not bring reputational benefits to 
the Maduro regime and individuals or entities aligned with the regime? 
Do you commit to ensuring USAID does not provide direct or indirect 
support to a COVID vaccination campaign in Venezuela that uses vaccines 
developed by the Cuban regime?

    Answer. I understand that USAID has no plans at this time to 
provide direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign 
in Venezuela, where current vaccination efforts are non-transparent and 
discriminatory. Venezuela is a self-financing participant in COVAX, 
which means that it does not receive donor-supported vaccines or other 
assistance. USAID would only provide COVID-19 vaccination support if 
Venezuela established a credible, impartial, and transparent national 
vaccination plan, implemented in partnership with, or under the 
auspices of, international partners. In addition, it is my 
understanding that USAID has not provided, and has no plans to provide, 
direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign in which 
any Cuban vaccine is used. Cuba has not published its trial data for 
its vaccines, nor has the vaccine received an emergency use listing or 
authorization from the World Health Organization.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Addressing Corruption
    Question. President Biden has taken an important step toward 
enhancing the ability of the United States Government to combat 
corruption and criminal actors worldwide with the release of the 
National Security Study Memorandum on fighting corruption. Defining the 
fight against corruption as a ``core U.S. national security interest'' 
sets a standard for how our government, our partners, and others can 
work together to combat such illicit, corrosive activity. I've 
reintroduced the Combating Global Corruption Act which is now in front 
of the full Senate and has been introduced in the House. The bill 
obliges the Executive to identify corruption in countries and rank them 
in a public, tiered system with respect to levels of corruption in 
their governments; establishes minimum standards for combating 
corruption; and evaluates foreign persons engaged in grand corruption 
for consideration under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights 
Accountability Act.

   Will you commit to working with me to advance the Combating Global 
        Corruption Act and to raising the profile of efforts to fight 
        international corruption as a U.S. national security priority, 
        particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean?

    Answer. I agree that fighting corruption is a U.S. national 
security priority and I look forward to discussing the Combating Global 
Corruption bill with you, if confirmed. I agree that anti-corruption 
efforts must be a focus of our efforts in Latin America and the 
Caribbean. The President has articulated a comprehensive $4 billion, 
four-year plan to confront corruption, enhance security, and foster 
prosperity to address the root causes of migration from Central 
America. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to most 
effectively implement President Biden's plan in Central America, and to 
working with interagency colleagues to utilize all possible tools to 
increase pressure on those not doing enough to confront corruption and 
impunity across the region. I also will seek to deepen current 
investments in democracy, human rights, and governance, including by 
supporting civil society organizations and promoting independent media 
and protection for journalists critical to combating corruption in the 
region.

    Question. Where do you see the biggest opportunities to make real 
strides in eliminating corruption in the Americas over the next two or 
three years?

    Answer. I understand that the USAID institutes robust anti-
corruption programming by helping host countries to strengthen controls 
and transparency in their procurement systems and enhance their 
capacity to prosecute and adjudicate cases through the courts system. 
Corruption is corrosive for many reasons, and in particular because it 
undermines citizen's belief that government can deliver for them. 
Corruption also contributes to weak democratic institutions and 
widespread impunity in the Latin America and the Caribbean region. As a 
result, crime and violence flourish, which is linked to people's 
intentions to migrate. If confirmed, among my priorities for USAID's 
Latin America and Caribbean Bureau will include helping institutions 
deliver basic services with transparency and efficiency, and supporting 
civil society organizations and independent journalists carrying out 
oversight of government institutions. I also would seek to work with 
interagency colleagues to ensure that all possible tools are used to 
combat corruption in the region.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. As Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the 
Caribbean at USAID, you will oversee 17 regional missions, 900+ people 
and over $1 billion of development funds focused on promoting inclusive 
growth, human rights, democracy and governance, and citizen security. 
Your biography mentions that during your last tenure at USAID, you 
focused on the administration's priorities, including: ``reinforced 
U.S. support for Peace Colombia, established a long-term development 
plan for Haiti, and prepared a proactive strategy to confront the 
humanitarian and political crisis in Venezuela.'' It says also that in 
response to Congress' doubling of funding to Central America, you led 
changes in strategy, organization and execution to combat root causes 
of poverty and migration in the region.

   Can you provide the committee with the major concrete steps of your 
        strategy to confront the humanitarian and political crisis in 
        Venezuela?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support Interim President Juan Guaido, 
the democratically elected National Assembly, and the people of 
Venezuela to determine their own future through free and fair 
elections. I commit to working with non-governmental organizations and 
civil society groups to advance democracy and a pathway to democratic 
elections in Venezuela. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with 
you about how we might strengthen those efforts, given the devastating 
costs of Maduro's repression, and that of USAID's continued work to 
provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to vulnerable Venezuelans 
in Venezuela as well as Venezuelan migrants and refugees across the 
region.

             follow-up to senator rubio's initial question
          Question. In your response to my question for the record 
        (``Can you provide the committee with the major concrete steps 
        of your strategy to confront the humanitarian and political 
        crisis in Venezuela?'') you responded with a description of the 
        steps you would take to address the crisis, if confirmed. While 
        we appreciate your wholehearted support for Interim President 
        Guaidoand the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people, 
        the intent of my question was to receive a summary of the 
        concrete steps you helped to develop to confront the crisis 
        during the Obama administration.

   Please provide a description of your strategy to confront the 
        humanitarian and political crisis in Venezuela during your last 
        tenure at USAID, including the outcomes of those actions.

          Answer. In 2016, in my capacity as Assistant Administrator of 
        the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), I worked 
        with the Bureau and USAID and its partners to assess the 
        worsening humanitarian conditions in the country to understand 
        who the crisis was affecting most severely and in which parts 
        of the country. Our ongoing analysis led to the inclusion of 
        Venezuela in a watchlist at Democracy, Conflict, and 
        Humanitarian Assistance Bureau, the Bureau that was then in 
        charge of humanitarian response, stabilization, and democracy.
          The political opposition controlled the National Assembly, 
        but the regime was blocking them from performing their 
        democratic functions. As a result of the ongoing situation on 
        the ground, USAID/LAC programming focused on monitoring and 
        reporting on human rights, electoral conditions, and living 
        conditions in the country. USAID also worked to support 
        independent media, and I supported providing robust assistance 
        to the National Assembly.
          Under my direction, USAID/LAC assessed what possible outcomes 
        could evolve on the ground, and what response would be 
        adequate. This included continuing USAID programming to defend 
        and promote democratic rights, initiating delivery of socio-
        economic relief and commodities, particularly medical supplies, 
        through local independent partners, and expanding humanitarian 
        assistance through local independent partners to avoid 
        politicization by the Maduro regime. We also anticipated 
        programming that would be needed should a political transition 
        to democracy transpire. This assessment process continued in an 
        iterative manner through the end of the administration.

    Question. What is your understanding of the status of current USAID 
programs in Haiti?

    Answer. I understand that USAID is committed to working with the 
Haitian people in their efforts to build a healthy, prosperous, and 
peaceful Haiti. Given recent developments, it is a critical time to 
learn from the past and smartly engage foreign assistance resources in 
Haiti. If confirmed, I commit to supporting COVID relief, humanitarian 
assistance, and resilience building in Haiti. While humanitarian 
assistance will help alleviate some urgent humanitarian needs, it will 
not and cannot address the root causes of the current economic and 
political situation in Haiti, which will only be sustainably addressed 
by engaging Haitian actors with the political will to take-on much 
needed Haitian-driven reforms.

    Question. Earlier this year, I re-introduced my bipartisan 
legislation, the Central American Women and Children Protection Act. 
This bill authorizes appropriations to provide assistance to El 
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras through bilateral compacts to 
increase protection of women and children in their homes and 
communities and reduce female homicides, domestic violence, and sexual 
assault.

   In your opinion, is this legislation something that USAID should 
        support?

    Answer. Thank you for your commitment to protecting women and 
children in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, a goal that I 
wholeheartedly share. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you 
on this legislation and will ensure that USAID continues to support 
gender-based violence (GBV) survivors and women at risk of GBV in El 
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and welcome continued support for 
programming in this area. I understand that in the Northern Triangle, 
USAID supports civil society and independent watchdog institutions to 
deter human rights abuses, respond to human rights violations, and 
support vulnerable populations. This includes forcibly displaced 
persons, women, children, and youth affected by violence and 
insecurity.

    Question. In a recent letter to President Biden, I asked that the 
United States to be prepared to provide COVID-19 vaccines, and other 
humanitarian assistance, to the people of Cuba, but only if it is 
delivered to, and distributed by, trustworthy and independent 
international organizations. We must not allow the regime to take 
possession of such relief and use it as a weapon to force the people of 
Cuba into compliance with their demands.

   Are you being briefed on any discussions with regard to providing 
        humanitarian assistance to Cuba?

   What do you see as the priorities in this space?

    Answer. While I am not privy to any internal U.S. Government 
discussions, I have been following recent developments and the U.S. 
Government's announcements to facilitate the shipment of humanitarian 
assistance to Cuba. I understand that USAID has been providing 
assistance, including food, medicine, and hygiene products to victims 
of repression, including political prisoners, their family members, and 
other individuals who are persecuted because of their political or 
religious beliefs. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize support 
for these populations, which remain under even greater threat following 
the July 11 protests. Accordingly, I will do my utmost to ensure that 
assistance is delivered to, and distributed by, trustworthy and 
independent organizations.

    Question. If confirmed, how will your actions to address the 
current political and humanitarian crises in Venezuela differ from this 
strategy you prepared during the Obama administration?

    Answer. In 2016, the opportunity to work with an interim government 
was not yet a possibility--this is a difference. If confirmed, I will 
support Interim President Juan Guaido, the democratically elected 
National Assembly, and the people of Venezuela to determine their own 
future through free and fair elections. I commit to working with non-
governmental organizations and civil society organizations to advance 
democracy and a pathway to democratic elections in Venezuela. This is 
my priority.
    USAID's engagement on health and food security also has the 
potential to help alleviate the humanitarian crisis and contribute to 
conditions for a democratic transition. With increasing access inside 
Venezuela by USAID's implementing partners, I would pursue creative 
solutions that bring respite to the Venezuelan people outside of the 
Maduro regime's control and I commit to engaging with you and your 
staff, if confirmed.

    Question. Can you clarify your role in developing this strategy? 
Did you personally author this strategy?

    Answer. Given the ongoing humanitarian and political situation in 
Venezuela, as previously stated, USAID/LAC engaged in assessing 
possible outcomes under my direction while Assistant Administrator for 
the Bureau. We analyzed the economic decline and its ramifications, 
summarized FEWS NET food security assessments, the worsening of the 
medical and security situation, and ways to circumvent the regime's 
politicization of essential goods should the situation on the ground 
shift. This iterative process was managed, in response to my direction 
and under my guidance, by the Bureau for Latin America and the 
Caribbean's Office of South American Affairs.

    Question. In your response to my question for the record (``In your 
opinion, is this legislation something that USAID should support?''), 
you responded, ``Thank you for your commitment to protecting women and 
children in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, a goal that I 
wholeheartedly share. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you 
on this legislation and will ensure that USAID continues to support 
gender-based violence (GBV) survivors and women at risk of GBV in El 
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and welcome continued support for 
programming in this area. I understand that in the Northern Triangle, 
USAID supports civil society and independent watchdog institutions to 
deter human rights abuses, respond to human rights violations, and 
support vulnerable populations. This includes forcibly displaced 
persons, women, children, and youth affected by violence and 
insecurity.''

   The intent of this legislation is to authorize the United States to 
        enter into Women and Children Compacts with the countries of El 
        Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, modelled off of those the 
        United States has entered into with Ghana. The Philippines, 
        Peru and Jamaica. Do you believe that these compacts will 
        contribute to USAID's efforts to address support women and 
        children at risk of GBV?

    Answer. When conditions on the ground are right, I believe compacts 
with partner governments on important issues like countering GBV can be 
extremely important. I understand that the Child Protection Compact 
Partnerships the U.S. has developed jointly with governments, for 
instance with Jamaica and Peru, have aimed to build on existing efforts 
to prosecute and punish perpetrators of child trafficking, identify 
child trafficking victims, coordinate and strengthen protective 
services, and prevent child trafficking. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working with the Committee on this legislation, and with the State 
Department to establish such agreements, in appropriate countries.
    To help create the conditions for such compacts, I will ensure that 
USAID continues to prioritize efforts to counter GBV. The ``U.S. 
Strategy for Addressing the Root Causes of Migration in Central 
America'' and the ``Collaborative Migration Management Strategy,'' 
released on July 29, provide further details to guide USAID's strategic 
efforts for the region, including protection efforts for at-risk groups 
and addressing gender-based violence. Pillar V of the Root Causes 
Strategy focuses on ``combating sexual, gender-based, and domestic 
violence,'' with objectives including: governments and civil society 
take steps to prevent sexual, gender-based, and domestic violence; hold 
perpetrators accountable; and protect and provide services for victims. 
I commit to working with your office to ensure that our mutual priority 
of protecting vulnerable populations, most specifically women and girls 
in Central America, is embedded in future programming.

    Question. In your response to my question for the record on your 
awareness of the administration's discussions regarding humanitarian 
assistance to Cuba, you responded, ``While I am not privy to any 
internal U.S. Government discussions, I have been following recent 
developments and the U.S. Government's announcements to facilitate the 
shipment of humanitarian assistance to Cuba. I understand that USAID 
has been providing assistance, including food, medicine, and hygiene 
products to victims of repression, including political prisoners, their 
family members, and other individuals who are persecuted because of 
their political or religious beliefs. If confirmed, I will continue to 
prioritize support for these populations, which remain under even 
greater threat following the July 11 protests. Accordingly, I will do 
my utmost to ensure that assistance is delivered to, and distributed 
by, trustworthy and independent organizations.''

   If confirmed, please provide what steps and actions will you take 
        to ensure that humanitarian assistance is delivered to, and 
        distributed by, trustworthy independent organizations inside 
        Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will verify that existing basic needs 
assistance benefiting political prisoners, dissidents, and their 
families, is implemented by U.S.-based or internationally recognized 
independent NGOs. If confirmed, I will ensure that my team requires 
that each of these organizations provide USAID with their delivery and 
distribution protocols, and that they be verified and monitored 
frequently to ensure assistance does not benefit members of the regime.

    Question. Please be specific on how will you ensure that this 
humanitarian assistance does not benefit members of the Castro/Diaz-
Canel Regime?

    Answer. As USAID designs new solicitations for additional basic 
needs assistance instruments, I will ensure that all necessary 
safeguards are in place for such work to be carried out only by 
independent organizations and to prevent the regime from benefiting 
from them in any way.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to provide regular briefings 
to my office, and other interested Senate offices, on USAID's provision 
of humanitarian assistance to the people of Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regular briefings with your 
office and other interested Senate offices on USAID's provision of 
humanitarian assistance to the people of Cuba.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Todd Young

China, COVID-19, and Economic Development
    Question. The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated the region, and 
countries are struggling with record levels of debt and an anemic 
economic recovery. Latin America faced the sharpest economic 
contraction in 2020 of any region in the entire world. Unfortunately, 
many of these countries were struggling even before the pandemic due to 
weak rule of law, low investment, and poor governance.
    Relatedly, I am worried by China's rising influence in the region. 
In 2019, Chinese companies invested $12.8 billion in Latin America, up 
16.5 percent from 2018, concentrating investments on regional 
infrastructure such as ports, roads, dams and railways.
    I'll note that China's investments are not just making a difference 
in infrastructure but in the past four years, the Dominican Republic, 
El Salvador and Panama have each switched their recognition from Taiwan 
to China. Clearly, China is using this investment to achieve their 
geopolitical goals as well.

   If confirmed, how would you work through USAID to counter what 
        China is doing in the region to ensure that the United States 
        remains the partner of choice for our neighbors?

    Answer. I understand that the administration's approach to 
countering PRC's influence is to provide tangible support that promotes 
sustainable opportunities for economic growth coupled with democratic 
governance, transparency, and local ownership of development work. If 
confirmed, I will work with the U.S International Development Finance 
Corporation to provide countries with choices and opportunities, rather 
than debt traps, digital surveillance, and development projects that 
are often opaque, extractive and coercive. It is important to me to 
work with allies and partners in the region to better leverage 
resources and exert influence. I will be a visible advocate for 
cooperative economic development and trade, human rights, democratic 
governance, and environmental, social, and labor standards, if 
confirmed.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                        THURSDAY, AUGUST 5, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m. in 
Room SH-216, Hon. Chris Van Hollen presiding.
    Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Kaine, Young, and 
Rounds.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Van Hollen. Good morning, everybody. The 
nominations hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
will come to order.
    I want to welcome all of you here and thank my colleague, 
Senator Rounds, who is the ranking member of the Africa 
Subcommittee and the Subcommittee on Global Health Policy. I 
look forward to continuing our work together.
    I am very pleased to welcome our three nominees this 
morning, Ambassador Michael Raynor to be Ambassador to the 
Republic of Senegal and Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea-
Bissau, Mr. Marc Ostfield to be Ambassador to the Republic of 
Paraguay, and Mr. Troy Fitrill to be Ambassador to the Republic 
of Guinea.
    Again, welcome all of you here. Congratulations on your 
nominations and thank you for your ongoing service to the 
country as members of the Foreign Service, and I also want to 
thank and salute your family members who have joined with us 
today.
    Before we hear from our nominees, I would like to outline 
several key topics of relevance for today's panel before 
turning it over to the ranking member for his opening 
statement.
    Ambassador Raynor, I am pleased to welcome you back to the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee and glad that President 
Biden has selected you to represent the United States in two 
nations that hold great promise and great potential for 
enhancing our diplomatic presence in West Africa, Senegal and 
Guinea-Bissau.
    As you know, Senegal has been a democratic stronghold in 
the region and a long-standing friend of the United States, and 
I hope that should you be confirmed you will work in 
partnership with this committee and regional stakeholders in 
Senegal to deepen the bonds that link our two nations.
    In contrast, Guinea-Bissau has undergone significant 
political upheaval in recent years, and those political 
challenges are paired with serious development challenges.
    The World Bank estimates that 70 percent of the population 
in Guinea-Bissau lives on $1.90 per day or less, and that 
hardship has only been compounded by the economic fallout from 
the COVID-19 pandemic.
    I look forward to discussing with you your potential 
avenues and your ideas for engagement in Guinea-Bissau as we 
work to promote development, both in that country and across 
West Africa.
    Mr. Fitrill, you have been selected by the president to 
serve in Guinea, another country that presents many challenges 
and also opportunities for engagement.
    I was pleased to see the State Department's determination 
from last year that Guinea has, quote, ``great potential,'' 
unquote, for the programs of the new International Development 
Finance Corporation, especially in the areas of banking, 
agriculture, IT, energy, and infrastructure.
    In addition, the USAID Office of Transition Initiatives 
recently launched a $15 million regional program seeking to 
bolster stability in coastal West African nations, including 
Guinea.
    At the same time, we must be clear eyed about the 
challenges we face in Guinea from last year's violent and 
controversial reelection of President Conde. Also, to look at 
the impact of China's deepening influence in the country.
    I look forward to discussing measures the United States can 
take to leverage the tools at our disposal for the benefit of 
our interests and those of the people of Guinea.
    We all recognize that Africa is not a monolith. It is 
essential that we work with community partners and local 
leaders to address specific challenges facing each of these 
African nations, and as we work to strengthen our bilateral 
relationships also to impact our broader effort to enlarge 
prosperity that is mutually beneficial to African nations and 
the United States in West Africa and throughout the continent.
    That larger mission must include finding ways to broaden 
our development efforts through initiatives like USAID and DFC, 
and enhance trade by making full use of the African Growth and 
Opportunity Act, AGOA, and other trade tools. We look forward 
to discussing those ideas with you as well.
    Finally, we come to Mr. Ostfield, who has been selected to 
serve on the other side of the Atlantic, in Paraguay, which is 
a long-time friend and partner to the United States, and I have 
been pleased to see the Biden administration make a concerted 
effort to strengthen our already warm relations with Paraguay.
    On March 14th, Secretary Blinken spoke on the phone with 
President Benitez and reiterated the United States support for 
the Paraguayan people, and in June, Under Secretary of State 
for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland, traveled to Paraguay to 
participate in the second U.S.-Paraguay Strategic Partnership 
Dialogue, a forum that has been vital in advancing discussions 
between our countries on trade, security, democracy, and 
collaboration.
    Mr. Ostfield, we look forward to exploring with you the 
current state of U.S.-Paraguay relations and looking at areas 
where we can further strengthen that relationship.
    Let me just end where I started by congratulating all of 
you on your nominations. I look forward to our discussion 
during this hearing.
    And with that, let me turn it over to my colleague, Senator 
Rounds.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    First of all, let me just begin by saying that I am very 
pleased to see this well-qualified panel of nominees before us 
today with one previously confirmed twice by this committee to 
serve in two ambassadorial posts, as well as two other very 
experienced State Department personnel with great records of 
service. I want to thank you and your families for your service 
to our country.
    Ambassador Raynor, your background with Africa to include 
two tours as an ambassador will serve you well if you are 
confirmed to be our next ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau.
    I look forward to hearing your thoughts on how you will 
apply lessons learned from your most recent tour in Ethiopia, 
particularly regarding how the COVID-19 pandemic and recent 
unrest in Senegal is affecting Senegal stability and economic 
prospects.
    I would also like to hear how you will approach our 
relationship with Guinea-Bissau and your views on the prospects 
for greater political stability under President Embal?.
    Dr. Ostfield, if confirmed, your experience in global 
health security and managing other global issues will make you 
well placed to serve as our Ambassador to Paraguay.
    I am interested in your thoughts on what additional 
assistance from the U.S. or other international partners 
Paraguay might need in order to overcome the health and 
economic effects of the pandemic.
    We would also welcome your ideas on improved governance and 
rule of law, increasing security cooperation, and advancing 
U.S. business interests.
    Mr. Fitrill, if you are confirmed, I would be very pleased 
that we would be sending a diplomat to Guinea who has held a 
number of senior positions in the Bureau of African Affairs, 
including most recently as director of the Office of West 
African Affairs.
    Now, this oversees the U.S. engagement with Guinea. I am 
interested in your thoughts on how Guinea might overcome its 
deep political divisions and recommit to regular democratic 
transfers of power.
    With that, Mr. Chairman, thank you, and it is back to you, 
sir.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ranking Member Rounds.
    I want to recognize that we have been joined by Senator 
Kaine, who, among other things, oversees the Western 
Hemisphere.
    Welcome.
    And before I turn it over to all of you for your testimony, 
let me just expand a little bit on your backgrounds, and 
Senator Rounds mentioned some of your experiences.
    But I do think it is worth emphasizing the deep experience 
that all of you have and I must say, as someone who grew up in 
a Foreign Service family, I am grateful for your service and it 
always serves our country's interests well when we nominate and 
send people who have deep knowledge of the issue areas they are 
jumping into.
    Ambassador Michael Raynor, known affectionately by friends 
and colleagues here and abroad as Ambassador Mike, is a long-
term member of the Foreign Service. Over the course of his 
extensive career, Ambassador Raynor has worked in all African 
sub-regions.
    He most recently served as the U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia 
and was previously our Ambassador to Benin. Earlier in his 
career, Ambassador Raynor was director of the Office of Career 
Development and Assignments in the State Department's Bureau of 
Human Resources where he oversaw career development for over 
14,000 members of the Foreign Service.
    He has also served as the Africa Bureau's Executive 
Director where he led management and crisis support efforts for 
the Bureau's 53 U.S. embassies and consulates.
    In addition, his previous service includes tours as 
management officer at U.S. Embassies in Zimbabwe, Namibia, 
Guinea, and Djibouti. He earned an MA in international affairs 
from Columbia University and a BA from Lafayette College.
    He is the recipient of numerous State Department awards, 
including the Leamon R. Hunt Award for management excellence. 
He is fluent in French and, as an extra bonus, at least for me, 
he is a resident of the state of Maryland. Welcome.
    Mr. Marc Ostfield is a career member of the Senior 
Executive Service with over 40 years of experience in 
international affairs and national security.
    He is the current ombudsman of the United States State 
Department, and also has served the department as Acting 
Director of the Foreign Service Institute, Director of the 
Office of Policy and Global Issues in the Bureau of European 
and Eurasian Affairs, Senior Foreign Affairs officer at the 
Office of Science and Technology Cooperation, and Senior 
Advisor for Bioterrorism, Biodefense, and Health Security in 
the Office of International Health and Biodefense.
    Mr. Ostfield earned his BA, MS, and Ph.D. from the 
University of Pennsylvania. He is the recipient of a 
Presidential Rank Award, numerous Senior State Department 
awards, and a range of other honors including a prestigious 
diplomacy fellowship from the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science. He speaks Spanish, Portuguese, French, 
and Arabic. Welcome to you.
    Mr. Troy Damian Fitrill is a career member of the Senior 
Foreign Service and current Director of the Office of West 
African Affairs at the State Department.
    He has previously served as deputy chief of mission at U.S. 
Embassies in Ethiopia and Mauritius, and as Deputy Director of 
the Department's Office of Southern African Affairs.
    In addition, he served as Senior Advisor to the United 
States Special Envoy for the Great Lakes of Africa. Mr. Fitrill 
has also spent time on Capitol Hill as a Pearson Fellow.
    We will not hold it against you, you worked on the House 
side instead of the Senate side. But you worked on the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee where your portfolio included a suite 
of issues relevant to Asia, the Pacific, and Africa.
    I am also proud to know that Mr. Fitrill earned his BA in 
my home state at the University of Maryland and an MS at the 
National War College. He speaks French, Spanish, Portuguese, 
Swedish, and Danish, and let me just welcome you as well.
    So it is wonderful to have a group of three very qualified 
nominees to be ambassadors to these important posts.
    Now, let me turn it over to each of you for your opening 
statements.
    Let us begin with Ambassador Raynor.

 STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL RAYNOR OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL, AND TO 
   SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
       STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA-BISSAU

    Ambassador Raynor. Thank you very much.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Republic of 
Senegal and to the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.
    I am grateful to the president and Secretary Blinken for 
their trust and confidence in me, and I am deeply indebted to 
my wife, Kate, my son, Bradley, and my daughter, Emma, for 
their sacrifices and support throughout my Foreign Service 
career.
    During more than 31 years as a Foreign Service officer, I 
have developed substantial policy and managerial experience and 
a record of inclusive leadership fostering interagency 
collaboration, strong performance by diverse teams, and high 
morale in challenging environments.
    As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I advanced our bilateral 
priorities at the time, which included supporting the country's 
transition toward democratic governance and free market 
economics, launching new programs to bolster human rights and 
counter ethnic strife, strengthening peacekeeping and 
counterterrorism efforts, and facilitating major growth in U.S. 
commercial investments. I am devastated by the current 
situation there.
    As Ambassador to Benin, I elicited strong security 
cooperation, helped improve the country's business climate and 
U.S. commercial prospects, and strengthened the country's 
democratic trajectory.
    As Assistant Chief of Mission in Afghanistan, I led some of 
the United States' largest foreign assistance and justice 
sector programs, as well as the embassy's large and complex 
management, consular, and security operations, while regularly 
engaging Afghan leaders on governance and security concerns.
    As Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I 
led the State Department's management and crisis support for 
more than 50 posts in Africa.
    If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Senegal and to 
Guinea-Bissau, my highest priority will be the welfare 
interests and security of American citizens, whether ensuring 
responsive consular services, advocating for U.S. businesses, 
or strengthening partnerships to confront regional instability.
    This priority will guide every embassy objective and 
activity. If confirmed, I will also do everything I can to 
ensure that the dedicated women and men serving at the U.S. 
embassy are secure, healthy, and provided every opportunity for 
success.
    Our close partnership with Senegal spans more than 60 years 
and is rooted in our shared values of democracy and human 
rights, peace and security, economic opportunity, and 
prosperity.
    Senegal's long democratic tradition of peaceful transitions 
of power, free and fair elections, a robust private press, and 
a strong civil society is unique in West Africa and serves as a 
model for the region.
    Senegal's dynamic economy has achieved impressive growth 
while creating new opportunities for U.S. investment. While the 
pandemic has hampered this progress and worsened the economic 
strains felt by Senegal's large youth population, U.S. public 
and private investments can play a key role in reigniting the 
country's growth.
    Embassy Dakar and Washington counterparts are pursuing a 
number of possibilities for U.S. investment to strengthen 
Senegal's economy and its long-term security and democratic 
governance.
    Senegal is a key security partner in West Africa and a 
critical ally in the United States' efforts to promote 
stability and counter violent extremism. It is a major 
contributor to peacekeeping missions across Africa and 
regularly hosts regional military exercises in partnership with 
the United States and France.
    If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the United States' 
essential democratic, commercial development, and security 
partnerships with Senegal.
    In Guinea-Bissau, the United States has sustained its 
programs in partnership despite pandemic-related challenges, 
and there is scope to expand the bilateral relationship further 
in the days ahead.
    If confirmed, I will seek to advance our two countries' 
shared interests in bolstering democracy and human rights, 
promoting stable and responsive civilian governance, advancing 
development and economic opportunity, and countering drug 
trafficking.
    Senegal and Guinea-Bissau are dynamic nations with 
extraordinary histories and extraordinary potential. I am 
honored by your consideration of me to serve in such an 
important posting.
    If confirmed, I will welcome advice and input from you and 
your staff on any aspect of the United States' multifaceted 
relationships with Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
    I will also be pleased, if confirmed, to welcome you and 
your staff in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, and to keep you up to 
date on the activities of the U.S. embassy in Dakar.
    Thank you for the opportunity to address you today. I look 
forward to answering any questions you may have.
    [Prepared statement of Ambassador Raynor follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Michael Raynor

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee, I 
am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to 
serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal and to the Republic of 
Guinea-Bissau. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for 
their trust and confidence in me, and am deeply indebted to my wife 
Kate, my son Bradley, and my daughter Emma for their sacrifices and 
support throughout my Foreign Service career.
    During more than 31 years as a Foreign Service Officer, I have 
developed substantial policy and managerial experience and a record of 
inclusive leadership fostering interagency collaboration, strong 
performance by diverse teams, and high morale in challenging 
environments. As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I advanced our bilateral 
priorities at the time, which included supporting the country's 
transition toward democratic governance and free-market economics, 
launching new programs to bolster human rights and counter ethnic 
strife, strengthening peacekeeping and counter-terrorism efforts, and 
facilitating major growth in U.S. commercial investments. I am 
devastated by the current situation there. As Ambassador to Benin, I 
elicited strong security cooperation, helped improve the country's 
business climate and U.S. commercial prospects, and strengthened the 
country's democratic trajectory. As Assistant Chief of Mission in 
Afghanistan, I led some of the United States' largest foreign 
assistance and justice sector programs as well as the embassy's large 
and complex management and security operations, while regularly 
engaging Afghan leaders on governance and security concerns. As 
Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I led the State 
Department's management and crisis support for more than 50 African 
posts.
    If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau, my highest priority will be the interests, welfare, and 
security of American citizens. Whether ensuring responsive consular 
services, advocating for U.S. businesses, or strengthening partnerships 
to confront regional instability, this priority will guide every 
Embassy objective and activity. If confirmed, I will also do everything 
I can to ensure that the dedicated women and men serving at the U.S. 
Embassy in Dakar are secure, healthy, and provided every opportunity 
for success.
    Our close partnership with Senegal spans more than 60 years and is 
rooted in our shared values of democracy and human rights; peace and 
security; and economic opportunity and prosperity. Senegal's long 
democratic tradition of peaceful transitions of power, free and fair 
elections, a robust private press, and a strong civil society is unique 
in West Africa and serves as a model for the region.
    Senegal's dynamic economy has achieved impressive growth while 
creating new opportunities for U.S. investment. While the pandemic has 
hampered this progress and worsened the economic strains felt by 
Senegal's large youth population, U.S. public and private investments 
can play a key role in reigniting the country's growth. Embassy Dakar 
and Washington counterparts are pursuing a number of possibilities for 
U.S. investment that will strengthen Senegal's economy and its long-
term democratic governance and security.
    Senegal is a key security partner in West Africa and a critical 
ally in the United States' efforts to promote stability and counter 
violent extremism. It is a major contributor to peacekeeping missions 
across Africa and regularly hosts regional military exercises in 
partnership with the United States and France.
    If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the United States' 
essential democratic, commercial, developmental, and security 
partnerships with Senegal.
    In Guinea-Bissau, the United States has sustained its programs and 
partnership despite pandemic-related challenges, and there is scope to 
expand our bilateral relationship further in the days ahead. If 
confirmed, I will seek to advance our two countries' shared interests 
in bolstering democracy, promoting stable and responsive civilian 
governance, advancing development and economic opportunity, and 
countering drug trafficking.
    Senegal and Guinea-Bissau are dynamic nations with extraordinary 
histories and extraordinary potential. I am honored by your 
consideration of me to serve in such an important posting. If 
confirmed, I will welcome advice and input from you and your staff on 
any aspect of the United States' multi-faceted relationships with 
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. I will also be pleased, if confirmed, to 
welcome you and your staff in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau and to keep you 
up to date on the activities of the U.S. Embassy in Dakar.
    Thank you for the opportunity to address you today. I look forward 
to answering any questions you may have.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
    Mr. Ostfield?

STATEMENT OF MARC OSTFIELD OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR 
   EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF 
              AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF PARAGUAY

    Mr. Ostfield. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of 
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the 
president's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Paraguay.
    I am grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. I appear today with 
the support of my husband of 32 years, Michael, who has 
encouraged me throughout my career of public service.
    Over the course of the past 35 years, my work has always 
been about making the world a healthier, safer, more just, and 
more equitable place.
    Whether on the frontlines of AIDS prevention, developing 
global health campaigns in Latin America and worldwide, or in 
the Department of State shaping policy on issues ranging from 
bioterrorism to human rights to human trafficking to anti-
corruption, my professional experience has demonstrated the 
power of diverse teams that reflect the country we serve and 
the ability to build coalitions in challenging environments.
    My experience as a volunteer firefighter has reinforced the 
importance of mutual aid and decision making in high-pressure 
situations. If confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to 
advance U.S. goals in Paraguay by working to strengthen 
governance, increase security, and promote U.S. business 
interests.
    Mr. Chairman, Paraguay has proven to be a reliable partner 
and ardent defender of democracy in the region, calling for an 
end to undemocratic practices in Venezuela and Nicaragua, and 
supporting Cubans' right to peaceful protest.
    Paraguay's steadfast support for Taiwan is another 
indicator of its commitment to democracy. Like all democracies, 
Paraguay has its challenges, particularly the need for stronger 
rule of law and democratic governance.
    Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions 
Index ranks Paraguay 137 out of 180 countries, near the bottom 
for Latin America.
    In order to deliver prosperity for all its citizens and 
foster greater economic opportunities with the U.S., Paraguay 
must continue its efforts to root out corruption and impunity, 
increase transparency, and repair judicial integrity.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize anti-corruption and 
leverage tools such as Section 7031(c) of the 2019 
Appropriations Act, which Secretaries Blinken and Pompeo have 
used to designate corrupt Paraguayan officials.
    The global pandemic created outsized risks for Paraguay, 
with the world's highest daily per capita death rate in June of 
this year. The U.S. proudly donated 2 million vaccine doses to 
Paraguay in July, which promptly began its mass vaccination 
campaign.
    Additional U.S. support this year will bring U.S. funding 
for vaccine assistance to over $9 million since the start of 
the pandemic.
    Paraguay's long-standing bond with like-minded democratic 
partner Taiwan has made it a target of pressure tactics by the 
People's Republic of China to push Paraguay into switching 
diplomatic relations to Beijing.
    If confirmed, I will work to support Paraguay's economic 
and political sovereignty and its commitment to Taiwan.
    U.S. security goals center on helping Paraguay counter 
illicit networks, which threaten the safety of U.S. citizens 
and the region through money laundering, counterfeiting, drug 
trafficking, trafficking in persons, and links to terrorist 
organizations.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize helping Paraguayan regional 
partners strengthen border security and address transnational 
crime.
    The United States is Paraguay's number-one investor and 
U.S. exports to Paraguay support an estimated 7,000 American 
jobs. To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, I will 
engage Paraguayan authorities on investment disputes, 
procurement tenders, and intellectual property rights.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, 
if confirmed, I will consult with this committee as we work for 
the safety, freedom, and prosperity of the U.S. and Paraguayan 
people.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today 
and I look forward to your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Mr. Ostfield follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Marc Ostfield

    It is an honor to appear before you today as the President's 
nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Paraguay. I 
am grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken have placed in me.
    I appear before you today with the support of my husband of 32 
years, Michael, who has encouraged me throughout my career of public 
service.
    Over the course of a career spanning 35 years, my work has always 
been about making the world a healthier, safer, more just, and more 
equitable place. I spent 15 years on the front lines of HIV/AIDS 
prevention, developing global health campaigns in Latin America and 
worldwide. For the past almost 20 years, I've been honored to serve in 
the Department of State--creating initiatives to combat bioterrorism; 
shaping policy on issues ranging from human rights to human trafficking 
to anti-corruption and the environment; leading the Foreign Service 
Institute in delivering essential training for the U.S. diplomatic 
workforce; and supporting that workforce to address conflict as 
Ombudsman. My experience as a professional has demonstrated the power 
of diverse teams that reflect the country we serve, and the ability to 
build coalitions in the most challenging environments. My experience as 
a volunteer firefighter has reinforced the importance of mutual aid, 
and the ability to make decisions in high pressure situations. If 
confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to advance U.S. foreign 
policy goals in Paraguay by working to strengthen governance, increase 
security, and promote U.S. business interests.
    Mr. Chairman, Paraguay has proven to be a reliable partner and 
ardent defender of democracy in the Western Hemisphere, voting 
consistently in multilateral fora to call for an end to undemocratic 
practices in Venezuela and Nicaragua, and supporting Cuban citizens' 
right to freedom of expression and peaceful protest. Paraguay's 
steadfast support for Taiwan is another indicator of its commitment to 
democracy.
    Like all democracies, Paraguay's has its challenges--particularly 
the need for stronger rule of law and democratic governance. 
Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks 
Paraguay 137 out of 180 countries, near the bottom for Latin America. 
In order to deliver prosperity for all its citizens and foster greater 
economic opportunities with the United States, Paraguay must continue 
its efforts to root out corruption and impunity, increase transparency, 
and repair judicial integrity. The United States is supporting these 
goals with $44 million in USAID funding over five years. If confirmed, 
I will prioritize anti-corruption and leverage tools such as Section 
7031(c) of the 2019 Appropriations Act, which Secretaries Blinken and 
Pompeo have used to designate corrupt Paraguayan officials.
    The global pandemic created outsized risks for Paraguay which has 
endured one of the world's deadliest - surges, with the world's highest 
daily, per-capita death rate in June 2021. The United States proudly 
donated two million vaccine doses to Paraguay, which promptly began an 
effective mass vaccination campaign. Additional U.S. support this year 
will bring U.S. funding for non-vaccine assistance--including technical 
assistance, medicines, respirators, oxygen, and field hospitals--to 
over $9 million since the start of the pandemic.
    Paraguay's long-standing bond with like-minded democratic partner 
Taiwan has made it a target of pressure tactics by the People's 
Republic of China to push Paraguay into switching diplomatic relations 
to Beijing, including through quid pro quo vaccine diplomacy. If 
confirmed, I will work to support Paraguay's economic and political 
sovereignty and its commitment to Taiwan. U.S. security goals center on 
helping Paraguay counter illicit networks, which threaten the safety of 
U.S. citizens and the region. Paraguay's Tri-Border Area (TBA) with 
Argentina and Brazil is one of the principal routes for multi-billion-
dollar money laundering, counterfeiting, drug trafficking, trafficking 
in persons, and other smuggling operations. Some TBA criminal 
organizations have known or suspected links to terrorist organizations. 
To address these threats, U.S. programs build Paraguayan capacity to 
combat money laundering, financing of terrorism, and criminal gangs--
along with programs to strengthen judicial and prosecutorial capacity. 
U.S. military assistance to Paraguay correspondingly strengthens 
cooperative crisis response capabilities. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize helping the TBA countries reinvigorate the Regional Security 
Mechanism, which coordinates efforts to enhance border security, 
dismantle transnational criminal organizations, and prevent money 
laundering and the financing of terrorism. The United States is 
Paraguay's number one investor, and the Department of Commerce reports 
that U.S. exports to Paraguay support an estimated 7,000 American jobs. 
To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities in Paraguay, I will 
continue to ensure our Embassy engages Paraguayan authorities on 
investment disputes, procurement tenders, and Intellectual Property 
Rights.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if 
confirmed, I will consult with this committee as we work for the 
safety, freedom, and prosperity of the U.S. and Paraguayan people. 
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look 
forward to your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ostfield.
    Now we will turn to Mr. Fitrill.

 STATEMENT OF TROY DAMIAN FITRILL OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER 
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA

    Mr. Fitrill. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of 
the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today 
and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for 
Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea.
    I am proud to have my family here today, my wife, Kathryn, 
a fellow Foreign Service officer, and my children, Madeleine 
and Sam, who have spent their lives immersed in the Foreign 
Service themselves.
    Although my career has taken us all to several continents, 
we are drawn to and always thrilled to be in sub-Saharan 
Africa, where we have spent the majority of our assignments.
    My last assignment as Director for West African Affairs 
was, like everyone's, shaken up by the pandemic. But the one 
and only trip I was able to take before the pandemic struck 
began in Guinea, where I had the pleasure of traveling up 
country with my friend and colleague, Ambassador Simon Henshaw, 
whose passing was a shock to all who knew him. It would be a 
signal honor, if confirmed, to try to build upon his work.
    The relationship between the United States and Guinea has 
passed through various stages during Guinea's 63 years of 
independence.
    But we have always extended our hand in partnership through 
support for nascent democratic institutions, productive 
economic initiatives, and supporting the Guinean people 
directly through effective education and health programs, 
including in response to the Ebola epidemic in 2014.
    Indeed, in this current pandemic, American investments in 
health systems paid off as Guinea sought to mitigate the 
ravages of COVID-19.
    In the midst of this crisis, however, Ebola raised its ugly 
head again earlier this year, and those American-supported 
institutions reacted swiftly and effectively, halting it this 
time in a matter of months and with minimal loss of life.
    Economically, Guinea is growing faster than anticipated, 
sustained mostly by strong mining activity, construction, and 
agriculture. U.S. companies have been in Guinea since the days 
of independence and more are joining them every year.
    Recent investments in energy infrastructure, mining, and 
banking show that when given a fair chance, the United States 
is the preferred partner.
    I do not minimize the challenges. There are opportunities 
in infrastructure precisely because so little infrastructure 
exists. The challenges to doing business in Guinea are well 
documented, and recent political tensions only increase the 
level of difficulty.
    As we partner with the Guinean people, we advocate for 
fundamental freedoms, we advocate for open political 
participation, and we advocate for justice and dignity.
    Guinea was born a nation of peace and leadership, and the 
citizens of that country, the region, and the world need a 
Guinea that builds upon that history.
    Right now, Guineans rightfully express concern about peace 
and security both at home and in the region. If confirmed, I 
will encourage dialogue among the parties to strengthen 
political pluralism. Such dialogue can only succeed if all 
sides feel confident that there can be a positive outcome.
    We support efforts to reform Guinea's security institutions 
with capacity-building efforts to bolster civilian protection, 
rule of law, and accountability. Guinea's troops have performed 
well in Mali, the most dangerous peacekeeping mission on Earth, 
and we recognize Guinea for that contribution.
    If confirmed as the twenty-third U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Guinea, I will support and encourage the ongoing 
democratic process, I will promote economic development, 
including advocacy for U.S. exports, support for U.S. 
investment and helping diversify Guinea's economy, and I will 
work to improve public health institutions, enhance Guinea's 
efforts against trafficking in persons, and strengthen our 
security partnership.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the 
committee for the opportunity to address you today. My wife and 
I are both former Hill staffers, and so I would also like to 
thank your staffs for all they do to support you and your 
constituents every day.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in 
representing the interests of the American people in Guinea, 
and I hope very much to welcome you there on a visit one day 
soon.
    And with that, I am happy to answer any questions you may 
have.
    Thank you.
    [Prepared statement of Mr. Fitrill follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Troy Damian Fitrell

    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to 
appear before you today, and grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for 
Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea. I am proud to have my family here 
today: my wife Kathryn, a fellow Foreign Service Officer, and my 
children Madeleine and Sam, who have spent their lives immersed in the 
Foreign Service themselves.
    Although my career has taken us all to several continents, we are 
drawn to and always thrilled to be in sub-Saharan Africa, where we have 
spent the majority of our assignments. My last assignment, as Director 
for West African Affairs was, like everyone's, shaken up by the 
pandemic, but the one and only trip I was able to take before the 
pandemic struck began in Guinea, where I had the pleasure of traveling 
up-country with my friend and colleague, Ambassador Simon Henshaw, 
whose passing was a shock to all who knew him. It would be a signal 
honor, if confirmed, to try to build on his work.
    The relationship between the United States and Guinea has passed 
through various stages during Guinea's 63 years of independence, but we 
have always extended our hand in partnership, through support for 
nascent democratic institutions, productive economic initiatives, and 
supporting the Guinean people directly through effective education and 
health programs, including in response to the Ebola epidemic in 2014. 
Indeed, in this current pandemic, American investments in health 
systems paid off as Guinea sought to mitigate the ravages of COVID-19. 
In the midst of this crisis, however, Ebola raised its ugly head again 
earlier this year, and those American-supported institutions reacted 
swiftly and effectively, halting it this time in a matter of months and 
with minimal deaths.
    Economically, Guinea is growing faster than anticipated, sustained 
mostly by strong mining activity, construction, and agriculture. U.S. 
companies have been in Guinea since the days of independence, and more 
are joining them every year. Recent investments in energy, 
infrastructure, mining, and banking show that when given a fair chance, 
the United States is the preferred partner. I do not minimize the 
challenges; there are opportunities in infrastructure precisely because 
so little infrastructure exists. The challenges to doing business in 
Guinea are well-documented and recent political tensions only increase 
the level of difficulty.
    As we partner with the Guinean people, we advocate for fundamental 
freedoms, we advocate for open political participation, and we advocate 
for justice and dignity. Guinea was born a nation of peace and 
leadership and the citizens of that country, the region, and the world 
need a Guinea that builds upon that history. Right now, Guineans 
rightfully express concern about peace and security both at home and in 
the region. If confirmed, I will encourage dialogue among the parties 
to strengthen political pluralism. Such dialogue can only succeed if 
all sides feel confident that there can be a positive outcome. We 
support efforts to reform Guinea's security institutions, with 
capacity-building efforts to bolster civilian protection, rule of law, 
and accountability. Guinea's troops have performed well in Mali, the 
most dangerous peacekeeping mission on earth, and we recognize Guinea 
for that contribution.
    If confirmed as the 23rd U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea, 
I will support and encourage the ongoing democratic process. I will 
promote economic development, including advocacy for U.S. exports, 
support for U.S. investment, and helping diversify Guinea's economy. 
And I will work to improve public health institutions, enhance Guinea's 
efforts against trafficking in persons, and strengthen our security 
partnership.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for the 
opportunity to address you today. My wife and I are both former Hill 
staffers and so I would also like to thank your staffs for all they do 
to support you and your constituents every day. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with you in representing the interests of the 
American people in Guinea and I hope very much to welcome you there on 
a visit one day soon. I am happy to answer any questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Fitrill, and I thank all 
of you again, and welcome to all the family members who are 
with us, and I want to reinforce your statement of appreciation 
for all our staffs as well.
    Ambassador Raynor, if you were to pick the top challenge 
that you will face in each of the two countries that you would 
go to, if confirmed, can you just identify those very quickly?
    Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator. Absolutely.
    In Guinea-Bissau, the top challenge is to create a sense of 
partnership that reflects shared values of democracy and 
governance, and creates opportunity to bring U.S. influence to 
bear on the development of that country, the economic 
opportunities of that country, and the political opportunities 
for the people of that country so that it can build its 
governance, it can reinforce its stability, and it can become 
more integrated into regional and international community of 
nations.
    Senegal, if I may, I will give a one-part question, a 
three-part answer. Politically, it is a, as we both have noted, 
sir, a very long-standing democracy.
    But all democracies incur strains, and paying attention to 
maintaining political space to respecting citizens' rights and 
opportunities of expression and participation remains important 
for all of our democracies, and I would very much want to 
reinforce our partnership with Senegal in that regard.
    Senegal plays an enormously important security role, both 
as a bulwark against terrorism in the Sahel and its 
peacekeeping mission.
    I would very much want to reinforce its capacity to play 
both of those roles while also continuing to support its 
efforts to inculcate its security and military institutions 
with a high respect for democratic norms.
    Economically, enormous potential for U.S. firms. I would 
very much want to support and broaden those opportunities and 
bring deals to fruition while also, through private sector and 
public engagement, building up Senegal's economy, its capacity 
to create jobs for its large youth population both to create 
economic opportunity for all of us but also to contribute to 
Senegal's ongoing stability and democracy as well.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
    And just staying with West Africa for now, Mr. Fitrill, we 
talked about the relative democratic stability in Senegal. We 
have a different situation, of course, in Guinea.
    How concerned are you about political space and democracy 
in Guinea, and what can the United States do to strengthen 
democratic norms there?
    Mr. Fitrill. I am, indeed, concerned about these issues. 
Right now, the levels of political tension in the aftermath of 
the violence and conflict of last year's election season still 
echoes.
    The number of detainees currently held in custody in Guinea 
are worrying. Our focus is on the process. If there is 
wrongdoing, they should be charged.
    If they have been charged, they should have a fair trial, 
and while detained, they should be given humane treatment. That 
is on the immediate sense of some of the issues in the country.
    But, more broadly, the ability for people to exercise those 
fundamental rights of freedom of expression, freedom of 
assembly, these are under some threat in Guinea.
    I think the United States can keep its efforts on 
overarching democratic processes in the country and we could 
use our messaging both, public and private, to be able to 
encourage a greater advance towards political dialogue in that 
country.
    At the moment, the tensions are such that there is very 
little dialogue occurring. People are talking past one another. 
And I believe the United States, we can use our good offices of 
the embassy and of officials in Washington to help encourage a 
greater dynamic of political dialogue in the country in order 
to achieve a future in which more regular democratic 
transitions can take place.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and in my remaining 50 
seconds, if you could assess China's influence in Guinea, 
because we know that Guinea has been a major recipient of Belt 
and Road support.
    China, of course, does not adhere to the same standards 
with respect to rule of law and democratic norms that we aspire 
to.
    Can you talk a little bit about the influence of China in 
Guinea and how that impacts U.S.-Guinea relations?
    Mr. Fitrill. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    They are the largest trading partner that Guinea has. That 
is a challenge for Guinea and for the rest of the world.
    The emphasis is on a level playing field, and we know that 
that is not always the case with China. But our focus on the 
broader macroeconomic policies of the country have led to real 
competition and that is why U.S. investors have been successful 
in the country as well as investors from other parts of the 
world.
    But keeping that attention on transparency, on the 
applicability of the rule of law, these are the areas in which 
we need to remain focused so that we can have full, even, and 
fair competition.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds?
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me begin 
just simply, once again, by thanking all of you and your 
families for your service to our country.
    Ambassador Raynor, in your previous assignment in Ethiopia, 
you engaged with the Ethiopian Government on several complex 
issues for the United States, including the war in Tigray and 
the historic transition under Prime Minister Abiy.
    Senator Inhofe, Senator Bozeman, and I were there earlier 
this spring and we had the opportunity to visit with President 
Abiy at that time, and seemed to me that there were some real 
challenges there that we tried to work through with the Prime 
Minister.
    You, clearly, have some insights with regard to what had 
occurred in Ethiopia. Now, as you move forward with coming to 
Senegal, you find yourself in a unique situation once again.
    If confirmed, what lessons would you draw from your time in 
Ethiopia and how would you apply them in Senegal?
    Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator.
    I guess I would note at the outset that the while there 
would, certainly, be much commonality in my engagement in 
Senegal, if confirmed, as there was in Ethiopia, the starting 
point is pretty different.
    Ethiopia was just launching during my time there a very new 
and ambitious effort to create a democracy and a free market 
economy, preceded by, frankly, millennia of repression and 
closed ways of doing business. Senegal, of course, has a long 
and strong democratic tradition.
    But I think one of the lessons I learned from Ethiopia is 
that democracy can never be taken for granted, that you have to 
deal forthrightly with your counterparts in the country, make 
sure they are aware of what you can do to support our shared 
interests but also make sure they are aware when you have 
concerns about what they are doing that you feel is getting in 
the way of those shared interests.
    That is something I have done throughout my career and 
throughout my two ambassadorships and we, certainly, anticipate 
doing in Senegal as well.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir. I am going to stick with 
Africa on my discussions.
    And Dr. Ostfield, I see that Senator Kaine is here, and I 
am sure that he is going to provide ample opportunity for 
discussions with regard to Paraguay.
    So if I could, I would like to turn to Mr. Fitrill, and 
just curious, as the former Director of the Office of West 
African Affairs you have had a unique perspective on 
developments in the West Africa region.
    How would you assess the democratic, economic, and security 
landscape in the region, and how does Guinea fit into these 
regional trends?
    Mr. Fitrill. Thank you. It has been a challenging two 
years, no question. I would say that all of those aspects that 
you mentioned are linked.
    One of the problems is the advancement of violent extremist 
organizations has not occurred in a vacuum. It did not occur 
just because the organizations chose to enter the space.
    They have achieved the success that they have had because 
they found a ground that was available for that kind of 
activity.
    The local grievances, the backsliding of democracy, 
widespread corruption have all been problematic in the region, 
and the current attention needs to focus on all the drivers of 
extremism and not just the extremists themselves.
    Our efforts to address the extremists themselves has to be 
done in a way in which it is not actually counterproductive.
    All of these issues, frankly, pay no attention to national 
borders, and I know that the Government of Guinea itself is 
deeply concerned about its eastern and northeastern borders and 
considers these issues to be existential for their country.
    And so the attempt to address those drivers of extremism 
across the Sahel, across West Africa, are absolutely critical 
for any way of addressing sustainably the concerns that these 
governments have right now.
    Senator Rounds. If you could provide advice to us today 
with regard to Chinese influence and how to offset it; if there 
were, perhaps, one or two specific areas where we could be more 
precise, more exacting, more on target with the type of 
programs that we should support, what would you recommend to us 
in terms of the right tools for use?
    Mr. Fitrill. Bingo, Senator. You put it right in your own 
words. The programs that you gave us with the International 
Development Finance Corporation is probably the biggest step 
forward for us to be able to compete on a level playing field.
    We can keep shining a light on the playing field. We can 
keep lobbying and persuading to make sure that international 
norms are respected.
    But if we do not have the financing behind our 
expeditionary commercial efforts, then we are always going to 
be fighting for second place, and we have already seen 
tremendous successes with OPIC and with its successor 
organization, the DFC.
    We are looking forward to some tremendous successes in the 
region. But having that finance behind was probably the biggest 
step forward.
    Senator Rounds. Very good. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Chairman, and Senator Rounds is 
right. I am really here to really focus on Paraguay. So Mr. 
Ostfield, welcome.
    Just a quick story and then a question, and it is about 
U.S. vaccines in Paraguay and, really, throughout the region.
    Just returned from a CODEL, six of us, three Democrats and 
three Republicans. We went to Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador, and 
Colombia, and there were many issues. But what we heard again 
and again was just this deep appreciation for the U.S. donation 
of vaccines.
    And if I had read a memo about it, I would have sort of 
understood it, but I really had to go and hear it because the 
story we heard again and again is the U.S. is donating vaccines 
to us. China and Russia are willing to sell us vaccines.
    We really feel good about the quality of the U.S. vaccines. 
We are not 100 percent sure about the quality of the China and 
Russia vaccines, and when we make a contract with China and 
Russia to get vaccines, they may or may not come through.
    Paraguay has had a very difficult time during COVID. It has 
one of the lowest vaccination rates in the Americas. It has got 
a population of 7 million.
    They did a contract with China to sell them a million 
vaccines through Sinopharm and China just unilaterally 
cancelled the contract because Paraguay is one of the 15 
countries in the world that recognizes Taiwan.
    This is a huge political issue in Paraguay. President 
Benitez's handling of the pandemic and the challenges they have 
had led the congress there to consider impeaching him just a 
couple of months ago. They averted that, but China likely saw 
that as an opportunity and so just last month canceled the 
vaccines.
    On the other hand, the United States has delivered a 
million vaccines, donated a million vaccines to Paraguay, and 
with the announcement of President Biden the other day, there 
is a chance that we may donate more.
    Other nations in the Americas--El Salvador, the Dominican 
Republic--as soon as they stopped recognizing Taiwan, China 
gave them vaccines.
    Often, in the last few years what we have heard from 
leaders in the region is that the U.S.--we would much rather 
deal with the U.S. than China, much rather--we are culturally 
so connected. But you are not around and China is, and if China 
is around we are going to deal with them.
    The vaccine delivery and donations by the United States 
gives us such a massive opportunity to rebuild goodwill and, 
really, kind of accelerate our goodwill ahead of China's in the 
region if we do it right.
    So I will ask you, Mr. Ostfield, should you be confirmed, 
how might you use the fact that the U.S. is being a great 
global donor, including to countries in the Americas, including 
Paraguay, to build our standing and deepen the relationship 
between the United States and Paraguay?
    Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Senator Kaine. It is great to hear 
about your experience on the recent CODEL to the region.
    If confirmed, I would look forward to building on the 
recent U.S. donation of 2 million doses of vaccine. The first 
tranche of a million arrived July 9th. The last tranche, I 
believe, arrived last week.
    If you ever look at any press reports, they arrived on 
planes with Star Wars logos. So quite a media story, in 
addition to the vaccine itself arriving in Paraguay.
    By all reports, Paraguay has already implemented a fairly 
effective mass vaccination campaign. Reports I saw just this 
week there is now people receiving their second dose. So they 
have been that efficient, that effective, at getting vaccines 
out there.
    And it is true that the China-Taiwan relationship or the 
China-Taiwan issue complicates things for Paraguay. They do not 
have access to the Chinese resources.
    If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the 
Government of Paraguay to strengthen Paraguay's commitment to 
Taiwan. It was encouraging to note that during Under Secretary 
for Political Affairs Nuland's recent trip to Paraguay the 
President of Paraguay made a statement affirming Paraguay's 
long-standing connection to Taiwan. They are like-minded 
democratic partners.
    The U.S. Embassy in Asuncion in May of this year hosted the 
first virtual forum for U.S. and Taiwanese entrepreneurs, 
looking at investment opportunities in Paraguay specific to 
things like renewable energy and electric vehicle 
manufacturing.
    If confirmed, one of the calls I look forward to making in 
Asuncion is to the Taiwanese Ambassador there to identify ways 
that the U.S. and Taiwan can partner.
    The U.S.-Taiwan connection is good for the United States, 
it is good for Taiwan, and it is good for Paraguay. And so ways 
that we can work together to help them are in our interests and 
I look forward to furthering those, if confirmed.
    Senator Kaine. Well, just to kind of underline and 
exclamation point something, so the U.S. has donated 2 million 
vaccines in a country of 7 million.
    I mean, that is a big deal in terms of the percentage of 
the population that U.S. donations are now able to cover.
    We visited Ecuador. Just for my colleagues, Ecuador has had 
a tradition of an anti-U.S. Government for about 30 years.
    They had an election in the spring and they not only 
elected a pro-American president, but they also elected a 
parliament where 80 percent of the members are brand new, and 
one of the reasons they did that is because the 30-year closer 
and closer to China, what has it gotten them?
    It has got them oil drilling in the Amazon by Chinese 
companies that are causing huge environmental challenges, 
slipshod infrastructure projects, including dams that are 
causing waterfalls and rivers to dry up, Chinese fishing fleets 
vacuuming up fish around the Galapagos, which is part of 
Ecuador.
    And many people view the election in Ecuador and this very 
dramatic turn toward a pro-U.S. posture as a revulsion at what 
happens when you get too close to China and the debt that comes 
along with that, and the slipshod quality of some of the work 
caused the public to want to do something else.
    We have a real opportunity and the innovation of American 
firms, Operation Warp Speed, the Biden administration's 
decision to deploy in a very generous way, is something that in 
Africa, in the Americas, all around the world, it is a great 
opportunity for us to deepen ties.
    Mr. Ostfield, I look forward to working with you, should be 
confirmed, and I think this is going to give you a really good 
ability to do good work there.
    Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and I think 
Paraguay is a really good example, as you said, of where the 
U.S. donation of 2 million vaccines has had a huge impact. 
Hopefully, it will be a model for how we approach others in the 
region and around the world.
    Senator Young, I am told, may be joining us now via WebEx.
    Okay. He is no longer available.
    So I just have one last question because I did not have a 
chance to ask you one, Mr. Ostfield, and it relates to the 
environmental situation in Paraguay, and my colleagues will 
have another round, of course, for other members who are 
interested in asking additional question.
    So, you know, last October, Paraguay endured one of its 
worst wildfire seasons and it is currently suffering from a 
drought that has depleted the Paraguay River, which is the 
country's main waterway and trade corridor that has gone to 
record lows.
    This has led to environmental degradation and worsened 
economic hardship during the pandemic. It has also led Paraguay 
to ask Brazil, which is suffering from its own severe drought, 
to release water from the low-capacity Itaipu Dam.
    So what is your assessment of the environmental and 
economic impact of the drought and how has this impacted 
Paraguay's relationship with neighboring Brazil?
    Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the 
Government of Paraguay on strengthening their ability to 
respond to the kind of environmental threats you described.
    Paraguay has taken some meaningful actions in this step, 
already participated in the Ministerial Roundtable in April 
with Special Envoy for Climate Change Kerry, committed to 
achieving zero net emissions by the year 2050, and with USAID 
support has been working on improving sustainable livestock 
processes and forest fire management, recognizing the great 
threat they have experienced and that they face.
    At the same time, the threats that Paraguay faces that are 
environmental in nature are linked to some of the issues that I 
described in my opening statement, particularly, rule of law, 
corruption, and impunity in the country. For Paraguay to 
effectively address these environmental challenges, which it 
needs to do, it is going to need to ensure that it has a system 
where there is an ability to enforce laws that are passed to 
achieve compliance with standards that the Government may 
assess and that U.S. assistance in these areas in 
investigation, prosecution, and so forth will actually be an 
asset for Paraguay in addressing the environmental challenges 
that it and its neighbors in the region are facing.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I will turn it over to the 
ranking member.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I have one question but I would direct it to both 
Ambassador Raynor and to Dr. Ostfield, and it follows along the 
same line as I had earlier for Mr. Fitrill.
    And that is with regard to the programs that we have 
available to us to provide and to promote goodwill and to 
improve our economic activity between the different countries, 
I also serve on the Armed Services Committee and in there we 
talk about ways in which we can promote with our allies and our 
friends the ability to coordinate activities and to have them 
learn our way of military activity.
    But time and again, as we speak with these military 
officers, they talk about the need for the engagement by the 
Department of State and the different programs that can be 
very, very helpful and very efficient in maintaining good 
relationships with these countries and can be done at a very 
low cost, really, for the amount of impact that we provide.
    I would ask, beginning with Ambassador Raynor, if there 
were particular programs that you have found to be beneficial, 
could you share that with us?
    And then, Dr. Ostfield, if you could as well give us your 
thoughts.
    Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator.
    I think I would mention three things in response to that.
    First, I would note that our traditional development work 
is important. It meets human needs. It shows that we are in 
partnership with the country where we are engaged and not there 
to pursue our own narrow interests, and elevating the 
visibility of that impact is something that I have always 
sought to do at the embassies I have served at.
    I think that is an important piece of it because we need to 
persuade not only the governments but the people of these 
countries where their true friends and partners are.
    Secondly, I would note that leadership development programs 
in the United States, our programs--you mentioned the military 
ones, the War College, that sort of thing--world class. No one 
comes close to the quality.
    But what we lack is scale. China does not do it as well as 
we do but they do it for hundreds of thousands of times more 
people than we do.
    So if there were a way that we could increase the scale of 
some of these programs--bring them to the United States. It is 
not the same to do the work in the country because when they 
come to the United States they understand America in a way that 
they will never understand if they are not physically there, 
absorbing everything that we are.
    The third thing I would mention is, as important as I think 
training and development programs are, I think the way that the 
United States, ultimately, will be transformational is through 
the private sector through high-quality private sector 
engagement with countries.
    We have enormous interest in Senegal and in every country I 
have served at in the quality of U.S. private sector 
engagement, sharing information, high-quality labor standards, 
and environmental standards. We do it right. However, where we 
suffer is on the competitive cost side of that.
    So you mentioned DFC, and I got to say that is a very 
exciting reinvention of that program from where I sit based on 
what we did before. The scale of it is more in keeping with 
what we need to be doing. Its construct can and should make it 
more nimble, because what we do is run out of time. We have 
processes, and China and others come with financing built in.
    So we need to streamline and make more scaled and impactful 
the financing piece of the support we provide to our own 
private sector engagement.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    Dr. Ostfield?
    Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    I would focus on three areas in terms of where the U.S. can 
better help Paraguay develop and become more of an even 
stronger and more viable partner for us and for the region it 
works in.
    The first of those is addressing governance and rule of law 
and U.S. training and technical support and financial support 
to help Paraguay root out corruption.
    To strengthen the integrity of their judicial system, which 
has a reputation of being weak and corrupt, is an essential 
element of ensuring that Paraguay has the kind of thriving 
democracy that the Paraguayan people deserve and that we also 
want to see for Paraguay.
    Secondly, U.S. assistance in improving security in the 
region. That includes things like money laundering, links to 
terrorism financing, narcotics trafficking, and counterfeiting. 
U.S. assistance has helped in areas related to asset 
forfeiture, improved investigatory techniques, and better case 
building mechanisms strengthened prosecution across the board.
    Not only do we do that on the civilian side, U.S. military 
has been assisting the Paraguayan military in things like 
crisis response to help address the security situation in the 
tri-border area, which is the area where Paraguay borders 
Brazil and Argentina, but also more broadly.
    And then finally, if Paraguay wants to, indeed, be an 
attractive destination for U.S. businesses, for U.S. businesses 
to further investment there, Paraguay is going to have to 
address these issues.
    U.S. assistance is already working with Paraguay, for 
example, on improving the transparency of its solicitations and 
its procurement tenders, which have a tendency to be opaque, to 
help the Government of Paraguay better understand the risks 
with untrusted vendors, and to dissuade Paraguay's business 
community from the investment disputes and frivolous lawsuits 
in violation of intellectual property rights, which, 
ultimately, act as a deterrent for many U.S. businesses to 
invest in Paraguay.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    And I do not know if you have any closing remarks.
    Senator Rounds. I would just simply say thank you to our 
panelists before us today, our nominees. Clearly, as I said 
earlier, you are a qualified group of individuals, and I thank 
you and your families for your service.
    Senator Van Hollen. Let me second that and just say I think 
this is a very important moment for American diplomacy around 
the world, and in my judgment, all of you will help our country 
meet that moment in the countries you have been nominated to be 
our ambassador in, and I look forward to supporting your 
nominations.
    For any members wishing to submit questions for the record, 
the hearing record will remain open until the close of business 
tomorrow, Friday, August 6th.
    And with that, this hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 10:55 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Michael Raynor by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. What is the risk of terrorist activity in Senegal? From 
where do the threats emanate? On what areas will you focus U.S. efforts 
to support Senegal's counterterrorism efforts if confirmed?

    Answer. Senegal's internal security situation is stable and 
generally peaceful, and its professional and capable police and 
gendarmerie forces operate throughout the country. I am concerned, 
however, by increasing instability and violence in the region. Our 
military and civilian security cooperation is focused on preparing 
Senegalese military and civilian forces to address terrorist and other 
threats. The United States is a key security partner to Senegal, and 
Senegal regularly hosts large scale AFRICOM military exercises in the 
region. Pre-COVID, the United States planned 45 joint defense 
engagements with Senegal. I understand most of our planned defense 
cooperation events were cancelled in 2020, but that the United States 
has since rescheduled several of our mission-critical bilateral 
engagements. Senegal is a recipient of U.S. security assistance under 
the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Through the 
TSCTP, the United States works to increase Senegal's immediate and 
long-term capabilities to address terrorist threats and prevent the 
spread of violent extremism. Senegal maintains a strong will to counter 
violent extremism and seeks to deepen our already close 
counterterrorism partnership to further develop its capacity in this 
regard. If confirmed, security cooperation will remain a key priority 
of mine.

    Question. Senegal remained on the Trafficking in Persons Tier 2 
Watch List for the second consecutive year. According to the report, 
the Government ``did not investigate or prosecute traffickers 
exploiting children in forced begging consistent with the 2005 anti-
trafficking law and did not take action against officials who refused 
to investigate such cases. . . . Officials did not consistently use the 
2005 anti-trafficking law to prosecute alleged traffickers and 
continued to apply penalties inconsistent with the law.'' If confirmed, 
how will you encourage accountability for officials who refuse to 
investigate forced begging? What steps will you take to encourage the 
Government to apply penalties for trafficking consistent with the law?

    Answer. Per the 2021 TIP Report, the Government of Senegal does not 
fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but 
is making significant efforts to do so. I understand that cooperation 
on anti-trafficking efforts with the Senegalese Government remains a 
top priority for Mission Dakar. Senegalese Government efforts this past 
year included implementing the third phase of its program to remove 
vulnerable children, including trafficking victims, from the streets; 
increasing investigations, prosecutions, and convictions; and adopting 
a new national action plan. The Government identified and referred to 
services 6,187 vulnerable children, including potential child 
trafficking victims, during the reporting period, a significant 
increase compared to the 1,358 children identified during the previous 
reporting period.
    If confirmed, I will work to expand on this progress and to address 
with the Senegalese Government the prioritized recommendations in the 
2021 TIP Report. These include increasing efforts to actively 
investigate and criminally prosecute trafficking offenses, punishing 
convicted traffickers with significant prison terms consistent with the 
2005 anti-trafficking law, and establishing a system to automatically 
trigger investigations of alleged traffickers when potential 
trafficking victims are identified, including potential child forced 
begging victims. I will also continue to support the Department's 
project to combat sex trafficking under the Program to End Modern 
Slavery.

    Question. Two prominent would-be candidates in the 2019 
Presidential elections-Karim Wade, son of the former president, and 
Khalifa Sall, the former mayor of Dakar-were barred from running due to 
corruption convictions which some critics viewed as politically 
selective, particularly in the case of Khalifa Sall whom President Sall 
pardoned months after the vote. Local activist groups also came under 
increased state regulatory pressure during the electoral period. And 
Ousmane Sonko, an anticorruption activist who challenged President 
Macky Sall in the 2019 elections was arrested on charges of rape and 
disturbing public order in March 2021, prompting protests in Dakar and 
elsewhere. What accounts for the legal troubles of opposition figures? 
Are the charges politically motivated? What is the trajectory of 
democracy in Senegal--is space expanding or shrinking? What will you do 
if confirmed to help preserve political space in Senegal?

    Answer. Although the official investigation into sexual assault 
charges against opposition leader Ousmane Sonko is ongoing, he and his 
supporters claim the accusations are a political conspiracy by 
President Sall to sabotage Sonko's 2024 presidential aspirations, 
comparing the charges to previous criminal cases orchestrated against 
Khalifa Sall and Karim Wade to disqualify them from the 2019 
presidential election. Sonko's subsequent arrest in early March 
triggered several days of intense political protests that spiraled into 
widespread riots and looting, the worst Senegal had seen in decades. 
The unrest resulted in at least fourteen deaths, hundreds of injuries, 
and significant damage to private businesses across the country. It has 
also shifted the country's political landscape in ways that remain to 
be seen fully, including exerting additional pressure on President Sall 
to clarify his position on whether he will seek a third term in 2024. 
If confirmed, I will continue to call on the Government of Senegal, 
both publicly and privately, to respect democratic norms and 
constitutional requirements, including term limits and regular 
democratic transitions of power. I will also engage like-minded 
missions, civil society, and other relevant stakeholders to speak in a 
unified voice on issues of democracy and preserving political space in 
Senegal.

    Question. A regional court with jurisdiction in Senegal determined 
that a controversial election law enacted in 2018 which requires 
citizen endorsements for presidential candidates violated civil 
liberties and directed Senegal's Government to annul it. Has the law 
been annulled? If not, why not, and is failure to annul it an indicator 
of a deterioration of the rule of law in your view?

    Answer. The Government of Senegal annulled this law on July 8, 
2021.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I launched major new programs to 
support democratization, human rights, opposition political parties, 
independent media, civil society, and relevant national institutions, 
including the creation of a credible human rights commission and 
electoral board. I led the design and implementation of new USAID 
programs in economic empowerment, political participation, education, 
and health to promote greater participation by women in political and 
economic life.
    As Ambassador to Benin, I worked closely with the then-president 
and other elements of the Beninese Government to ensure respect for 
constitutional term limits, resulting in a democratic and peaceful 
transition of presidential power. I established new programs to counter 
corruption and boost government accountability and transparency, as 
well as significant new initiatives to foster interreligious tolerance 
and cooperation. As Acting Chief of Mission in Afghanistan, I led major 
development and justice sector programs to promote the well-being, 
human rights, education, rule of law, security, and economic prospects 
of Afghans and, in particular, Afghan women.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Senegal? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. Senegal has long served as a democratic model in the region 
with a strong history of democratic values and peaceful transitions of 
power, respect for the rule of law, tolerance, and respect for human 
rights, values which the United States shares. I was deeply concerned, 
however, by the March unrest, which led to the tragic loss of life of 
fourteen individuals who were killed during the protests. A significant 
contributing factor to the unrest was political dissatisfaction related 
to perceived government oppression of critics, as well as concerns over 
youth unemployment and economic anxiety exacerbated by government-
mandated Covid-19 restrictions. The Government took other deeply 
concerning actions during the unrest, such as suspending transmission 
of two opposition-friendly television channels broadcasting news and 
commentary on the protests. While Senegalese media have traditionally 
operated freely, and many international press outlets have offices in 
Senegal, press freedom is an area of increasing concern as government 
pressure on opposition voices has increased in the past year.
    If confirmed, I will use my unique platform and voice as the U.S. 
Ambassador, both publicly in my interactions with the Senegalese people 
and privately with Senegalese officials, to elevate issues of 
democracy, democratic norms and constitutional requirements, press 
freedom, respect for human rights, and the need for citizen-responsive 
governance. I will continue to urge all parties to exercise restraint, 
to avoid future violence and destruction of property, and to work 
toward peaceful and inclusive dialogue to resolve complicated problems, 
which will require cooperation by all Senegalese to make meaningful 
progress.

    Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support 
democracy in Senegal? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. Senegal has long served as a democratic model in the region 
with a strong history of democratic values and peaceful transitions of 
power, respect for the rule of law, tolerance, and respect for human 
rights -- values which the United States shares. The Senegalese people 
understand how important democracy is, and they overwhelmingly support 
having a say in how they are governed and by whom, as evidenced by the 
March protests over concerns about the economic situation and youth 
unemployment, as well as political dissatisfaction related to perceived 
government oppression of critics. If confirmed, I will ensure that in 
our diplomatic engagements with the Senegalese Government we pay close 
attention to access to justice, respect for democratic norms and 
constitutional requirements, free and fair elections, media freedom, 
the health of civil society, and government transparency and 
accountability. I will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen 
the capacity of civil society organizations and amplify their voices, 
encourage the Government to collaborate with these organizations for 
the betterment of the Senegalese people, and ensure coordination of 
effort with like-minded missions and other key stakeholders.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. Supporting democracy and good governance are key U.S. 
priorities in Senegal. I understand that U.S. public diplomacy and 
outreach in Senegal support Mission and Department goals on promotion 
of democracy and good governance through press outreach, small grants, 
American Center-based programs, digital video conferences, visiting 
speakers, exchange programs, and social media engagement. For example, 
USAID provides support to the Government of Senegal to meet its own 
governance targets to decentralize management and fiscal authority by 
delegating decision-making to regional and local governments, improve 
transparency and accountability at the national level, and consolidate 
and improve the quality of democracy in Senegal. USAID's work seeks to 
increase citizen engagement in government processes, strengthen 
effective local governance, improve transparency and accountability, 
and promote peacebuilding efforts in Casamance. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize these key efforts as Ambassador.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Senegal? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S., and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Senegal. Organizations promoting human rights, civil 
society, and good governance are critical to any functioning democracy. 
If confirmed, I will continue and strengthen the relationships built by 
Mission Dakar and the Department of State more broadly with civil 
society members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations 
in the United States, and Senegalese human rights NGOs, and other 
members of civil society in Senegal. I will continue to advance 
opportunities to strengthen the capacity of civil society organizations 
and amplify their voices, encourage the Government to collaborate with 
these organizations for the betterment of Senegal, and ensure that we 
coordinate our efforts with like-minded missions and other key 
stakeholders to address our concerns with a unified voice.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue strengthening the 
relationships Mission Dakar has built across the political spectrum, 
including by engaging with both ruling and opposition parties and 
leaders. I will work with both the Government and opposition parties to 
develop a more inclusive political environment and will urge the 
Government to ensure the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly 
for all political actors, even those who do not agree with the 
Government. Through public statements, development projects, small 
grants, and direct engagements, I will advocate for a political 
environment that is inclusive of Senegalese women, youth, and 
minorities.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Senegal on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Senegal?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Senegal on press 
freedom issues. Senegalese media has traditionally operated freely, and 
many international press outlets have offices in Senegal. Press freedom 
is an area of increasing concern, however, as government pressure on 
opposition voices has increased in the past year. During the March 2021 
unrest, the Government suspended transmission by two opposition-
friendly television channels broadcasting news and commentary on the 
protests. I will also call on the Government to prevent and stop the 
harassment of journalists and media outlets whose reporting is critical 
of the Senegalese Government's policies. Such actions have a negative 
impact on press freedom and underscore the need for the Government to 
be transparent, as doing so would make independent media outlets better 
positioned to share accurate information with ordinary Senegalese. We 
will continue to prioritize providing training and other capacity 
building opportunities for journalists. If confirmed, I will commit to 
meet regularly with independent, local press in Senegal.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue and, as appropriate, expand 
upon the Embassy's ongoing engagements with civil society and 
government counterparts to promote the importance of countering 
disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
state actors in Senegal.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Senegal on the right of labor groups to organize, including for 
independent trade unions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Senegal on the 
right of workers and labor groups to organize, including to form 
independent trade unions, and I will call out incidents when this right 
to associate is restricted.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Senegal, no matter 
their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a 
priority for our mission in Senegal. If confirmed, I will use all 
diplomatic tools at my disposal to defend the human rights and dignity 
of all individuals in Senegal, no matter their sexual orientation or 
gender identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Senegal?

    Answer. In a country that otherwise largely respects human rights, 
the struggle for LGBTQI+ individuals in Senegal is ongoing. The 
situation of Senegal's LGBTQI+ community remains dire, and members of 
the community continue to be subject to arbitrary arrests and to 
convictions for consensual same-sex activity. Incidents include the 
arrest and beatings of suspected LGBTQI+ individuals by religious 
police in Touba and arrests of LGBTQI+ individuals in Dakar for holding 
a birthday party. The Covid-19 pandemic has created additional 
difficulties for LGBTQI+ organizations and their mission to serve their 
communities. In February, following President Biden's message to the 
African Union, comments from Senegalese citizens overall were positive 
and generally appreciative of U.S. re-engagement in Africa, but 10% of 
the comments criticized its references to LGBTQI+ inclusion. Several 
warned against warming up to the United States too quickly and advised 
caution regarding mentions of the LGBTQI+ community. Likewise, 
Senegalese are widely critical of calls to respect the human rights of 
LGBTQI+ persons.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Senegal?

    Answer. Promoting the human rights of LGBTQI+ people is a 
challenging endeavor in a society as conservative as Senegal. It is 
also a priority of the Biden administration around the world, and, if 
confirmed, I commit to carrying out the President's mandate. It is 
critically important, in doing so, to consult with LGBTQI+ individuals 
and organizations in Senegal to take account of the local context and 
ensure we do not exacerbate the problem. For instance, it may not 
always be appropriate to issue public statements in response to 
specific anti-LGBTQI+ incidents, but to engage in quiet, closed-door 
diplomacy that minimizes additional risks to LGBTQI+ people. Embassy 
Dakar has relaunched an interagency Human Rights Working Group to 
identify ways to assist human rights defenders, including LGBTQI+ 
activists, in addressing harassment and violence. Discretion and 
strategic engagement with the international community are the only 
avenues for LGBTQI+ activists to operate within the current social 
environment. LGBTQI+ activists and individuals will continue to face a 
difficult road as long as Senegal remains intolerant of LGBTQI+ 
persons. In gauging how, when, and whether to engage on this topic, it 
is invaluable to understand the sense of the local LGBTQI+ community, 
and I commit that, if confirmed, the Embassy team and I will continue 
engaging with the LGBTQI+ Senegalese and their allies.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Senegal?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to accommodate promptly all 
appropriate requests for briefings. As someone whose professional 
career began as a staff member of a Senate Select Committee, I have a 
strong appreciation and respect for Congress' key oversight role and 
will fully cooperate in accommodating that role.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Troy Damian Fitrill by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How much democracy and governance related assistance has 
the United States provided for programs and activities in Guinea over 
the last four fiscal years and in what areas? If confirmed, in what 
areas would you recommend assistance be channeled?

    Answer. From FY 2017 to FY 2020, the State Department and USAID 
allocated $12 million in bilateral foreign assistance to Guinea to 
support good governance; political competition and consensus building; 
and independent media and free flow of information.
    If confirmed, I would recommend that we continue these programs, 
and also that we prioritize additional democracy and governance areas 
including rule of law, strengthening political parties, and 
transparency in elections.

    Question. There were multiple reports that security forces killed 
civilians related to the March 2020 referendum and legislative 
elections, and the October 2020 Presidential elections. What is the 
status of the investigations into elections related violence in Guinea? 
If confirmed, how will you support accountability related to electoral 
violence?

    Answer. I understand that there has been no progress on 
investigations into violence surrounding the 2020 elections and 
referendum. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Guinea to 
investigate thoroughly and transparently, and to hold accountable those 
responsible for human rights violations and abuses, including those 
associated with the alleged unlawful killings in 2019-2020 in the lead 
up to and aftermath of the legislative elections, constitutional 
referendum, and presidential election.

    Question. Human rights organizations claim that 300 to 400 people 
were arrested in the wake of the October elections. Opposition figures 
were targeted for arrest the following month. Were these arrests 
politically motivated? What is the status of those detained? What 
specific actions will you take, if confirmed, to address politically 
motivated detention, harassment and intimidation of opposition and 
civil society?

    Answer. Authorities reportedly arrested an estimated 400 people 
during the March 2020 legislative and October 2020 presidential 
election periods. Arrested individuals include opposition leaders, 
civil society members, and journalists. Many of these arrests appear to 
be politically motivated. The Government of Guinea has released an 
unknown number of detainees since November 2020 and recently released 
eight high-profile opposition leaders, but arrests continue. At least 
two detainees have died in detention, while others continue to suffer 
from lack of access to adequate health care, prison overcrowding, and 
life-threatening prison conditions.
    If confirmed, I will press the Government of Guinea to ensure that 
detained members of the political opposition receive all applicable 
procedural protections and fair trial guarantees for those who have 
been charged, and that those detained are treated humanely to help 
Guinea establish a more representative, democratic, and transparent 
government. I will press for the release of those who have been 
unjustly detained, who have not been charged, and whose detention 
appears politically driven.

    Question. Are media freedoms respected in Guinea? Are journalists 
free to be critical of the Government without fear of reprisal? A 
recent legislative change calls for the High Authority of Communication 
to be appointed by presidential decree as opposed to being elected by a 
group of peer commissioners. How will that impact media freedoms? What 
steps will you take if confirmed to support free media?

    Answer. I understand that press freedom in Guinea is significantly 
constrained due to government action. Journalists have been subjected 
to harassment and intimidation after publishing reports critical of the 
Government. Guinean journalists have been detained by security forces, 
and foreign journalists have been forced to leave the country. 
Government officials attempt to censor the media on spurious legal and 
administrative grounds. The July 2020 law allowing the president to 
appoint the chair of the High Authority of Communication and raising 
the number of presidentially chosen members is just another example of 
the Government's efforts to constrain press freedom.

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging across the spectrum on 
the importance of press freedom and to meeting regularly with press 
outlets. I will call on the Government of Guinea to respect press 
freedom and to prevent harassment of journalists critical of the 
Government. If confirmed, I will seek to continue support for the 
development of free press and journalists through training and capacity 
building programs for journalists.

    Question. According to the State Department Country Report on human 
rights, Guinean law ``criminalizes rape and domestic violence, but both 
occurred frequently, and authorities rarely prosecuted perpetrators.'' 
What assistance is the U.S. providing to law enforcement to address 
rape and sexual violence in Guinea?

    Answer. The State Department, through the Bureau of International 
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), has provided $400,000 for 
FY20. U.S. Government support provides mentoring and training to 
Guinean law enforcement officers to improve their understanding and 
support of internationally recognized human rights, fight trafficking 
in persons, and address sexual and gender-based violence. I understand 
that this training also strengthens Guinean law enforcement's capacity 
to identify and investigate rape and domestic violence cases.

    Question. Guinea is on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second year in 
a row, according to the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. The report 
indicates that the Government does not ``provide sufficient funding to 
the Office for the Protection of Gender, Children, and Morals.'' What 
efforts will you undertake, if confirmed, to encourage the Government 
to dedicate resources to that office? What other efforts will you 
engage in if confirmed to ensure the Government adequately addresses 
trafficking in persons?

    Answer. I understand that Guinea remains on the Tier 2 Watch List 
in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report because the Government did 
not demonstrate overall increasing efforts to address trafficking in 
persons compared to the previous reporting period, even considering the 
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-trafficking capacity.
    If confirmed, I will work to raise awareness and enlist the support 
of communities and local government to address the human trafficking 
issue. I will press the Government to fully fund and support government 
officials and entities that work to support and protect trafficking 
victims. We will continue to work together with the Government of 
Guinea to strengthen Guinean capacity to improve its trafficking in 
persons record, and with NGOs and the international community to 
provide assistance and training to Guinean law enforcement and the 
judicial system to ensure that traffickers face justice. I will also 
continue to support the Department's project to combat child 
trafficking under the Program to End Modern Slavery, as well as the 
Department's bilateral project to identify and provide services to 
victims of trafficking.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. Almost every position in my career has had a focus on 
promoting respect for human rights. As Labor Attache in Guatemala, I 
counseled nascent factory unions in achieving formal recognition and 
lobbied government officials to allow unions to make use of arbitration 
proceedings. The former increased the number of recognized unions and 
the latter increased access to legal redress in the face of labor 
rights abuses. As Charge d'Affaires in Mauritius, I led my Embassy team 
to organize and execute a three-day skills camp to train women to run 
for elected office. After Constitutional changes took place, the number 
of women in elected positions increased four-fold. If confirmed, I 
commit to keeping respect for human rights at the forefront of U.S. 
engagement in Guinea.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Guinea? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the number of members of the 
political opposition in Guinea who remain imprisoned and the limiting 
of political space for opposition parties and groups by the Guinean 
Government. All Guineans must be free to express opposing views. Abuses 
by law enforcement and security forces must be investigated and those 
responsible must face justice. The press must be free to report 
critically. If confirmed, I will call upon the Government of Guinea to 
resolve the detainee issue and make other positive overtures to the 
opposition to ease political tension. I will press for an investigation 
into violence and killings around the 2020 elections. I will push for 
greater freedom of the press and greater protections for journalists.

    Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support 
democracy in Guinea? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise concerns publicly 
and privately about lack of accountability for alleged human rights 
violations and abuses by security forces and the continued pretrial 
detention of opposition supporters, civil society members, and 
journalists. Potential impediments include the lack of transparency and 
accountability within the justice system, slow bureaucratic processes, 
and a lack of resources.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. The United States Government implements projects in Guinea 
supporting local governance, civil society, and media to consolidate 
good governance across the country. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
implementation of security sector reform projects and training to help 
prevent future human rights violations and abuses and instruct on the 
role of security services in sustaining and supporting democratic 
processes and institutions. We will work to build capacity of civil 
society organizations to promote respect for democracy and human rights 
and accountability in the democratic process.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Guinea? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. Promotion of respect for human rights in Guinea is one of 
the most important priorities for the United States. If confirmed, I 
commit to meet with civil society members, human rights and other non-
governmental organizations in the United States and with local human 
rights NGOs, and other members of civil society in Guinea. I will 
ensure our Embassy continues to build and strengthen its relationships 
with a broad spectrum of civil society both in the United States and in 
Guinea. I will work with our diplomatic and international partners to 
encourage the Government to cooperate with civil society to create a 
safer, freer, and more democratic Guinea.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our existing 
relationships and build new ones across the political spectrum and will 
engage with democratically oriented political figures and parties. I 
will work with both the Government and opposition parties to develop a 
more inclusive political environment which respects human rights and 
democratic norms. Through engagement, programs, and grants I will 
advocate for greater participation by women, minorities, and youth in 
politics.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Guinea on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Guinea?

    Answer. A free press is vital in any democracy to hold leaders to 
account, as well as exposing and fighting corruption. If confirmed, I 
commit to engaging across the spectrum on the importance of press 
freedom and to meeting regularly with independent, local press in 
Guinea. I will call on the Government of Guinea publicly to respect 
press freedom and to prevent harassment of journalists critical of the 
Government. If confirmed, I will seek to continue support for the 
development of free press and journalists through training and capacity 
building programs for journalists.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. The corrosive effects of disinformation and propaganda on 
democracy are particularly troubling in countries still working toward 
enshrining democratic principles and respect for fundamental freedoms 
in their political cultures. If confirmed, I will continue current 
engagement and promote new engagement with government, the press, and 
civil society organizations to counter disinformation and propaganda 
disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in Guinea, including 
through the Embassy social media platforms.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Guinea on the right of labor groups to organize, including for 
independent trade unions?

    Answer. My tour as Labor Attache in Guatemala taught me the 
importance of engaging with labor groups, including unions, to protect 
and promote the welfare of workers. If confirmed, my team and I will 
actively engage with the Government of Guinea on the right for workers, 
labor groups, and independent trade unions to form and join 
organizations of their own choice, and I will publicly call out abuses 
or restrictions of this right of freedom of association.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Guinea, no matter 
their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Promotion of human rights in Guinea will be one of my top 
priorities if I am confirmed. I commit to using all the tools at my 
disposal to promote and defend the human rights and dignity of all 
Guineans, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Guinea?

    Answer. The confluence of traditional local cultures with Islamic 
tenants has created an environment in Guinea where consensual same-sex 
sexual conduct and recognition of the LGBTQI+ community is a strict 
taboo. The legal environment does not allow same-sex relationships or 
marriages, and Guinean law does not consider LGBTQI+ individuals a 
protected class. Anti-discrimination laws to protect LGBTQI+ persons do 
not exist. I am unaware of any prominent individuals that champion the 
cause of equal societal treatment for the LGBTQI+ community. In 
addition, the traditional nature and outlook of the majority of 
Guineans would be a natural obstacle to holding a frank public 
discussion about LGBTQI+ issues.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Guinea?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use my office to highlight the 
strengths of diversity and acceptance of all people for who they are. 
The United States is rightfully proud of the strides we have made, and 
continue to make, in living up to our founding principle that everyone 
is equal under the eyes of the law. I believe that if confirmed, I can 
use the persuasive power of the Embassy to help Guineans begin to 
address this important issue.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief members of congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Guinea?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work together with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs to respond promptly to all 
appropriate requests for information and briefings for members of 
Congress and their staff, and to offer such briefings whenever I am in 
Washington.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                  WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2021 (a.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:36 a.m. in 
Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee, 
presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, and Cruz.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    We appreciate the patience of both members and the nominees 
of conferring with the ranking member on the question of 
nomination.
    We are here today to consider nominations for four very 
important positions: Ambassador Julieta Valls Noyes to be 
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Population, 
Refugees, and Migration, Ambassador Barbara Leaf to be the 
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, Ms. 
Julianne Smith to be Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization, NATO, and Ambassador Denise Bauer to be the 
Ambassador to France and Monaco.
    Congratulations on all your nominations. The four of you 
have a distinguished history of public service. We appreciate 
your willingness to continue to serve our country.
    We also appreciate your families because it is a sacrifice 
to families as well who are engaged in the service by their 
support and sometimes travel abroad. We thank them.
    Before I continue, I understand that the distinguished 
Senator from Virginia is privileged to make three 
introductions. I do not get three introductions from New Jersey 
and I am the chairman.
    In any event, Senator Kaine we'll recognize you now.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member 
Risch, for scheduling this hearing for such wonderfully 
qualified nominees.
    It is my pleasure to introduce three of the nominees, two 
from Virginia, one from California, who is a very close friend: 
Denise Campbell Bauer, to be ambassador to France and Monaco, 
Julieta Noyes to be Assistant Secretary of State for 
Population, Refugees, and Migration, and Barbara Leaf to be 
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs.
    I previously introduced Ambassador Bauer to this committee 
in 2013 when she was nominated to be ambassador to Belgium. I 
have had a chance to know Denise and her family now for about 
15 years.
    She had a distinguished career in journalism, nonprofits, 
and domestic and international politics. But in particular, in 
her service in Belgium, she served at a most challenging time.
    In March of 2016, Belgium was subject to coordinated 
terrorist attacks at the same time as France also underwent 
those attacks. And at that point, Ambassador Bauer, she will 
describe, worked very hard to keep Americans safe, to work with 
our ally, Belgium, and even coordinate some activities between 
Belgium and France.
    As Ambassador to Belgium, she was unanimously confirmed by 
the Senate. She worked very, very hard on that transatlantic 
relationship and to advance U.S. policy goals in Europe.
    And as you know, the U.S. presence in Belgium also includes 
the NATO and EU missions, and so the Belgian Ambassador has a 
lot of important work in those multilateral efforts.
    Her on-the-ground experience in the region leading the 
implementation of U.S. foreign policy at a challenging time has 
demonstrated her ability and would make her very, very fit to 
serve as our Ambassador in France and Monaco.
    Ambassador Noyes exemplifies the dedication of career 
Foreign Service officers and their families, many of whom call 
Virginia home when they are not serving overseas.
    I have had a chance to see Ambassador Noyes' work up close 
and personal. I met her in several occasions when she was 
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Europe from 2013 to 2015 
and, again, in Spain when I had the honor, as did the chair of 
this committee, to serve as honorary chair of the U.S. Spain 
Council.
    Ambassador Noyes has served the country with great skill 
while raising three children together with her husband, who is 
also a Foreign Service alum, now a retired officer with 29 
years of service.
    Two of her children, wisely, attended Virginia 
universities, University of Virginia and Christopher Newport 
University.
    And I would note in particular, Mr. Chair, that in this 
position, working on important issues of population, refugees, 
and migration, Julieta has a powerful family experience. She is 
the daughter of Cuban refugees and would bring that personal 
passion to the important work of State in this area.
    Finally, I want to introduce Ambassador Barbara Leaf, 
another Virginian. I noticed that she is a proud alumni of 
William and Mary and the University of Virginia, but she is 
wearing only a William and Mary brooch today and not the UVA 
brooch. She probably had hoped I would not point that out.
    But she is a very well qualified nominee for the position 
of Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. She 
comes to the committee with a deep background in Near Eastern 
Middle East politics.
    She was a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East 
Policy and previously served as our ambassador to the UAE and 
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Arabian Peninsula 
in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.
    This struck me. All of these State Department career folks 
are wonderful in foreign language proficiencies but listen to 
this.
    Ambassador Leaf speaks Arabic, French, Italian, and Serbo-
Croatian. She will lead the bureau with integrity and 
enthusiasm, and I am proud to introduce this great Virginian to 
the committee.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that 
introduction of all of our distinguished nominees.
    I know that Senator Shaheen is very happy to see four 
incredibly talented women before the committee. Let me continue 
now.
    Briefly, I had a conversation with the ranking member, and 
I appreciate his attention to the seriousness of the situation 
we have on nominees in the committee.
    We have over 70 nominees pending before the committee and 
we have over 50 completed files. I look forward to working with 
the ranking member so that we can continue to expedite those 
nominees in the days ahead.
    Okay. I am now being told that Senator Shaheen has also got 
an introduction to make.
    Senator Shaheen?

               STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN, 
                U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE

    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 
Risch.
    I am very honored to be able to join Senator Kaine in doing 
introductions this morning, particularly to be able to 
introduce Julie Smith, President Biden's nominee to be 
Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
    As chair of the Subcommittee on Europe and Regional 
Security Cooperation and co-chair of the Senate NATO Observer 
Group, like other members of this committee, I understand very 
clearly the importance of Ms. Smith's experience and expertise 
in what she will bring to this role.
    Julie's resume and background is a testament to her 
commitment to the transatlantic alliance. Her career has 
spanned 25 years crossing the Pond to work on transatlantic 
security issues both in and out of government.
    She has worked at both the Pentagon and the White House and 
has worked at some of America's most esteemed think tanks, 
including the Center for Strategic and International Studies, 
the German Marshall Fund, and the Center for a New American 
Security.
    And Julie, of course, is no stranger to this committee. She 
testified in 2017 here on the U.S.-Russia bilateral 
relationship, and her expertise drawn from many years 
researching transatlantic relations has benefited those in and 
out of government.
    She has spent the last three years researching and writing 
on Europe's evolving attitudes and vulnerabilities as they 
relate to China, a subject that we all know very well on this 
committee.
    Julie has also worked to bring foreign policy to audiences 
outside the Beltway, most recently launching a program called 
``Across the Pond, In the Field'' to bring Europeans to 12 U.S. 
cities to talk to Americans about foreign policy.
    Her accolades and accomplishments alone make her worthy of 
confirmation, but I also want to highlight Julie's leadership 
as a mentor to women in the national security space.
    And yes, Mr. Chairman, I was very excited to see four women 
on the dais this morning who have been nominated to be 
ambassadors, and Julie has been involved for a long time in 
mentoring women.
    She co-founded the Leadership Council for Women in National 
Security to provide a support network for women in a 
predominantly male space. And because of her leadership, there 
are a number of women in Washington who proudly call themselves 
mentees of Julie.
    And I am also pleased to recognize Julie's husband, David, 
who is here with her this morning and I think it is her older 
son, Liam, who is also here.
    As a mother, her family has kept her on her toes, and I can 
appreciate that because I know that as a working mom you have 
to juggle a lot of things, which is really important to the 
world of diplomacy.
    For all of these reasons, I am very happy to have Julie's 
nomination before this committee. I am sure that my colleagues 
will appreciate her responses and I hope, Mr. Chairman, that we 
do have an agreement to move forward these nominees.
    It is critical to ensure that American foreign policy can 
continue. Thank you very much.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
    Let me just briefly reference the positions that these 
nominees are being nominated for.
    Ambassador Valls Noyes, congratulations on your nomination. 
You bring a distinguished record of diplomatic and management 
experience to the role, including your most recent assignments 
leading the Foreign Service Institute and serving as U.S. 
Ambassador to Croatia.
    As you know, the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration is responsible for addressing some of the most 
pressing global challenges we have today.
    According to the United Nations, at the beginning of the 
year there will be more than 82 million forcibly-displaced 
people in the world, of whom 26.4 million are refugees. No 
doubt that number has only grown and will continue to grow.
    From the global forced migration crisis to the humanitarian 
emergencies in Venezuela, Ethiopia, Syria, and Afghanistan, the 
United States must lead in addressing the acute needs that 
exist today and the long-term drivers of these crises.
    The task before you is immense, and I recommend if you are 
confirmed that you develop strong consultative relationships 
with the many refugee and resettlement organizations that have 
deep expertise in this area, and I am confident they would 
welcome your engagement.
    Let me say a few words specifically about Afghanistan and 
the dire humanitarian crisis there. Nearly half of the entire 
population, more than 18 million people, need humanitarian 
assistance right now.
    More than 4 million Afghans are internally displaced and 
the outgoing instability and violence may very well produce 
large flows of refugees into neighboring countries in the 
coming months, which would create a great deal of instability.
    The PRM bureau will be at the helm of the U.S. response to 
this crisis and your leadership will be essential to ensuring 
that our response meets the moment.
    Ambassador Leaf, welcome back to the committee. I am 
pleased that you stopped by our office to get a little bit of a 
tour of the region. I am hopeful that we can get you quickly in 
place so the bureau and the whole department can benefit from 
your decades of experience.
    Despite repeated efforts from multiple administrations to 
pivot to great power competition, the Middle East and North 
Africa remain central focal points of challenges and, I 
believe, some opportunities for the United States.
    As you know, Iran has continued to advance its nuclear 
program, and I believe the United States must pursue all 
options to find a negotiated deal that addresses not just 
Iran's nuclear program but also its support for terrorism and 
its ballistic missile activity.
    Lebanon is on the brink of collapse. Tunisia, once a 
bastion of hope for people all over the region, is experiencing 
a troubling back slide on the democratic reforms, and I have 
yet to understand exactly what the administration's plan is 
with Syria.
    As Iraq heads towards elections, we have an opportunity to 
engage with leadership and Iraqis who want a brighter future, 
and I am hopeful that more countries across the region will 
build on the historic diplomatic relations between Israel, the 
United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain in the Abraham Accords.
    Overall, I believe we need to reinvigorate our diplomatic 
presence and outreach in the region in which our policy has 
slowly become more and more militarized, and I trust that you 
are up to that task.
    Ms. Smith, we welcome your nomination. Glad that the 
president selected you for this critical post. During his 
administration, President Trump repeatedly attacked NATO and 
our allies. This, unfortunately, drew criticism from both sides 
of the aisle in the Senate, evidence that bipartisan support 
for the Alliance is strong.
    President Biden's visit to NATO earlier this year helped to 
repair ties. But work remains to be done to ensure that our 
allies understand that the United States is steadfast in its 
support for the Alliance.
    You have an exemplary background, experience, intellect, 
and judgment to represent the United States at NATO, and I hope 
that we can get you out there as soon as possible.
    There are many important conversations happening in 
Brussels right now about the future of NATO, what its mission 
will be in the new world in which we live, and we need an 
ambassador there as soon as possible.
    Ambassador Bauer, I am pleased to see you again before the 
committee. I appreciated your leadership of the embassy team in 
Belgium, especially during the 2016 Brussels terrorist attack 
in which Americans were killed and injured.
    It is critical that the United States has an experienced 
ambassador in Paris where we have so many issues to advance 
with their government, from counterterrorism in the Sahel to 
support for allied democracies in the eastern Mediterranean.
    France is also critical to our policy objectives in Iran 
and Russia, and I have appreciated the French foreign minister 
and ambassadors engaging with the Senate on these issues. We 
look forward to hearing your goals of how we can deepen our 
oldest diplomatic relationship even further.
    Let me close with saying that the four of you have immense 
challenges ahead. I am confident that your experience can serve 
our country well as you take on new responsibilities, if 
confirmed, and we look forward to each of your testimonies.
    Let me turn to the distinguished ranking member, Senator 
Risch, for his opening remarks.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    First of all, regarding the nominees, I appreciate the 
conversation. We will continue that. I committed to you and I 
continue to commit to you that I will work in good faith to get 
these people in place.
    I was a governor. I understand that you cannot operate 
unless you have your team in place. You and I have worked hard 
to get them to the floor and, as we both know, that that is a 
special problem that neither you nor I have control over. I get 
a lot of complaints that you and I cannot deal with because it 
is a floor problem.
    But I will continue to work in good faith and see if we 
cannot move these forward.
    I thank all of you for taking the opportunity and 
undertaking the privilege of serving the United States in these 
important positions, and your families. As the chairman 
mentioned, this is a sacrifice that is borne equally by the 
families.
    I want to talk briefly about each of these.
    First of all, for the Assistant Secretary of State for the 
Near Eastern Affairs, the Middle East region remains shaped by 
seemingly intractable problems, including Arab-Israeli 
tensions, continued export of Iranian terrorism, the 
humanitarian crisis in Syria and Yemen, and growing Chinese and 
Russian encroachment.
    I am concerned that the current administration's approach 
to these dilemmas appears to not strike the appropriate balance 
and runs the risk of ceding the region to other malevolent 
powers, and I think everyone knows of what I speak there.
    The administration's precipitous withdrawal from 
Afghanistan has been a strategic unforced error, as both the 
chairman and I focused on yesterday.
    Additionally, its diplomatic embrace of the Iranian regime 
is hard to understand. The lack of focus on the Abraham Accords 
is befuddling, to say the least.
    Increased barriers to conventional arms transfers and the 
chilling of relations with our traditional Middle Eastern 
partners will send a message of American disengagement, which I 
do not believe that we want to do.
    The Abraham Accords especially need to be embraced. They 
need to be enhanced. They need to be further moved forward.
    And I know that as I watch the administration, I think 
there is a lot of reluctance simply because it was an action by 
the previous administration. But that was a tremendous success 
and we should celebrate it and exploit it as best we can.
    Like the chairman, I do not understand what Syria policy is 
today. We need to understand that. I hear rumors and they are, 
hopefully, not true about the administration's thoughts 
regarding Assad and his rehabilitation or remaining in place. 
That is a wrongheaded approach. But in any event, we do need an 
approach that everyone understands.
    Now is the time for the United States to reinforce that we 
stand with our partners and are up to the challenge. I expect 
to hear how you plan to improve our engagement in the region 
and address the serious risks ahead of us.
    Next, we have the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State 
for Population, Refugees, and Migration. The administration's 
botched evacuation from Afghanistan has resulted in thousands 
of refugees and internally-displaced people inside the country.
    Taken with the ongoing refugee crisis endured by Syrians, 
Venezuelans, and the Rohingya, we now face the world's largest 
refugee and migration numbers ever.
    Through the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, 
the U.S. Government provides significant assistance to 
humanitarian partners, including the United Nations.
    It is crucial that we ensure all of this assistance meets 
U.S. national security needs and receives proper oversight.
    I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these issues. I 
also remain deeply concerned with the Biden administration's 
decision to restart funding to UNRWA. This organization has a 
history of using textbooks which incite violence against 
Israelis as well as has employees with ties to Hamas. We should 
secure true reforms before giving another dime to this 
organization.
    Moving on to the nominee for U.S. ambassador to NATO, NATO 
is the world's most successful political and military alliance 
in the history of the planet. But it is 72 years old and must 
be flexible to meet new challenges.
    NATO will need to continue to deal with Russia and 
aggression on its southern border. It must also be aware of 
China's growing direct threat of alliance. The balance of power 
in the world today is incredibly different than it was 72 years 
ago.
    Last year's NATO 2030 report attempted to address some of 
these emerging issues and recommended that NATO's Strategic 
Concept be updated to address China-related issues as well as 
ways that allies can improve political coordination. I hope to 
see these recommendations followed.
    NATO is also a nuclear alliance. Membership in the Nuclear 
Ban Treaty is incompatible with being a U.S. ally and NATO 
member. We must push back strongly on any efforts by NATO 
members to lend credibility to that treaty or to weaken our 
nuclear-sharing arrangements.
    Lastly, I am worried by the disregard we showed our NATO 
allies in our hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan. This 
administration has repeatedly emphasized the importance of our 
allies. Yet, the way we went about this evacuation has sent our 
partners the exact opposite message.
    Our allies deserve better, especially after invoking 
Article 5 following the 9/11 attacks and fighting alongside our 
troops for more than 20 years. They are livid. I think everyone 
in this room knows that and it will be our job, your job, to 
fix that.
    Finally, we have a nominee for ambassador to France and 
Monaco. The United States has long enjoyed close relations with 
France and it remains one of our closest allies.
    In Africa, I look forward to continued engagement with our 
French partners on important challenges, including in the 
Sahel, Cameroon, the DRC, and the Central African Republic to 
ensure we pursue mutually beneficial approaches.
    France's ambassador here in the United States is an 
excellent friend and ally, and I have seen and experienced 
France's desire for a stronger alliance firsthand.
    Now is a critical time for us to make real progress in the 
relationship. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on this.
    With that, thank you, Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    We will turn to our nominees now. I ask that you summarize 
your statement in about five minutes or so because the 
committee will want to ask you questions. Your full statements 
will be included in the record, without objection.
    And if you have family members who could be with you today, 
please do not hesitate to introduce them.
    And with that, we will start with Ambassador Noyes and then 
work our way down the aisle.

  STATEMENT OF HON. JULIETA VALLS NOYES OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER 
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, 
   NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (POPULATION, 
                    REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION)

    Ambassador Noyes. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking 
Member Risch. It is an honor to appear before you as President 
Biden's nominee as Assistant Secretary of State for Population, 
Refugees, and Migration. I am grateful to him and to Secretary 
Blinken for their confidence in me.
    I am the first person ever nominated for this position from 
a refugee background. My parents and members of my extended 
family entered the United States as refugees from Cuba 61 years 
ago and later became proud American citizens.
    Our family is profoundly aware of the debt we owe to this 
great nation and, indeed, I joined the State Department in part 
to repay that debt.
    When given an opportunity, refugees and vulnerable migrants 
can become valued contributors to the countries that receive 
them. My hard-working family members happily give back to this 
country as taxpayers and engaged citizens.
    I am honored to introduce you to one of them today, my 
mother, Julieta Valls. In addition to raising a family, my mom 
worked in international development for years, presenting the 
best of America to people in other nations.
    And, Senators, I want to thank you for scheduling this 
hearing today so I can wish her a happy birthday on the 
Congressional Record.
    I am also joined by my wonderful husband, Nick, a retired 
Foreign Service officer whose mother also immigrated to 
America. Our children, Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew, are 
watching online. My family support has enabled me to serve our 
country I love, and I thank them.
    In over 35 years as an American diplomat, I have worked to 
advance human rights, refugee, and migration issues in multiple 
positions outside of PRM.
    As ambassador to Croatia, I presided over the final stages 
of a U.S.-funded refugee resettlement program and hosted a 
regional conference on refugees.
    My mission also ran regional training programs for police, 
prosecutors, and justice officials on topics that included 
supporting the rights of migrants.
    As a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the European Bureau, I 
managed relations with 11 Western European countries and the 
European Union, some of our key partners, in supporting at-risk 
populations around the world.
    As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the Vatican, I 
worked with church leaders, religious communities, and Catholic 
aid organizations on issues like combating human trafficking.
    While director for multilateral and global affairs in the 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau, I oversaw 
international negotiations on human rights resolutions at the 
United Nations and conducted human rights consultations with 
multiple partners.
    I was a member of the high-level delegations that reported 
to the U.N. on U.S. compliance with two major international 
treaties, the Convention against Torture and the International 
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
    Earlier in my career, I worked on democracy, human rights, 
and foreign aid issues in the Western Hemisphere. I would bring 
these experiences to bear as PRM assistant secretary and, if 
confirmed, would seek to strengthen America's leadership on 
global, humanitarian, and migration issues.
    One of my most urgent priorities would be to help the 
vulnerable people of Afghanistan wherever they may be. Sadly, 
there are also millions of other vulnerable populations 
worldwide.
    Working with partners like USAID, I would prioritize life-
saving humanitarian assistance and protections for people from 
Syria, Burma, South Sudan, Venezuela, and beyond.
    I also would advance support for maternal health in 
humanitarian crises and respond to gender-based violence, 
upholding the administration's commitment to women's health.
    If confirmed, I would ramp up engagement with other 
countries to pursue durable solutions to the problems that lead 
people to flee their countries, including in our own 
hemisphere.
    Another key PRM priority is to rebuild the U.S. Refugee 
Admissions Program as directed by the president. If confirmed, 
I would collaborate with the Departments of Homeland Security 
and Health and Human Services, and work with Congress to ensure 
the program's success.
    It is a testament to the generosity of Americans that the 
United States is the largest humanitarian aid donor in the 
world, but we cannot meet all global needs alone. If confirmed, 
I would carefully manage the U.S. taxpayer funds that enable 
PRM's work and urge other nations to share this responsibility 
more equitably.
    I am eager to work with PRM's exceptional partners in 
international and nongovernmental organizations, Senate 
willing, to carry out PRM's mission, and if confirmed, it would 
above all be a privilege to learn from and lead the hard-
working passionate employees of PRM. Their dedication is 
inspirational.
    Senator Menendez, Senator Risch, members of this committee, 
my nomination as PRM Assistant Secretary is the greatest 
professional honor of my life.
    If confirmed, I would give my all to lead PRM in supporting 
persecuted and vulnerable people around the world in keeping 
with our nation's centuries-long history of compassion and 
generosity.
    As the daughter of refugees, I understand that history and 
that responsibility acutely. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Noyes follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch. It is an 
honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee for Assistant 
Secretary for Population, Refugees, and Migration. I am grateful to him 
and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
    I am the first person ever nominated for this position from a 
refugee background. My parents and members of my extended family 
entered the United States as refugees from Cuba sixty years ago and 
later became proud American citizens. Our family is profoundly aware of 
the debt we owe this great nation. Indeed, I decided to join the State 
Department to help repay that debt.
    When given an opportunity, refugees and vulnerable migrants can 
become valued contributors to the countries that receive them. My 
hardworking family members happily give back to this country as 
taxpayers and engaged citizens. I'm honored to introduce you to one of 
them today, my mother Julieta Valls. In addition to raising a family, 
my mom worked in international development for years, presenting the 
best of America to people in other nations. I am proud to be her 
daughter. I am also joined by my husband Nick, a retired Foreign 
Service Officer whose mother also emigrated to America. Our children, 
Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew are watching online. My family's 
support has enabled me to serve our country; I love and thank them.
    In over 35 years as an American diplomat, I have worked to advance 
human rights, refugee, and migration issues in multiple positions 
outside of PRM. As Ambassador to Croatia, I presided over the final 
stages of a U.S.-funded refugee resettlement program and hosted a 
regional conference on refugees. My mission also ran regional training 
programs for police, prosecutors, and justice officials, on topics that 
included supporting the human rights of migrants.
    As a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the European Bureau, I managed 
relations with eleven Western European countries and the European 
Union, some of our key partners in supporting at-risk populations 
around the world. As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the 
Vatican, I worked with Church leaders, religious communities, and 
Catholic aid organizations on issues like combating human trafficking.
    While Director for Multilateral and Global Affairs in the 
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Bureau, I oversaw international 
negotiations on human rights resolutions at the United Nations and 
conducted human rights consultations with many partners. I was a member 
of the high-level delegations that reported to the United Nations on 
U.S. compliance with two international human rights treaties: the 
Convention Against Torture and the International Covenant on Civil and 
Political Rights. Earlier in my career, I worked on democracy, human 
rights, and foreign aid issues in the Western Hemisphere.
    I would bring these experiences to bear as PRM Assistant Secretary, 
and if confirmed, would seek to restore America's leadership on global 
humanitarian and migration issues.
    One of my most urgent priorities would be to help the vulnerable 
and displaced people of Afghanistan--wherever they may be. Sadly, there 
are also millions of other vulnerable populations worldwide. Working 
with partners like USAID, I would prioritize life-saving U.S. 
humanitarian assistance and protections for people from Syria, Burma, 
South Sudan, and beyond. I also would advance programs that support 
maternal health in humanitarian crises and respond to gender-based 
violence, upholding the administration's commitment to women's health.
    If confirmed I would ramp up engagement with other countries to 
pursue durable solutions to the problems that lead people to flee their 
homes, including in our own hemisphere.
    Another key PRM priority is to rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions 
Program, as directed by the President. If confirmed, I would 
collaborate with the Departments of Homeland Security and Health and 
Human Services and work with Congress to ensure the program's success.
    It is a testament to the generosity of America that the United 
States is the largest humanitarian aid donor in the world, but we 
cannot meet all needs of at-risk populations alone. If confirmed, I 
would carefully manage the U.S. taxpayer funds that enable PRM's work 
and urge other nations to share this responsibility more equitably.
    I am eager to work closely with PRM's exceptional partners in 
international and non-governmental organizations, Senate willing, to 
carry out PRM's mission.
    If confirmed, it would above all be a privilege to learn from and 
lead the hard-working, passionate employees of PRM. Their dedication is 
inspirational.
    Senator Menendez, Senator Risch, members of this committee, my 
nomination to serve as PRM Assistant Secretary is the greatest 
professional honor of my life. If confirmed, I would give my all to 
lead PRM in supporting persecuted and vulnerable people around the 
world, in keeping with our nation's centuries-long history of 
compassion and generosity. As the daughter of refugees, I understand 
that history and responsibility acutely.
    Thank you.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
    [Speaks in Spanish.]
    The Chairman. I would sing my famous birthday song but it 
would take too long for the committee's consideration.
    [Laughter.]
    The Chairman. So maybe after the fact.
    Ambassador Bauer?

    STATEMENT OF HON. DENISE CAMPBELL BAUER OF CALIFORNIA, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
  THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, AND TO 
   SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
        STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF MONACO

    Ambassador Bauer. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that very 
kind introduction.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today.
    It is my great honor to be President Biden's nominee to be 
United States Ambassador to France and Monaco. I am deeply 
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me, and, of course, I am 
thankful for my husband of nearly 30 years, Steven, our 
wonderful daughters, Katherine and Natalie, my extended family, 
and everyone who has supported me over the years.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and 
the Congress as I dedicate myself to protecting and advancing 
U.S. interests in Monaco and France.
    I would be proud to join the talented dedicated State 
Department and interagency teams hard at work pursuing those 
goals. I saw firsthand the superb commitment our embassy teams 
provide U.S. citizens and businesses when I served as U.S. 
ambassador to Belgium from 2013 to 2017.
    On March 22nd of 2016, my daughter, Natalie, was already on 
the bus on her way to school when Brussels was attacked by 
terrorists. I raced into the office as our team rallied to 
coordinate with and support our Belgian colleagues, to help 
victims, and guard against follow-on attacks.
    This challenging time left no doubt why American embassies 
matter. Our team worked hand in glove with the Belgians, and 
they were there for our fellow Americans so that they were not 
alone far from home during perhaps the worst time in their 
lives.
    It would be my great honor to again serve the American 
people, now as ambassador to France. I would like to highlight 
a few of the pillars of our partnership that I would bolster as 
ambassador.
    France, as you have noted, is among our most capable and 
reliable military allies. As NATO allies, France and the United 
States have built and sustained the post-war global order, 
promoting freedom and prosperity.
    France is the second largest global footprint after the 
United States and is the second largest troop contributor to 
the D-ISIS coalition. France has reached its NATO goal of 2 
percent of GDP on defense spending and contributes to NATO 
missions and exercises.
    The United States and France exchange information and share 
best practices on countering violent extremist threats, and 
France leads on countering terrorism in the Sahel where it has 
eliminated leaders of ISIS, al-Qaeda, and their affiliates.
    If confirmed, I will not only ensure our cooperation 
continues but will look for ways to strengthen that important 
partnership.
    France welcomes the United States return to the Paris 
Agreement and is eager to engage in close cooperation and 
strategic alignment on climate issues, particularly climate 
finance, clean energy, green recovery, and using trade and 
financial flows to further Paris Agreement objectives.
    The United States and France share a deep economic 
relationship. France and the United States traded $99 billion 
of goods and services in 2020, making France one of our largest 
trading partners in the EU.
    France works on coordination with the United States and 
other partners to hold Russia and China accountable for their 
destabilizing activities, human rights abuses, and violations 
of international norms.
    France has played a significant role in shaping EU policy 
towards the PRC and supports the U.S.-EU dialogue on China 
where we seek a values-driven approach.
    If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the French 
Government that we must hold Russia accountable for its actions 
and maintain pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its 
international commitments and obligations, including the Minsk 
agreements.
    And finally, the United States shares many of the same 
goals with France when it comes to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq, 
Afghanistan, and Libya. On all the challenges facing those 
countries, France seeks deeper cooperation with the United 
States.
    If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our 
relationship with the Principality of Monaco and working 
together with his Serene Highness, Prince Albert II, and his 
Government to further our joint goals.
    Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the embassy 
community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look 
forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Bauer follows:]


            Prepared Statement of Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer

    Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that very kind introduction.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for this opportunity to testify today. It is my 
great honor to be President Biden's nominee to be the United States 
Ambassador to France and Monaco. I am deeply grateful to President 
Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
    And of course, I am thankful for my husband of nearly 30 years, 
Steven; our wonderful daughters, Katherine and Natalie; my extended 
family; and everyone who has supported me through the years.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and the 
Congress as I dedicate myself to protecting and advancing U.S. 
interests in France and Monaco. I would be proud to join the talented, 
dedicated State Department and interagency teams hard at work pursing 
those goals.
    I saw firsthand the superb commitment our embassy teams provide 
U.S. citizens and businesses when I served as U.S. Ambassador to the 
Kingdom of Belgium from 2013 to 2017.
    On March 22, 2016, my daughter Natalie was already on the bus on 
her way to school when Brussels was attacked by terrorists. I raced 
into the office as our team rallied to coordinate with and support our 
Belgian colleagues to help victims and guard against follow-on attacks.
    This challenging time left no doubt why American embassies matter. 
Our team worked hand in glove with the Belgians. And we were there for 
our fellow Americans--so that they weren't alone, far from home, during 
perhaps the worst time in their lives.
    It would be my great honor to again serve the American people as 
Ambassador to France. I'd like to highlight just a few of the pillars 
of our partnership that I would bolster as Ambassador.
    France is among our most capable and reliable military Allies. As 
NATO Allies, France and the United States have built and sustained the 
post-war global order, promoting freedom and prosperity. France has the 
second-largest global troop footprint after the United States and is 
the second-largest troop contributor to the D-ISIS Coalition. France 
has reached the NATO goal of 2 percent of GDP on defense spending and 
contributes to NATO missions and exercises.
    The United States and France exchange information and share best 
practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France leads on 
countering terrorism in the Sahel, where it has eliminated leaders of 
ISIS, Al-Qa'ida, and their affiliates.
    If confirmed, I will not only ensure our cooperation continues, but 
will look for ways to strengthen that partnership.
    France welcomed the United States' return to the Paris Agreement 
and is eager to engage in closer cooperation and strategic alignment on 
climate issues, particularly climate finance, clean energy, green 
recovery, and using trade and financial flows to further Paris 
Agreement objectives.
    The United States and France share a deep economic relationship. 
France and the United States traded $99 billion of goods and services 
in 2020, making France the United States' third-largest trading partner 
in Europe.
    France works in coordination with the United States and other 
partners to hold Russia and China accountable for their destabilizing 
activities, human rights abuses, and violations of international norms. 
France has played a significant role in shaping the EU's policy towards 
the PRC, and supports the U.S.-E.U. Dialogue on China, where we seek a 
values-driven approach. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the 
French Government that we must hold Russia accountable for its actions, 
and maintain pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its international 
commitments and obligations, including the Minsk agreements.
    And finally, the United States shares many of the same goals with 
France when it comes to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, and 
Libya. On all the challenges facing these countries, France seeks 
deeper collaboration with the United States.
    If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our relationship 
with the Principality of Monaco and working together with His Serene 
Highness Prince Albert II and his Government to further our joint 
goals.
    Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
    Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to 
answering your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Smith?

STATEMENT OF JULIANNE SMITH OF MICHIGAN, NOMINATED TO BE UNITED 
  STATES PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE TO THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH 
   ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF 
          AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY

    Ms. Smith. Good morning, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, and members of the committee.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. 
It is an honor to be nominated to be the Permanent 
Representative of the United States to NATO.
    I want to extend my thanks to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for placing their trust in me for this critical 
position.
    If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the president's 
pledge to revitalize and strengthen America's alliances. I also 
want to thank Senator Shaheen for her kind words and leadership 
in the NATO Observers Group.
    Let me start today by thanking my family, my husband, 
David, and our two sons, Liam and Dylan, for their love and 
support. David and Liam are with us here today. My son, Dylan, 
is tucked away in second grade at school.
    I am proud to be a woman working in the field of national 
security. But my greatest joy comes from my family.
    I also want to thank my parents, who are watching in my 
home state of Michigan, and my sister for their guidance and 
encouragement.
    I have worked on a wide range of national security 
challenges over the years but Europe has always been my 
passion. Ever since I received a scholarship to spend a year at 
the Sorbonne as an undergraduate, I have been fascinated by 
America's long-standing relationship with our closest allies 
across the Atlantic.
    From my first job at a small think tank here in Washington, 
D.C., to my positions in the Pentagon, at the White House, and 
now the State Department, I have worked to strengthen our 
relationship with Europe, navigate our differences, and 
identify innovative ways to address our shared challenges.
    No institution has played a bigger role in the history of 
the transatlantic relationship than the NATO Alliance. Since 
its creation in 1949, it has served as the bedrock of 
transatlantic security, protecting our shared values, and 
safeguarding each of its members against outside aggression.
    NATO's story is a remarkable one of unity and solidarity. 
After the end of the Cold War, NATO's story became one of 
adaptation. Over the last 30 years, NATO has added 14 new 
members, developed new partnerships in the Middle East and 
Asia, agreed to operate a new warfighting domain such as cyber, 
and acquired new capabilities to respond to an array of 
emerging challenges, from terrorism to disruptive technologies 
to climate change.
    Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2014, the Alliance 
has bolstered its deterrence and defense posture, including 
through the deployment of multinational battle groups on its 
eastern flank.
    Despite the fact that it makes decisions by consensus, NATO 
has repeatedly showcased its ability to take action quickly 
when it counts. It swiftly invoked Article 5 in the wake of the 
9/11 attacks, for which the United States will always remain 
deeply grateful.
    While NATO is rightly heralded as the most successful 
military alliance in history, the Alliance, now almost 75 years 
old, does have its share of challenges. Some allies are still 
struggling to meet their commitments to increase defense 
spending.
    Decision-making remains slow, and the weakening of 
democratic values in some member states is tearing at Alliance 
cohesion. Allies are also making slow progress in the hard work 
of improving their military capabilities, especially in new 
domains like cyber and space.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with our NATO 
allies and partners to address such shortfalls and prepare the 
Alliance to face future challenges.
    I will also look forward to working with allies on the 
important task of drafting a new Strategic Concept, which was 
last updated 10 long years ago.
    That document must reflect the changing security 
environment of today, especially Russian aggression, threats we 
face in cyberspace, and the People's Republic of China's malign 
activities across the Euro-Atlantic region.
    I will work to ensure that none of those new challenges 
detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong 
deterrence and defense for all its members.
    I believe that part of NATO's success rests with the strong 
bipartisan support one finds both here in Congress and among 
the American public.
    I was heartened to see the enthusiastic welcome that the 
Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg, received when he addressed 
Congress in 2019.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that bipartisan support 
continues and would look forward to welcoming congressional 
delegations to Brussels. It would be my great honor to 
represent the United States at NATO.
    I believe in this alliance, I believe in the important role 
it plays in America's own defense, and I believe in our 
critical leadership role inside it.
    I look forward to your questions and thank you for your 
consideration.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Smith follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Julianne Smith

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It 
is an honor to be nominated to be the Permanent Representative of the 
United States to NATO. I want to extend my thanks to President Biden 
and Secretary Blinken for placing their trust in me for this critical 
position. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the President's 
pledge to revitalize and strengthen America's alliances.
    I would like to start by thanking my family--my husband David and 
our two sons, Liam and Dylan--for their never-ending love and support. 
I am proud to be a woman working in the field of national security but 
my greatest joy comes from my family. I also want to thank my parents 
(who are watching from my home state of Michigan) and my sister for 
their guidance and encouragement.
    I have worked on a wide range of national security challenges 
throughout my career but Europe has always been my passion. Ever since 
I received a scholarship to spend a year at the Sorbonne as an 
undergraduate, I have been fascinated by America's longstanding 
relationship with its closest Allies across the Atlantic. From my first 
job at a small think tank in Washington to my positions in the Pentagon 
and at the White House, I have worked to strengthen our relationship 
with Europe, navigate our differences, and identify innovative ways to 
address our shared challenges.
    No institution has played a bigger role in the history of the 
Transatlantic relationship than the NATO Alliance. Since its creation 
in 1949, it has served as the bedrock of Transatlantic security, 
protecting our shared values and safeguarding each of its members 
against outside aggression. NATO's story is a remarkable one of 
solidarity and unity.
    After the end of the Cold War, NATO's story became one of 
adaptation to a changing world. Over the last 30 years, NATO added 14 
new members, developed new partnerships in the Middle East and Asia, 
agreed to operate in new warfighting domains such as cyber, and 
acquired new capabilities to respond to an array of emerging 
challenges, ranging from terrorism to emerging and disruptive 
technologies to climate change. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 
2014, the Alliance has bolstered its deterrence and defense posture, 
including through the deployment of multinational battle groups on its 
eastern flank.
    Despite the fact that it makes decisions by consensus, NATO has 
repeatedly showcased its ability to take action quickly when it counts. 
It swiftly invoked Article 5--the collective defense clause of the 
Washington Treaty--in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, for which the 
United States will always remain deeply grateful.
    While NATO is rightly heralded as the most successful military 
alliance in history, the Alliance, now almost 75 years old, does have 
its share of challenges. Some Allies are still struggling to meet their 
commitments to increase defense spending, which they made after Russia 
invaded Ukraine in 2014. Decision making remains too slow, and the 
weakening of democratic values in some member states is tearing at 
Alliance cohesion, causing some members to question whether all Allies 
share the same values. Allies also are making slow progress in the hard 
and expensive work of improving their military capabilities, especially 
in new domains like cyber, space, and other emerging technologies.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with our NATO Allies and 
partners to address such shortfalls and prepare the Alliance to face 
future challenges. I will also look forward to working with Allies on 
the important task of drafting a new Strategic Concept, the roadmap 
that lays out NATO's future direction, which was last updated ten long 
years ago. That document must reflect the changing security environment 
of today, especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, 
and the People's Republic of China's malign activities across the Euro-
Atlantic region. I will work to ensure that none of those new 
challenges detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong 
deterrence and defense for all its members.
    I believe that part of NATO's success rests with the strong 
bipartisan support one finds both here in Congress and among the 
American public. I was heartened to see the enthusiastic welcome 
Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg received when he addressed Congress 
in April of 2019. If confirmed, I will ensure that bipartisan support 
continues and would look forward to welcoming congressional delegations 
to NATO Headquarters.
    It would be my great honor to represent the United States at NATO. 
I believe in this Alliance, the important role it plays in America's 
own defense, and in our critical leadership role in NATO.
    I look forward to your questions and thank you for your 
consideration.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Leaf?

STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA A. LEAF OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
     AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS)

    Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking 
Member Risch, and distinguished members of this committee. It 
is an honor to be here as President Biden's nominee for 
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Near Eastern 
Affairs.
    If confirmed, this would be the culmination of a lifetime 
of work on behalf of the U.S. in the Middle East and North 
Africa.
    My story is like that of many Americans called to public 
service, inspired by multiple generations of family members who 
served. My family has had someone serving in the U.S. military 
continuously for almost 80 years.
    Much of my wider family were also called upon to support 
those who served, making their own sacrifices. My mother 
managed to raise six children on a tobacco farm in southern 
Maryland during the years my father, an Air Force pilot, served 
in far-off places.
    I remember on an early assignment in the Foreign Service I 
met up with my oldest brother, Tim Leaf, here behind me who is 
representing the whole Leaf clan. I met up with him as a 
deployed Marine officer in the streets of newly-liberated 
Kuwait. My youngest brother deployed repeatedly to Iraq and 
Afghanistan, with great costs borne by his young family.
    My younger sister is a Foreign Service officer, now serving 
in southern Africa, far from family and friends.
    My husband, Chris Querin, had a distinguished career in the 
Marine Corps, taking him to Jerusalem, where we met early in my 
career. He and our two daughters, Maro and Asja, provided the 
unstinting loving support that enabled me to shoulder what was 
asked of me, even when that meant being apart from them when I 
served a year in Iraq.
    Service is a theme in my family and service has more 
relevance today for Americans than ever before. In the Middle 
East, President Biden's strategic vision provides a roadmap and 
a set of principles for our engagements based on rebuilding 
long-term relationships in the region.
    If confirmed, I will work to reinforce those partnerships 
around an affirmative agenda, focused on building shared 
prosperity but also confronting shared problems: fighting 
COVID-19, developing an international health infrastructure to 
prevent future pandemics, building a new energy economy around 
renewables to arrest the drivers of climate change, addressing 
desertification and growing water shortages, combating 
transnational repression while promoting respect for 
fundamental freedoms and open societies, and sustaining the 
core institutions of the international order that have provided 
security and stability for over 70 years.
    If confirmed, I pledge to represent the best of American 
values and will make it clear that relationships with the U.S. 
are stronger when human rights principles are respected.
    The region has been convulsed by conflict and instability 
for over the past two decades, but many of our partners have 
turned towards deescalation and to working with the U.S. to 
quell the region's conflicts.
    Iran, of course, has been the outlier to this trend. Tehran 
continues to pursue destabilizing policies, including through 
its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its 
support for violent groups, and its abhorrent human rights 
record and long-standing practice of using wrongfully detained 
U.S. citizens as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon 
would pose an even greater threat.
    As part of the administration's renewed multilateral 
engagement, if confirmed, I will work in tandem with regional 
partners and allies to advance U.N. peace processes in Libya, 
Syria, and Yemen.
    The president's vision for a collaborative relationship 
with the countries of the Middle East comes in the wider 
context of a growing global challenge to our values of open 
societies and open economies.
    This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic 
of China and Russia. Both pursue influence in the region in a 
zero-sum fashion. If confirmed, I expect to have frank 
conversations with our partners about the challenges posed by 
certain Russian and Chinese actions.
    And if confirmed, I will not be able to accomplish this 
ambitious agenda without the outstanding Foreign Service 
officers, civil servants, contractors, and family members 
employed here and in the region.
    I am committed to promoting the safety and security of our 
people overseas as a paramount priority, supporting the 
professional development of our employees and the principles of 
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility in the bureau 
and our posts around the region.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you as 
we reshape, rebuild, and reenergize the U.S. Government's 
engagement with the Middle East, building a better future for 
the American people and the people of the region.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Leaf follows:]


            Prepared Statement of Ambassador Barbara A. Leaf

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
distinguished members of this committee. It is an honor to be here as 
President Biden's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the 
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. If confirmed, this would be the 
culmination of a lifetime of work on behalf of the United States in the 
Middle East and North Africa. I cannot express how much this 
opportunity to serve my country and the American people means to me.
    My story is like that of many Americans called to public service, 
inspired by multiple generations of family members who served in one 
capacity or another. My family has had someone serving in the military, 
continuously, for the past 80 years. So much of my wider family were 
also called upon to support those who served, making their own 
sacrifices along the way. My ever-entrepreneurial mother managed to 
raise six children on a tobacco farm during years my father, an air 
force pilot, served in far-off places. On an early assignment in the 
Foreign Service, I met up with my oldest brother, a deployed Marine 
officer, in the streets of newly-liberated Kuwait. My little brother 
deployed repeatedly during America's two longest wars, to Iraq and 
Afghanistan, with great costs borne by his young family. My younger 
sister is a Foreign Service officer, now serving in southern Africa, 
far from family and friends. My husband had a distinguished career in 
the Marine Corps, taking him to Jerusalem, where we met early in my 
career. He, like our two daughters, provided the unstinting loving 
support that helped me shoulder what was asked of me, even when that 
meant being apart for a year while I served in Iraq.
    Service is a theme in my family, and it has more relevance today 
for Americans than ever before, given the multiplying challenges abroad 
and at home that require re-investment in ourselves, re-commitment to 
partnerships, and U.S. leadership globally.
    In the Middle East, President Biden's strategic vision provides a 
roadmap and a set of principles for our engagement, based on re-
building long-term relationships in the region to meet the manifold, 
emerging new challenges. But the President's vision demands the 
evolution of our partnerships beyond the conventional security realm 
that has defined our approach to the region for well over 30 years. If 
confirmed, I would work to reinforce those partnerships around an 
affirmative agenda focused on building shared prosperity and 
confronting shared problems: fighting COVID-19 and developing an 
international health infrastructure to prevent future pandemics; 
building a new energy economy around renewables to arrest the drivers 
of climate change; addressing desertification and growing water 
shortages; combatting transnational repression, while promoting respect 
for fundamental freedoms and open societies; and sustaining the core 
institutions of the international order that have provided security and 
stability for over 70 years.
    If confirmed, I pledge to represent the best of American values, 
and will make it clear that relationships with the United States are 
stronger when human rights principles are respected.
    The region has been convulsed by conflict and instability for the 
past two decades, but many of our partners have turned in recent months 
towards de-escalation and to working with the United States to quell 
the region's conflicts. Iran, of course, has been the outlier to this 
trend. Tehran continues to pursue destabilizing policies, including 
through its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its 
subversive support for violent groups, and its abhorrent human rights 
record and longstanding practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. 
citizens as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would pose 
an even greater threat.
    As part of the administration's renewed multilateral engagement, if 
confirmed I will work in tandem with partners and allies to advance 
U.N. peace processes in Libya, Syria, and Yemen.
    The President's vision for a collaborative partnership with the 
countries of the Middle East comes in the wider context of a growing 
global challenge to our values of open societies and open economies, 
values that have underpinned the institutions of the international 
order. This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic of 
China (PRC) and Russia; both pursue influence in the region in a zero-
sum fashion. If confirmed, I expect to have frank conversations with 
our partners about the challenges posed by certain Russian and PRC 
actions.
    If confirmed, I will not be able to accomplish this ambitious 
agenda without the outstanding Foreign Service Officers, Civil 
Servants, Contractors, and family members employed here and in the 
region. I am committed to promoting the safety and security of our 
people overseas, the professional development of our employees, and the 
principles of Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility in the 
Bureau and our posts around the region.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you as we 
reshape, rebuild, and reenergize the U.S. Government's engagement with 
the Middle East, building a better future for the American people and 
the people of the region. Thank you, and I look forward to your 
questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you all very much.
    Before I start my questions, let me start a series of 
questions that we ask every nominee that comes before the 
committee, and they are on behalf of the full committee and I 
just simply ask you for a verbal yes or no answer.
    These are questions that speak to the importance that the 
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the 
executive branch and we expect and would be seeking from you.
    I will ask each of you to provide just a yes or no answer 
to the following.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Did I get four yeses there?
    Ambassador Leaf. Yes.
    Ms. Smith. Yes.
    [Laughter.]
    The Chairman. Okay. Do you commit to engaging in a 
meaningful consultation while policies are being developed, not 
just providing notification after the fact?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to 
requests for briefings and information requested by the 
committee and its designated staff?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. All right. Thank you all for that. For the 
record, all four nominees answered yes to all the questions.
    Let me start a series of five-minute rounds.
    Ambassador Noyes, how can the department and the PRM in 
particular help ensure that thousands of Afghans allies who 
were left behind when the last U.S. military plane departed on 
August 30th have equal access to evacuations?
    This will be one of the most critical immediate challenges 
that you will have. Give me a sense of how you envision your 
department's participation in that.
    Ambassador Noyes. Senator, thank you for the question.
    I think I speak for all of my colleagues at the State 
Department to say how proud we were to see how many people we 
were able to get out of Afghanistan and how heartbroken we were 
to see that we could not get out everyone that we wanted to.
    The president, the Secretary, have made clear their 
intention to uphold the commitment that we had to the people 
who worked for us, to the people who qualify for Special 
Immigrant Visas, and we will continue to work to process their 
cases and get them out.
    We have also made available consideration for referral 
under refugee programs, the P-2 refugee referrals, and other 
ways of getting access to resettlement in the United States.
    We also would commit to working with international 
organizations like the High Commissioner for Refugees to seek 
resettlement for people at risk in other countries, not just in 
the United States.
    Our commitment to uphold the human rights and to protect 
the vulnerable people of Afghanistan through resettlement, if 
that is what is needed, is a firm one, and if confirmed as 
Assistant Secretary, I would work with colleagues throughout 
the department and other agencies to uphold that commitment.
    The Chairman. Today is the beginning of Hispanic Heritage 
Month, and many of us held a call with national leadership, and 
one of the questions that came up is that it seems that we 
treat refugees from the southern border below differently than 
we treat refugees from other people in the world.
    Seems to me that a refugee, if they meet the definition 
under the law, is a refugee, regardless of where they come 
from. Do you share that view?
    Ambassador Noyes. Yes, Senator. Anyone who qualifies as a 
refugee should be given the same treatment and the same 
consideration.
    The Chairman. Ambassador Leaf, I could spend the whole 
hearing with you, but I will not because we had a good session 
yesterday. But I will put some questions for the record just so 
that we can have the record sustained. But I do want to broach 
one or two of them with you.
    Over the weekend, Iran and the IAEA reached what seems to 
be a subpar last-minute agreement to prevent the IAEA from 
formally censuring Iran.
    I remain deeply concerned about the details of this 
agreement, specifically because my understanding is that while 
the IAEA will have access to the information it needs, it will 
not be able to see that access. It will not be able to see the 
actual information in real time.
    It will not be able to see the information that was taken 
out or that will be taken out from the storage chips of what 
was going on since Iran broke off inspections, and it will not 
be able to see the new information that will be placed in the 
new storage chips to do the video recording of what is going 
on.
    Therefore, while there will be, quote/unquote, 
``monitoring'' taking place, there will be no review of the 
monitoring. Therefore, we will have no information about the 
status of Iran's program. If there is something called a 
Pyrrhic victory, that is the ultimate definition of it.
    Secretary Blinken has responded to that report by warning 
that Iran is running out of time to reap any benefits of a 
compliance agreement with the JCPOA.
    I, honestly, believe that returning to the JCPOA just as it 
was does not realize the tremendous change in circumstances we 
have today as well as the fact that Iran's nefarious activities 
in ballistic missiles, destabilization of the region, arms 
trafficking, and a whole host of other things are equally or as 
important.
    Let me ask you, how much time and diplomatic space do you 
think is left to get to a longer and stronger nuclear deal that 
also addresses these regional transgressions and attacks by 
proxies against not only U.S. partners and allies but also U.S. 
personnel and facilities in the region?
    Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for those questions 
and those comments.
    I would not want to get into in a hypothetical answer to 
the question of how much time. Secretary Blinken laid down a 
warning marker with that remark and it is a valid one.
    We have been waiting now, for two months to go back into a 
set of discussions, which are quite urgent, and as you said, 
the discussion on the JCPOA, a mutual compliance-for-compliance 
return to that agreement is only a starting point.
    What I would say to your concerns about these other issues, 
including a supplemental agreement, longer, stronger, but also 
the ongoing nefarious activities, those are my concerns, too. 
The administration, in fact, does not view this as a sequential 
matter in terms of addressing those regional activities.
    There are ongoing discussions with our most important ally 
in the region, Israel, as well as other concerned parties, and 
we work to synchronize and use a set of tools--economic 
sanctions, pressure, occasionally military and other diplomatic 
tools with them--to confront and constrain Iran in these 
activities.
    The Chairman. Is it fair to say that we really do not know 
where Iran is at in its nuclear program right now?
    Ambassador Leaf. I am not sure I would want to characterize 
it that way, Senator, and, obviously, there are intelligence 
estimates to that effect.
    The Chairman. I get real concerned when I see Mr. Albright 
suggest that we are one month away. He is a pretty independent 
verifier. I get concerned when we are heralding the IAEA 
agreement that, basically, says, well, we will keep the 
monitoring but we cannot see anything that is happening and we 
do not know what has happened in between.
    That is not creating a safeguard for anybody. We need to be 
a lot more robust with the IAEA. This committee will be seeking 
the IAEA's briefing, which it has not given to date, because we 
got to know what we are seeing and what we are not seeing and 
be honest with ourselves at the end of the day.
    I have many other questions for some of the other nominees. 
But, in fairness, to our colleagues, Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Obviously, I share a lot of those concerns also.
    And Ambassador Leaf, I can tell you, I told Secretary 
Blinken this when we met, and you can take it for what it is 
worth, but having been through this thing with Iran for so 
long, this business of saying now that you are going to try to 
get back into the old JCPOA and then there will be add-on 
negotiations and agreements in the future, with all due 
respect, I think that thinking is just delusional.
    There is no way that Iran is going to continue to negotiate 
and do an add-on agreement if, indeed, they are able to get the 
JCPOA back where it was and get our sanctions off.
    That is my two cents' worth, and I understand we have a 
basic disagreement in that regard. But nonetheless, I will be 
shocked if you can get that done.
    Secondly, you heard the discussion from both myself and 
from the chairman regarding a Syria policy, and we need that.
    I am not expecting you to opine on that today because I 
think you have got your work ahead of you before you can get 
there. But we need something that we can articulate and move 
forward on, and we do not have that on Syria.
    Ms. Noyes, I want to talk about UNRWA for just a minute. I 
introduced the UNRWA Accountability and Transparency Act with 
11 of my Senate colleagues, and we share real concerns on 
UNRWA.
    What are your thoughts on UNRWA?
    Ambassador Noyes. Senator, I share the concerns that you 
expressed in that legislation about the efficiency, the 
effectiveness, and the neutrality of UNRWA. The administration 
agrees, with the premise behind the legislation.
    That said, it is my understanding that UNRWA is a force for 
stability in the region by providing vital services to 
Palestinians in need--education for school children, health 
care for people, and the only viable alternative to UNRWA in 
those areas would be Hamas.
    Therefore, while we, certainly, would agree with the intent 
of the legislation and the framework agreement that the PRM 
bureau entered into with UNRWA accounts for the need to make 
changes and to redouble efforts to ensure the efficiency, the 
effectiveness, and the neutrality of UNRWA.
    Senator Risch. I appreciate your thoughts. I do not think 
simply because there is an alternative that is worse we should 
take this--in my judgment, a very bad agency and try to make 
that work.
    I think we should try to make that work. But I think that 
if it does not work, we should not say, well, the only other 
alternative is Hamas. I do not subscribe to that theory.
    But in any event, I think most everyone who has dealt with 
UNRWA and seen, for instance, the textbooks they print for use 
in their schools is just disgusted that U.S. taxpayer money is 
going down the drain in that regard.
    I hope you will focus on that. I hope you can get them in a 
better direction, and it is going to take a considerable change 
in direction for me to embrace what they are doing.
    Thank you for your efforts in that regard.
    And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    My understanding is Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I do want to thank all of our nominees for their 
willingness to serve our nation during these extremely 
challenging times. We thank you. We thank your families.
    Ambassador Leaf, I want to follow up on some of the 
comments that have already been made. We see some positive 
developments in the Middle East with the Abraham Accords, and 
Congress has passed that and the Senate Finance Committee has 
passed S. 1601, which would build on that to have the United 
States active in trying to get more of the countries in the 
Middle East to sign on to the Abraham Accords.
    On the other side of the ledger, we see activities in the 
United Nations General Assembly that is very much trying to 
compromise Israel's sovereignty.
    Just share with me your strategies in dealing with the 
countries in the region to get more to move towards the Abraham 
Accord approach with Israel rather than trying to isolate 
Israel in the United Nations.
    Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for that set of 
questions and comments, and I could not agree more on both 
counts.
    First, with respect to the Abraham Accords, it is a truly 
exciting set of developments in a region that for so long has 
really not had a lot of good news, and I, if confirmed, very 
much look forward to seizing the opportunities opened with 
those nascent relationships and deepening, expanding them while 
really expanding the circle beyond the four countries.
    I think there is a lot of opportunity. I would say the UAE 
and Bahrain and Morocco probably represented the sort of most 
forward leaning of the countries in that regard.
    But, nonetheless, and this has been a subject of discussion 
with the Israeli Government, there are other opportunities out 
there, and I think it self-evidently should be a priority for 
my work, if confirmed, and it would thread into the work of 
every U.S. ambassador in the region so that it was a very 
concerted and coordinated effort.
    I also agree with you in terms of the anti-Israel bias that 
we see repeatedly come up, whether in the UNGA or in U.N. 
bodies, and, if confirmed, I would absolutely work in lockstep 
with other members of the administration, with our mission to 
the U.N., and others to push back on that vigorously.
    Senator Cardin. I would just point out I think the Abraham 
Accords is a positive incentive for countries to normalize 
their relationship with Israel. The actions in the United 
Nations and its bodies require us to make it clear that there 
is a price to pay when we see this type of activity take place 
that is very much against the sovereignty of our closest ally 
in the Middle East.
    I would hope you would also be aggressive in activities to 
make it clear that the United States will act on behalf of 
Israel in regards to the United Nations.
    Ambassador Noyes, I want to ask you a question on 
immigration. I agree with Chairman Menendez's point in regards 
to Afghanistan, and that is going to, certainly, be a major 
focus of all of our work in the next several months in order to 
relocate those at risk.
    But I want to get closer to our own hemisphere, and Senator 
Menendez raised these issues. We show international leadership 
by our actions here in America. Yes, we will show it in regards 
to the Afghan refugees.
    But in regards to refugees coming out of our own 
hemisphere, we, certainly, have a lot of individuals who have 
left Venezuela. We have the Central American migration that we 
know about.
    Can you just share with me the strategy of exercising 
leadership in our own hemisphere to show that we have the right 
global policies in regards to migration that can help us not 
only in dealing with the challenges we have in the Western 
Hemisphere but also our leadership globally?
    Ambassador Noyes. Thank you for that question, Senator 
Cardin.
    Certainly, this hemisphere is not alone in having issues 
with refugees and migration. One of the administration's major 
efforts with regard to how to deal with these issues is for 
Central America. There is a root cause's strategy to get to the 
causes that lead people to leave their nations.
    But insofar as PRM is concerned, the administration has 
also put forward a comprehensive migration management strategy, 
which is an effort, a whole-of-government effort, to work with 
U.S. Government agencies but also with the governments of the 
region in trying to address the issues that lead to migration 
and to come up with collaborative approaches for dealing with 
those issues, whether it is providing access to temporary work 
permits, providing protection, humanitarian assistance in 
countries where they are needed, dealing with issues of 
corruption, rule of law.
    And that is a model, Senator, that I believe could be very 
useful and very effective in dealing with migration questions 
and refugee challenges elsewhere in the world.
    If confirmed, I really would like to do more in the area of 
humanitarian diplomacy, working closely with our partners and 
with other governments around the world to address these issues 
before they become so severe that they lead people to leave 
their countries, and also to address issues that have led 
people to leave their countries such that they can find ways to 
return safely, humanely, and voluntarily to their home 
countries.
    I think there is a lot to be done in the area of 
humanitarian diplomacy. I think the approach the United States 
is taking in Central America and in Mexico with this holistic 
whole-of-government and collaborative approach with regional 
governments is, again, a model for these issues around the 
world.
    Thank you.
    Senator Cardin. We will be judged by our actions.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
    My understanding is that there are presently no Republican 
colleagues seeking recognition so I will move to Senator Kaine.
    Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, thank you. And again, 
congratulations to the nominees.
    Ambassador Bauer, one of the wonderful opportunities in the 
U.S. relationship with France is that France has significant 
equities all over the globe in areas where the U.S. shares 
interest, and we work in tandem in Southeast Asia. We work in 
tandem in the Sahel. I want to ask a question about one of the 
countries you mentioned, Lebanon.
    The U.S.-Lebanese relationship, especially with the 
Lebanese military, has been a strong one. Lebanon is very 
strategically important.
    But right now in Lebanon there has just been a set of 
catastrophes, one after the next, and the current political 
situation in Lebanon poses grave risk both to the health and 
satisfaction and quality of life of everyday Lebanese but also 
the surrounding communities.
    The French Government under President Macron has been very 
involved in trying to promote a better chapter for Lebanon. 
Should you be confirmed, what might we be able to do, the 
United States and France together, to figure out ways to help 
Lebanon to a better place?
    Ambassador Bauer. Thank you for the question, Senator 
Kaine.
    Yes, indeed, it is a very challenging situation, and it is 
my understanding that we are working closely with the French 
and that the French take it very seriously and will be good 
allies, going forward.
    It is certainly something I would engage on right away 
should I be confirmed, and would also welcome the opportunity 
to consult with you and other members of this committee to 
develop a best plan for going forward.
    Senator Kaine. Excellent. I almost asked that question as a 
proxy for Senator Murphy, who is the chair of the Subcommittee 
of Foreign Relations that oversees that relationship, and he 
just was in Lebanon with other members of the committee.
    I think it is an increasingly destabilized Lebanon is a 
real problem for a lot of nations, including the United States, 
and we can work together with France on that.
    Ambassador Leaf, I am concerned about a number of things in 
the relationship between the United States and Egypt. There are 
some positive developments. President el-Sisi met with Prime 
Minister Bennett in Sharm El Sheikh recently, which was the 
first meeting between leaders of Egypt and Israel in a decade. 
That is positive.
    But I am really worried about human rights issues in Egypt 
and they affect a lot of Virginians. There was reporting in the 
last few months about the involvement of Egyptian intelligence 
in the murder of Virginia resident Washington Post journalist 
Jamal Khashoggi.
    I wrote a letter to the Secretary of State last month 
asking the Department of State to dig into these allegations 
and then render some judgment on the potential applicability of 
7013(c) visa restrictions.
    You are not yet at State. That letter had not come to you. 
But these are very serious allegations of the involvement of 
the Egypt secret police and intel officials in the murder of a 
Virginian, a journalist.
    Now, I will say the Egyptian Government has denied these 
allegations. We spoke directly about it with the head of 
Egyptian intelligence on the committee. But there is an answer 
to the question of whether or not they are involved, and if 
they were there has got to be some consequences.
    Should you be confirmed, will you take this kind of a 
request of the Department of State to make an assessment about 
what occurred and then whether there should be accountability? 
Will you take this matter with the utmost seriousness?
    Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for that question, and 
it is an extraordinarily serious issue that you have raised.
    Within the context more broadly, and I will say straight 
up, of course, I will take my responsibilities absolutely 
seriously, if confirmed, under both U.S. law and U.S. policy on 
human rights.
    I would just offer another couple of comments on this 
broader issue that you raised, how human rights feature in the 
relationship with Egypt, and you will have seen this week that 
Secretary Blinken decided on the issue of $300 million of the 
$1.3 billion of foreign military financing for Egypt.
    It was a very methodical and carefully thought through set 
of decisions to signal, to reaffirm, really, that as with 
countries around the world, human rights do feature at the 
center point of relations with Egypt.
    Now, we have long-standing national security interests in 
that relationship. Egypt has been a strategic partner of 
enormous importance for the U.S. but also for the region and 
for Israel, in particular.
    And as you said, this was a remarkable thing. For the first 
time in a decade you had the two leaders meet publicly. The 
fact that leaders have met before, but they could not do it 
publicly in front of their publics speaks to how unsteady that 
relationship was.
    I will just pledge to you that, if confirmed, I will 
absolutely keep my focus on these human rights issues and the 
case that you cite, in particular.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Cruz?
    Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Leaf, if confirmed, you are going to inherit a region 
that has been transformed in remarkable ways in recent years, 
most significantly by the Abraham Accords.
    The Abraham Accords were historic peace agreements, the 
first in decades achieved in the region. They were achieved, I 
believe, because the prior administration abandoned the long-
standing U.S. policy of deliberate ambiguity between Israel and 
the Palestinians and, rather, pursued a policy that America 
unequivocally stands with our friend and ally, the nation of 
Israel.
    That clarity produced the Abraham Accords, I believe. That 
clarity was manifested in multiple ways, including moving our 
embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, including withdrawing from the 
disastrous Obama Iran nuclear deal.
    The Biden administration seems bound and determined to 
unwind all of the positive progress made in the Middle East, to 
run away from the peace deal, to embrace the strategic 
ambiguity that for decades failed, and the Biden administration 
seems to want to go back to that failure.
    When it comes to the Abraham Accords, the Biden 
administration, frankly, has been almost comical, going so far 
as quite literally putting out a guidance at the U.S. State 
Department not to utter the words Abraham Accords, in writing 
officials in the Biden State Department saying, ``We do not use 
those words here.'' Instead, they are to be referred to as 
normalization agreements.
    And I will say that was not simply a written guidance but, 
sadly, it is a guidance that seems to be followed. Just 
yesterday, the U.S. ambassador of the United Nations, Linda 
Thomas-Greenfield, gave a speech on the anniversary of the 
Abraham Accords in which she refused to utter the words Abraham 
Accords. The entire thing seems like a Monty Python skit.
    I understand that the Biden administration is not a fan of 
Donald Trump. But throwing away historic Middle East peace 
agreements because the administration does not like their 
predecessor is extraordinarily foolish, it is harmful to the 
United States, and it is harmful to our friends and allies.
    Can you tell this committee, in your judgment, what is the 
importance of the Abraham Accords and should they be maintained 
and strengthened or should they be undermined and weakened?
    Ambassador Leaf. Senator, I agree with you, those are 
historic Accords. The Abraham Accords changed and brought a new 
dynamic to a region that has really had very little in the way 
of good news in recent years.
    There is no question in my mind that they have already 
contributed and will contribute still more to peaceful 
coexistence and to economic integration, and that last piece 
has been very much missing across this region.
    I can assure you that, if confirmed, I will make it a top 
priority not just to help foster the deepening of the roots of 
those relationships, and each of them has different dynamics 
according to their own societies and cultures, but I will work 
with those governments and with the Israeli Government to 
strengthen and deepen those Accords and then widen the circle, 
absolutely.
    There are more opportunities out there. They are not quite 
as in a state of readiness, perhaps, as the UAE was. But there 
are prospects there.
    They start with some very significant moves on people-to-
people contacts and that is one of the things that really, I 
think, was most striking in the case of the UAE and Bahrain.
    Those governments had begun a very subtle process of 
beginning to warm their public up to the idea, and that is the 
sort of thing that, frankly, the U.S. has to push on with other 
governments and I am ready to do it.
    Senator Cruz. Thank you.
    Ms. Smith, as you know, I am deeply concerned about the 
Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I think that President Biden made an 
enormous and, indeed, a generational geopolitical mistake by 
effectively giving that pipeline to Vladimir Putin.
    In your judgment, what will be the national security harms, 
the economic harms, to Europe and to the United States if and 
when that pipeline goes online and is operational?
    Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    I agree with the president. I agree with you that the 
pipeline is a bad deal. It is a geopolitical project, as you 
yourself have noted many times.
    It is a project that undermines the safety and security of 
our friends in Europe, particularly in Ukraine. I do not feel 
that this deal, this pipeline, in particular, will be something 
that will bring added security to Europe. Quite the contrary.
    I look forward, though, if confirmed, to working with our 
allies, our partners, on the repercussions of this pipeline as 
I get to Brussels.
    Senator Cruz. I feel obliged to note the president does not 
believe that, because the only reason the pipeline is being 
completed is because Joe Biden waived the sanctions that were 
passed by an overwhelming bipartisan majority of Congress.
    We had stopped the pipeline for over a year, and the Biden 
administration decided, because they wanted to make nice with 
Germany, they would give Putin a generational multi-billion-
dollar gift and they turned an incredible foreign policy 
victory into a foreign policy failure.
    The Chairman. The time of the senator has expired.
    I would just note for the record an hour ago the State 
Department spokesman, Ned Price, was heralding the Abraham 
Accords and called it as such, and the United Arab Emirates 
promoted it as part of their Foreign Service movement.
    The administration has used and I am sure will continue to 
use the term Abraham Accords.
    Senator Coons?
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch.
    And, Chairman Menendez, thank you for setting the record 
straight about both the bipartisan support for the Abraham 
Accords here and the ways in which the State Department 
continues to advocate for their full implementation.
    To the nominees before us, thank you for your willingness 
to serve. Let me thank your families and those who have helped 
support you in your careers and service so far and will support 
you should you be confirmed.
    Let me just ask a few quick questions. I have less than 
five minutes but I am delighted to have a chance to ask each of 
you a question or two.
    Ms. Bauer, if I might, what lessons did you learn from your 
time as Ambassador to Belgium about working with the Foreign 
Service? And you have said to me when we had a chance to talk 
before this hearing that one of the most important jobs an 
ambassador faces is protecting State Department employees and 
other American citizens abroad.
    How do you intend to help contribute to that sacred 
challenge, that obligation, that opportunity, that our 
diplomats have abroad?
    Ambassador Bauer. Thank you, Senator Coons.
    Indeed, working with the team at the State Department and 
the interagency team in Brussels was an incredible privilege. 
It is a skilled and dedicated group of people and it is part of 
what made me so excited about the opportunity to potentially 
serve again was to think of working with the same extraordinary 
team.
    On the security front, I think it is a matter of having 
really close communication, no silos, working as a team, making 
sure everyone trusts each other and we are having really 
regular communications not only within the team in France, 
should I be confirmed, but throughout Europe and, of course, 
consulting with the Senate and other important partners.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. I did not mean to skip over Ms. 
Noyes.
    If I might, your role is going to be absolutely critical, 
and as the daughter of Cuban refugees, I think you bring an 
important and unique perspective to this vital role.
    If you would just share with me, briefly, what lessons from 
your service as ambassador to Croatia would you bring to PRM, 
and how should the State Department address the visa backlog 
and how will you work to increase international cooperation on 
difficult and urgent issues like resettlement of refugees and 
humanitarian assistance?
    Ambassador Noyes. Senator, thank you for that question.
    I think I have learned lessons from throughout my career in 
a variety of different positions, not just as ambassador but 
even as the Acting Director of FSI, lessons about management, 
about teamwork, about how I would pick up part of Denise's 
answer about working with the team and making sure that 
everyone makes a contribution.
    One of my biggest priorities, if confirmed, would be to 
help rebuild the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, 
which is badly understaffed at this point at a time when it is 
really being stretched to carry out a lot of functions.
    A big priority would be rebuilding that bureau, and in 
rebuilding that bureau working to rebuild the U.S. Refugee 
Admissions Program, which is critical for America's 
humanitarian leadership around the world, and working with 
partners in the State Department and in the interagency on 
helping to resettle the Afghan refugees.
    In so far as the visa backlog question, Senator, the Bureau 
of Population, Refugees, and Migration does not play a specific 
role on that issue. But I know that my colleagues at the 
Department of State are working very, very hard to process the 
remaining Special Immigrant Visas for Afghans and to do 
whatever is possible to help people at risk in Afghanistan.
    Thank you.
    Senator Coons. I think that is urgent work and I look 
forward to working with the chairman to ensure that the 
resources for that are available.
    Might I ask two more quick questions or are we----
    The Chairman. Since the senator is the chairman of the 
Foreign Ops Subcommittee and Appropriations, definitely go 
ahead.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    If I might, Ms. Smith, NATO has just concluded one of its 
most important longest missions and it is now, I think, facing 
a different range of threats, challenges, and adversaries.
    China has expanded its influence not just in the Indo-
Pacific but in Europe, investing in infrastructure, heightening 
its emphasis on the Arctic, targeting countries in Eastern, 
Central, and Western Europe with disinformation campaigns.
    And in June, the NATO heads of state issued a statement 
that Beijing presents systemic challenges. What risk do you 
think China currently poses to the NATO Alliance and European 
stability, and how would you, if confirmed, work with NATO to 
counter China's malign influence?
    Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
    I do worry about the dangers posed by China in the Euro-
Atlantic area. I think about the investments that China is 
making in critical infrastructure across the continent.
    I think about their own investments in disruptive 
technology, the lessons they are learning from Russia on 
utilizing disinformation, their evolving maritime presence, 
what they are doing in the Arctic. I really could go on.
    The good news, as you noted yourself, Senator, is that the 
Alliance now has conducted its first China review in 2019. The 
Alliance just recently stated at its summit this past June that 
it is a systemic challenge to the liberal world order.
    Going forward, if confirmed, I would look forward to 
working with the allies as we draft the next Strategic Concept 
to make sure that the challenges posed by China to the wider 
Euro-Atlantic region are featured prominently in the Strategic 
Concept.
    I would also look forward to working with them on acquiring 
better tools to counter some of the malign activities that 
China is pursuing.
    Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you to all of you. And 
thank you for your indulgence, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Thank you all for being here today. This is an important 
hearing. I hope that you move quickly to the floor.
    But then you are destined to sit in limbo because we have 
two members of the Senate, a list that is growing, that have 
decided to hold up all national security nominees.
    This is a growing danger to the national security of this 
country and I would hope that my Republican colleagues on this 
committee would help us address this very quickly, because 
every single day that we do not have ambassadors, every single 
day that we do not have assistant secretaries, is a day that 
America is not representing its interests around the world.
    A few questions for the panel, and thank you all for your 
tremendous service to the country. We are so grateful for your 
willingness to continue it.
    Ambassador Leaf, I admit to getting a little confused when 
I hear the administration talk about the strategy, moving 
forward, on the JCPOA. Obviously, Senator Menendez and I have 
slightly different views on this issue.
    But what I understand to be the administration's policy is 
that while we absolutely believe that at the same time we can 
work on addressing Iran's nuclear program and its support for 
terrorist groups and its other malevolent behaviors in the 
region, our belief continues to be that a compliance-for-
compliance deal on the JCPOA is meritorious on its own and that 
if we can get back into the JCPOA then that makes it a lot 
easier to confront many of their other behaviors around the 
region.
    I just want to confirm that that continues to be the 
position of the administration, that understanding how 
difficult it is to figure out how to get back into the 
agreement that we still believe that it is a priority to get 
back into the agreement and we are not conditioning the restart 
of the JCPOA on an additional set of agreements on a whole host 
of nonnuclear behaviors by the Iranian regime.
    Ambassador Leaf. Senator, the only word I would disagree 
with in that set of statements and that question was whether it 
would be easier following reentry into JCPOA to deal with all 
those other problems.
    But no, to be serious, the administration is committed to a 
methodical diplomatic effort to rejoin the JCPOA based on 
mutual compliance. That is an overriding national security 
imperative because, at this point, Iran's nuclear program is 
untrammeled.
    The priority is getting it back into a box. But 
notwithstanding those diplomatic efforts in Vienna, the 
administration continues in parallel, in tandem, to, on a 
constant basis, address the regional dimension of Iran's 
destabilizing behavior.
    There is an objective on the part of the administration to 
then build upon in nuclear terms a longer stronger deal. But 
the ongoing work is ongoing. It will continue apart.
    Senator Murphy. I am going to submit a question to the 
record on Lebanon. I will not ask a question to you now.
    But Hezbollah is spinning up a very effective narrative 
there right now about the United States blockade of energy 
resources into the country and they are offering ships of their 
own through Iran.
    We have got to solve for this very quickly. The narrative 
is pervasive, and there are ways in which we can creatively try 
to address the fuel shortage, the crisis in Lebanon right now. 
But we have to do it very, very quickly.
    And so I will submit a question to the record because I 
wanted to ask one final question here to you, Ms. Smith. I 
think one of the biggest scams going is the way that we assess 
NATO contributions to the Alliance.
    Despite the fact that the adversaries to the United States 
and our NATO partners are using all sorts of means other than 
conventional military pressure to try to undermine the 
democracies of NATO, we continue to assess whether or not you 
are a full member in good standing by the amount of your 
defense spending, even though Russia is delighting in 
asymmetric warfare that is defensed in ways other than aircraft 
carriers and ships and brigades.
    Is there a better way, moving forward, that we can assess 
whether members of the NATO Alliance are in good standing other 
than the simple amount of their GDP that they are spending on 
hard traditional conventional defense spending?
    Ms. Smith. Senator, thank you for that question.
    Traditionally, NATO's deterrence and defense posture has 
been based on three legs of a stool, so conventional 
capabilities, nuclear capabilities, and missile defense 
capabilities. And so we always measured allies' contributions 
in a very conventional framing.
    But in recent years, as you noted, increasingly, the NATO 
Alliance is defining its posture, deterrence, and defense 
posture in other ways. It is looking at cybersecurity, 
increasingly working that into operational planning. It is 
looking at those gray zone threats, the hybrid threats: 
disinformation, coercion, and other forms of gray zone tactics.
    And so, going forward, on this question of burden sharing, 
there is a lot to do. First and foremost, we have to keep a 
laser like focus on 2 percent. Allies all made that commitment 
to get to 2 percent in 2014. Many have gotten there or will get 
there by 2024. But we have to continue to apply pressure on 
those that will not yet meet that target by 2024.
    Increasingly, I think we have to have conversations with 
our allies about other aspects: readiness, force generation, 
capability gaps, broadly defined.
    And so, if confirmed, I would look forward to working with 
our allies on this broader definition of NATO's deterrence and 
defense posture and the question of burden sharing.
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Van Hollen is 
with us virtually.
    Senator Van Hollen. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
    Let me join my colleagues in congratulating all of you on 
your nominations, and I am impressed with the great depth and 
breadth of foreign policy experience represented on this panel.
    I also want to associate myself with the comments of both 
the chairman and Senator Murphy that the ever longer line of 
nominations being held up on the Senate floor hurts our 
national security and undermines our capacities.
    Ambassador Noyes, you have got a huge amount of challenges 
in the portfolio you have been nominated to oversee, including 
recent developments in Afghanistan, and I am going to be 
submitting some questions to the record for you.
    Ambassador Leaf, I just returned from a trip to Lebanon, 
Israel, and the West Bank with Senator Murphy and others, and I 
have a couple questions related to that trip, starting with 
Lebanon.
    We were pleased to see that after over a year of no 
government, last Friday we finally have a government in 
Lebanon. As you know, that is just the first step. They have 
got to address the economic crisis, bring more accountability 
and transparency to a system that is rife with political 
corruption, and keep elections on track for next year.
    But the one institution in the country that is almost 
universally respected is the nonsectarian Lebanese Armed 
Forces. And my question to you, and it is a simple question, is 
do you agree it is in our national interests to continue to 
support that effort?
    And I will add one of the things that was highlighted 
during our visit was that because of the economic crisis, pay 
for members of the Lebanese Armed Forces has just collapsed.
    In fact, there is a story today the Lebanese Armed Forces 
is providing helicopter rides for tourists in order to raise 
money, and the pay of the Lebanese Armed Forces is now way 
below what Hezbollah pays its militias.
    A question. So you agree that continued U.S. support for 
the Lebanese Armed Forces is in our interest of providing some 
measure of stability respect to interfaith communities, inter-
communal stability, and national stability? Just yes or no.
    Ambassador Leaf. Yes, absolutely. If you would like, I can 
offer a few other thoughts on this.
    Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Let me get on the 
other questions. If I have time in the end----
    Ambassador Leaf. Please.
    Senator Van Hollen:--I will circle back.
    We also, as I said, went to Israel and the West Bank. In 
Israel, we affirmed our support for the replenishment of the 
Iron Dome and our support for the Abraham Accords.
    We also discussed both in Israel and the West Bank 
President Biden's plan to reopen the consulate in Jerusalem 
that had been in existence for over a hundred years before the 
previous administration terminated it.
    My question is does the president plan to continue with 
that commitment to open the consulate and what would be the 
timetable?
    Ambassador Leaf. Yes, Senator, that is the President's 
commitment, and he believes, and Secretary Blinken spoke to 
this issue over the last couple months that reopening the 
consulate provides a critical platform for diplomatic 
engagement with both the Palestinian leadership and the 
Palestinian people.
    I am not privy to the plans in the State Department in 
terms of timing of that. But, if confirmed, of course, I will 
work to execute the President's commitment.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. In my remaining time, let me 
now circle back to Lebanon, and in addition to elaborating on 
the Lebanese Armed Forces just follow up with the issue that 
Senator Murphy raised, which is, as you know, Iran right now is 
sending tankers with fuel to Hezbollah via a port in Syria to 
be transported over land.
    Our really great ambassador there, Ambassador Shea, has 
expressed her strong opposition to that but also proposed an 
alternative, a much more sustainable plan, a real plan that 
involves bringing electricity from Egypt through Jordan to 
Lebanon but would have to transit Syria.
    There are issues of whether or not that is compliant with 
the Caesar Act or whether a waiver would be required. Can you 
just offer your thoughts on that, in addition to the Lebanese 
Armed Forces?
    Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for 
calling out Ambassador Shea for her great efforts there on the 
ground with her team.
    Yeah, it is interesting, the issue of this acute energy 
crisis. It is side by side with the general disintegration of 
the economy, which is, as you and Senator Murphy saw, is having 
a terrible deleterious effect across society and is crumbling 
the foundations of the LAF itself. I mean, the currency has 
lost 90 percent of its value in the last two years. Imagine 
what a soldier makes.
    On this issue of an energy solution, side by side with 
this, frankly, PR stunt by Hezbollah, this is a regionally 
produced solution or proposed solution, which, as you say, it 
is our partners, Egypt and Jordan, who have teamed together to 
look at the issue of excess electricity and natural gas to get 
it across Syria into Lebanon.
    This is a project that, as I understand it, is endorsed by 
the World Bank. So, the State Department is looking at it 
carefully within the framework of U.S. law and sanctions 
policy.
    But it shows some promise on the face of it and, of course, 
the Department will consult thoroughly with Treasury on the way 
forward. But it, certainly, offers the prospect of a cheaper, 
cleaner, and defensible solution, a short-term fix to what is a 
larger terrible problem in Lebanon.
    And the first step, of course, is that they have finally, 
after 13 months, put together a government, which is only the 
first step. Important economic reforms must follow after.
    And I will just say, finally, on the LAF, support for the 
LAF as the true cross confessional institution of public trust 
and capability in the country will remain a priority for this 
administration.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Let me follow up on one point that 
Senator Van Hollen made.
    And I look forward to hearing back from the department. I 
helped write the Caesar Act and I do not want to give relief to 
the Assad regime.
    However, in this particular case for these particular 
circumstances, if the department makes the determination that 
that is the only impediment towards an agreement for energy 
flow into Lebanon, I have asked them to come to me because I 
think it is important enough to find a way forward.
    Let me also follow on. A question, Ambassador Leaf, that 
was promoted to you by Senator Murphy--and he and I do have a 
respectful disagreement about the JCPOA--I understood your 
answer to say that if we can get a compliance-for-compliance 
deal we will do that, and then the stronger longer comes later. 
Is that it?
    Ambassador Leaf. Senator, what I meant by that was follow-
on negotiations would necessarily look at building out on the 
JCPOA.
    The Chairman. Right, but they would come later?
    Ambassador Leaf. Following it. Yes, sir.
    The Chairman. Yeah. That is the problem. The conversations 
that I have had with the administration is that returning to 
the JCPOA with a commitment from the Iranians for a negotiation 
on what is longer and stronger, that is something I could 
support.
    But if it is just compliance-for-compliance and then we 
wait to see whether the Iranians are actually serious about 
longer and stronger, that is a problem because they will have 
received what they wanted.
    And let us remember that our circumstances today are 
different than when we entered the JCPOA. Number one, time has 
elapsed. The sunset clauses are closer. Some of them have 
already elapsed on some critical issues.
    And Iran has moved forward on its abilities and knowledge 
in terms of enrichment. We are not in the same place. Even with 
compliance-for-compliance, we are not in the same place.
    I do not hold you responsible for this because even though 
you work at the NSC it is, I am sure, above your pay grade. But 
I just want to make it clear that from the chairman's point of 
view this is a problem.
    And so I have given the administration a lot of room under 
the basis that they are looking for an agreement that goes back 
to compliance but is also a pathway to longer and stronger, and 
just that it will happen later on in the hopes that the 
Iranians will be good actors is not something that I can be 
supportive of.
    I just want to raise that question. I think this question 
is rather self-obvious, but I just want to do it for the 
record.
    Do you commit to fully supporting Israel's right to self-
defense and its qualitative military edge, including through 
U.S. military assistance?
    Ambassador Leaf. Yes, Senator.
    The Chairman. Okay. I want to go to Lebanon as well. This 
economic crisis has pushed the middle class into poverty, but 
the country's political elite still have shown no appetite for 
needed reforms.
    This new government, it is my hope that Hezbollah will 
allow this government to operate.
    How do we balance the need to help alleviate suffering in 
Lebanon while directly contributing to security and stability--
which directly contributes to security and stability not only 
in Lebanon but Israel and throughout the region, but ensure 
that our assistance is being used to incentivize reforms?
    Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator. You have put your 
finger on the crux of the issue.
    There is a situation that in real terms is quite terrifying 
that confronts Lebanon and I wish the Lebanese political class 
and its leaders and those who formed the caretaker government 
have felt the same sense of urgency about the situation that 
outsiders like the U.S. Government, the French Government, and 
others have felt about the situation.
    There is at play here, a need for pressure and inducements 
but, really, not inducements in an immediate sense. It is, 
rather, that this government, having been formed, it is only 
the first minimal step on what has to be a long road of 
structural economic reform, which will then unlock, be it 
international financing, loans, and other forms of foreign 
assistance.
    The Biden administration has been working this set of 
issues closely with France and several other regional partners 
to provide that constant pressure on individuals as well as the 
Government to make it clear that there is no rescue coming from 
outside.
    The solution to Lebanon lies in Lebanese hands. But it is 
going to be a long slow road ahead.
    The Chairman. I hope we will do what is necessary to try to 
get them to be part of the decision-making necessary so they 
can get IMF funding and reforms and move on, and I think there 
is a great will in the Congress to help Lebanon but Lebanon 
must help itself in that regard.
    And I think if the message is there that we are standing 
willing to help, then the onus is upon its own leaders to 
create that opportunity.
    Ambassador Leaf. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. Okay. I just want to touch on Egypt with you 
and then I will move on.
    Egypt is both an incredibly important security partner to 
us, to the region, to Israel. I was in Greece this summer. I 
spoke to the foreign minister. He made a very big point about 
Egypt's stability in the region.
    They are a member of the East Med Gas Forum along with 
Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Jordan. They worked to deescalate 
the conflict between Israel and Hamas in the past conflicts. 
They, obviously, are playing a significant role in that regard.
    They have issues as well. They have issues with the Grand 
Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or what we call the GERD. And when I 
speak to them, I believe that they are serious about their red 
lines on the GERD. And, though, while they do not seek it, I, 
certainly, think the last thing we can avoid is a conflict 
there, at the end of the day. I hope that you will join whoever 
is in the administration focused on this to try to find a 
resolution.
    Then, of course, we have our continuing challenges on human 
rights. I know that the Egyptians argue that, look at what we 
are doing for the quality of life for the Egyptian people. That 
should be considered human rights, too.
    But imprisonment and unlawful detention is also not 
acceptable on these set of circumstances. We have to press them 
on all these different fronts, and I will assume that that is 
something that you will do, if confirmed.
    Ambassador Leaf. If confirmed, I will absolutely do that. 
And you have sketched out exactly the color, the texture, the 
complexity of that relationship. But it is quite strategic.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Smith, I have some real concerns about NATO in terms of 
where we are headed, and your time there will be very 
important. They fall in two buckets. One is NATO, of course, 
was created as a security architecture, which has been 
exceptionally successful.
    But it was also founded on a set of principles, of values, 
that were joined by the member nations. And, of course, the 
provision of the NATO treaty that says an attack on one is an 
attack on all is a critical nature of that. We have reaffirmed 
that.
    But what happens in the eventuality that an attack by one 
NATO member against another NATO member takes place? It is a 
serious issue, and while we never envisioned that, I am deeply 
concerned about Turkey's actions in the eastern Mediterranean 
against another NATO ally, Greece, where we have Souda Bay, 
where we are deepening our relationship. We are on the verge of 
signing a new defense cooperation agreement, a Memorandum of 
Understanding, hopefully, in October.
    I think that is a discussion that NATO is going to have to 
have. I would like to get your impressions on that.
    Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator.
    NATO, as you know, recently spent some time drafting this 
2030 report thinking about where the allies want to take the 
Alliance towards 2030 and what capabilities it would need, what 
new mechanisms it might need, what measures it could undertake 
to address some new challenges.
    But, really, at the heart of that report sits the 
importance of Alliance cohesion and unity, and that is a theme 
that runs throughout the report.
    And as I noted in my opening remarks, I am concerned about 
some of the actions we are seeing in some NATO member states 
that bring into question whether or not each member state is 
upholding our shared values of democracy, individual liberty, 
and rule of law.
    If confirmed, I would work to ensure that we can return our 
focus back to Alliance unity, solidarity, and resolve.
    On your question about Turkey more specifically, this is an 
ally inside the NATO Alliance that has played a key role in 
some of its cooperation with both the United States and other 
NATO allies in the counterterrorism realm.
    But we have also had some really hard questions with Turkey 
and some tough discussions, particularly about their decision 
to purchase the S-400s, which all of us have made clear are not 
compatible with the Alliance, not interoperable, and I think, 
rightly, past U.S. administrations, other allies, have warned 
the Turks that these types of purchases cannot be made 
operational. They cannot be maintained. They should not have 
been purchased in the first place.
    And so we have to continue to drive the message home to our 
friends in Ankara that it is important that we focus on that 
Alliance cohesion.
    Yes, we can have some tough conversations with our friends 
in Ankara, difficult discussions about human rights as well, 
but also acknowledge that Turkey is an ally and that all of us 
want Turkey to remain facing westward.
    The Chairman. We want them facing westward as long as they 
are also sharing westward values. When you purchase the S-400, 
which is in violation of CAATSA, that I helped write--when 
you--totally not interoperable with the NATO Alliance--when you 
commit actions that instigate against another NATO ally in 
Greece--you overfly their airspace, you invade their 
territorial waters, you threaten their exclusive economic 
zone--when we say that there are more lawyers and journalists 
in prison in Turkey than in any other part of the world, and 
there are some bad parts of the world, that speaks volumes 
about not sharing on values.
    What they did in Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, 
the list is replete. I just hope that you will be going clear 
eyed with an understanding of this challenge.
    Yes, we want them to be everything we aspired of them--the 
bridge between East and West, the secular, more democratic 
country, a strong NATO ally, respecting the rule of law.
    But under President Erdogan that is not the reality, and as 
it is in life, we have to deal with that which is the reality, 
not that which we aspire to.
    I hope you will be thinking about that because we have to 
answer the question, God forbid, that one NATO ally attacks 
another what is the answer of the Alliance then.
    Secondly, I hope you will pay attention to what is the new 
hybrid warfare that, particularly, Russia has done.
    We need to be able to think about how we respond in that 
regard when Russia uses forces that are irregular--but they are 
Russian forces for all intents and purposes, whether they are 
the Wagner Group or others--and at the end of the day, 
threatens stability in the region, as well as the new cyber 
challenges that we have, which are a new form of warfare.
    Are those items that you will be paying attention to, if 
confirmed?
    Ms. Smith. Absolutely. Russia remains the biggest 
geopolitical threat to the Euro-Atlantic region, certainly, 
will be the biggest military threat to the NATO Alliance for 
the foreseeable future, certainly, over the next decade.
    NATO has done a lot to enhance its deterrence and defense 
posture since Russia went into Ukraine in 2014. But as you 
note, Senator, there is more work to be done. Russia's 
aggression continues.
    We have to hold Russia accountable for their actions across 
the full spectrum of instruments whether we are talking about 
conventional capabilities, flying into NATO airspace, acts of 
intimidation, or cyber attacks.
    NATO has done a lot to take on the cyber challenge, 
particularly in 2016, acknowledging that this is a new domain 
for the Alliance. But we do have more work to do in that 
regard.
    The Chairman. Thank you. We look forward to you getting 
there soon because I think these issues are really percolating 
as we speak.
    Finally, Ambassador Bauer, I do not want you to think you 
are not the object of my affection in terms of any questions.
    Let me ask you, President Macron has sought to advance a 
concept of strategic autonomy, to use his words, which some 
have interpreted as France distancing itself from the United 
States and creating tensions within NATO.
    What are your views on this question of strategic autonomy 
and what would you be saying, upon confirmation, to President 
Macron about it?
    Ambassador Bauer. Thank you for the question.
    As Ms. Smith was noting, NATO is the premier transatlantic 
forum for national security. That is, for us, our top priority 
is our NATO Alliance.
    And France is, indeed, a very good partner on that, and I 
greatly appreciate their interest in strengthening security in 
Europe, and I would ask them, perhaps, as their first step to 
help us in encouraging those who are not meeting their 
commitments to the 2 percent in NATO and to other capabilities 
within NATO to do that.
    The Chairman. All right. I get the sense of being stronger. 
I just hope that it is stronger in complete alignment with 
NATO. We are all for being stronger. But the last thing we need 
is a separate parallel effort with NATO when NATO can use all 
the strengthening it can get. I think that will be one of your 
important jobs.
    And the last thing I would just say, commend to you, that 
the French care a great deal about Lebanon and we have heard 
that there has been some engagement. I hope you will deepen 
that and play with Ambassador Leaf and others a role to bring 
this whole combination of governments together.
    I think the stability in Lebanon is incredibly important. I 
have had many discussions with the French ambassador here as 
well as the French foreign minister and some of their 
negotiators on the Iran portfolio.
    We have talked to them about what the administration now 
describes as stronger and longer, that there has to be more 
than just a return to the JCPOA.
    They seem to suggest that, yes, we recognize that, and I 
hope that you will be able to deepen that approach if you are 
confirmed to your position.
    Ambassador Bauer. Thank you. That would certainly be a 
priority for me.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    All right. I have no other members virtually or otherwise. 
We thank you all for your testimony.
    The record for the hearing will remain open until the close 
of business on Thursday, September 16, 2021. Please ensure that 
questions for the record are submitted no later than Thursday.
    We would say to our nominees that there will inevitably be 
questions for the record for you. We would ask you to answer 
them fully, and I say that because we very often get answers 
that are very superficial, which then causes members to hold up 
a nominee's business meeting and we have to go back to the 
department to say this answer is not sufficiently answered.
    To the extent that you get a question, please answer them 
expeditiously, answer them fully, so we can have your 
nominations be brought up at a business meeting.
    With the thanks of the committee, to all of you for your 
willingness to serve, this hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


Letter Submitted by Admiral James Stavridis, USN (Ret.), Former Supreme 
 Allied Commander at NATO, Supporting the Nomination of Julianne Smith 
    to be U.S. Permanent Representative to the Council of the North 
                      Atlantic Treaty Organization


[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. How many individuals are in the current P-2 referral 
queue?

    Answer. To date, I understand over 20,000 cases consisting of 
around 55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-2 refugee 
resettlement program.

    Question. How will PRM work with individual Afghans who have 
submitted applications through the P-2 referral process?

    Answer. On August 2, 2021, the Department of State announced a new 
Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee Admissions Program 
(USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family 
members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-admissions-program-
priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The Department of State 
has designated certain categories of Afghan nationals as having access 
to the USRAP by virtue of their circumstances and apparent need for 
resettlement. This priority group includes Afghans who are or were 
employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or 
nongovernmental organization (NGO). It expands the opportunity to 
permanently resettle in the United States to many Afghans and their 
immediate family members who may be at risk due to their U.S. 
affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant Visa because 
they did not have qualifying employment or because they have not met 
the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an SIV.
    In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also 
gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific 
entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or 
a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of 
refugees already resettled in the United States.
    The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for 
Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the 
USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and children) who 
might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
    The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands 
the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many 
thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at 
risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear, 
assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
    I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S. 
employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental 
organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee 
referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for 
resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware 
of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2 
referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The 
administration recognizes the role this new designation and the refugee 
resettlement program in general will play in the lives of those that 
risked their safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has 
made clear, helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the 
United States.

    Question. How long should it take PRM to process P-2 applications 
during the pre-screening phase?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the amount of time it will take 
for the relevant PRM-funded Resettlement Support Center to pre-screen 
cases will vary according to region. In general, it takes approximately 
12 to 18 months to process a refugee resettlement case from start to 
finish including pre-screening, the U.S. Citizen and Immigration 
Services interview, and required security vetting.

    Question. Do you support expanding the P-2 eligibility to include 
sub-grantees and sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects, given that 
the risks these staff face are no less grave than those of primary 
recipients? If not, why not?

    Answer. I understand the Department's policy is that Afghans who 
worked for sub-grantees or sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects may 
be referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program through an Embassy 
P-1 referral if the individual is well-known to a U.S. Government 
official and has imminent or compelling protection concerns. 
Alternatively, such individuals who register with the United Nations 
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in a third country may be 
referred for resettlement in the United States by UNHCR. I understand 
that sub-grantees and sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects do not 
formally qualify for the P-2 program.

    Question. Once eligible organizations have submitted referrals, how 
will employers, organizations, and referred individuals receive 
information about the status of their applications?

    Answer. After the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program has received a 
referral from a U.S. Government agency, a U.S.-based non-governmental 
organization, or a U.S.-based media organization, and the individual 
has relocated to a country where refugee processing can occur, I 
understand the referred individual will need to contact PRM to begin 
processing their case. Individuals should follow the guidelines on 
wrapsnet.org to contact PRM. At that point, PRM will assign the case to 
a PRM-funded overseas Resettlement Support Center for processing.

    Question. What are the administration's plans to process Afghans in 
third countries?

    Answer. Once an individual referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions 
Program (USRAP) arrives in a country where processing is feasible and 
reaches out to PRM, following the guidelines found on wrapsnet.org, I 
understand that PRM will create and assign a refugee case to the 
appropriate PRM-funded Resettlement Support Center (RSC) to begin 
processing the case where the refugee is located. I understand that 
RSCs will collect data and pre-screen Afghan USRAP applicants, and all 
individuals will need to complete a refugee interview with a U.S. 
Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officer.

    Question. What role and presence, if any, will U.S. agencies have 
in third countries? What role, if any, will UN agencies and 
international NGOs play there?

    Answer. It is my understanding that that there are regional PRM-
funded Resettlement Support Centers that process U.S. Refugee 
Admissions Program (USRAP) cases for individuals once they reach a 
third country. I also understand that individuals with urgent 
protection needs may register and seek assistance from the Government 
of the country they are in or from the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees.

    Question. How will PRM specifically ensure that they have access to 
basic services while awaiting U.S. Government P-2 processing?

    Answer. It is my understanding that individuals with urgent needs 
should follow procedures to register for international protection and 
assistance with the government of the country where they are located. 
They may also register and seek assistance from the United Nations High 
Commissioner for Refugees. If confirmed, I would work with 
international humanitarian partners and other governments to address 
their needs for basic services.

    Question. What will be the contingency plan should at-risk Afghans' 
applications for P-1, P-2, and SIV be rejected while they are in a 
third country?

    Answer. Individuals with urgent protection needs should follow 
procedures to register for international protection and assistance with 
the government of the country where they are located. They may also 
register and seek assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees. If confirmed, I would work with international 
humanitarian partners and other governments to address their protection 
concerns and needs for support. The United States appreciates that 
other countries have agreed to host and resettle at-risk Afghans, and 
if confirmed, I would pursue durable solutions for these individuals.

    Question. What steps, if any, is PRM taking to provide similar 
protections or pathways for Afghans employed by international 
organizations?

    Answer. I understand that Afghans employed by international 
organizations may be referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program 
through an Embassy P-1 referral, if well-known to a U.S. Government 
official, or through a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 
referral to the United States or another resettlement country.

    Question. What will be the process for P-2 eligible Afghans who 
were paroled into the U.S.?

    Answer. It is my understanding that Afghan individuals at risk who 
are paroled into the United States as a result of the U.S. airlift are 
transferred temporarily to a U.S. military installation. Following 
medical and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service processing on the 
military base, these Afghan parolees can access the Afghan Placement & 
Assistance (APA) Program once they arrive at their final destination in 
the United States. The purpose of the APA Program is to provide paroled 
Afghans with initial relocation services for 30 to 90 days after 
arrival as they begin to rebuild their lives in the United States. 
These services are provided through local refugee resettlement agencies 
and community partners.

    Question. Will the administration modify the P-2 program to allow 
for processing while in the U.S.?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government is 
currently exploring options under the P-2 program for processing 
Afghans who have been paroled into the United States.

    Question. How is PRM working with other federal agencies and the 
White House to conduct an assessment of security vetting processes, 
particularly in light of EO 14013?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of Homeland 
Security is the lead agency for vetting of all travelers applying for 
admission to the United States, including refugees. I understand PRM is 
working closely with the DHS' Citizenship and Immigration Service and 
other U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) vetting partners to 
conduct needed reviews and implement technical improvements to USRAP 
security vetting. I also understand that includes the goal of 
incorporating refugee vetting into the National Vetting Center to 
enhance the efficiency and reduce redundancies in vetting, without 
compromising the security of the American people.

    Question. What steps do you think PRM should be taking with DHS to 
improve refugee vetting and security checks?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of Homeland 
Security (DHS) is the lead agency for vetting of all travelers applying 
for admission to the United States, including refugees. As noted 
previously, I understand PRM is working closely with the DHS' U.S. 
Citizenship and Immigration Service and other USRAP vetting partners to 
conduct the needed reviews and implement technical improvements to U.S. 
Refugee Admissions Program security vetting. I also understand that 
includes the goal of incorporating refugee vetting into the National 
Vetting Center to speed the process and reduce redundancies, without 
compromising the security of the American people.

    Question. Would you commit to reviewing and implementing the 
reports required by EO 14013 on vetting and SAO checks?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing and implementing fully 
and completely all of the reports and measures in E.O. 14013 that the 
President directs, including those focused on the Security Advisory 
Opinion (SAO) process and security vetting for refugee applicants to 
the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. I believe the security of the 
American people remains paramount in all Department of State programs 
and initiatives and will work in keeping with that belief if confirmed.

    Question. How is the Department engaging with allies around the 
world to meet the UN appeals for urgent humanitarian funding to support 
the needs of Afghans inside Afghanistan, including millions of IDPs?

    Answer. I understand that the State Department continues to support 
the needs of vulnerable Afghans through urgent humanitarian funding, 
highlighted by the recent announcement of $64 million in new 
humanitarian assistance to people affected by the ongoing crisis, 
bringing the total on behalf of the United States to $330 million this 
fiscal year. This new support to United Nations agencies, including the 
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and World Health 
Organization, and to international non-governmental organizations, is 
part of the nearly $1.2 billion in humanitarian funding to Afghanistan 
pledged by nations around the world. My understanding is that the 
Department continues to engage partners at the highest levels to 
encourage full funding of urgent appeals and a continued commitment to 
Afghans in need. If confirmed, I would call for international 
responsibility sharing to meet humanitarian needs there and around the 
world.

    Question. Should the United States and the international community 
demand certain commitments from the Taliban before providing 
development aid? Should we insist that we will only provide support if 
they uphold the humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality, 
and independence?

    Answer. My understanding is that the State Department and USAID are 
reviewing all types of U.S. foreign assistance to Afghanistan. In my 
view, that review should include discussion of our posture and 
expectations vis-a-vis the Taliban. I would refer you to my colleagues 
at USAID and in the South Central Asia bureau at the State Department 
on the USG's plans to provide development aid to Afghanistan. Insofar 
as humanitarian aid, I understand that U.S. humanitarian assistance is 
provided on the basis of need through international and non-
governmental organization partners, not directly to governments. In 
Afghanistan, more than 18 million people are in need of humanitarian 
assistance in the face of food insecurity, protection risks, health 
crises, climate change, and conflict instability. The United States 
Government's humanitarian partners have reiterated their commitment to 
stay and to deliver lifesaving assistance directly to the people of 
Afghanistan with impartiality, neutrality, and independence; this 
commitment is based on the needs of the Afghan people, regardless of 
Taliban undertakings.

    Question. What efforts will PRM be making and supporting to bring 
refugee labor mobility to the United States and expand efforts 
internationally to scale this additional solution for refugees and 
other displaced people?

    Answer. I understand that the administration's Collaborative 
Migration Management Strategy (CMMS) includes a specific line of effort 
to enhance regional labor migration pathways, under which PRM, the U.S. 
interagency, international organization partners, and partner 
governments in North and Central America will expand existing and 
create new temporary work visa programs in the region. This is an 
important initiative, and if confirmed, I would seek to expand interim 
solutions, including further resettlement and labor mobility 
opportunities for refugees and other forcibly displaced people in other 
parts of the world.

    Question. Migration is one of the greatest global challenges we 
face. Creating safe, legal pathways for migration should be a key 
component of our response. What is PRM doing to encourage development 
of refugee labor mobility pathways internationally and to make skilled 
labor visas accessible to refugee populations into the United States?

    Answer. I agree on the critical importance of creating legal 
migration pathways, particularly in this hemisphere. If confirmed, I 
will implement the administration's Collaborative Migration Management 
Strategy (CMMS), which includes a specific line of effort to enhance 
regional labor mobility pathways. I understand PRM is working with the 
U.S. interagency, international organization partners, and partner 
governments in North and Central America to expand existing and create 
new temporary work visa programs in the region to provide pathways for 
safe, lawful employment to people likely to migrate seeking economic 
opportunity.
    I respectfully refer you to the Refugee Career Pathways program in 
the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee 
Resettlement for information about employment for refugees who have 
been resettled to the United States.

    Question. What is PRM doing to encourage and ensure that those who 
come with skills, training, education and English language capability 
are matched to private sector employment opportunities commensurate 
with their abilities, so that they can contribute and provide for 
themselves and their families from the outset of their entry into the 
United States?

    Answer. I understand the Reception & Placement Program, funded by 
PRM, lays the foundation for refugees to transition successfully to 
life in the United States. I also understand that a critical component 
of that success is the ability of refugees to achieve early self-
sufficiency through employment. Resettlement agencies carefully 
consider the availability of appropriate employment opportunities as 
one of the key factors when determining where to resettle individuals, 
drawing on information from a network of over 200 local resettlement 
agency affiliate offices in approximately 150 communities around the 
country. For more information on refugee employment programming and 
outcomes, I would refer you to the Office of Refugee Resettlement in 
the Department of Health and Human Services.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What would be your goals and priorities as Assistant 
Secretary of State for the bureau of Population, Refugees, and 
Migration (PRM)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would have three overarching goals as PRM 
Assistant Secretary.
    The first goal would be to represent American values and American 
leadership in the world. To this end, I would lead PRM in promoting 
protection, providing lifesaving humanitarian aid, and seeking durable 
solutions through humanitarian diplomacy for over 80 million people in 
populations of concern. I would promote policies for safe, orderly and 
humane migration as well as population policies that enhance maternal 
and child health. To these ends, I would be a responsible steward of 
the taxpayer dollars that make PRM's work possible, emphasizing risk 
mitigation approaches to ensure aid reaches its intended recipients. I 
would emphasize greater international burden sharing to meet global 
humanitarian needs as well as needed reforms in international 
organizations to make them more efficient, effective, and accountable.
    My second goal would be to rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions 
Program, as directed by the President. I would collaborate closely with 
partners at the Departments of Homeland Security and Health and Human 
Services and in close consultation with the Congress on this objective, 
and with PRM's excellent international organization and non-government 
organization partners, seeking innovations such as private-public 
partnerships to make the program more effective.
    Last but not least, I would seek to rebuild the PRM bureau. PRM's 
response to recent events in Afghanistan impressed me deeply--people 
working 14 to 16-hour days, seven days a week, deploying to other 
locations around the world at short notice, to help people at risk. I 
would seek to fill the many staff vacancies in the bureau as quickly as 
possible, both to increase PRM's long-term capabilities and to provide 
relief for the existing team, and work with the administration to 
ensure the bureau has the adequate resources needed to accomplish its 
work. I would hold staff members accountable for their performance and 
conduct; reward strong performance; increase professional development 
opportunities for PRM's staff; and emphasize the need for diversity, 
equity, and inclusion as hallmarks of a strong team.

    Question. Please comment on the U.S. Government's international 
emergency response capacity and contingency planning. How might PRM 
improve its capacity to protect lives and provide life-sustaining 
assistance?

    Answer. The United States maintains a robust capacity to respond to 
humanitarian crises which exceed the ability and resources of an 
affected country to respond. The United States also engages in 
contingency planning within our own government and with international, 
local, and multilateral partners to coordinate humanitarian responses, 
which is particularly important as the scale and scope of disasters 
increases. I understand PRM is augmenting its own capacity as well as 
the capacity of its partners to respond to increasing humanitarian 
requirements and more complex operating environments, and if confirmed, 
I would continue to support these efforts.

    Question. How will you work with USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian 
Assistance to ensure greater alignment, eliminate duplication and 
waste, expand humanitarian access, mitigate the risk of diversion by 
armed actors and terrorist groups, and ensure U.S. humanitarian 
assistance is effectively targeted toward those in greatest need? How 
will you work with our U.N. partners to do the same?

    Answer. I understand that PRM and USAID/BHA are in regular 
communication from the working level up to leadership on the full range 
of programmatic and policy issues and have robust coordination 
mechanisms. One of my top priorities is to ensure that U.S. taxpayer 
dollars are used in the most efficient and effective manner possible to 
reach intended beneficiaries. One element of that is ensuring 
appropriate coordination with USAID/BHA, leveraging each entity's 
respective strengths to achieve U.S. humanitarian objectives. Regular 
engagement with United Nations (UN) partners at the field and 
headquarters levels also ensures appropriate use of U.S. funding and 
focuses assistance on those most in need. If confirmed, I will continue 
this close collaboration between PRM and USAID/BHA and close 
partnership with U.N. entities.

    Question. What is your assessment of the budget allocated to PRM in 
recent years?

    Answer. The number of people in need of humanitarian assistance 
continues to grow year after year, and needs far outpace global 
resources to respond. Congress has been responsive to this growth in 
needs, as well as new and evolving requirements such as those related 
to the COVID-19 pandemic and, more recently, Afghanistan. The level of 
funding appropriated for humanitarian assistance reflects the strong 
bipartisan commitment to assisting the world's most vulnerable persons 
and to leading with our values and has accordingly supported PRM in 
providing a robust and agile response. In FY 2022, I expect PRM will 
continue to require sustained support to respond to existing crises and 
any new needs as they emerge. If confirmed, I would also make it a 
priority to seek increased contributions from other nations and 
organizations and to foster public-private partnerships to respond to 
these growing crises, in the interest of international responsibility 
sharing.

    Question. To what extent does the current level of staffing of the 
PRM bureau address its three fundamental areas of responsibility: 
population, refugees, and migration?

    Answer. PRM has an existing cadre of well qualified, dedicated 
staff. I understand that Department leadership recently approved 68 new 
permanent positions in PRM to advance humanitarian diplomacy in 
critical regions, better implement humanitarian goals and objectives, 
provide oversight for program integrity, and more efficiently program, 
manage, and monitor billions of dollars of foreign assistance to 
international and non-governmental organizations. Once these new 
positions and other vacancies in the bureau are filled, PRM will be 
well positioned to address all three fundamental areas of 
responsibility. If confirmed, I will seek to fill these positions as 
quickly as possible.

    Question. What is your assessment of PRM's level of accountability 
and effective planning, as well as its ability to conduct program 
oversight?

    Answer. I understand that PRM has a robust planning and programming 
process to align its allocations of funds with strategic priorities. 
PRM also regularly monitors its financial awards to non-governmental 
and international organizations at the field, regional, and 
headquarters levels to safeguard U.S. taxpayer dollars, as evidenced by 
excellent, publicly available audit reports. As humanitarian needs have 
grown around the world, I understand that PRM has sought to increase 
its staffing and oversight capabilities. If confirmed, I am committed 
to ensuring PRM's programs are effective and accountable both to the 
beneficiaries and the American public.

    Question. What are the key protection and assistance needs of 
today's refugees, IDPs, and migrants? If confirmed, how would you 
recommend that PRM marshal its resources to address these challenges? 
What countries or regions should PRM prioritize?

    Answer. Protection and humanitarian assistance needs are immense as 
numbers of people displaced by conflict and crises globally have 
reached record levels in recent years. Among the most pressing needs 
are access--both access for humanitarian aid providers to reach people 
in need, and access to protection for people fleeing persecution and 
violence, prevention of and response to gender-based violence, and 
protection of children and others in particularly vulnerable 
situations. These urgent needs cut across all countries and regions. If 
confirmed, I would ramp up bilateral and multilateral U.S. humanitarian 
diplomacy to advocate for the protection of populations of concern, and 
leverage U.S. influence to prioritize protection efforts by 
international organizations and NGO partners.

    Question. How has COVID-19 impacted the work of PRM's implementing 
partners? What do you anticipate will be the priorities for addressing 
the immediate needs and secondary impacts of the virus on vulnerable 
and displaced populations worldwide?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has affected PRM's implementing 
partners' programming and ability to provide assistance in a timely 
manner due to increased operational costs, ongoing travel and access 
constraints, and other movement restrictions. It has also directly 
affected the health and welfare of marginalized populations around the 
world and exacerbated pre-existing gaps in health, protection, 
assistance, education, and livelihoods. I understand PRM's partners 
emphasize meeting international standards for assistance and protection 
for the most vulnerable while at the same time advocating for the 
inclusion of marginalized, displaced, and hard-to-reach populations 
such as refugees in national plans for vaccine delivery, relief, and 
recovery.

    Question. Please discuss U.S. global humanitarian budget priorities 
for this fiscal year and next, with particular reference to 
humanitarian crises, the impact of COVID-19, and the potential 
consequences for humanitarian portfolios. What changes, if any, would 
you prioritize in PRM's funding approach to humanitarian response and/
or its work with implementing partners, including U.N. agencies and 
NGOs?

    Answer. Total humanitarian needs far outpace global resources to 
respond, and the COVID-19 pandemic has compounded existing 
vulnerabilities. I understand PRM's FY 2021 budget priorities will 
continue to FY 2022 and include response to the global pandemic; urgent 
humanitarian assistance to support those affected by crises in 
Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Syria, among others; and rebuilding the U.S. 
Refugee Admissions Program.
    PRM's approach reflects strong bipartisan commitment, demonstrated 
through successive administrations, to assisting the world's most 
vulnerable people and to leading with our values. If confirmed, I am 
committed to maintaining U.S. humanitarian leadership and working with 
Congress to respond to existing as well as emerging humanitarian needs.

    Question. How does the U.S. Government coordinate its responses to 
migration crises, such as those in Venezuela or Central America?

    Answer. Interagency coordination between the State Department, 
USAID, and other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security 
is critical in responding to migration crises. My understanding is that 
the National Security Council leads broad coordination through 
interagency meetings. Outside of that formal process, working level 
counterparts exchange information through standing meetings, ad hoc 
huddles, and technical advice on program and policy implementation and 
evaluation. At diplomatic posts overseas, PRM's Refugee Coordinators 
facilitate in-country coordination. If confirmed, I will continue this 
close collaboration between PRM and counterparts in the Department and 
the interagency.

    Question. When and where does PRM take the lead and what, if any, 
are the differences in its approach as compared to that of the U.S. 
Agency for International Development (USAID)?

    Answer. My understanding is that PRM and USAID play separate but 
complementary roles in responding to humanitarian crises. PRM takes the 
lead in providing urgent humanitarian aid and protection to refugees, 
asylum seekers, stateless persons, and vulnerable migrants, working 
through international organizations and non-governmental organizations. 
USAID takes the lead in response to natural and man-made disasters, 
disaster preparedness, and support for internally displaced 
populations; USAID also provides food aid to refugees. USAID also funds 
development programs. In situations where PRM and USAID 
responsibilities converge, I understand they have robust coordination 
mechanisms in the field and in Washington to ensure the overall 
efficiency and effectiveness of U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will 
continue this close collaboration between PRM and USAID.

    Question. What is your assessment of the scope of risks to women 
and girls, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are ways 
that PRM programs specifically address these protection needs?

    Answer. In times of crisis, women and girls are at enormous risk of 
gender-based violence (GBV)--from armed groups, strangers, neighbors, 
and family members. These risks in humanitarian settings were 
exacerbated by COVID-19 and corresponding mitigation measures, 
resulting in a ``shadow'' pandemic of GBV and worldwide spikes in GBV 
risks and reports. In response, the U.S. humanitarian response to 
COVID-19 prioritized protection activities, including programs to help 
prevent GBV and provide psychosocial services to GBV victims, along 
with healthcare, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in the 
COVID-19 humanitarian response.

UNRWA
    Question. What accountability mechanisms are in place to ensure 
that the administration's resumption of funding for UNRWA does not 
benefit Hamas and its affiliates?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am firmly committed to ensuring that U.S. 
Government funding does not end up in the hand of terrorists, including 
Hamas. The administration provides assistance to international 
organizations and non-governmental organizations in a manner consistent 
with U.S. law and does not provide assistance to Hamas. PRM takes 
seriously its oversight of assistance provided to U.N. operations, 
including UNRWA, to ensure U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching 
the intended recipients, and if confirmed I would maintain this focus. 
I understand UNRWA employs safeguards to prevent support from reaching 
terrorist organizations, including vetting of staff, contractors, and 
beneficiaries; robust monitoring of its programs; thorough 
investigations of any allegations of abuses; and accountability for 
those who violate its policies.

    Question. What accountability mechanisms are in place to ensure 
that the administration's resumption of funding for UNRWA does not 
include textbooks that include anti-Semitic material?

    Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any 
form. U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own 
curricula, but use the curricula of host governments. When concepts 
contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host governments' 
educational materials, UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary 
materials for its staff to address the issue. If confirmed, I will 
emphasize the importance of adhering to humanitarian principles, 
including neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.

    Question. To what extent has the administration considered phasing 
out its support for UNRWA and transitioning it to other international 
relief agencies, such as the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)?

    Answer. My understanding is that UNHCR does not have a mandate to 
provide support for Palestinian refugees in the areas where UNRWA 
works. Only UNRWA has the mandate, set by the U.N. General Assembly, to 
provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the five 
regions it covers. In order to fulfill its mandate, UNRWA employs 
teachers and health care workers who provide services directly to 
beneficiaries. The UNHCR mandate also includes a focus on seeking 
durable solutions such as resettlement, repatriation, and local 
integration for refugees, while UNRWA does not have that mandate. 
Decisions on resettlement, repatriation, and local integration of 
Palestinian refugees must be negotiated directly between Israel and the 
Palestinians as final status issues.

IRAQ P-2
    Question. The State Department notified Congress in April 2021 that 
it had indefinitely suspended the P-2 program for U.S.-affiliated 
Iraqis. This notification followed a January 2021 State Department 
statement that the Department of Justice was ``prosecuting individuals 
for stealing U.S. Government records to take advantage of this 
program,'' which triggered a 90-day suspension. With the special 
immigrant visa program for Iraqis who were employed by or on behalf of 
the U.S. Government no longer accepting new applications, this P-2 
program has been seen as a key avenue for Iraqis who assisted the 
United States to gain U.S. admission.

   What is the status of the review of the P-2 program for U.S.-
        affiliated Iraqis? What changes are under consideration for 
        better securing this and perhaps other P-2 programs? When do 
        you expect a revised P-2 program for U.S.-affiliated Iraqis to 
        be reinstated?

    Answer. I understand PRM has been working closely with the Bureau 
of Diplomatic Security at the State Department and with the Department 
of Homeland Security to support the investigation into the P-2 program 
for U.S. affiliated Iraqis and to ensure no individuals identified by 
the investigation travel to the United States. I also understand PRM 
has contracted a specialist team to analyze current Iraqi P-2 program 
operating procedures, develop recommendations to mitigate fraud 
vulnerabilities once the program reopens, and re-verify the 
qualifications of cases in the existing Iraqi P-2 pipeline. Once the 
overall framework for re-vetting cases has been established, it is my 
understanding that individual screenings and admission of those who 
pass this enhanced screening will begin.

    Question. What was the involvement of former U.S. Embassy Moscow 
local employee Olesya Leonidovna Krasilova in the Iraqi P-2 fraud 
scheme?

    Answer. I understand that the Department cannot comment on an 
ongoing criminal investigation. I respectfully refer you to the U.S. 
Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia for additional 
information.

    Question. Does the U.S. Government suspect her involvement in any 
other criminal activity, espionage, or improper/inappropriate conduct 
with coworkers or contacts during her time as an employee of the United 
States Government?

    Answer. As this is an ongoing criminal investigation, I understand 
that the Department cannot comment on the findings.

    Question. In a press briefing on March 6, 2020 (https://www.mid.ru/
en/foreign--policy/news/-/asset--publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/
4078184), Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova claimed 
Krasilova was employed by a ``Russian Government-funded agency,'' when 
she was arrested by Spanish authorities pursuant to a U.S. extradition 
request. Which Russian agency did she work for? How soon after her 
employment at U.S. Embassy Moscow was terminated did Krasilova begin 
working for a Russian Government-funded agency?

    Answer. I understand that the Department cannot comment on the 
findings as there is an ongoing criminal investigation. The U.S. 
Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia may be able to provide 
additional information.

P-2 PROGRAMS
    Question. Bills have been introduced in the current Congress that 
would establish new P-2 groups for certain residents of Hong Kong and 
certain residents of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. If you are 
familiar with these proposals, can you offer any feedback on them? Do 
you have any general suggestions for congressional offices in drafting 
bills to establish new P-2 groups?

    Answer. I am aware of the bills that would establish new P-2 groups 
for certain residents both of Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur 
Autonomous Region. If confirmed, I can assure you that I am committed 
to working within the Department, with Congress, international 
partners, and advocacy groups to ensure that all vulnerable 
individuals, including residents of Hong Kong and Uyghurs, have equal 
access to protection, including refugee resettlement in the United 
States and other countries.

Lautenberg Amendment
    Question. What is the status of the Lautenberg program? Are there 
still Lautenberg applicants in Austria? How many Lautenberg applicants 
are in pipeline?

    Answer. I understand refugees suffering religious persecution 
continue to be resettled under the Lautenberg program, and that the 
Department expects approximately 1,000 refugees from the Eurasia region 
to be resettled in the U.S. in FY 2021.
    The Lautenberg Iranian program was suspended by the Government of 
Austria in early 2017, leaving over 800 Iranian applicants in Vienna. 
It is my understanding that most of those 800 Lautenberg Iranian 
applicants have since been resettled to the United States, however, 
approximately 78 Iranian applicants who were denied resettlement in the 
United States remained in Austria and are believed to have received 
asylum. I understand PRM and Embassy Vienna are negotiating with the 
Government of Austria on a potential restart of the Iranian Lautenberg 
program.
    I understand that following a longstanding policy that protects 
refugee data, locations, and security check statuses, PRM does not 
disclose USRAP pipeline numbers.

UNFPA
    Question. Does UNFPA engage with entities in the People's Republic 
of China which fund forced sterilization or abortion?

    Answer. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) does not condone 
or support China's coercive population policies. My understanding is 
that UNFPA's activities in China to advance voluntary family planning 
that respects human rights, have been credited with positively 
influencing the partial liberalization of China's one-child policy. 
UNFPA lists the Republic of China's National Health Commission (NHC) as 
one of many partners in the current country program document, 
consistent with the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation 
Framework. UNFPA does not provide funding to the NHC, however, and the 
NHC does not implement any UNFPA activities.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding all provisions 
of law prohibiting the use of U.S. foreign assistance resources to 
perform or promote abortion as a method of family planning, to support 
programs of coercive abortion or forced sterilization, or to lobby for 
or against the legalization of abortion, including the Kemp-Kasten 
amendment as it relates to UNFPA?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of 
law related to U.S. foreign assistance including those related to 
prohibiting the performance or promotion of abortion as a method of 
family planning, coercive abortion, or forced sterilization.

Afghanistan
    Question. Despite the large need of resettlement, will you pledge 
that if confirmed, the U.S. will continue to use vigorous vetting 
procedures for all refugee admissions, including those from 
Afghanistan? My staff asked the Department about vetting protocols, 
including potential timelines, two weeks ago. If confirmed, would you 
engage right away on ensuring this information is shared?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States. If confirmed, I commit to working with you and all 
Members of Congress to achieve timely responses to your inquiries and 
requests on matters involving PRM, including what role the State 
Department has in vetting processes. I also commit to working closely 
with DHS and other vetting agencies to use vigorous vetting procedures 
for all refugee admissions to uphold the safety and security of the 
American people.

    Question. How will you work with neighboring countries to assist 
with the large outflows of refugees from Afghanistan?

    Answer. The United States is working with its partners to review 
and strengthen humanitarian preparedness and priority interventions in 
the region in the event of new refugee outflows from Afghanistan. If 
confirmed, I will encourage continued coordination between host 
governments and humanitarian organizations to monitor and respond to 
the protection and assistance needs of displaced Afghans in the region. 
I will also urge states to uphold their respective obligations to not 
return Afghan refugees or asylum seekers to persecution or torture, and 
to respect the principle of non-refoulement.

    Question. In August 2021, DHS announced a new P-2 designation for 
certain Afghan nationals. The announcement indicated that PRM had 
created an ``Afghan Referrals Workgroup comprised of federal agencies 
to refer individuals directly'' for U.S. refugee resettlement 
consideration. Please explain the eligibility requirements for this P-2 
program, and how the referral system works. How many Afghan nationals 
does PRM expect to admit as refugees under this program, and when are 
these admissions expected to occur?

    Answer. On August 2, 2021, the Department of State announced a new 
Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee Admissions Program 
(USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family 
members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-admissions- program-
priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The Department of State 
has designated certain categories of Afghan nationals as having access 
to the USRAP by virtue of their circumstances and apparent need for 
resettlement. This priority group includes Afghans who are or were 
employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or 
nongovernmental organization (NGO). It expands the opportunity to 
permanently resettle in the United States to many Afghans and their 
immediate family members who may be at risk due to their U.S. 
affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant Visa because 
they did not have qualifying employment or because they have not met 
the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an SIV.
    In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also 
gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific 
entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or 
a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of 
refugees already resettled in the United States.
    The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for 
Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the 
USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and children) who 
might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
    The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands 
the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many 
thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at 
risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear, 
assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
    I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S. 
employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental 
organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee 
referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for 
resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware 
of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2 
referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The 
administration recognizes the vital role this new designation and the 
program in general will play in the lives of those that risked their 
safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has made clear, 
helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the United States.

    Question. How many U.S. citizens are currently in Afghanistan? 
Please address the total number of U.S. citizens in Afghanistan, 
independent of how many may have indicated, at some point, an interest 
in staying in Afghanistan.

    Answer. U.S. citizens are not required to register with the 
Department of State or an embassy when they arrive in or depart from a 
country. Based on the requests received, the Department believes that 
most American citizens who wished to leave have departed. The number of 
remaining U.S. citizens in Afghanistan who have expressed a desire to 
leave remains fluid, and the Department remains committed to assisting 
them.

    Question. How many U.S. legal permanent residents are currently in 
Afghanistan? Please address the total number of U.S. legal permanent 
residents in Afghanistan, independent of how many may have indicated, 
at some point, an interest in staying in Afghanistan.

    Answer. Like U.S citizens, Legal Permanent Residents (LPRs) are not 
required to register with the Department of State or an embassy when 
they arrive in or depart from a country. The U.S. Government was able 
to evacuate or facilitate the relocation or evacuation of more than 
124,000 individuals, including U.S. citizens, legal permanent 
residents, and foreign and Afghan allies, from August 14 to August 31.

    Question. How many Special Immigrant Visa applicants are currently 
in Afghanistan?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken explained during his September 13 
testimony, the State Department is working on getting numbers right 
now. The State Department still continues to receive communications 
from Special Immigrant Visa applicants in Afghanistan and the 
commitment to those applicants is ongoing.

    Question. How many Special Immigrant Visa applicants' dependents 
are currently in Afghanistan?

    Answer. As Secretary Blinken explained during his September 13 
testimony, the State Department is working on numbers right now. The 
State Department still continues to receive communications from Special 
Immigrant Visa applicants and their dependents in Afghanistan and the 
commitment to them is ongoing.

    Question. How many Afghans who were identified as at-risk but did 
not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR, or SIV categories are currently in 
Afghanistan?

    Answer. It is my understanding that at this time the number of 
Afghan citizens ``at risk'' as a result of their affiliation with the 
United States, or by virtue of their profiles, that have been referred 
to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) under either a Priority 
1 (P-1) or Priority 2 (P-2) referral, exceeds 20,000. I understand PRM 
intends to fund U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) domestic and 
overseas implementing partners at an initial operating level to support 
65,000 arrivals at the beginning of FY 2022. PRM will be prepared to 
increase funding as needed if arrivals surpass this initial operating 
level, though at this time there is not a precise estimate of the 
number of anticipated arrivals. While many P-2 submissions to the USRAP 
program do not meet the program's criteria relating to employment or 
U.S. affiliation, the volume of submissions continues to rise. Afghan 
nationals who feel they are at risk cannot self-refer to the USRAP. A 
P-1 or P-2 referral of an at-risk individual to USRAP for potential 
resettlement does not convey immigration status and does not confer 
evacuation assistance. I understand the United States will continue to 
support the Afghan people through humanitarian aid, diplomacy, and 
international cooperation.

    Question. If the Taliban requires visas for persons to exit 
Afghanistan, and the U.S. no longer has a diplomatic presence inside 
Afghanistan, how will the U.S. get visas to those trying to exit the 
country?

    Answer. The Bureau of Consular Affairs is responsible for the 
processing and issuance of U.S. visas abroad. My understanding is that 
the State Department is developing visa processing alternatives so that 
it can continue to deliver these important consular services for the 
people of Afghanistan, and respectfully refer you to the Bureau of 
Consular Affairs for more specific information.

    Question. Has the U.S. requested another country to facilitate the 
distribution of U.S. visas?

    Answer. While the subject-matter of your question is not under the 
purview of PRM, my understanding is that the State Department is 
developing alternatives so that it can continue to process visas and 
provide other important consular services for the people of 
Afghanistan. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more 
specific information.

    Question. How will the State Department facilitate the evacuation 
of eligible Afghans of any category whose passports or travel documents 
were destroyed by the U.S. during the withdrawal?

    Answer. It is my understanding that, as is standard operating 
procedure in case of an emergency evacuation from post, Embassy Kabul 
personnel were forced to destroy sensitive paper record holdings as 
part of the evacuation, including paper visa records. This was done to 
minimize the U.S. footprint and reduce the sensitive material remaining 
for security reasons, and in this case also to protect the identity of 
our Afghan allies. I understand the Department has been able to recover 
many of these records and share them with the Department of Homeland 
Security; for more specifics, I respectfully refer you to the Bureau of 
Consular Affairs. I further understand the State Department is 
developing alternatives to deliver consular services to facilitate the 
safe and orderly travel of U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, 
and Afghans to whom the United States has special commitments, 
including those whose documents may have been destroyed in the 
evacuation of the Embassy.

    Question. Do you have records of whose passports or travel 
documents were destroyed?

    Answer. While the subject-matter of your question does not fall 
within the purview of PRM, it is my understanding this is standard 
operating procedure during an emergency evacuation to minimize the U.S. 
footprint and reduce the amount of sensitive material remaining. The 
drawdown and closure of the Consular Section of Embassy Kabul was 
conducted in accordance with this standard operating procedure. I 
understand the State Department will review its records for any case 
where travel documents may have been destroyed per emergency protocol 
and explore all options to assist affected persons with onward travel. 
I would refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more specific 
information.

    Question. How many U.S. citizens did the USG evacuate from 
Afghanistan to the United States?

    Answer. I understand that approximately 6,000 U.S. citizens were 
evacuated from August 14--31. .From August 31 through September 15, 
approximately 60 more U.S. citizens and 25 Legal Permanent Residents 
departed Afghanistan with U.S. assistance utilizing charter flights and 
overland crossings. The U.S. Government continues to make good on its 
pledge to U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, and Afghans to whom 
we have a special commitment and has committed to helping them depart 
Afghanistan, if and when they choose to do so. These figures continue 
to change as other U.S. citizens are able to depart from Afghanistan 
through a variety of means. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular 
Affairs for more information on U.S. citizens abroad, and the 
Department of Homeland Security, who will have more detailed 
information about the arrival of U.S. citizens to the United States.

    Question. How many U.S. Legal Permanent Residents did the USG 
evacuate from Afghanistan to the United States?

    Answer. The State Department has assisted Legal Permanent Residents 
(LPRs) wishing to depart Afghanistan throughout this effort. The 
decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, LPR, Special Immigrant 
Visa, or other category--for any individuals arriving to the United 
States, including Afghans who were evacuated from overseas as a part of 
Operation Allies Welcome, resides with the Department of Homeland 
Security's Customs and Border Protection, which will be in the best 
position to provide the most accurate breakdown of the various 
categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of Operation Allies Welcome.

    Question. How many SIV principal applicants did the USG evacuate 
from Afghanistan to the United States?

    Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers 
right now. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal 
Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any 
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were 
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), 
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border 
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most 
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a 
part of OAW.

    Question. How many SIV applicants dependents did the USG evacuate 
from Afghanistan to the United States?

    Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers 
right now. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal 
Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any 
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were 
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), 
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border 
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most 
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a 
part of OAW.

    Question. How many Afghans did the USG evacuate to the United 
States who did not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR or SIV categories?

    Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers 
right now. The decision on admission category for any individuals 
arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were evacuated 
from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), resides with 
the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection, 
which will be in the best position to provide the most accurate 
breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of 
OAW.

Special Benefit Humanitarian Parole
    Question. How many Afghans have received special benefit 
humanitarian parole?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security is responsible for 
granting parole and tracking those numbers, and I respectfully defer to 
them to respond to this query.

    Question. What benefits are Afghans who have been paroled into the 
country receiving?

    Answer. I understand that Afghans granted parole as a result of the 
U.S. airlift will have access to the Afghan Placement and Assistance 
(APA) Program, funded by PRM. The purpose of this program is to provide 
these Afghans with initial relocation services for 30 to 90 days after 
arrival as they begin to rebuild their lives in the United States. 
These services are provided through local refugee resettlement agencies 
and community partners, which receive a one-time per capita amount of 
$2,275 of which $1,225 is used to fund assistance needs such as housing 
and basic necessities, including food, clothing, and furnishings. The 
remainder of this funding supports services including cultural 
orientation, enrollment in English language instruction, school 
enrollment, immigration assistance, and referral to other social, 
medical, and employment services. At this time, I understand these 
Afghan parolees are not eligible for the same benefits as refugees and 
Special Immigrant Visa holders such as refugee-specific cash and 
medical assistance, or mainstream benefits including Supplemental 
Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Temporary Assistance for Needy 
Families (TANF), and Medicaid, except parolees are eligible for SNAP 
benefits if there is a child under 18 in the family.

    Question. What are the conditions of their parole?

    Answer. I understand that Customs and Border Protection has granted 
two-year parole status for many Afghan individuals at risk who arrived 
under the airlift. Consistent with 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1305 and as a 
condition of their parole, it is my understanding that parolees must 
provide their address to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services 
(USCIS) www.uscis.gov/addresschange and must notify USCIS of every 
change of address no later than 10 days after each move; and must 
comply with all public health directives, requests for additional 
information from the Department of Homeland Security and federal law 
enforcement;, and follow local, state and federal laws and ordinances.
    For full information on the parole conditions, I respectfully refer 
you to the Customs and Border Protection service.

    Question. What vetting is occurring at U.S. reception centers, such 
as the Dulles Expo?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on 
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants prior to 
their application for admission to the United States. U.S. Customs and 
Border Protection, a component of DHS, is responsible for screening 
applicants upon entry and granting or denying admission to every 
individual who arrives to the United States and I respectfully refer 
you to them for information on this issue.

    Question. Who is responsible for vetting upon arrival?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States. I refer you to my answer to your question No. 47. 
PRM was not involved in screening individuals evacuated as part of the 
U.S. military airlift August 14-31.

    Question. Are you collecting biometric data for all Afghans 
admitted or paroled into the United States?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States and I respectfully refer you to them, though I 
understand that the screening and vetting process involves biometric 
and biographic screenings.

    Question. Do you have copies of all the flight manifests?

    Answer. I understand that U.S. Transportation Command maintains a 
database of flight manifests of both military and Department of State-
chartered flights from overseas sites into the continental United 
States. I also understand that a number of flights submitted manifests 
directly to Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) via the Advance Passenger 
Information System. The State Department is coordinating with CBP to 
obtain those manifests missing from the consolidated database, though 
that work does not fall under the purview of PRM.

    Question. Do you provide identity documents for Afghans who do not 
have any?

    Answer. My understanding is that the State Department is not 
providing identity documents to Afghan nationals. I respectfully refer 
you to the Department of Homeland Security, which is coordinating 
Operation Allies Welcome, for further questions.

    Question. If so, by what means do you verify identity?

    Answer. I understand the State Department is not providing identity 
documents to Afghan nationals.

    Question. What happens to Afghans who fail vetting, for any reason?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on 
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission 
to the United States. I would refer you to DHS for more information.

Afghans Evacuated to U.S. Bases
    Question. How many U.S. citizens did the USG evacuate from 
Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

    Answer. From August 14 to August 31, I understand that 
approximately 6,000 U.S. citizens were safely evacuated along with 
eligible family members on USG flights. Since the suspension of embassy 
operations on August 31 through September 15, an additional 
approximately 60 U.S. citizens and 25 Legal Permanent Residents have 
departed Afghanistan with U.S. assistance utilizing charter flights and 
overland crossings. Most of these citizens and residents were evacuated 
to or through U.S. military bases overseas. I respectfully refer you to 
the Bureau of Consular Affairs to answer questions about its assistance 
to U.S. citizens overseas, including on U.S. bases.

    Question. How many U.S. Legal Permanent Residents did the USG 
evacuate from Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

    Answer. I understand that the State Department has assisted Legal 
Permanent Residents (LPRs) wishing to depart Afghanistan throughout 
this effort. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, LPR, 
Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any individuals 
ultimately arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were 
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), 
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border 
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most 
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a 
part of OAW.

    Question. How many SIV principal applicants did the USG evacuate 
from Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

    Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers 
right now. Thousands of evacuees were in different stages of the SIV 
process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the 
beginning of operations. The U.S. Government focused on evacuating 
American citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, and Afghan allies out as 
fast as possible while the airport was functioning. The decision on 
admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal Permanent Resident, Special 
Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any individuals arriving to the 
United States, including Afghans who were evacuated from overseas as a 
part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), resides with the Department of 
Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection, which will be in the 
best position to provide the most accurate breakdown of the various 
categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of OAW.

    Question. How many SIV applicants' dependents did the USG evacuate 
Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

    Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers 
right now. Persons relocated were in different stages of the SIV 
process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the 
beginning of the operation. The decision on admission category for any 
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were 
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), 
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border 
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most 
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a 
part of OAW.

    Question. How many Afghans did the USG evacuate to U.S. bases who 
did not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR or SIV categories?

    Answer. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal 
Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any 
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were 
evacuated from overseas as a part of OAW, resides with the Department 
of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection. The Department of 
Homeland Security, as the lead agency for Operation Allies Welcome 
(OAW), ultimately will be in the best position to provide the most 
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a 
part of OAW.

    Question. What vetting is occurring on the bases?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States, and I respectfully refer you to them for a response.

    Question. Who is responsible for vetting upon arrival?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on 
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission 
to the United States, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, a 
component of DHS, is responsible for screening upon entry and granting 
or denying admission to every individual who arrives to the United 
States.

    Question. Are you collecting biometric data for all Afghans 
admitted or paroled into the United States?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States. I understand that the screening and vetting process 
involves biometric and biographic screenings. The U.S. Government has 
worked urgently and carefully to facilitate screening and vetting 
operations without compromising national security.

    Question. Do you have copies of all the flight manifests?

    Answer. I understand that U.S. Transportation Command maintains a 
database of flight manifests of both military and Department of State-
chartered flights from overseas sites into the continental United 
States. I also understand that a number of flights submitted manifests 
directly to Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) via the Advance Passenger 
Information System. The State Department is coordinating with CBP to 
obtain from CBP about those manifests.

    Question. Do you provide identity documents for Afghans who do not 
have any?

    Answer. My understanding is that the State Department is not 
providing identity documents to Afghan nationals. I respectfully refer 
you to the Department of Homeland Security, which is coordinating 
Operation Allies Welcome, for further questions.

    Question. If so, by what means do you verify identity?

    Answer. I understand the State Department is not providing identity 
documents to Afghan nationals.

    Question. What happens to Afghans who fail vetting, for any reason?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on 
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission 
to the United States. I would refer you to DHS for more information.

    Question. How many U.S. citizens left Afghanistan but have not made 
it the U.S. are residing in third countries?

    Answer. I understand that U.S. citizens are not required to 
register their presence in a country with the Department of State, and 
the State Department does not track their whereabouts. The State 
Department cannot ascertain how many U.S. citizens who left Afghanistan 
are now residing in third countries. I respectfully refer you to the 
Bureau of Consular Affairs for answers about their assistance to U.S. 
citizens still in Afghanistan and abroad after leaving Afghanistan.

    Question. How many U.S. legal permanent residents left Afghanistan 
but have not made it the U.S. are residing in third countries?

    Answer. The State Department does not have an exact number of Legal 
Permanent Residents (LPRs) and their immediate family members who have 
departed Afghanistan. LPRs are not required to register their presence 
in a country with the Department of State, nor does the State 
Department track their whereabouts. The State Department cannot 
ascertain how many are now residing in third countries.

    Question. How many SIV applicants left Afghanistan but have not 
made it to the U.S. are residing in third countries?

    Answer. The State Department is working to ascertain those numbers 
now. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more 
information.

    Question. How many SIV applicants left Afghanistan but have not 
made it the U.S. are residing in third countries?

    Answer. The State Department is working to ascertain those numbers 
now. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more 
information. Thousands of Afghans are in different stages of the SIV 
process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the 
beginning of August.

    Question. How many applications have you received from P-1 or P-2 
refugee status from Afghans?

    Answer. I understand over 20,000 cases relating to approximately 
55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-1 and P-2 refugee 
resettlement program to date.

    Question. What, if any, agreements have you made with foreign 
governments to host Afghan populations?

    Answer. My understanding is that the United States strongly 
encourages foreign governments to allow entry for Afghans and to 
coordinate with humanitarian international organizations to provide 
humanitarian assistance to Afghans in need. The United States also 
urges states to uphold their respective obligations to not return 
Afghan refugees or asylum seekers to persecution or torture, and to 
respect the principle of non-refoulement. The State Department will 
also continue its existing support of Afghan refugee populations in 
neighboring countries. This includes supporting third-country 
resettlement efforts led by the United Nations High Commissioner for 
Refugees (UNHCR), and funding appeals from UNHCR and the International 
Organization for Migration to provide lifesaving protection, emergency 
food aid, shelter, and livelihood support to Afghan refugees outside 
Afghanistan.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. How has COVID-19 impacted the work of PRM's implementing 
partners? What do you anticipate will be the priorities for addressing 
the immediate needs and secondary impacts of the virus on vulnerable 
and displaced populations worldwide?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted PRM's implementing 
partners' programming and ability to provide assistance in a timely 
manner due to increased operational costs, ongoing travel and access 
constraints, and other movement restrictions. It has also directly 
affected the health and welfare of marginalized populations around the 
world and exacerbated pre-existing gaps in health, protection, 
assistance, education, and livelihoods. I understand PRM's partners 
emphasize meeting international standards for assistance and protection 
for the most vulnerable while at the same time advocating for the 
inclusion of marginalized, displaced, and hard-to-reach populations in 
national plans for vaccine delivery, relief, and recovery.

    Question. How does the U.S. Government coordinate its responses to 
migration crises, such as those in Venezuela or Central America? When 
and where does PRM take the lead and what, if any, are the differences 
in its approach compared to that of the U.S. Agency for International 
Development (USAID)?

    Answer. Interagency coordination between the State Department, 
USAID, and other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security 
is critical in responding to migration crises. My understanding is that 
PRM and USAID play separate but complementary roles. PRM takes the lead 
in providing urgent humanitarian aid and protection to refugees, asylum 
seekers, stateless persons, and vulnerable migrants, working through 
international organizations and non-governmental organizations. PRM 
also supports efforts to help governments build capacity to protect 
vulnerable populations and humanely manage migration. USAID takes the 
lead in response to natural and man-made disasters, disaster 
preparedness, and support for internally displaced populations; USAID 
also provides food aid to refugees. USAID also funds development 
programs in select contexts, such as in Central America, to address 
root causes of irregular migration and reintegration of returned 
migrants. In situations where PRM and USAID responsibilities converge, 
I understand they have robust coordination mechanisms in the field and 
in Washington to ensure the overall efficiency and effectiveness of 
U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will continue this close collaboration 
between PRM and USAID.

    Question. What is your assessment of the scope of risks to women 
and girls, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are ways 
that PRM programs specifically address these protection needs?

    Answer. In times of crisis, women and girls are at enormous risk of 
gender-based violence (GBV)--from armed groups, strangers, neighbors, 
and family members. These risks in humanitarian settings were 
exacerbated by COVID-19 and corresponding mitigation measures, 
resulting in a ``shadow'' pandemic of GBV and worldwide spikes in GBV 
risks and reports. In response, the U.S. humanitarian response to 
COVID-19 prioritized protection, including programs to help prevent GBV 
and provide psychosocial services to GBV victims, along with 
healthcare, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in the COVID-19 
humanitarian response.

    Question. President Biden indicated that he plans to set the FY 
2022 refugee ceiling at 125,000 in his May 2021 statement on refugee 
admissions. Do you consider the admission of 125,000 refugees in FY 
2022 to be achievable? What, if any, changes to the refugee program 
have been implemented or are under consideration to facilitate 
increased refugee admissions in FY 2022?

    Answer. I expect the U.S. Government will make every effort to 
reach the target established by the President following consultations 
with Congress. In the immediate term, I understand PRM intends to fund 
U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) domestic and overseas 
implementing partners at an initial operating level to support 65,000 
arrivals at the beginning of FY 2022 and will be prepared to increase 
funding as needed if arrivals surpass the initial operating level.
    I understand the President's Executive Order 14013 on Rebuilding 
and Enhancing Programs to Resettle Refugees and Planning for the Impact 
of Climate Change on Migration directs review of a series of bold 
reforms and initiatives for the USRAP, to support increased refugee 
admissions in FY 2022 and beyond. My understanding is that U.S. 
Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) aims to increase staffing 
significantly, upscale in-person ``circuit rides'' by USCIS employees 
to interview refugee candidates in person, increase refugee video 
interviews, identify current bottlenecks, and implement process 
improvements to its adjudicatory processes. I expect that the USRAP 
will leverage technological solutions to strengthen data-driven 
decision-making and streamline refugee processing with the deployment 
of START and Global, the Department of State's and USCIS's respective 
new refugee applicant case management systems, while enhancing the 
security of all of refugee processing systems.

    Question. In August 2021, DHS announced a new P-2 designation for 
certain Afghan nationals. The announcement indicated that PRM had 
created an ``Afghan Referrals Workgroup comprised of federal agencies 
to refer individuals directly'' for U.S. refugee resettlement 
consideration. I am very concerned about the plight of Afghan nationals 
who have been designated as P-2 refugees. How many Afghan nationals 
does PRM expect to admit as refugees under this program, and what is 
the status of current refugees? When are these admissions expected to 
occur?

    Answer. As you note, on August 2, 2021, the Department of State 
announced a new Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee 
Admissions Program (USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and 
their eligible family members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-
admissions-program-priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The 
Department of State has designated certain categories of Afghan 
nationals as having access to the USRAP by virtue of their 
circumstances and apparent need for resettlement. This priority group 
includes Afghans who are or were employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-
based media organization or nongovernmental organization (NGO). It 
expands the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to 
many Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at risk due 
to their U.S. affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant 
Visa because they did not have qualifying employment or because they 
have not met the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an 
SIV.
    In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also 
gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific 
entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or 
a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of 
refugees already resettled in the United States.
    The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for 
Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the 
USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and minor children) 
who might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
    The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands 
the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many 
thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at 
risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear, 
assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
    I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S. 
employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental 
organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee 
referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for 
resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware 
of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2 
referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The 
administration recognizes the role this new designation and the refugee 
resettlement program in general will play in the lives of those that 
risked their safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has 
made clear, helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the 
United States.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. Do you agree that UNRWA is a deeply problematic 
organization?

    Answer. This administration supports the work of UNRWA, which 
provides critical services to vulnerable Palestinian refugees. UNRWA is 
a lifeline for thousands of Palestinian refugees in the region, as seen 
in May during the violence in Gaza. That said, I agree that UNRWA must 
undertake reforms to improve its efficiency, effectiveness and 
neutrality, and that UNRWA Commissioner General Lazzarini is leading 
efforts to this end. It is my understanding that the framework under 
which the United States resumed funding for UNRWA includes provisions 
for regular reporting, consultations, and monitoring of U.S.-funded 
aid. If confirmed, I will focus on management and other reform issues 
at UNRWA to ensure it is upholding its commitments to neutrality and is 
as effective and efficient as possible.

    Question. As the largest individual donor to UNRWA, do you believe 
the U.S. should leverage our assistance to seek transparency and 
reforms from the agency?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will seek reforms related to 
neutrality, transparency, and management at UNRWA.

    Question. The director of UNRWA recently acknowledged that the 
group's educational materials included inappropriate material. This is 
an ongoing problem that UNRWA pledges to fix, but never seems to 
adequately address. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to demand 
the removal of the incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in UNWRA 
materials?

    Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any 
form. I understand that UNRWA staff found the unacceptable content in 
supplemental educational material prepared in response to the pandemic, 
and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. UNRWA's Commissioner General has 
committed to notifying the Agency's Advisory Commission immediately of 
any violations of its zero-tolerance policy and to collaborating with 
Commission members on educational issues. If confirmed, I will 
emphasize the importance of humanitarian principles, including 
neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.

    Question. I remain deeply concerned about the ongoing humanitarian 
crises in Latin America, which is in part caused by the Maduro regime 
refusing to respond to the needs and priorities of the Venezuelan 
people. There are millions of Venezuelan refugees and migrants seeking 
asylum in the United States and other countries in the region, who are 
undoubtedly placing significant strain on those countries' refugee and 
governance systems. If confirmed, what is your long-term strategy to 
coordinate the bureau's efforts with these countries' efforts to accept 
Venezuelan refugees and migrants?

    Answer. I share your concerns. The situation in Venezuela is a 
tragedy. Since FY 2017, the United States has provided over $1.4 
billion in humanitarian assistance, including over $597 million in PRM 
programming, to international organizations and non-governmental 
partners to protect and assist vulnerable Venezuelans in seventeen host 
countries in the region. My understanding is that PRM assistance 
includes funding for temporary shelter and access to food, water, and 
sanitation facilities; legal support for asylum-seekers; capacity-
building for regional asylum authorities; and livelihoods 
opportunities. If confirmed, I would continue to support the 
Department's engagement in international fora, including the Quito 
Process to enhance coordination among host countries and advocate for a 
regional solution to the Venezuela crisis.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. The Biden administration's unprecedented evacuation of 
more than 120,000 people from Afghanistan brought many Americans home 
but it also delivered many Afghans out of harm's way. Those Afghans are 
now spread out around the world, including in the 13 partner countries 
that are serving as way points for refugees before they come to the 
United States. How we take care of these individuals over the coming 
days, months and years will determine our true commitment to American 
values. What should the U.S. be doing right now to best serve these 
Afghans and the communities that are welcoming them?

    Answer. It is my understanding that there is ongoing and robust 
interagency engagement with the partner countries who generously agreed 
to host Afghans. Secretary Blinken recently traveled to Qatar and 
Germany to highlight U.S. appreciation for all that those countries and 
others have done to support the airlift and relocation efforts. Once 
they arrive in the United States, the recent evacuees are receiving 
orientation services, health care, and resettlement support from a 
broad range of U.S. agencies and humanitarian partners, as Secretary 
Blinken described in his September 14 appearance before the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee.
    I also understand that the State Department has continued to 
support the needs of vulnerable Afghans remaining in Afghanistan or who 
are refugees in other countries through urgent humanitarian funding 
direct to international and non-governmental organizations and has been 
clear in its commitment to continuing to work with the international 
community to make sure these needs are addressed. If confirmed, I would 
continue this important engagement and support to respond to the needs 
of at-risk Afghans and the countries that host them.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our allies to ensure 
the protection of Afghan refugees around the world?

    Answer. I understand that the United States is working with its 
partners to strengthen humanitarian preparedness and priority 
interventions in the event of new refugee outflows from Afghanistan and 
will continue urging states to uphold their respective obligations to 
not return Afghan refugees to persecution or torture and to respect the 
principle of non-refoulement. If confirmed, I will encourage continued 
coordination between host governments and humanitarian organizations to 
respond to the protection and assistance needs of Afghan refugees, 
including supporting efforts led by the United Nations High 
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and funding humanitarian partners to 
provide lifesaving protection, emergency food aid, shelter, and 
livelihood support to Afghan refugees outside Afghanistan.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our NGO partners who 
are crucial to the refugee effort in the United States?

    Answer. My understanding is that PRM is working with nine 
resettlement partners and affiliates across the country to welcome 
Afghans into American communities. Placement of individuals and 
families prioritizes reunification with U.S.-based family and friends 
and also considers the needs and characteristics of each individual and 
family. With U.S. Government support, the agencies will provide initial 
relocation support to Afghans to assist with critical needs such as 
housing, enrolling children in school, and basic necessities such as 
food, clothing, and furnishings. Additional support from the private 
sector will be critical to meeting the needs of this population, and I 
was happy to note the recent announcement of welcome.us and related 
initiatives to facilitate this important private sector support for our 
non-governmental organization partners. If confirmed, I would continue 
to liaise closely with PRM's resettlement partners and private sector 
supporters on this important work.

    Question. My office has sent the names of more than 3,000 
vulnerable Afghans to the State Department over the last several weeks. 
I am very concerned about those who remain behind, especially women and 
girls whose lives are at risk because of their existence. If confirmed, 
what will you do to ensure that as many Afghans as possible who qualify 
for a Priority 2 designation are able to be processed and travel to the 
United States as expeditiously as possible?

    Answer. I understand that, to date, over 20,000 cases consisting of 
around 55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-2 refugee 
resettlement program. PRM and its partners are working as quickly as 
possible to process these cases and have surged staffing as part of 
this unprecedented effort. The United States Government does not have 
the ability to process these cases inside Afghanistan at this time, so 
I understand case processing for these referrals to the U.S. Refugee 
Admissions Program cannot begin until the individual relocates to a 
country where processing is feasible. Once in such a country, they will 
need to inform PRM of their current location and provide contact 
information. PRM will create a case and assign it to the appropriate 
U.S.-funded Resettlement Support Center for processing.

    Question. In your opinion, are there any actions Congress needs to 
take to support the maximum use of the Priority 2 designation, 
including ensuring all arrivals receive resettlement benefits? If 
confirmed and once you are in place, will you commit to working with 
Congress to ensure the efficiency of the refugee system?

    Answer. I am aware of the bill currently in Congress that would 
provide parolees with access to refugee benefits on arrival in American 
communities, and understand the administration strongly supports that 
bill. My understanding is that the Department is surging resources to 
review the large number of Priority 1 and Priority 2 (P-2) refugee 
referrals received in recent weeks. If confirmed, I am committed to 
working within the Department, with Congress, with international 
partners, with advocacy groups, and with private sector supporters to 
ensure that the P-2 designation is used appropriately and fully where 
applicable, and that all Afghans so designated have access to the 
resources needed to start anew in America. More broadly, I also am 
firmly committed to working with Congress to rebuild the entire U.S. 
Refugee Admissions Program and ensure its efficiency for all resettled 
refugees.

    Question. As you know, several countries have offered to host many 
of the Afghans in transit as they await vetting and processing before 
entering the United States. For some of those countries, this could 
pose a tremendous strain on their own resources. What resources do you 
think will be needed to help house those Afghans destined for the 
United States, and are there any additional resources we could direct 
to these countries?

    Answer. It is my understanding that interagency teams overseas are 
closely coordinating the operational and logistical support required to 
process Afghans destined for the United States and ensure such 
processing can continue. In the interim, as host governments identify 
requirements, these interagency teams are working to respond, including 
via international organizations and other partners. If confirmed, I 
would continue our engagement with host governments and humanitarian 
partners managing these operations and would lead PRM's effort to 
review funding appeals from those partners who request additional 
resources to host Afghans.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, would you commit to PRM reviewing the 
vetting process for incoming refugees from Afghanistan to ensure that 
there are no gaps in the process as a result of the hasty withdrawal 
process?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States.
    If confirmed, it is my intent to review fully and completely the 
Department of Homeland Security's screening and vetting conducted for 
Afghans (and other citizens of other nations) applying to come to the 
United States under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. I commit to 
working closely with all of PRM's partner agencies to conduct such 
vetting.

    Question. We understand the Embassy destroyed many passports and 
visas in Kabul. How does PRM vet refugee candidates in the cases where 
needed national IDs have been destroyed or not available?

    Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the 
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to 
the United States.
    With regard to applicants to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program 
(USRAP), which is separate from the U.S. entry of Afghans under 
Operation Allies Welcome, it is my understanding that PRM and its 
interagency partners have steadily strengthened security vetting since 
9/11. USRAP applicants are subject to more vetting than any other type 
of traveler to the United States. I am also aware that the USRAP has 
the capacity to process refugee applicants who do not possess a 
national ID or passport.

    Question. Of the refugees to be admitted this fiscal year, how many 
does PRM expect to be from Afghanistan? How does the Afghan refugee 
program impact refugee applications from other regions, including along 
the southern border?

    Answer. As of September 15, 2021, 729 Afghan nationals have arrived 
under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) in FY 2021. These 
Afghans were not relocated as part of the August 14-31 U.S. military 
airlift and underwent stringent USRAP processing overseas before 
admission. Neither the Afghans arriving via this airlift who were 
granted parole into the United States by the Department of Homeland 
Security, nor the Afghans admitted as refugees via the USRAP, have any 
impact on refugee applications from other regions.

    Question. What steps are the Biden administration taking to support 
refugee admissions from threatened populations in China?

    Answer. The United States is committed to placing human rights at 
the center of our foreign policy. Refugee resettlement is one of 
several ways the U.S. supports refugees globally and demonstrates its 
humanitarian leadership.
    I understand that eligible Hong Kong residents and Turkic Muslim 
Chinese citizens who fear persecution from the Government of the 
People's Republic of China may access the U.S. Refugee Admissions 
Program in any appropriate category--including via referrals from the 
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. As with most refugees 
from other nations, they must be outside of their country of 
nationality in order to qualify for refugee status. If approved, they 
may be resettled in the United States within the regional allocations 
for resettlement for the fiscal year in which they are admitted.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you prioritize supporting 
threatened populations in China?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting 
democratic values at the center of U.S. foreign policy and to standing 
up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. I am horrified by 
the crimes against humanity and genocide in Xinjiang, and the human 
rights abuses occurring across China. If confirmed, I commit to working 
closely with colleagues across the interagency and with allies, 
partners, and humanitarian organizations to advocate for Uyghurs, Hong 
Kong residents, and Tibetans, among others. I will also work to assist 
those fleeing persecution and other abuses in the People's Republic of 
China to find safe haven.

    Question. Please discuss PRM's specific priorities to address 
humanitarian needs along the southern border.

    Answer. I understand that in line with President Biden's 
Collaborative Migration Management Strategy, PRM priorities in Mexico 
include improving access to protection against human trafficking, 
exploitation, and other dangers to vulnerable migrants, such as those 
fleeing violence or torture. For example, I understand PRM supports 
gender-based violence prevention and response as well as child 
protection programs for migrants across Mexico. PRM also prioritizes 
urgent humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of refugees, asylum 
seekers, and vulnerable migrants. Key PRM efforts include supporting 
shelter capacity and COVID-19 mitigation measures, access to legal 
assistance, healthcare, and psycho-social support.

    Question. How will PRM coordinate with other agencies in dealing 
with the southern border crisis?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate within the Department of 
State and with the Department of Homeland Security, U.S. Agency for 
International, and other interagency partners in implementing the 
administration's Collaborative Migration Management Strategy (CMMS) and 
parallel Root Causes Strategy (RCS) to address conditions in Central 
America that compel people to flee their homes and seek safety and 
opportunity abroad. These strategies increase humanitarian assistance 
and protection programs within the region, expand legal immigration 
pathways including through the U.S. Refugee Admission Program, and 
enhance border protection to reduce irregular migration to the southern 
border. Irregular migration is a deeply rooted challenge requiring 
short-, medium- and long-term solutions, such as those included in the 
CMMS and RCS.

    Question. Do you expect a change in PRM's role in the interagency 
process particularly in light of USAID's relatively new Bureau of 
Humanitarian Assistance?

    Answer. I do not expect a change in PRM's role in the interagency 
process. PRM and USAID/BHA each have important, distinct roles to play 
in responding to humanitarian crises, and it is imperative they respond 
in a coordinated manner as one U.S. Government with a common mission. 
If confirmed, I intend to maintain close coordination between PRM and 
USAID/BHA to ensure their efforts complement each other and build on 
their respective strengths.

    Question. Looking ahead, what do you anticipate will be the U.S. 
contribution level to the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine 
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)? What reforms do you believe are 
necessary with UNRWA?

    Answer. President Biden pledged to restore U.S. economic and 
humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, and the United States resumed for 
UNRWA this fiscal year. As with other humanitarian partners around the 
world, continued financial support will depend on funding availability, 
global needs, performance, and adherence to commitments to the United 
States. If confirmed, I would focus on management and other reform 
issues at UNRWA, including neutrality and financial sustainability.

    Question. If confirmed, will you ensure all legal conditions are 
met prior to the disbursement of assistance to UNRWA?

    Answer. If confirmed, yes, I will ensure all legal conditions are 
met prior to the disbursement of assistance to UNRWA.

    Question. The director of UNRWA recently acknowledged that the 
group's educational materials included inappropriate material. This is 
an ongoing problem that UNRWA pledges to fix, but never seems to 
adequately address. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to demand 
the removal of the incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in UNWRA 
materials?

    Answer. Yes. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in 
any form. I understand UNRWA staff found the unacceptable content in 
supplemental educational material prepared in response to the pandemic, 
and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. UNRWA's Commissioner General has 
committed to notifying its Advisory Commission immediately of any 
violations of its zero-tolerance policy and to collaborating with 
Commission members on educational issues. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize adherence to humanitarian principles, including neutrality, 
in discussions with UNRWA.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Chris Van Hollen

    Question. Is there anything the U.S. should be doing to help 
Afghans who qualify for P-2 status to leave Afghanistan?

    Answer. This administration has been clear about its enduring 
commitment to supporting our Afghan allies, including those that remain 
in country as well as those that seek to leave. My understanding is 
that at this time the U.S. government has no ability to do in-country 
processing or facilitate evacuation/relocation support for individuals 
referred to the Priority 1 or Priority 2 program who remain in 
Afghanistan. However, the administration is urging Afghanistan's 
neighbors to allow entry for Afghans and coordinating with humanitarian 
international organizations to provide assistance to Afghans in need. 
The United States is also reminding countries to respect the principle 
of non-refoulement. I understand the Taliban has provided assurances 
that Afghans with travel documents who wish to leave the country will 
be able to do so, and if confirmed, I would work with colleagues in the 
Department to ensure those assurances are upheld.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you address the issue of Afghans 
who have left Afghanistan, apply for P-2 status while located in a 
third country, but are denied?

    Answer. Individuals with urgent protection needs should register 
for international protection and assistance with the government of the 
country where they are located. They may also register and seek 
assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 
(UNHCR). If confirmed, I would work with international humanitarian 
partners and other governments to provide the support needed by those 
with protection concerns.

    Question. Do you believe the Department has sufficiently staffed 
the job of processing P-2s or do additional staff need to be surged to 
meet demand?

    Answer. My understanding is that the Department is surging 
resources to review the large number of Priority 1 and Priority 2 
refugee referrals received in recent weeks. This includes recruiting 
volunteers from other bureaus to support the work of the Bureau of 
Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM). If confirmed, I will make 
filling vacancies in the Bureau, including to address needs such as 
processing P-2s, one of my first priorities.

    Question. To your knowledge, how many P-2 applications have been 
granted, and in which third countries were successful P-2 applicants 
located when they applied for and were granted P-2 status?

    Answer. Resettlement in the United States under the U.S. Refugee 
Admissions Program (USRAP) is a 12-18 month process, so my 
understanding is that no Afghans who were referred to the program and 
recently fled Afghanistan have had their cases approved yet. As of 
September 15, I understand the Department has received P-2 refugee 
referrals for approximately 20,000 cases involving 55,000 individuals.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to providing this 
information to Congress on an ongoing basis?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to providing this information 
to Congress on an ongoing basis.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. UNRWA committed to provide a semi-annual report to PRM on 
activities to inform evaluation of conformance with conditions on U.S. 
contributions to UNRWA. Have they provided that report? If not, when do 
you anticipate they will? Can you commit to transmitting that report to 
Congress?

    Answer. My understanding is that UNRWA has not yet provided this 
report to PRM, but that it intends to do so in the near term. This will 
be an internal report provided by UNRWA to the State Department. If 
confirmed, I will, subject to the rules on the handling and protection 
of sensitive information, work with Congress to accommodate its 
oversight interests, which I recognize and take seriously.

    Question. UNRWA committed to preventing the use of local textbooks 
that include content contrary to UN principles in education materials. 
The commitment is a reference to concerns--which now go back more than 
a decade--that UNRWA was facilitating the use of textbooks promoting 
genocidal anti-Semitism. This year UNRWA officials acknowledged that, 
indeed, educational materials facilitated by UNRWA include 
inappropriate material, amid reports that its textbooks included calls 
for ``jihad'' against Israeli Jews and accusations that Israeli Jews 
were spreading diseases to Palestinians. How long do you assess it will 
take UNRWA to cease the use of textbooks that promote anti-Semitism?

    Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any 
form. Textbooks that promote anti-Semitism or other types of hatred are 
unacceptable. I understand that UNRWA staff themselves found the 
unacceptable content you reference in supplemental educational 
material, and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. I understand that U.N. 
agencies including UNRWA do not develop their own curricula but use the 
curricula of host governments. When UNRWA or others identify concepts 
contrary to U.N. principles in host governments' educational materials, 
UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary materials for its staff 
to address the issue and the unacceptable materials are not taught. If 
confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of adherence with 
humanitarian principles, including neutrality, in discussions with 
UNRWA.

    Question. What is the estimate in the report produced pursuant to 
Senate Report 113-81 accompanying PL 113-76?

    Answer. I have been informed that this report is classified in 
order to protect Foreign Government Information. In keeping with 
Department policy, I have not been given access to classified 
information related to the position for which I have been nominated. If 
confirmed, I will seek a briefing on this report. It is my 
understanding that a copy of this report was transmitted to the 
Congressional committees with jurisdiction in 2015.

    Question. What is the State Department's assessment of the current 
number of Arab refugees who were displaced in 1948 from territories 
controlled by Israel?

    Answer. The State Department does not have its own assessment of 
this number. I understand there are 5.7 million registered Palestinian 
refugees who are potentially eligible for United Nations Relief and 
Works Agency (UNRWA) services, but far fewer avail themselves of UNRWA 
services. Descendants of eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are 
eligible for registration with UNRWA for the purpose of accessing 
services. As a result, individuals of Palestinian descent born after 
the initial displacement have registered. This approach to including 
descendants is similar to the one used by U.N. High Commissioner for 
Refugees in other protracted refugee situations, such as Afghanistan 
and Somalia.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
        Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer to by Senator Robert Menendez

Eastern Mediterranean
    Question. I have been impressed with the French Government's 
support for democracies in the Eastern Mediterranean like Greece, 
Cyprus and Israel. Turkey continues to violate international norms and 
I have appreciated the French Government's willingness to stand up to 
Ankara's aggression. This includes in the Caucasus where the French 
were critical of Turkish support for Azerbaijan in last year's war. How 
will you work with France to advance these shared concerns?

    Answer. As a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, France 
is a key partner in promoting peace in the Middle East and the 
Mediterranean. French President Macron called for EU solidarity 
following disputes between Turkey and Greece and Turkey and the 
Republic of Cyprus over national gas reserves and what France sees as 
an increasingly ``aggressive'' Turkey. If confirmed, I will seek 
cooperation with the French on common interests in the Eastern 
Mediterranean and to maintain dialogue with Turkey to resolve disputes.
    On Israel, France supports a two-state solution. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with French partners to align our perspectives on 
Israeli-Palestinian peace.

Strategic Autonomy
    Question. President Macron has sought to advance a concept of 
Strategic Autonomy, which some have interpreted as distancing France 
from the United States and creating tensions within NATO. What are your 
views on Strategic Autonomy and are you concerned that it could serve 
to diminish support for NATO within Europe?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging 
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would 
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense, which responds to a 
long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing, and help fulfilling 
Allies' commitment to NATO to spend two percent of GDP on defense. 
However, the notion of European strategic autonomy risks undermining 
the primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense, duplicating effort 
between the EU and NATO, and weakening Transatlantic relations. If 
confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Allies and collaborating 
with this committee to reinforce to all Allies the importance of 
European defense efforts being complementary with NATO.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about attacks on U.S. Government 
personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring the safety 
and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on individual Chiefs 
of Mission and the response of officers at post. It is imperative that 
any individual who reports a suspected incident be responded to 
promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree these incidents 
must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the health of State 
personnel?

    Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top 
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major 
interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and 
how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my 
utmost to ensure anyone who reports unexplained health incidents 
receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I will 
consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security 
of the Embassy community.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their 
family members who report a possible health incident will receive 
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will 
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees 
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington 
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these 
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting 
these members of our Embassy teams. I will also consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In what areas do you feel we can collaborate more 
effectively with the French in Africa? How will you as U.S. Ambassador 
to France, if confirmed, support that?

    Answer. France has significant ties in the Sahel and West and 
Central Africa and is a steadfast partner in the fight against 
terrorism. Our shared priorities include security, governance, economic 
development, and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, I 
will work strategically with the French to ensure that our efforts are 
mutually supportive and reinforcing. I will encourage the French to use 
their strong political, economic, security, and cultural influence to 
promote the reforms that are the best path to long-term stability in 
these regions, and work with our interagency to support French 
objectives when aligned with ours.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. We are aware--as I'm sure you are-of President Macron's 
calls for Europe to take greater charge of its own security by 
developing the ``strategic autonomy'' of the European Union. The United 
States has long supported the security of Europe, in particular our 
Allies in NATO.

   What are the implications of a stronger, more independent European 
        defense strategy for the United States, and for NATO? Can 
        Macron's vision and NATO 2030 coexist?

    Answer. NATO, of which France is a founding Ally and one of its 
most militarily capable, is the primary security organization for 
defense of the Euro-Atlantic and its members. Efforts to strengthen 
deterrence and defense in Europe must be complimentary to and not 
duplicate NATO efforts, enhance NATO-EU cooperation, and strengthen 
Transatlantic relations. If confirmed, I will reinforce to all Allies 
and partners that NATO is the essential forum for consultation and 
action on Transatlantic security and defense issues while promoting 
greater cooperation with the EU.

    Question. We have heard the current U.S. travel ban restricting 
entry of Europeans for more than a year now is harming relations. I 
know this is an area of deep frustration for the French, and I have 
received a letter from a French counterpart relaying their concern.

   What should be done to address these restrictions? How can we 
        establish parameters for safe travel?

    Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized protecting 
American citizens during this extraordinary pandemic, and the National 
Interest Exception policy is one way to ensure we facilitate critical 
travel while also being mindful of ongoing concerns about the spread of 
COVID-19, including the Delta variant. The administration is constantly 
reviewing the situation and the scientific data and adjusts policy 
accordingly. If I am confirmed, I will ensure we continue to implement 
the administration's policy as efficiently as possible, and that we are 
communicating the policy clearly to the French public. If confirmed, I 
will also be sure to quickly share any additional information regarding 
shifts in the travel restriction policy.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. If confirmed, how will you cooperate with the French 
Government on addressing the global terrorist threat?

    Answer. The United States and France exchange information and share 
best practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France 
leads on countering terrorism in the Sahel, where it has eliminated 
leaders of ISIS, Al-Qa'ida, and their affiliates. If confirmed, I will 
not only ensure our cooperation continues, but will look for ways to 
reinforce that partnership. Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it 
my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the 
Embassy community and all Americans in France and Monaco.

    Question. In your opinion, how might our existing cooperation with 
France be enhanced?

    Answer. France is the United States' oldest Ally and is among our 
most capable and reliable military Allies. Our relationship is built on 
shared values of freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. 
There are also extensive cultural and economic ties between our 
nations. If confirmed, I will work with French leaders to promote close 
transatlantic coordination on the development of a policy agenda based 
on our shared values.

    Question. Do you agree with President Macron's assessment of 
cooperation with China?

    Answer. Along with the European Union (EU), France publicly 
characterizes the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a partner, 
competitor, and systemic rival, an understanding the United States 
shares. France agrees on the need for joint U.S.-European Union efforts 
to address the PRC's human rights abuses, coercive trade practices, and 
aggressive foreign policy. France seeks to cooperate with China when 
possible in multilateral fora, like the UN Security Council. In 
addition, France identifies China as a key partner for combatting 
climate change and addressing global public health concerns. If 
confirmed, I will work with French leaders to promote close 
transatlantic coordination on the development of a policy agenda based 
on our shared values.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you use your position to 
encourage France to increase its vigilance over Chinese attempts to 
influence its political and economic systems, such as the EU's 
Comprehensive Agreement on Investment?

    Answer. France and the United States are fundamentally aligned in 
ways that the PRC and France are not. France recognizes that aspects of 
PRC governance and economic philosophy are fundamentally at odds with 
international norms. At the same time, France and China have 
significant economic ties. French Officials have repeatedly called 
China a ``partner, competitor, and systemic rival.'' If confirmed, I 
will work closely with France to address the significant challenges the 
PRC poses.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, would you support greater U.S.-French 
military collaboration to support greater capacity development for a 
key NATO ally?

    Answer. France is among our most capable and reliable military 
allies and I look forward to working together to strengthen our 
cooperation through NATO. Our bilateral relationship is important for 
our larger goal of increasing cooperation and raising the level of 
ambition of our relationship with all of our NATO Allies. France 
contributes to NATO activities, such as air policing and the enhanced 
Forward Presence to ensure deterrence and defense on the Alliance's 
eastern flank. The U.S. and France exchange information and share best 
practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France leads on 
countering terrorism in the Sahel. If confirmed, I will not only ensure 
our cooperation continues, but will look for ways to strengthen our 
partnership, and will be forthright when we do not see eye-to-eye.

    Question. What is the Biden administration doing to encourage 
France and our NATO allies to maintain and strengthen defense 
capabilities in the face of continued aggression by Russia in Eastern 
Europe?

    Answer. The Biden administration works in coordination with France 
and other NATO allies and partners to hold Russia accountable for their 
destabilizing activities, human rights abuses, and violations of 
international norms. France contributes to NATO's enhanced Forward 
Presence on the Alliance's eastern flank. France is an active member of 
both the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism and the EU's Rapid Alert System 
efforts to counter Russian disinformation and malign influence.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with the French Government so 
that the NATO Alliance continues to improve its deterrence and defense 
posture. I will also work closely to ensure continued close cooperation 
with France as part of our broader effort with other Allies and 
partners to hold Russia accountable for its actions, and maintain 
pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its international commitments and 
obligations.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. NATO is going through a planning process to identify 
strategic priorities for the coming years. What are your views on this 
process and how it can be used to advance U.S. interests?

    Answer. The process of drafting and adopting a new Strategic 
Concept is critical to the future of NATO. It provides a clear roadmap 
for the work Allies must take to ensure our collective security. If 
confirmed, I will work hard with Allies in Brussels to make sure the 
Strategic Concept reflects the changing security environment of today, 
especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, and the 
People's Republic of China's malign activities. I will also work to 
ensure that actions we take to address new challenges do not detract 
from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong deterrence and 
defense for all Allies.

    Question. How do you think the Alliance can best and appropriately 
respond to the challenge posed by China?

    Answer. In recent years, Allies have devoted substantial effort to 
better understanding and addressing PRC policies and activities that 
affect Allied security since 2019, culminating in the thorough 
treatment of PRC issues in the 2021 Summit Communique. Allies agreed in 
2021 that PRC policies and actions pose a systemic challenge to the 
international rules-based order and identified, inter alia, the PRC's 
nuclear and conventional military expansion, non-transparency, and 
influence over Allied critical infrastructure as key areas of concern. 
If confirmed, I will consult closely with Allies to build consensus on 
effective approaches to the PRC through the work of the North Atlantic 
Council and its committees, and in policy documents, including the 
Strategic Concept.?

    Question. Are you at all concerned that this could divert attention 
from the threat posed by Russia to NATO members or the threat posed by 
terrorism to those countries in southern Europe?

    Answer. Russia is the pre-eminent nuclear and conventional military 
threat to the Alliance, just as terrorism is one of the greatest 
asymmetric challenges to Alliance security. Without losing sight of 
these threats, NATO must be alert and responsive to the problems posed 
by the PRC. Fortunately, the Alliance has a strong history of 
addressing multiple threats simultaneously through its ``360-degree 
approach'' to security. Although the PRC is not presently an imminent 
military threat to Europe in the way Russia is, if confirmed, I would 
strongly support efforts to ensure NATO addresses the challenges PRC's 
international behavior and military expansion pose to Transatlantic 
security. If confirmed, I will continue our close collaboration with 
Allies to address these challenges realistically, strategically, and 
systematically.

    Question. Beyond the commitment by all NATO members to spend 2 
percent of GDP on defense, how should we assess the other contributions 
that NATO members can make?

    Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO 
Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective 
security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on 
track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress 
toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies 
to focus on other important aspects of their national defense, 
including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also 
work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared 
understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of 
tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking. 
We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready 
integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and 
deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Should expansion of NATO be a priority of the alliance 
going forward?

    Answer. Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty states Allies 
``may, by unanimous agreement, invite any other European State in a 
position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to 
the security of the North Atlantic area to accede.'' Membership 
decisions are based on shared values, capacity to contribute to Euro-
Atlantic security, and Allied consensus to invite them to join. NATO's 
newest member, North Macedonia, joined in 2020 and has already proven 
itself a valuable Ally, including by contributing to NATO operations in 
Afghanistan and Kosovo. If confirmed, I will consider any possible 
enlargement from the perspective of U.S. interests and the good of the 
Alliance as a whole.

    Question. Do you believe NATO allies are apprehensive of further 
NATO expansion due to the emerging shortcomings of some members, or 
because of other concerns?

    Answer. Allied perspectives vary regarding NATO enlargement. 
Membership decisions are based on shared values, capacity to contribute 
to Euro-Atlantic security, and Allied consensus to invite them to join. 
This is described in Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty, to which 
all Allies have agreed. If confirmed, my approach to issues of NATO 
enlargement will be based on these criteria, U.S. interests, and the 
good of the Alliance. I look forward to dialogue with this committee on 
these issues.

    Question. What do you see as the greatest current threat to NATO 
unity and cohesion?

    Answer. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to 
provide collective defense and prosperity to member nations. NATO has 
adapted to new threats and challenges during past inflection points 
such as 1989, 2001, and 2014. Today, NATO is again adapting to new and 
emerging threats and challenges. The key to NATO's success is its 
ability to maintain unity, and the NATO 2030 agenda adopted at the June 
2021 Summit affirmed the importance of consultation to the Alliance's 
success. If confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with 
Allies, including having difficult but necessary conversations. I will 
also work to maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to 
consulting with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to 
Brussels.

    Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for 
European nations themselves? What are the disadvantages?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging 
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would 
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity, 
which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing. 
However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the 
primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoiding unnecessary 
duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with 
Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies 
the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with 
NATO.

    Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for United 
States security interests? What are the disadvantages?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging 
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would 
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity, 
which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing. 
However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the 
primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoid unnecessary 
duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with 
Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies 
the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with 
NATO.

    Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for 
security interests across the NATO alliance as a whole? What are the 
disadvantages?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging 
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would 
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity, 
which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing. 
However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the 
primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoid unnecessary 
duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with 
Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies 
the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with 
NATO.

    Question. Do you believe that the U.S.' execution of the withdrawal 
and evacuation mission from Afghanistan makes a continental separation 
of European defense from NATO more likely?

    Answer. NATO is the foundation of Euro-Atlantic collective defense. 
It guarantees the security, freedom, and values of one billion citizens 
in North America and Europe. The Alliance has experienced and overcome 
divisive issues in the past because of the strength of our approach 
based on consultation and consensus. As the Secretary General has said, 
the United States consulted with the Allies throughout the process of 
ending NATO's military presence in Afghanistan and this was a decision 
taken together by all Allies. NATO benefits from European Allies 
developing greater defense capabilities. If confirmed, I will continue 
this tradition of close consultation that prevents any issue from 
detracting from NATO accomplishing its core tasks.

    Question. Do you believe that the recent defense agreement between 
the U.S., U.K., and Australia, which has greatly angered France, and 
irked the European Union, makes a continental separation of European 
defense from NATO more likely?

    Answer. A stronger, more capable Europe is in our shared interest, 
and our longstanding ties with NATO Allies and the EU are essential to 
deal effectively with 21st century challenges, as are complementary EU 
and NATO capabilities. Ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific is a 
shared interest between the United States and Europe, and if confirmed, 
I will continue to work to deepen transatlantic cooperation regarding 
the Indo-Pacific and around the world. We will not succeed without 
enhanced NATO-EU cooperation, something I will strongly support, if 
confirmed. Such cooperation should uphold NATO's role as the premier 
Transatlantic security and defense forum, and EU defense efforts must 
not detract from or duplicate NATO efforts.

    Question. What is your understanding of the reason that Turkey 
decided to purchase S-400s from Russia instead of Patriot Missiles from 
the United States?

    Answer. Turkey had the opportunity to purchase Patriot surface-to-
air missile systems, and other NATO-interoperable air defense systems, 
but chose to purchase the Russian S-400. Ankara's acquisition and 
testing of an S-400 surface-to-air missile system from Russia undermine 
Allied interoperability and threaten Alliance systems. If confirmed, I 
will continue to urge Turkey not to retain the S-400 system and to 
refrain from purchasing any additional Russian military equipment. As 
the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any major new 
Russian arms purchases would risk triggering CAATSA Section 231 
sanctions separate from and in addition to those already imposed.

    Question. The U.S. has removed Turkey from the F-35 program and 
sanctioned it for its purchase of the S-400. What further actions, if 
any, do you believe the U.S. should take to urge Turkey to divest the 
S-400s?

    Answer. Turkey knows what it needs to do to secure relief from 
existing CAATSA Section 231 sanctions. Ankara's acquisition and testing 
of an S-400 surface-to-air missile system from Russia undermine Allied 
interoperability and threaten Alliance systems. The United States 
continues to urge Turkey at every level not to retain the S-400 system 
and to refrain from purchasing any additional Russian materiel. As the 
Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any major new Russian 
arms purchases would risk triggering CAATSA sanctions separate from and 
in addition to those imposed in December 2020.

    Question. How would you work with NATO partners to discourage 
Turkey from moving forward with its S-400 Air Defense integration?

    Answer. The Biden administration has clearly expressed that Russian 
S-400s are incompatible with NATO equipment and its NATO commitments. 
If confirmed, I will join administration colleagues in continuing to 
urge Turkey not to retain S-400 and not to purchase additional Russian 
materiel. As the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any new 
purchase of Russian military equipment would risk triggering CAATSA 
sanctions separate from and in addition to those imposed in December 
2020. Our Allies, including Turkey share interests in countering 
terrorism, ending the conflict in Syria, and ensuring regional 
stability. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and 
our Allies to convince Turkey to change course.

    Question. NATO's last strategic concept was written in 2010. In 
that time, new threats have emerged: Russia's expansionism in Crimea, 
eastern Ukraine, and Syria, China's emergence as a military and 
strategic power, democratic backsliding within NATO countries, the 
advent of new technologies and threats like cyberwarfare. Which 
elements do you believe that any new Strategic Concept should focus on 
the most?

    Answer. The process of drafting and adopting a new Strategic 
Concept is critical to the future of NATO. It provides a clear roadmap 
for the work Allies must take to ensure our collective security. If 
confirmed, I will work hard with Allies in Brussels to make sure the 
Strategic Concept reflects the changing security environment of today, 
especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, and the 
People's Republic of China's malign activities. I will also work to 
ensure that actions we take to address these new challenges do not 
detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong deterrence 
and defense for all Allies. I look forward to dialogue with this 
committee on the Strategic Concept.

    Question. NATO's Black Sea littoral allies are increasingly vocal 
about their concerns of growing Russian threats in the region. What 
more do you believe NATO should do to help deter further Russian 
aggression in the Black Sea and help augment the military capabilities 
of the littoral nations?

    Answer. The Biden administration has expressed clear support for 
our Black Sea Allies, and through cooperation with NATO Allies and 
partners is bolstering collective security in the Black Sea region. As 
the Biden administration has made clear to Russia, further aggression 
is unacceptable in the territory and territorial waters of its 
sovereign neighbors. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
Congress and our Allies to develop and implement a Black Sea security 
strategy that bolsters cooperation among our littoral state Allies and 
partners.

    Question. What do you see as the largest obstacles to NATO's 
military mobility throughout the European continent?

    Answer. NATO must be able to flow combat power across the Euro-
Atlantic area to be effective, not only from the United States to 
Europe but in Europe, across borders, and utilizing Allies' 
infrastructure. The current level of investment into capabilities 
varies across the spectrum of different Allies. If confirmed, I would 
work with our NATO Allies on the way ahead to ensure infrastructure and 
other mobility challenges are never limiting factors for deterrence and 
defense.

    Question. If Russia were to put military presence in Belarus, how 
do you think the U.S. should respond? How should NATO respond?

    Answer. Respectfully, I'm unable to provide a complete answer to a 
hypothetical. If confirmed, I would work with Congress as well as the 
Departments of State and Defense to maximize benefit to Alliance 
strength and security.

    Question. In such a scenario, would putting more troops in Poland 
and the Baltics be a useful response or a harmful one?

    Answer. Respectfully, I'm unable to provide a complete answer to a 
hypothetical. If confirmed, I would work with Congress as well as the 
Departments of State and Defense to maximize benefit to Alliance 
strength and security.

    Question. Do you believe that nuclear weapons are inherent to 
NATO's strength in deterring and defending against enemies of the 
alliance?

    Answer. NATO utilizes an appropriate mix of nuclear, conventional, 
and missile defense capabilities for its deterrence and defense. As 
Allies reiterated in their June 2021 Brussels Summit Communique, ``as 
long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear Alliance.'' 
If confirmed, I commit to work with Allies to provide for our 
collective security, including maintaining a safe, effective, and 
credible nuclear deterrence.

    Question. Do you commit to maintaining NATO's nuclear arsenal?

    Answer. As Allies reiterated in the June 2021 Brussels Summit 
Communique, ``as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a 
nuclear Alliance.'' If confirmed, I will coordinate with Allies to 
support NATO's deterrence and defense posture, including NATO's nuclear 
deterrence posture, which relies on U.S. nuclear weapons forward-
deployed in Europe and the capabilities and infrastructure provided by 
Allies concerned.

    Question. What role do U.S. military exercises with NATO Allies 
play in strengthening U.S. and Allied warfighting capabilities, 
building interoperability between NATO members, and signaling resolve 
both to other Allies and adversaries like Russia?

    Answer. NATO conducts a variety of posture management activities, 
which are critical to maintaining NATO's deterrence and defense 
posture. NATO's exercises credibly demonstrate its ability to deliver 
warfighting capabilities where and when needed. United States military 
exercises with Allies test and improve interoperability and are a 
concrete manifestation of NATO's resolve. If confirmed, I commit to 
work with Congress, the Department of Defense, and our Allies and 
partners to continue to build capabilities, increase readiness, and 
signal resolve to our adversaries.

    Question. Do you believe the current scope, scale, and frequency of 
U.S. military exercises in Europe is sufficient to fulfill these 
objectives? If confirmed, do you commit to working with Allies to 
expand-or at least maintain-the current scope, scale, and frequency of 
U.S. military exercises in Europe?

    Answer. NATO is the most successful Alliance in history, preventing 
the outbreak of war between major powers in Europe for over 70 years. 
U.S. and NATO's exercises are essential to maintain deterrence, 
readiness, and interoperability and reassure our Allies. If confirmed, 
I will work with our Allies to strengthen NATO's credible deterrence 
and defense posture, including through exercises.

    Question. Do you believe U.S./NATO military exercises are 
provocative to Russia? If confirmed, how will you reconcile Russian 
concerns with the need to enhance NATO's warfighting capabilities and 
strengthen Allies?

    Answer. Russian accusations that the United States and NATO 
demonstrate hostile intent through exercises are disingenuous. NATO's 
activities are predictable, transparent, defensive, and designed to 
improve readiness and demonstrate the Alliance's capability and resolve 
to repulse armed attack. U.S. and NATO's exercises are essential to 
maintain deterrence, readiness, and interoperability and reassure our 
Allies. If confirmed, I will work with our Allies to strengthen NATO's 
credible deterrence and defense posture, including through exercises.

    Question. Do you believe it is accurate or fair to equate U.S. 
multinational exercises like Defender with large-scale Russian 
exercises like Zapad?

    Answer. The United States is transparent about its activities; 
Russia is not. We are transparent about our exercises, conduct them 
safely, and notify Russia appropriately. U.S. and NATO exercises help 
reassure our Allies, and transparency as undertaken by the United 
States and NATO contribute to stability and predictability with Russia. 
Russia misuses the Vienna Document notification system to thwart 
transparency of its exercises and conducts large-scale snap exercises, 
such as its buildup along the border with Ukraine in spring 2021. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work with Allies to ensure that false Russian 
narratives about U.S. and NATO posture management activities do not 
undermine Allies' determination to signal Allied resolve and build 
readiness and interoperability through planned, challenging exercises.



                               __________


           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record 
       Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question.  What do you view as the key challenges to alliance 
cohesion within NATO? What role do you see for the U.S. administration 
and the U.S. Congress in addressing these challenges?

    Answer. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to 
provide collective security and prosperity to member nations. Today, 
however, the weakening of democratic values in some member states is 
tearing at Alliance cohesion. As the recent NATO 2030 report stressed, 
the key to NATO's success is its ability to maintain unity and resolve. 
If confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with Allies, 
including having sometimes difficult but necessary conversations about 
both our shared values and our shared challenges. I will also work to 
maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to consulting 
with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to Brussels.

    Question. How should NATO respond to political developments in NATO 
member states, such as Turkey, that run counter to the democratic 
principles on which the alliance was founded?

    Answer. NATO is a defensive Alliance. Simultaneously, NATO is an 
Alliance of values, founded on the principles of democracy, individual 
liberty, and the rule of law. NATO takes decisions on the basis of 
consensus, and Allies must find ways forward on common priorities. 
Allies must also be ready to voice--either privately or publicly--
concern about actions inconsistent with Allies' commitments, including 
concerns about democratic backsliding in Allied member states. If 
confirmed I look forward to working with Congress to foster a 
constructive dialogue in the Alliance about these issues.

    Question. Should NATO consider monitoring or sanctioning member 
states that violate NATO's foundational principles?

    Answer. The North Atlantic Treaty states in Article 2 that ``all 
Parties will contribute toward the further development of peaceful and 
friendly international relations by strengthening their free 
institutions, by bringing about a better understanding of the 
principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by promoting 
conditions of stability and well-being.'' For over 70 years, Allies 
have maintained cohesion to provide collective security and prosperity 
to member nations. The key to NATO's success is its ability to maintain 
unity and resolve, and, if confirmed, I will ensure we hold Allies 
accountable to the same set of values.

    Question. Will you, as Ambassador, continue to press for increased 
allied defense spending?

    Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO 
Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective 
security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on 
track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress 
toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies 
to focus on other important aspects of their national defense, 
including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also 
work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared 
understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of 
tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking. 
We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready 
integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and 
deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.

    Question. How do you view the potential for burden-sharing that 
looks beyond national defense budgets to include available military 
capabilities, contributions to allied missions, and efforts to counter 
hybrid threats?

    Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO 
Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective 
security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on 
track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress 
toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies 
to focus on other important aspects of their national defense, 
including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also 
work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared 
understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of 
tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking. 
We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready 
integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and 
deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.

    Question. How adequately is NATO addressing the defense and 
security implications of increased Chinese investment and political 
influence in Europe?

    Answer. This administration is deeply concerned about the dangers 
posed to Transatlantic security by the PRC's investments in critical 
infrastructure, advanced technologies, and modern military 
capabilities, including missiles that can target all NATO Allied 
countries. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, NATO Heads of State and 
Government declared that the PRC's ``stated ambitions and assertive 
behavior present systemic challenges to the rules-based international 
order and to areas relevant to Alliance security.'' If confirmed, I 
will continue our close collaboration with Allies to address the 
challenge from Beijing realistically, strategically, and 
systematically.

    Question. To what extent is there consensus within the alliance on 
how best to respond to security challenges from the Chinese Government?

    Answer. Decision-making by consensus is never easy, especially with 
30 Allies with individual opinions and threat perceptions. However, 
Allies have come together and found common ground to chart a path to 
the future throughout the past 70 years, on many global challenges. 
Today is no different. If confirmed, I commit to consult closely with 
Allies to build consensus on approaches that advance U.S. policy 
objectives on the PRC. Allies showed the ability to find common ground 
on complicated policy issues like how to address the PRC in the recent 
NATO Summit Communique, and I am confident we can find a way to address 
the security environment in the next Strategic Concept as well as other 
venues.

    Question. How effective are current U.S. and NATO efforts to deter 
Russian aggression in Europe, and what more can be done?

    Answer. The United States has worked with Allies at NATO to 
maintain a firm message to Russia that there can be no return to 
``business as usual'' until there is a clear, constructive change in 
Russia's behavior. The NATO Alliance pursues a dual track approach to 
Russia, balancing openness to political discussion--on the basis of 
reciprocity--with strong and credible deterrence and defense, including 
on NATO's eastern flank. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
our Allies to ensure NATO continues to bolster its deterrence and 
defense posture, increases focus on capabilities, readiness, and force 
generation, and maintains unity in the face of Russian aggression.

    Question. To what extent do you expect sustained political support 
in Europe for NATO's firm stance on Russia?

    Answer. Allies agree Russia is the primary geopolitical threat in 
the Euro-Atlantic area. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, Allies publicly 
affirmed that NATO has suspended all practical civilian and military 
cooperation with Russia, while remaining open to political dialogue. 
Until Russia makes clear and constructive changes to its behavior, 
there can be no return to ``business as usual''. Allies also affirmed 
that NATO will respond to the deteriorating security environment by 
enhancing its deterrence and defense posture, including by a forward 
presence in the eastern part of the Alliance. If confirmed, I will work 
to maintain Allied unity in the face of Russian aggression.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Todd Young

    Question. What are the implications for the security of NATO?s 
Baltic members from Belarus? planned installation of Russia?s S-400 Air 
Defense systems?

    Answer. Since Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine, NATO has 
implemented the most significant reinforcement of its eastern flank in 
the post-Cold War era, including the Baltic Air Policing mission. 
President Lukashenka's comments that Belarus may procure new systems 
from Russia, including the S-400, is of concern. NATO is committed to 
the security of the entire Alliance, including Baltic Allies, and will 
respond appropriately to the deployment of additional Russian military 
capability in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting 
with the Departments of State and Defense, Congress, and NATO Allies on 
appropriate measures of support for Baltic Allies and NATO's regional 
partners.

    Question. How will you engage with NATO to counter the growing 
belligerence of Russia and its encroachment into Belarus?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Allies at NATO to maintain a 
firm message to Russia that there can be no return to ``business as 
usual'' until there is a clear, constructive change in Russia's 
behavior. I will also ensure NATO continues to bolster its deterrence 
and defense posture. The Alliance has taken several steps to express 
deep concern over the situation in Belarus, from restricting Belarusian 
access to NATO HQ to condemning Lukashenka's actions in the June 2021 
Summit Communique. If confirmed I will seek ways to continue to hold 
both Russia and Belarus accountable for destabilizing activity.

    Question. How does the situation in Afghanistan affect our 
relationship with NATO allies?

    Answer. U.S. standing within NATO remains strong. After twenty 
years, Allies agreed to end our military engagement in Afghanistan. 
This reflects our success delivering justice to those who attacked us 
on September 11th and disrupting terrorists seeking to use Afghanistan 
as a safe haven to attack us. Allies decided to reassess where it made 
the most sense to position our militaries based on the global threat 
picture as it exists today, not two decades ago. The United States 
worked side by side with Allies and partners in Afghanistan, 
strengthening the ability of our military and civilian personnel to 
work effectively together. If confirmed, I will continue the close 
consultations with Allies, as we have done since before the withdrawal, 
when all Allies decided to leave with us. I will also look forward to 
consulting with the Allies on the ``lessons learned'' process they are 
currently conducting on the broader mission in Afghanistan.

    Question. Message to NATO allies about the U.S. commitment to 
coordinated operations in defense of the alliance?

    Answer. NATO remains history's strongest military alliance, and the 
United States will continue our leadership role within it. The U.S. 
commitment to the Alliance and to Article 5 is ironclad. If confirmed, 
I will ensure that we continue to support NATO defensive operations, as 
well as operations that enhance regional security in other ways. For 
example, NATO Mission Iraq is expanding to broaden the capacity of the 
Iraqi Government's security institutions. Kosovo Force (KFOR) has 
bolstered the regional security environment in the Balkans for twenty 
years.

    Question. How would you work with NATO partners to discourage 
Turkey from moving forward with its S-400 Air Defense integration?

    Answer. The Biden administration has clearly expressed that Russian 
S-400s are incompatible with NATO equipment and Turkey's NATO 
commitments. It is a policy priority for the United States to prevail 
on Turkey not to retain S-400 and not to purchase additional Russian 
materiel. As the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any new 
purchase of Russian military equipment would risk triggering CAATSA 
sanctions separate from and in addition to those imposed in December 
2020. At the same time, Turkey is our Ally, and the United States and 
Turkey share interests in countering terrorism, ending the conflict in 
Syria, and ensuring regional stability. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with Congress and engaging Turkey.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. I recently had a call with 26 Ambassadors from NATO-
allied countries, and all were unanimous in their calls for NATO 
coordination on Afghanistan. Many of our allies in NATO and others in 
Europe have also publicly expressed their frustrations regarding how 
the United States handled the withdrawal and the lack of coordination 
with them. I am concerned with how this may affect the strength of the 
Alliance in the immediate future.

   How do you see the current state of relations with our NATO allies 
        following our withdrawal from Afghanistan? What will you do to 
        reassure our allies of our commitment to coordination through 
        NATO, if confirmed?

    Answer. Since Allies invoked Article 5 and went into Afghanistan 
after al-Qaeda, we have adhered to the ``in together, consult together, 
leave together'' approach. Indeed, as the Secretary General confirmed 
in recent days, the United States consulted with the Allies throughout 
the process of ending NATO's military presence in Afghanistan. NATO is 
the foundation of Euro-Atlantic collective defense. The Alliance has 
experienced and overcome divisive issues in the past because of the 
strength of our approach based on consultation and consensus. If 
confirmed, I will continue this tradition of close consultation that 
prevents any issue from detracting from NATO accomplishing its core 
tasks.

    Question. How do you think the United States should respond to the 
calls for greater European security independent of NATO and the United 
States?

    Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging 
European allies and partners and revitalizing our alliances. If 
confirmed, I would welcome European efforts to strengthen European 
defense including by spending more on defense, insofar as this 
contributes to Allies' fulfillment of their Wales Pledge commitments. 
However, the notion of European strategic autonomy risks undermining 
the primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense, duplicating effort 
between the EU and NATO, and weakening Transatlantic relations. If 
confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Allies and partners to 
reinforce to all Allies the unparalleled value of the Transatlantic 
Alliance, rooted in the sacrosanct Article 5 commitment.

    Question. The Taliban has tried to tell the world that it is 
different than it was in 1996. But their approach and perspective on 
women has clearly not evolved and as such, we must continue to hold the 
Taliban to account, in partnership with our allies.

   If confirmed, how will you work through NATO to find ways to 
        support the rights of Afghan women and girls under Taliban 
        rule? What specific actions should NATO take as a bloc?

    Answer. NATO has been clear that it will continue to hold the 
Taliban to its commitments, especially on counterterrorism and with 
respect to the rights of all Afghans. The Taliban has said many things, 
but we have told them in no uncertain terms we are watching their 
actions to assess our possible future direction with them. The United 
States and NATO Allies are considering how to use our full diplomatic, 
economic, and assistance toolkits to support the peaceful, stable 
future the Afghan people deserve. If confirmed, I look forward to 
consulting with you on ensuring the rights of women and girls in 
Afghanistan, in particular, remain in the Alliance's focus.

    Question. If confirmed, what will you do to reassure our allies in 
NATO of the strong U.S. commitment? What specific steps will you take 
to strengthen coordination with and within the Alliance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will reassure Allies our commitment to 
collective defense under Article 5 of the Washington Treaty is 
ironclad. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to provide 
collective security and prosperity to member nations. The key to NATO's 
success is its ability to maintain unity, and the NATO 2030 agenda 
affirmed the importance of consultation to the Alliance's success. If 
confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with Allies, 
including having difficult but necessary conversations. I will also 
work to maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to 
consulting with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to 
Brussels.

    Question. I am concerned by the actions of an emboldened Russia in 
the Black Sea region, following several recent aggressive incidents by 
the Russians.

   What more can be done to support freedom of navigation in the Black 
        Sea?

    Answer. The Biden administration attaches high importance to 
security and stability in the Black Sea littoral. Through cooperation 
with NATO Allies and partners, including presence and exercises, the 
United States is bolstering collective security in the Black Sea 
region. As the Biden administration has made clear to Russia, 
aggression is unacceptable in the territory and territorial waters of 
its sovereign neighbors, as well as in international waters and 
airspace. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and our 
Allies to develop and implement a Black Sea security strategy that 
bolsters cooperation among our littoral state Allies and partners.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Ted Cruz

Nord Stream 2
    Question. If Nord Stream 2 is brought online it will provide Russia 
with energy hegemony over our NATO allies. Those allies have conveyed 
in public that they will be significantly more vulnerable not just to 
energy coercion but to military aggression, across NATO's Eastern 
flank.

   Please assess the security risks to NATO, and especially NATO's 
        eastern flank, that would be created if Nord Stream 2 was 
        completed.

    Answer. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is a Russian geopolitical 
project that undercuts the energy security of a significant part of the 
Euro-Atlantic community. U.S. opposition to Nord Stream 2 centers 
around the Kremlin's malign activities, including its aggression 
against Ukraine and past use of energy as a weapon through gas supply 
cut-offs and disruptions. The administration continues to work with 
Germany, Ukraine, and other Allies and partners to reduce the risks of 
an operational Nord Stream 2 pipeline, including through the package of 
measures detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-Germany Joint Statement on 
support for Ukraine, European Energy Security, and our Climate Goals. 
If confirmed, I will work with our NATO Allies and partners to both 
address the repercussions of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and strengthen 
European energy security.

    Question. If Nord Stream 2 is brought online it will provide Russia 
with energy hegemony over our NATO allies. Those allies have conveyed 
in public that they will be significantly more vulnerable not just to 
energy coercion but to military aggression, across NATO's Eastern 
flank.

   In your understanding, what can the United States still do to stop 
        Nord Stream 2 from being completed, in order to avert these 
        risks?

    Answer. The Biden administration opposes Nord Stream 2 and believes 
that this Russian geopolitical project is a bad deal for both Ukraine 
and Europe. That said, the pipeline was over 90 percent complete when 
this administration came into office, and sanctions could not stop its 
construction. Gazprom announced on September 10, 2021 that construction 
on the pipeline was complete. Throughout the process of testing, 
inspecting, and certifying, and otherwise operationalizing the 
pipeline, the United States will continue to oppose Nord Stream 2 and 
work with Allies and partners to reduce the risks of an operational 
Nord Stream 2 pipeline, including through the package of measures 
detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-Germany Joint Statement on Support 
for Ukraine, European Energy Security, and our Climate Goals. The 
administration remains committed to implementing PEESA, as amended; it 
has sanctioned seven persons related to Nord Stream 2 and identified 16 
of the vessels as blocked property and continues to examine entities 
involved in potentially sanctionable activity.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Robert Menendez

Israel
    Question. This week marks the one year anniversary of the historic 
Abraham Accords, normalizing relations between Israel, the UAE, and 
Bahrain, which have the potential to increase security and prosperity 
for Israel and other countries in the Middle East.

   Will you commit to fully supporting Israel's right to self-defense 
        and Qualitative Military Edge, including through U.S. military 
        assistance?

    Answer. Yes. The United States has a long-standing, unshakable 
commitment to Israel's security, one important component of which is 
substantial security assistance to preserve Israel's Qualitative 
Military Edge over potential regional threats. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with Congress to continue this legacy.

Iraq
    Question. The U.S. remains committed to a sovereign, stable and 
democratic Iraq. The recent agreement on July 26 between President 
Biden and Prime Minister Kadhimi to end U.S. combat operations signals 
a hopeful new phase in the U.S.-Iraqi partnership. However, Iran 
continues to exercise malign influence in the country and its militias 
continue to target U.S. facilities while extorting and murdering 
ordinary Iraqis.

   What should the U.S.'s assistance priorities be in Iraq? What 
        further steps can the U.S. take to boost Iraq's ties with its 
        Arab neighbors and make the country less dependent on Iranian 
        energy?

    Answer. U.S. assistance in Iraq should focus on democratic and 
economic reforms to reduce corruption, facilitate investment, develop a 
domestic private sector that can generate badly-needed employment for 
Iraq's youthful population, and improve the lives of the Iraqi people.
    The United States continues to press Iraq to do more in terms of 
generating and delivering electricity for the public, reducing its 
reliance on Iranian electricity and gas. This requires Iraq to capture 
flared gas, employ grid modernization to reduce transmission losses, 
develop renewable energy potential, and to import power from other 
neighbors. The United States is ready to help develop Iraq's renewable 
energy sector.
    With regard to electricity grid interconnections, the United States 
has championed the work to connect Iraq's grid to that of the GCC 
Interconnection Authority. This interconnection would allow Gulf 
countries to sell 500 megawatts of power to Iraq. The United States 
also supports an interconnection between the Iraqi and Jordanian grids. 
While Iraq is contracting out its portion of the transmission lines, 
USAID is supporting the Jordanian side. Iraq has moved slowly on 
implementing its side.

    Question. What is your assessment of the current U.S. diplomatic 
footprint in Iraq? Should the U.S. boost that footprint to better 
counter Iranian influence? What resources would be required to do that 
safely and do you commit to working to swiftly restore consular 
operations at Embassy Baghdad?

    Answer. U.S. policies. In Summer 2021, the Embassy conducted a 
fresh staffing review given changing circumstances, and Department 
leadership is currently considering the results. If confirmed, I am 
committed to ensuring all of our posts, including Baghdad, are secure 
and appropriately staffed for their mission.
    If confirmed, I commit to working to restore consular operations at 
Embassy Baghdad. Several Compound Access Control (CAC) points sustained 
damage in the December 2019/January 2020 attack, leading to a 
suspension of consular operations. The Bureau of Overseas Buildings 
Operations (OBO) worked with Diplomatic Security to establish an 
interim consular screening facility for use by U.S. citizens. OBO is 
currently in the process of awarding a design and construction contract 
for the repair of the Main CAC to allow full consular services to be 
restarted.

    Question. How important is it to reopen the U.S. Consulate in 
Basra? If confirmed, what conditions will you need to see before moving 
to reopen it?

    Answer. I view it as vitally important that the United States 
engage with all segments of Iraqi society, including Basrawis and 
others in southern Iraq. Basrah remains one of the key economic engines 
of Iraq given its vast oil and gas resources, but also remains one of 
the poorest provinces and suffers from climate change and a lack of 
potable water. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues at the 
State Department and throughout the administration to expand our 
diplomatic outreach across Iraq. There are many issues that would have 
to be taken into consideration before resuming operations at the 
consulate in Basrah, such as the necessary security measures, as well 
as congressional and legal requirements.

Lebanon
    Question. Lebanon's economic crisis has pushed middle class 
Lebanese into poverty but the country's political elite still show no 
appetite for needed reforms and still seem to expect a no strings 
attached bailout if the suffering in Lebanon gets bad enough.

   How does the US balance the need to help alleviate suffering in 
        Lebanon which directly contributes to security and stability 
        not only in Lebanon but in Israel and the region more broadly 
        but also ensure our assistance is being used to incentivize 
        reforms?

    Answer. Current U.S. assistance programs in Lebanon are designed to 
directly support the Lebanese people as they weather the current 
economic and humanitarian crisis, as well as support key partners and 
institutions, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security 
Forces, which are critical to stability in Lebanon and the region. If 
confirmed, I will reinforce to the Lebanese Government that concrete 
actions remain crucial--indeed, a condition--to unlocking longer-term 
structural support to Lebanon.

    Question. What is your assessment of the new Lebanese Government? 
Is it capable of delivering for the Lebanese people and being a capable 
partner for the United States?

    Answer. The United States welcomed the announcement that Lebanon's 
leaders agreed to form a new government under the leadership of Prime 
Minister Najib Mikati. The formation of a government is just the first 
step to halting Lebanon's terrible downward spiral; the follow-on steps 
must include enacting reforms to address the economic crisis, bring 
more accountability and transparency to a system that is rife with 
political corruption, and keep elections on track for next year. The 
solution to Lebanon's dire problems lie in Lebanese hands. If 
confirmed, I stand ready to support the new government as well as hold 
its members accountable for the hard work ahead.

Lebanon and Syrian Sanctions Liability
    Question. I recognize the need to import energy from Egypt and 
Jordan to ease the suffering of hard-hit Lebanese and to prevent Iran 
and Hezbollah from capitalizing on a crisis that they are in large part 
created. I am also aware that the infrastructure for such a project 
already exists and I appreciate the willingness of Jordan and Egypt to 
help the people of Lebanon. However, I am also concerned about such a 
project running afoul of U.S. sanctions on Syria the risk that such 
imports could normalize the Assad regime's brutality.

   What sanctions liability do you see in such an import project and 
        how do we balance these competing needs by getting the Lebanese 
        people the relief they need without rewarding the Assad regime 
        for more that ten years of atrocities against its own people?

    Answer. Lebanon is currently experiencing an acute energy crisis 
that is having a tremendous impact on critical infrastructure such as 
hospitals and the water supply. U.S. assistance programs are designed 
to directly support the Lebanese people; Egypt and Jordan have recently 
offered a set of potential bilateral and multilateral agreements that 
could help Lebanon begin to address its power crisis in a sustainable 
and transparent manner. U.S. sanctions on the Assad regime remain an 
important tool to press for accountability, to include for its 
atrocious record of human rights abuse. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Department of the Treasury and our partners to ensure that any 
potential deal our partners reach is consistent with U.S. law, our 
broader policy priorities to mitigate any benefits to the Assad regime, 
and all relevant U.S. sanctions, and look forward to continuing to 
consult with Congress on this important issue.

Syria
    Question. I am concerned that the Assad regime's apparent success 
in reestablishing full control of Daraa, despite prior diplomatic 
agreements that ensured a measure of local autonomy, will pave the way 
for an increased presence of Iranian backed militias, including 
Hezbollah, where they can continue to brutalize or displace the local 
population while menacing Israel and Jordan.

    Question. Do you share these concerns and if so, what diplomatic 
measures can the administration take, both bilaterally and at the 
United Nations, to prevent additional civilian displacements and ensure 
Iranian militia activity does not further threaten Israel and Jordan?

    Answer. The United States continues to engage with partners and 
allies as well as the U.N. to encourage all parties to adhere to 
ceasefires in Syria. The United States is also strongly committed to 
countering Iran and the militia groups it supports in Syria and will 
work with allies and partners to push back against Iran's destabilizing 
activities. The Biden-Harris administration is concerned by the grave 
conditions in Dara'a that resulted in the displacement of civilians and 
the blockage of humanitarian aid and has raised these concerns at the 
U.N. and with key Security Council members. If confirmed, I will 
continue our support for humanitarian organizations that are trying to 
deliver aid and will continue to push for increased access.

Syria-U.N.-led Political Process for Syria
    Question. It is broadly acknowledged that the U.N.-led political 
process for Syria under UNSCR 2254 is broken due to Russian-enabled 
Assad regime intransigence. There is further a push by both Russia and 
the Assad regime to normalize ties with other Arab states like Jordan 
the UAE and Bahrain.

   What alternatives does the administration have to advancing the 
        goal of an end to Syria's civil war in light of the gridlock in 
        the U.N. process?

    Answer. There is little question that unstinting Russian and 
Iranian military and other support have enabled the Assad regime to 
deflect international demands for accountability and political change 
for over a decade. The United States is engaged with U.N. Special Envoy 
Geir Pedersen, our allies, and other international partners in order to 
explore options and encourage all possible efforts to advance a 
political resolution to the conflict. The Biden-Harris administration 
supports the U.N.-facilitated, Syrian-led process laid out within the 
parameters of UNSCR 2254, including a nationwide ceasefire, the release 
of arbitrarily detained Syrians, and free and fair elections monitored 
by the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to engage diplomatically to 
press for an end to the Syrian people's suffering.

    Question. What do you see driving our Arab partners' increasing 
engagement with Damascus and how can U.S. diplomacy halt this creeping 
normalization?

    Answer. There appears to be a belief among some countries in the 
region that engagement with Assad will lead to a reduction of the 
latter's relationship with Iran. I am skeptical on that score. The 
United States will not itself reestablish or upgrade diplomatic 
relations with the Assad regime. If confirmed, I will urge states in 
the region to consider carefully what they might require of the regime 
on behalf of the Syrian people--whether accountability for the missing 
or detained, or access to humanitarian aid and security, which the 
regime currently denies much of the country. The United States will 
remain engaged with the U.N., our allies, and other international 
partners on the best way forward in Syria.

    Question. Do you think we can be doing more to ensure 
accountability and good governance in the Autonomous Administered Areas 
of North East Syria?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration understands political and 
economic stability are key to the ability of our local partners in 
Syria to focus on fighting ISIS. In one of its first acts, the 
administration lifted the U.S. freeze on stabilization assistance for 
Syria and announced in March almost $50 million for U.S. stabilization 
efforts in northeast Syria and will continue these efforts with FY 21 
resources; the administration's FY 22 request for Syria reflects 
further robust support. U.S. assistance in northeast Syria prioritizes 
stabilization activities that contribute to the restoration of daily 
life by closing gaps in local authority capacities; supporting 
transitional justice, justice and accountability, and civil society 
programs; and addressing vulnerabilities previously exploited by ISIS.

Egypt
    Question. What do you see as the largest priorities for security 
assistance to Egypt? How can U.S. engagement promote further energy 
development and security cooperation between Egypt and its neighbors, 
especially in the realm of clean and renewable energy?

    Answer. I see the highest priority security challenges for Egypt as 
being the threat stemming from extremist groups in Libya and the Sahel, 
border security and maritime security. U.S security assistance is 
appropriately focused on helping Egypt develop and maintain the 
capacity to address those priorities while emphasizing 
professionalization of its forces and support for human rights and 
international humanitarian law. Egypt has enormous solar and wind 
potential, and has made significant investments in the past decade to 
increase the share of renewables in its energy production. I am eager 
to work with Egypt to fulfill its aspirations to export clean energy to 
its neighbors, which will require significant investments in upgrading 
regional energy connectivity.

    Question. Egypt faces the very real prospect of reduced flow from 
the Nile River. What more can the US do to help Egypt cope with such a 
future?

    Answer. I well appreciate the singular importance of the Nile flow 
to Egypt's economy, especially its agriculture. I am pleased to see 
that Egypt is taking steps to modernize its agricultural systems and 
increase efficiencies in water use to better manage the growing demands 
for this critical resource in the future. U.S. assistance has brought 
improved education, clean water, better health, economic growth, and 
other benefits to the Egyptian people. The Department is working with 
Egypt to promote economic growth that underpins stability, and to 
advance our commercial and environmental goals.

    Question. If confirmed, what message will you send to Egypt 
regarding its purchase of Russian Su-35's?

    Answer. Dissuading Egypt from acquiring Su-35 fighter aircraft or 
any other major new military equipment from Russia is a key priority 
for the United States. The U.S. Government has consistently warned 
Egypt at the highest levels that accepting delivery of Su-35s or any 
new major military acquisitions from Russia risks triggering mandatory 
CAATSA Section 231 sanctions and negatively affecting our defense 
relationship and security cooperation. If confirmed, I will reinforce 
this message to the Government of Egypt.

    Question. If confirmed, what message will you send to Egypt 
regarding ongoing human rights abuses, including the harassment and 
detention of the family members of U.S.-based activists? What leverage 
does the U.S. retain in this regard?

    Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in 
Egypt. If confirmed, I will communicate U.S. expectations to the 
Government of Egypt of tangible and sustained progress on improving its 
human rights record. The Biden-Harris administration supports greater 
space for Egyptian civil society and human rights organizations, as 
well as respect for freedom of expression. Secretary Blinken's recent 
decision on Foreign Military Financing showed that the Biden-Harris 
administration considers human rights to be a national security 
interest. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government 
of Egypt to address these human rights concerns. Promoting a stable, 
prosperous Egypt, where the Government protects the human rights of all 
individuals and fulfills the aspirations of the Egyptian people, is a 
core objective of U.S. policy.

Peace Agreement in Libya
    Question. The peace agreement in Libya and the national unity 
government that it brought about present an important opportunity for 
Libyans and their neighbors in Africa and around the Mediterranean to 
turn the page on ten years of violence and chaos. However, challenges 
remain, most notably the continuing presence of Russian and Turkish-
backed mercenaries, which represent, in my mind, the biggest threat to 
stability in Libya and the elections scheduled there for December.

   What steps can be taken, with the Libyan Government, along with the 
        international community to get foreign fighters out of Libya?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is in discussions with 
European and regional allies and partners, the interim Libyan 
Government, and others on how progress can be made towards the full 
withdrawal of all foreign military forces, foreign fighters, and 
mercenaries consistent with the October 23, 2020 Libyan ceasefire 
agreement. To that end, if confirmed, I am committed to charting a path 
forward toward national elections with the interim Libyan Government, 
regional partners, and the U.N. Those elections will themselves be a 
critical point along the way of getting foreign forces out of Libya. If 
confirmed, I am also committed to supporting the October 23, 2020, 
Libyan ceasefire agreement and its full implementation as called for in 
UNSCR 2570.

    Question. What further steps should the US take to ensure that 
presidential and parliamentary elections are held on schedule in Libya?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is in discussions with 
Libyan political leaders on the urgent need for them to agree on a 
constitutional and legal framework for elections. The Biden-Harris 
administration is also coordinating with European and regional allies 
and partners to ensure a united position from the international 
community on the importance of holding on-time elections. USAID has 
helped the Libyan High National Election Commission advance technical 
preparations for the elections so that they are prepared to hold the 
elections quickly once a legal basis is agreed. Ultimately, it will be 
up to Libyan political officials to forge compromises to ensure 
elections take place on December 24, and the administration has 
vigorously pressed the parties to do so.

Turkey and Libya's Maritime Border Agreement
    Question. I have been vocal in my criticism of the maritime border 
agreement between Turkey and Libya's previous Government of National 
Accord, which I believe was based on a flawed understanding of 
international maritime law and a complete disregard for the legitimate 
claims of neighboring Mediterranean countries, including Greece and the 
Republic of Cyprus.

   What steps can the U.S. take to ensure that any such agreement is 
        coordinated with Libya and Turkey's Mediterranean neighbors and 
        takes into account their legitimate claims in the 
        Mediterranean?

    Answer. The Memorandum of Understanding on maritime boundaries 
between Turkey and Libya's former Government of National Accord has 
raised tensions in the region and has been unhelpful to efforts to 
negotiate a solution to the conflict. The United States has called on 
all parties to refrain from actions that risk heightening tensions in 
the Eastern Mediterranean. As a longstanding policy, the United States 
encourages states to resolve their disputes peacefully in accordance 
with international law.

U.S. Influence in Libya
    Question. If confirmed, what facts would you need to see on the 
ground to move forward with a permanent U.S. diplomatic presence inside 
Libya? What further resources would you need?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's intent is to resume 
regular diplomatic activities in Libya when the security situation 
permits and the necessary security measures are in place. The process 
for resumption of diplomatic operations entails a thorough Department 
analysis and review, careful logistical and security planning, 
interagency coordination to meet security, policy, and legal 
requirements, and congressional notification procedures. The 
administration will keep Congress informed with regard to any resources 
it would need.

    Question. In the meantime, what further steps can be taken to 
maintain U.S. influence in the country?

    Answer. Since the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli suspended operations in 
July 2014, officers with the Libya External Office in Tunis have 
conducted periodic day-trips into Libya for diplomatic engagement and 
frequently engaged with Libyan interlocutors in third-country 
locations. The administration, including Special Envoy Ambassador 
Richard Norland, also coordinates closely with European allies, 
countries in the region, and the United Nations. The United States co-
chairs the Berlin Process Economic Working Group through which 
international partners help Libya make crucial economic reforms. 
Foreign assistance also boosts U.S. influence in the areas of the 
economy, access to water, and combatting climate change.

Tunisia
    Question. How can U.S. engagement most effectively help Tunisia 
reach a sound economic footing?

    Answer. The United States shares the Tunisian people's goal of a 
democratic government that can address the immediate economic and 
health crises facing the country. In that connection, our assistance 
promotes sustainable, inclusive economic growth and mitigates the 
effects of COVID-19. If confirmed, I will urge President Saied to 
designate a Prime Minister without further dealy and enable formation 
of a government so that the United States and our partners can more 
effectively assist Tunisia in economic growth and development, 
particularly via the IMF.

    Question. What more can the U.S. do to bolster both Tunisian civil 
society and the successful and productive security relationship between 
our two countries?

    Answer. U.S. assistance, consistent messaging, and diplomatic 
engagement will continue to support civil society and civic engagement, 
which will be key to the success of any political and economic reforms. 
If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening our bilateral security 
relationship, through which the U.S. Government has provided over $928 
million since 2011. This aid has improved the ability of the Tunisian 
military and civilian law enforcement agencies to conduct counter 
terrorism operations, secure the country's borders, provide citizen-
oriented policing, and protect human rights while operating within the 
rule of law.

Yemen
    Question. The administration's renewal of assistance to northern 
Yemen and insistence that the Houthis allow further humanitarian access 
there has helped to hold off a drastic worsening of an already terrible 
humanitarian crisis. However, the Houthis ongoing advance on Marib 
threatens to displace hundreds of thousands of already desperate 
Yemenis and shows a lack interest by the Houthis in a peaceful end to 
the fighting, especially when coupled with their ongoing attacks 
against Saudi Arabia using Iranian missiles and drones.

   What is behind the Houthis determination to press on with a costly 
        and destructive offensive? What steps can the U.S. take to 
        bring them back to the negotiating table?

    Answer. The Houthis remain intransigent and focused on their 
military offensive against Marib, which is the single biggest 
impediment to a national ceasefire and follow-on political 
negotiations. Apparently determined to take the oil-rich province, the 
Houthis are demonstrating wholesale indifference to the humanitarian 
cost. The offensive is exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian crisis, puts 
at immediate risk some one million IDPs and other civilians and is 
triggering broader instability. There is an international consensus on 
the urgency of resolving this conflict; if confirmed, I will work with 
U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to 
push the Houthis to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen 
Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions. The United 
States continues to work with our international partners to apply 
pressure on the Houthis, to include via domestic and U.N. sanctions, 
and, if confirmed, I will continue that critical work.

    Question. The lack of fuel imports remains a major humanitarian 
concern. What more can the U.S. do to push Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni 
Government to allow more fuel imports to be allowed into Yemen?

    Answer. The United States remains committed to addressing the 
humanitarian situation in Yemen. We closely monitor and consistently 
raise the need for unrestricted fuel imports at Hudaydah with the 
highest levels of the Yemeni and Saudi Governments. In response to 
continued U.S. advocacy, the Republic of Yemen Government has cleared 
17 fuel ships to enter the port of Hudaydah since March 2021. Food and 
other commodities for commercial and humanitarian purposes continue to 
flow through Hudaydah at normal rates, according to the U.N. 
Verification and Inspection Mechanism for Yemen (UNVIM). Fuel imports 
through other Yemeni ports have increased, such that nationwide fuel 
imports are actually higher than average. That said, it is time for a 
different approach by the Hadi Government and the Saudi Government.

Jordan
    Question. As you know, the current assistance Memorandum of 
Understanding (MOU) between the U.S. and Jordan is set to expire next 
year.

   What should be the U.S.'s priorities for the next MOU?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. assistance to Jordan 
through the next MOU is targeted to bolster the economic stability of 
this critical ally. A stable and secure Jordan allows us to jointly 
pursue shared regional security and economic goals. Economic Support 
Funds should foster self-reliance and capacity development of 
government and private sector counterparts towards implementing 
critical economic reform. To the degree the U.S. Government can 
incentivize needed structural reforms, Jordan can more rapidly open new 
pathways to economic growth. Foreign Military Financing should help 
ensure Jordan can continue to act as a close partner on a variety of 
shared security goals, including as a contributing member in the 
Coalition to Defeat ISIS.

    Question. What further political and economic reforms do you think 
are needed to help Jordan get on to a more secure and sustainable 
footing?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will promote private-sector-led and 
inclusive economic growth in Jordan. The country requires reforms to 
enable the private sector to grow more rapidly, to attract foreign 
investment, increase the capacity of firms to compete on the global 
market, and significantly expand current employment levels. Other 
important reforms include improving public sector effectiveness; 
improving the business climate; deepening electricity and water sector 
sustainability; and including more women and youth in the formal 
economy.

    Question. What further ways can the U.S. support sustainable water 
sources in Jordan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Jordan to complete its 
national water desalination project, the Aqaba-Amman-Conveyance 
Project, in a timely and effective manner so that it addresses Jordan's 
water needs.
    On July 8, Jordan and Israel announced an agreement to allow Jordan 
to purchase an additional and much needed 50 million cubic meters of 
water this year. If confirmed, I will encourage Jordan and Israel to 
finalize the agreement and continue to look for additional ways to 
increase water cooperation in the coming years. Expanding cooperation 
on the water issue will present additional opportunities to foster a 
healthier political relationship between the two countries.

    Question. What is the potential for further cooperation between 
Israel and Jordan on the Red Sea-Dead Sea water project?

    Answer. Both Israel and Jordan have indicated they no longer plan 
to pursue the Red Sea-Dead Sea water project. If confirmed, I will 
encourage Jordan to move out expeditiously on its national water 
desalination project, the Aqaba-Amman Conveyance Project, in a timely 
and effective manner so that it addresses Jordan's water needs.

Gulf
    Question. Saudi Arabia's direct diplomatic engagement with Iran, 
facilitated by Baghdad, has been widely reported and is broadly 
considered an indicator that the Gulf states are not comfortable 
relying on JCPOA negotiations as a guarantor of their security against 
Iran's regional meddling. As a former US Ambassador to the UAE, I am 
confident you are very familiar with these sentiments.

   How do you perceive the utility of these ongoing talks and if 
        confirmed, how will you work to ensure our regional partners, 
        including the Gulf States as well as Israel, are integrated 
        into Iran's nuclear talks?

    Answer. I am aware of reports of multiple rounds of Saudi-Iranian 
talks facilitated by Iraq. Direct contacts and discussions between 
countries in the Gulf and Iran can be constructive in reducing tensions 
in the region; for the Gulf countries, these channels are also useful 
for making clear their requirements of Iran, including non-interference 
in their affairs. The UAE started such discussions in the summer of 
2019, at a time of severely heightened tensions in the Gulf, and those 
exchanges continue today. Diplomacy is not a reward in this sense, but 
a vital means for securing their interests. Our Gulf partners and 
Israel have valid security concerns over Iran's destabilizing activity 
in the region. If confirmed, I will work with the Special Envoy for 
Iran, Rob Malley, to ensure our partners are consulted in the course of 
the JCPOA negotiations, as well as coordinate on U.S. efforts to deal 
with Iran's regional activities and to help our partners do the same.

Red Sea/Horn of Africa
    Question. From the GERD dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia, to 
competition between Gulf States in the Horn of Africa, to maritime 
security along both sides of the Red Sea, there is significant overlap 
between NEA and the Africa Bureau, especially along the Red Sea and the 
Horn of Africa.

   What aspects of cooperation between the two bureaus do you think 
        are going well? What areas need improvement?

    Answer. Bureaus in the department, including Near Eastern Affairs 
(NEA) and African Affairs (AF), must work closely together to ensure 
full coordination and cooperation on the full range of shared and 
overlapping issues, and across the geographical/bureaucratic seam. 
Sustained communication at the leadership level in Washington and in 
the field ensures that both Bureaus can overcome these seams, and if 
confirmed I will promote mechanisms to encourage such communication. If 
confirmed, I will provide the leadership and model the kind of close 
cooperation with AF that is critical for the success of our respective 
work. I will also work closely with the Department's Special Envoy for 
the Horn of Africa, Jeffery Feltman, and ensure that NEA missions work 
collaboratively with AFRICOM.
    If confirmed, I will also ensure that Red Sea and African issues 
are part of our regular conversations with key NEA Governments.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to improve 
cooperation with the Africa Bureau on issues that span this divide and 
to ensure that such issues facing sub-Saharan Africa are raised with 
governments in the Middle East?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead by example, and ensure that NEA 
staff coordinate closely with colleagues in the AF Bureau and with the 
Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery Feltman, as well as with 
AFRICOM. If confirmed, I will ensure that Red Sea and African issues 
are part of our regular conversation with key NEA Governments. If 
confirmed, I will also continue to ensure diplomacy, defense and 
development tools are brought together to address cross-cutting issues 
through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership.

Eastern Mediterranean Energy and Security
    Question. Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority have all 
joined the EastMed Gas Forum alongside Greece, Cyprus and Israel, 
greatly increasing the potential for cooperation among the countries of 
the Eastern Mediterranean on energy development and security, 
especially for clean and renewable energy sources.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to coordinate with both the 
        European Affairs Bureau and the Bureau of Energy Resources to 
        promote increased cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead by example, and ensure that NEA 
staff coordinate closely with colleagues in the European Affairs and AF 
Bureaus and with the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery 
Feltman, as well as with AFRICOM. If confirmed, I will ensure that Red 
Sea and African issues are part of our regular conversation with key 
NEA Governments. If confirmed, I will also continue to ensure 
diplomacy, defense and development tools are brought together to 
address cross-cutting issues through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism 
Partnership.

Great Power Competition in the Middle East
    Question. The administration has repeatedly insisted that it is 
pivoting away from the Middle East to focus on great power competition 
with Russia and China.

   How do you see your job unfolding within this new paradigm?

    Answer. Global power competition happens around the globe, 
including in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris administration is 
committed to rebuilding and restoring U.S. partnerships across the 
region. If confirmed, I will energetically promote the value of a 
sustained and strategic partnership with the United States, a 
partnership that stands in stark contrast to the transactional 
relationships offered by the People's Republic of China and Russia. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in the Bureaus of 
European Affairs (EUR) and East Asian and Pacific Affairs (EAP) to 
ensure that strategic priorities with respect to Russia and the 
People's Republic of China are regular agenda items in discussions with 
regional partners.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Assistance 
Secretary to counter Russian and Chinese influence in the Middle East 
and North Africa?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in the 
Bureau of European Affairs (EUR) and the Bureau of East Asian and 
Pacific Affairs (EAP) to ensure that strategic priorities with respect 
to Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) are regular agenda 
items in discussions with regional partners. This will include 
empowering the three Regional China Officers deployed at embassies 
across the region to increase reporting, analysis, and engagement on 
PRC-related issues. If confirmed, I will also work with our Bureau of 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, as well as our Bureau of Political 
Military Affairs, to ensure an approach that maintains our position as 
the premier partner in the region while elevating our values, including 
respect for human rights.
    The administration's commitment to reducing regional tensions, 
banking the fires of conflict, building deep partnerships based on an 
affirmative agenda, and demonstrating the value of a sustained 
partnership with the United States remains the best approach to 
countering Russian and PRC influence across the region.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Great power competition often occurs outside of the 
Pacific. How do you plan to compete with Russia and China given the 
administration's apparent retreat from the Middle East?

    Answer. The President's vision for a collaborative partnership with 
the countries of the Middle East comes in the wider context of a 
growing global challenge to our values of open societies and open 
economies. This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic of 
China (PRC) and Russia. Our strength as a nation resides in the very 
commitment the U.S. Government has demonstrated over decades to our 
partners, and to the values the United States brings to those 
relationships.
    The administration seeks to deepen diplomatic, security, cultural, 
and economic engagements through an affirmative agenda grounded in our 
democratic values. If confirmed, I will work to demonstrate that 
partnership with the United States remains our best strategy for 
addressing global competition in the Middle East, now and into the 
future.

    Question. The Iranian regime received an approximately $4-5 billion 
windfall in sanctions relief as a result of the JCPOA. In 2017, Sec. 
Blinken indicated that the ``few billion dollars that have wound up in 
Iran's coffers that had huge debts to pay and the money that was freed 
up as a result of the deal has mostly gone to pay those debts and to 
bolster the economy.'' However, a vast body of follow-on reporting 
indicates that a majority of sanctions relief was instead funneled to 
the regime's proxies in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen. As the Biden 
administration pursues sanctions relief as a part of its return to the 
JCPOA, what tools and safeguards exist that would prevent Iran from 
directing future sanctions relief to malign activities?

    Answer. As the U.S. Government acknowledged at the time, although 
Iran devoted most of the resources it obtained through sanctions relief 
under the JCPOA toward bolstering its economy, it did use some of it 
for its military and its regional activities. Iran and its proxies and 
partners engaged in these activities prior to the JCPOA, after the 
conclusion of the JCPOA, and with increased aggressiveness after the 
U.S. exit from the JCPOA in 2018. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would 
present a threat of a far greater magnitude. The U.S. Government 
maintains a range of tools to combat terrorist financing and will 
continue to use these to counter Iran's destabilizing activities and 
support for terrorism. The administration will continue to use its 
considerable leverage--including sanctions that would remain in place 
in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA, the threat of sanctions re-
imposition, and other joint action with our allies and partners--to 
protect U.S. interests.

    Question. Both the Israelis and our partners in the Gulf 
Cooperation Council, who sit much closer to the Iranian threat, 
bemoaned a lack of consultations prior to the U.S. entry into the 
JCPOA. Further, many have characterized Special Envoy Malley's 
consultations as ``one-way'' and not responsive to their concerns. Do 
you commit to extensive consultations with Israel and our regional 
partners prior to making concessions to Iran? Will you seek Israel's 
concurrence before finalizing any proposed agreement or arrangement 
related to Iran's nuclear program?

    Answer. Department officials, and in particular Special Envoy for 
Iran Robert Malley, have been in close contact with partners in Israel 
and among the Gulf Arab states and will continue consulting closely 
with these key partners as this process proceeds. Every one of us 
shares a common interest: seeing to it that Iran never acquires a 
nuclear weapon.

    Question. How do you address criticisms that the Biden 
administration re-engagement with Iran has only served to isolate 
Israel and our Gulf partners?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has an ironclad commitment 
to Israel's security. Alongside that commitment, the administration is 
focused on de-escalating tensions, banking the fires of conflict in 
Yemen, Libya and Syria, and enhancing stability throughout the Middle 
East. The Department has updated Israeli and Gulf counterparts 
regularly before and after negotiation rounds and is regularly engaged 
in discussions on our work to constrain and contain Iran's 
destabilizing regional activities. All of the Gulf countries have 
opened diplomatic channels with Tehran and are using them energetically 
for de-escalation; most of the channels pre-date the Biden-Harris 
administration.

    Question. The JCPOA confronted the international community with 
several problematic sunset provisions on Iran's ability to receive and 
transfer conventional weapons (expired in 2020) and nuclear-related 
ballistic missile activity (expires in 2023). How will the Biden 
administration address re-imposing these restrictions in a more lasting 
manner--particularly given Russian and Chinese objections?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains concerned about 
Iran's nuclear capabilities as well as its ability to receive and 
transfer conventional weapons. The Department is working with its 
partners to address these, and the many other issues of concern with 
Iran. The administration believes that diplomacy is the best path 
forward on the nuclear challenge at this time, but is prepared to 
leverage all applicable authorities, including sanctions, against Iran 
for its provocative and destabilizing activities, including its 
ballistic missile development and provision of weapons to armed groups 
and other violent partners and proxies.

    Question. Explain your strategic approach to promote sovereignty, 
diminish Iranian influence, and separate Iranian-backed proxies from 
legitimate security guarantors in Iraq and Lebanon.

    Answer. I am committed to working closely with regional and 
European allies to diminish Iran's destabilizing activities across the 
region, including in Iraq and Lebanon.
    The administration will continue to use its considerable leverage--
including sanctions that would remain in place, the threat of sanctions 
re-imposition, and other joint action with our allies and partners--to 
protect U.S. interests and to promote wider security and stability in 
the region. If confirmed, I will deepen the good work led by our 
missions in the field, supporting and empowering moderates--whether in 
government or civil society--who support rule of law and the 
sovereignty of the state.

    Question. How does the October 2020 expiration of the conventional 
weapons embargo affect Iran's ability to exert influence in the region?

    Answer. The expiration of the U.N. conventional weapons arms 
embargo has not resulted in any discernable change in Iran's ability to 
exert influence in the region. For decades, Iran has taken actions that 
destabilize the region, including support for terrorism, developing its 
ballistic missile program, and providing weapons and materiel to proxy 
groups. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to use domestic 
authorities to dissuade countries from providing arms to Iran or buying 
them from Iran.

    Question. In recent years, China has become Iran's preeminent oil 
and trading partner, providing Iran with crucial technological support 
to help develop its energy resources and other forms of infrastructure. 
In June 2020, China and Iran allegedly entered into a `Comprehensive 
Strategic Partnership', which includes a maximum investment of $400 
billion to improve Iran's oil, gas, and transportation infrastructure. 
What impact does Chinese economic investment have on the efficacy of 
the international sanction regimes against Iran? What gains does China 
receive from such investment? How would the Chinese Government, or 
Chinese-based companies, benefit from the lifting of U.S. sanctions 
against Iran?

    Answer. In March 2021, the PRC and Iran signed a 25-year strategic 
cooperation agreement, building on a bilateral Comprehensive Strategic 
Partnership signed in 2016. Such PRC partnerships are not unique. The 
PRC has Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships with a number of other 
countries in the region, which often include investment proposals that 
never materialize. The PRC's recently concluded agreement with Iran 
also likely includes such proposals.
    Nevertheless, the Department is watching Iran's economic activities 
closely, including its economic engagement with China. The 
administration's current Iran-related sanctions remain in effect unless 
and until they are lifted, and the U.S. Government will of course 
continue to address efforts at sanctions evasion.

    Question. How does the United States drive a wedge between or shape 
CCP-Iranian relations?

    Answer. While competition defines the U.S. relationship with the 
People's Republic of China, there are other areas of cooperation; one 
of those is the effort to constrain Iran's nuclear program. Beijing has 
no interest in seeing Iran develop a nuclear weapon, given the 
profoundly destabilizing impact that would have in a region upon which 
China depends for its oil and other energy imports.
    The Department will continue to engage with the PRC on this common 
interest and discourage Beijing from taking steps vis-a-vis Iran that 
threaten our interests.

    Question. Please provide your view of the Abraham Accords and their 
impacts for regional security, economic cooperation, and prosperity in 
the region.

    Answer. The Abraham Accords of 2020 between Israel and the UAE, 
Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan represent an important new dynamic and a key 
opportunity to enhance peaceful co-existence and economic integration. 
The Accords have already proven to be a vehicle for economic growth, 
having spurred new trade and investment deals that previously would 
have been unthinkable. Over time, these unfolding relationships and the 
new economic partnerships they are fostering will create opportunities 
for the young and marginalized communities across the region.

    Question. How do plan to expand on the Abraham Accords to broker 
additional normalization agreements and ensure that existing agreements 
reap tangible economic and security benefits?

    Answer. I very much welcome the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I am 
committed to working with countries across the region to deepen both 
the new relationships as well the historical relationships with Egypt 
and Jordan, and foster new ones. I will do this by engaging our 
missions throughout the region, highlighting the economic and security 
benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of 
diplomatic tools at our disposal. If confirmed, I also look forward to 
learning from Israel's new partners in the region to better understand 
how we can work together to advance new normalization agreements and 
strengthen the existing ones.

    Question. In 2016 John Kerry argued that there would be no 
``separate peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the 
issue of Palestinian statehood. What are your views on Palestinian 
statehood and its ties to additional normalization agreements? Doesn't 
re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the peace process hinder 
prospects of further normalizations with Israel?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels 
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab 
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to 
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis 
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state 
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will 
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create 
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between 
Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its 
ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of 
statehood and support for terrorism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian 
Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keep flash 
point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good 
governance and accountability that affect the standing of the 
Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that 
lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps 
that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the 
PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent 
upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the 
conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the 
Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic 
opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible 
eventual direct negotiations of a two-state solution.

    Question. In your view, how do Israeli-Arab normalization 
agreements affect the prospects for Israel-Palestinian peace 
negotiations?

    Answer. All such agreements--whether the Abraham Accords, the 
historical peace agreements between Jordan and Egypt and Israel, or 
additional normalization agreements--contribute to diminishing the deep 
antipathy that has characterized Arab-Israeli perspectives for decades. 
In opening new channels for constructive dialogue and diplomacy, and 
for unprecedented people-to-people engagement between Israel and the 
Arab world, these normalization agreements have the potential to create 
new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis and 
Palestinians. Similarly, progress towards a negotiated two-state 
solution may encourage other states in the region to take steps towards 
normalization. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all 
opportunities to advance normalization between Israel and its Arab 
neighbors, as well as advance the conditions for direct negotiation of 
a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. Provide your views on the relocation of the U.S. embassy 
to Jerusalem, recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and 
United States recognition of Israel's sovereignty over the Golan 
Heights. What is your view on the reversibility of these U.S. policies?

    Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to 
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. The 
administration also recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of Israel; the 
U.S. Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Jerusalem itself is a final 
status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between Israel 
and the Palestinians. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan 
Heights, the administration above all gives great weight to Israel's 
security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran 
remains active in Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to 
part with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights 
provides Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next 
door.
    This administration has not reversed U.S. policy on these important 
issues. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that all issues 
related to Jerusalem and Israel's security are handled with the care 
and sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. Despite opening the aperture of ESF and INCLE to the 
Palestinians, the State Department has achieved no progress on the pay-
to-slay policy. Please provide your roadmap for addressing this 
egregious practice.

    Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr 
payments is abhorrent. I, and this administration, are absolutely 
committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and 
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and 
international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus 
far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring 
that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing 
reform on this heinous practice.

    Question. At great cost, the United States has worked to support a 
sovereign independent Iraq, reframe the U.S.-Iraq bilateral 
relationship, and foster regional stability. How do you plan to 
continue to further U.S. interests in Iraq? What are your priority 
lines of effort linked to U.S. national security interests? What role 
will institutional reform and anti-corruption efforts play in this 
strategy? What role will countering Iranian influence play in this 
strategy?

    Answer. A sovereign, stable, democratic, and prosperous Iraq is in 
the national interest of the United States as well as our partners in 
the Middle East. U.S. policies and programs are focused on that 
strategic objective. With Iraq's parliamentary elections scheduled for 
October 10, the Department's efforts are focused on increasing 
political participation by increasing trust in the elections' 
credibility, including by leading international efforts to fund the 
U.N. Assistance Mission to Iraq's electoral monitoring and technical 
assistance programs. U.S. assistance and engagements in support of 
institutional reform and anti-corruption efforts also contribute to 
more responsive, transparent, and inclusive democratic governance and 
institutions.
    Since 2014, the United States has led international efforts to 
enable the return of displaced people to their homes and consolidate 
the Iraqi Government's control over areas liberated from ISIS. These 
initiatives and others are hampered by Iran's malign influence, 
including its support for militias operating outside state control, and 
their repeated efforts to target civil society activists and protestors 
for assassination. Iran-backed militias are a continuing threat to the 
Iraqi state. To effectively counter this, it is essential that the 
United States continue its efforts to build the capacity of the Iraqi 
Government and its democratic institutions.

    Question. How do you plan to address the presence of Iranian-backed 
militias?

    Answer. The administration shares your concern about Iran's 
destabilizing activities, including its support for proxies and 
militias. Iran's unacceptable support for terrorism threatens our 
forces, diplomatic personnel, and partners in the region. The President 
is committed to countering any Iranian threat to our personnel and our 
vital interests and has and will continue to respond to any such 
threats using all appropriate means. If confirmed I will work within 
the Department and interagency, using the full spectrum of tools 
available, to address the threat Iranian-backed militia groups pose to 
United States personnel, interests, and partners.

    Question. Critics point to President Obama's withdrawal from Iraq 
in 2011 as one of the biggest errors of his presidency. The Obama 
administration departed without securing a Status of Forces Agreement, 
allowed the Iraqi Security Forces to atrophy, did not adequately 
address the abuses of the Maliki Government, and failed to address 
Sunni disenfranchisement that ultimately set conditions for the Islamic 
State's unchecked movement across the Iraqi border in 2014. Please 
provide your perspectives on the root causes of the rise of the Islamic 
State in Iraq as they related to U.S. policies, views on current troop 
levels as they relate to State Department objectives, and 
recommendations on key State Department initiatives for preventing an 
Islamic State resurgence.

    Answer. There were many factors that contributed to ISIS' rise. The 
Syrian civil war opened a battleground that attracted terrorists from 
across the world to Iraq's doorstep. ISIS has roots in Iraq, but in 
Syria it became a conventional force, asserting control over territory 
and capable of attacking a sovereign state. At the same time, Iraq's 
Government ruled in a sectarian manner and failed to adequately address 
the needs of minority communities, creating a permissive environment 
for a brutal offensive that captured significant Iraqi territory in 
2014-2015. The United States then led a Coalition to assist the Iraqi 
Security Forces, including the Kurdish Peshmerga, in taking back their 
territory. At the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue held in July, the two 
delegations decided that the U.S. military presence would remain in 
Iraq, transitioning fully to advising and assisting the Iraqi forces. 
U.S. troop levels reflect the current stage of the Defeat-ISIS mission 
and the increased capacity of the Iraqi Security Forces.

    Question. How important is continued U.S. troop presence to Iraq's 
stability?

    Answer. U.S. forces are in Iraq at the request of and in 
coordination with the Government of Iraq. The Biden-Harris 
administration supports maintaining a small number of military service 
members to coordinate intelligence-sharing and to advise and assist 
Iraqi counterterrorism forces as they lead the ground fight against the 
continuing threat of ISIS, so it cannot re-emerge to again threaten 
Iraq, the American people, or our partners.

    Question. How appropriate are current bilateral diplomatic 
agreements (exchange of notes) for a sustained diplomatic and security 
cooperation mission?

    Answer. The administration assesses that we have sufficient 
arrangements with the Government of Iraq to continue the fight against 
ISIS and to develop the long-term capacity of the Iraqi Security 
Forces.

    Question. Iraq's security apparatus remains dependent on DoD-
administered Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF) and 
congressionally-appropriated foreign military financing (FMF). 
Additionally, nearly 50% of Iraq's FMF expenditures are consumed with 
maintaining existing contracts. Please provide your thoughts on 
transitioning Iraq from CTEF to more traditional forms of Title 22 
security cooperation, and `right sizing' the Iraqi Security Forces in a 
manner that the Government of Iraq can sustain given current budget 
shortfalls.

    Answer. Iraqi officials tell us at every opportunity that U.S. and 
Coalition support are necessary to maintain our military gains, as ISIS 
remains a threat in Iraq. While anticipating that Iraq will continue to 
receive substantial assistance from DoD in the short term via the 
Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF), DoD's future spending in Iraq 
is still to be determined. The Biden-Harris administration is focusing 
FMF on long-term security priorities in Iraq. The Office of Security 
Cooperation--Iraq (OSC-I) continues to pursue opportunities that will 
make Iraq more self-sufficient, especially in terms of maintenance. The 
U.S. Government wants to be Iraq's partner of choice and will work to 
ween Iraq off expensive contract maintenance as part of the maturation 
of the Iraqi Security Forces. The Department's efforts are focused on 
leveraging FMF as a vital instrument for developing Iraq's long-term 
capability and capacity to defeat threats to Iraq's sovereignty and 
territorial integrity.

    Question. Lack of United States engagement and enforcement of 
chemical weapons `redlines' during the Obama administration opened the 
door to increased Russian involvement and allowed the civil war and 
abuses against the Syrian people to continue unabated. Current progress 
towards a political reconciliation under UNSCR 2254 have similarly 
stalled. Please provide your views on the United States' role in Syria 
and accelerating progress on UNSCR 2254.

    Answer. The United States is engaged with the U.N., including 
Special Envoy Geir Pedersen, our allies, and other international 
partners, in order to explore options and encourage all possible 
efforts to advance a political resolution to the conflict. While this 
has been the least kinetic year in a decade of conflict in Syria, it 
has proven to be the most disastrous one in economic terms, with 90 
percent of the Syrian people falling below the poverty line. The 
immediate focus of the administration has thus been: ensuring the 
robust provision of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people; 
sustaining ceasefire lines to prevent further violence; and providing 
the necessary resources to support and demonstrate our continued 
commitment to the enduring defeat of ISIS. If confirmed, I commit to 
working to advance efforts to promote progress toward a political 
resolution within the parameters of UNSCR 2254.

    Question. U.S. Syria policy is broadly governed by UNSCR 2254 and 
associated sanctions regimes. Does Bashar al Assad's expanded military 
control and the de facto ceasefire change alter the prospects of a 
political settlement under UNSCR 2254? Do we need a new construct apart 
from UNSCR 2254 for Syria policy?

    Answer. The Assad regime controls some 70 percent of Syrian 
territory, but that increased exercise of control has not provided the 
regime any greater legitimacy, given the terrible record of the past 
decade. The United States remains focused on three priorities: ensuring 
the robust provision of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people; 
sustaining ceasefire lines to prevent further violence; and providing 
the necessary resources to support and demonstrate our continued 
commitment to the enduring defeat of ISIS (); these priorities fall 
within the larger framework of advancing a political settlement to 
secure the future stability of the Syrian people, however remote that 
settlement appears at this time. If confirmed, I will continue to 
engage diplomatically to mitigate the Syrian people's suffering and 
press for accountability for the crimes against humanity committed by 
the regime. The United States will remain engaged with the U.N., our 
allies, and other international partners to encourage all efforts to 
advance the political track. To this end, the United States has been 
working with our partners and allies to support U.N. Special Envoy Geir 
Pedersen's efforts to advance the political process in Geneva.

    Question. What is the linkage between U.S. troop levels in Syria, 
countering the Islamic State, blunting Iranian designs, influencing 
Turk and Russian Syria calculus, and associated impacts on political 
UNSCR 2254 discussions?

    Answer. The U.S. military mission in Syria is there for one 
mission: preventing an ISIS resurgence. The mission requires 
demonstrated U.S. commitment and continued U.S. stabilization 
assistance to our partners. The Syrian Democratic Forces cannot 
continue to take on ISIS without U.S. support. The administration will 
continue to work with Turkey on our shared objectives in Syria, while 
addressing areas of disagreement. The United States has always been 
open to dialogue with Russia on Syria as long as the dialogue 
contributes to protecting civilians and to credibly advancing a 
political resolution to the conflict, as laid out in UNSCR 2254. If 
confirmed, I will use all diplomatic tools available to ensure that the 
political process moves forward.

    Question. What relative effect would a U.S. troop withdrawal have 
on U.S. influence over future negotiations?

    Answer. The United States continues to retain a limited military 
presence in NE Syria for the campaign against ISIS in partnership with 
the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and is deeply committed to this 
partnership. The SDF cannot continue to root out ISIS terrorists on its 
own or guard the tens of thousands of ISIS detainees who are still in 
their custody, without U.S. support. Furthermore, preventing a 
resurgence of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, as well as its branches and 
networks beyond the Middle East, demands revitalized U.S. engagement, 
along with our 82 partners and allies within the Global Coalition to 
Defeat ISIS.

    Question. The Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act is intended to 
prevent rehabilitation of the Assad regime, seek accountability for the 
regime's atrocities, and advance a political solution to the conflict. 
Please provide your views on the role of Caesar legislation in 
furthering U.S. objectives in Syria.

    Answer. The State Department is committed to advancing 
accountability for atrocities committed by the Assad regime, as well as 
for abuses by terrorist organizations and other parties in Syria. The 
Caesar Act, and our other Syria and Syria-related or applicable 
sanctions authorities, are important tools to press for accountability 
and limit the ability of the Assad regime and others to fuel or profit 
from the ongoing conflict. Members of Congress spoke clearly on this 
issue when they voted for the Caesar Act. On July 28, the Biden-Harris 
administration imposed sanctions in the spirit of the Caesar Act on 
Assad regime institutions and officials implicated in human rights 
abuses, illustrating the administration's push for accountability and 
justice for victims. If confirmed, I will continue to use all available 
tools and authorities to target persons perpetrating human rights 
abuses in Syria on behalf of the Assad regime.

    Question. Turkey's objectives in northeast Syria run counter to 
U.S. interests while we tacitly support their activities in the 
northwest. How do we reconcile and balance Syria and Turkey policy? Can 
you balance Syria-Turkey policy without finding a Kurdish solution?

    Answer. Turkey is a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, 
and we share an interest in sustainably ending the conflict in Syria. 
The United States will continue to work together with Turkey toward our 
shared objectives in Syria and to address areas of disagreement. Turkey 
has remained an important partner in ensuring Syrians have access to 
life-saving assistance, as demonstrated by Ankara's advocacy for the 
adoption of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2585 to reauthorize the 
provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance through Turkey into 
northwest Syria. The United States will work together with Turkey and 
our local Syrian partners for the safety and security of U.S. forces, 
partner forces, and civilians.

    Question. The U.N. experts report on Libya accused the warring 
parties and their international backers--the United Arab Emirates, 
Russia, and Egypt on one side and Turkey and Qatar on the other--of 
violating the arms embargo with total impunity. Similarly, the issue of 
foreign mercenaries has plagued the run-up to Libya's December 
elections. How do you plan to address reported violations of the U.N. 
arms embargo? How do you impose costs on arms embargo violators without 
harming U.S. objectives in other areas? How do you impose costs on 
mercenaries and their sponsors?

    Answer. Ensuring the rights of all Libyans to choose their leaders 
is critical as Libyans seek to regain their sovereignty after years of 
destructive foreign interventions. The October 23, 2020, ceasefire 
agreement calls for respecting the U.N. arms embargo and for the 
removal of all foreign forces and mercenaries from Libya. For the first 
time in many years, there is a broad international consensus on both 
the ceasefire agreement and the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum's 
roadmap for presidential and parliamentary elections in December. This 
consensus includes some, if not all, of those who previously engaged in 
supporting Libyan factions against each other. I am committed to 
working with the interim Libyan Government, regional partners, and the 
U.N. to support the ceasefire agreement and its full implementation as 
called for in UNSCR 2570, including the immediate withdrawal of all 
foreign military forces, foreign fighters, proxy groups, and 
mercenaries. Holding the December elections is a U.S. priority, as a 
new national government will be able to make informed, sovereign 
decisions, including on defense issues.

    Question. While current policy has been to publicize Russian 
adventurism in Libya, how does the United States impose real costs for 
Russia's use of private military contractors, i.e. Wagner, in Libya?

    Answer. Russia has increased its use of private military companies 
like the Wagner Group in disparate parts of the globe, to destructive 
and destabilizing effect; their use represents an attempt to increase 
Russian influence while providing the Kremlin with a thin veil of 
deniability. The United States has sanctioned PMC Wagner and its 
personnel, including its president, Yevgeniy Prigozhin, and has 
publicized Wagner activities in Libya and sub-Saharan Africa. The U.S. 
Government also supports the work of the U.N. Panel of Experts to 
identify violations of the arms embargo. The U.S. Government continues 
to support the Libyan-defined path towards elections, which could pave 
the way for a new Government to establish control over its territory, 
an essential step for removing foreign forces.

    Question. Egypt is located at a strategic crossroads between the 
Mediterranean, Middle East, and Africa, remains an important U.S. 
partner in the region, and is important to Israel's security. However, 
in light of Egypt's growing cooperation with Russia and reports of 
potential Su-35 sales, is Egypt pivoting irrevocably towards Russia?

    Answer. Egypt is a strategic partner for the United States and the 
bilateral defense relationship--more than four decades old--advances 
important U.S. national interests. Egypt's recent decision to apply a 
billion dollars of its own national funds towards refurbishment of its 
Apache helicopters, the largest ever nationally funded procurement of 
U.S. defense articles, underlines that Egypt, too, recognizes the 
strategic nature of the bilateral relationship. Cairo still views the 
United States as its security partner of choice, but we unquestionably 
face intensified competition in the defense procurement arena. Over the 
last decade, Egypt has been diversifying its arms purchases, including 
with French, German, and Italian procurements. The administration 
continues to reinforce the advantages of purchasing U.S. systems, 
including in terms of quality and interoperability with U.S. and 
regional partners. In the case of the potential acquisition of Su-35 
fighter aircraft or other major new military equipment from Russia, the 
administration has emphasized the serious risk of triggering mandatory 
sanctions under CAATSA Section 231. We have by no means lost the battle 
for influence and primacy of position. That said, the U.S. Government 
must continue to focus energy on dissuading Egypt from potential 
significant Russian arms purchases.

    Question. The Egyptians cite holds under the Obama administration 
for their outreach to Russia. Similarly, the Biden administration 
recently held $170M in FMF conditioned on political prisoners. Please 
provide details of the cases associated with the administration's FMF 
hold and the implications of holding FMF over non-American 
imprisonments.

    Answer. Secretary Blinken recently decided to condition the use of 
$130 million in FMF on the Government of Egypt fulfilling specific 
human rights-related requests, which have been the subject of a private 
dialogue. The Biden-Harris administration has engaged with the 
Government of Egypt privately to communicate these requests, and 
believes this approach affords the best prospects for making serious 
progress on this important set of issues.

    Question. Would you characterize a potential Egyptian purchase of 
Su-35s from Russia as a significant transaction as described under the 
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the relevant State 
Department offices and U.S Government agencies to closely review any 
delivery of Su-35 aircraft from Russia as potentially a significant 
transaction under Section 231 of the Countering America's Adversaries 
through Sanctions Act.

    Question. Have the Abraham Accords set conditions for a renewed 
Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA) or a derivative? What 
multilateral structures you suggest to maintain stability in the Middle 
East while simultaneously reducing U.S. commitment?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to helping 
Israel build partnerships that further integrate it into the region. 
Any sustainable regional economic and security dialogue will need to 
include Israel, and normalization efforts have opened that door. If 
confirmed, I will use diplomacy to press for a structured regional 
dialogue-with support from other members of the United Nations Security 
Council--that explores ways to reduce tensions, create pathways to de-
escalation, and manage mistrust, particularly between Saudi Arabia and 
Iran.

    Question. Would these multilateral structures force the United 
States to rely on imperfect partners with imperfect human rights 
records? How does the United States strike the appropriate balance 
between U.S. presence and reliance on imperfect partners to maintain 
security and accomplish U.S. national security interests?

    Answer. The President has made clear that the administration will 
not give our partners in the Middle East a blank check to pursue 
policies at odds with American interests and values. If confirmed, I 
will have frank conversations with our partners about our elevation of 
human rights as a foreign policy priority. The deep and strategic 
relationships between the United States and our closest regional 
partners allows us to advance regional security and engage in a 
constructive dialogue on human rights that will make our relationships 
stronger and more sustainable. If confirmed, I will pursue both while 
supporting our closest partners in the face of threats to their 
security.

    Question. During a November 2019 primary debate, then President-
elect Biden said he would limit arms sales to Saudi Arabia and make 
them the ``pariah that they are.'' President Biden has since suspended 
offensive arms sales to the kingdom and ceased offensive support to the 
Kingdom's operations in Yemen (although this was largely symbolic). 
Isolating Saudi Arabia would likely have negative consequences for 
U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism cooperation, would diminish U.S. efforts to 
improve Saudi Arabia's human rights record, and would eliminate Saudi 
Arabia's potentially helpful role in a broader Middle Eastern 
multilateral security construct.

   How do you frame the U.S. Saudi relationship in a manner that best 
        promotes U.S. national security interests and doesn't push 
        Saudi Arabia to [the People's Republic of] China ?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia remains a key Middle East partner of the 
United States and can play a constructive role in resolving regional 
disputes and conflicts, as well as contribute to solutions to global 
challenges such as climate change. U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism 
cooperation over many decades has saved countless lives, and directly 
contributed to the fight to defeat ISIS. The U.S. commitment to support 
Saudi Arabia in defending its territory, home to more than 70,000 U.S. 
citizens, is a cornerstone of our strategic partnership and is 
unmatched by any potential rival to U.S. interests in the region. The 
United States also needs this partnership to reflect our values. If 
confirmed, I will support the administration's recalibration of the 
U.S.-Saudi relationship to bring greater transparency and 
accountability to it, while anchoring human rights on the bilateral 
agenda and preserving our underlying strategic partnership in 
everything from counterterrorism, to pushing back against Iranian 
malign activities, to higher education and climate change. This is a 
multifaceted and deep-rooted partnership that must address areas of 
concern and advance areas of shared opportunity.

United Arab Emirates Policy
UAE's Role in the Middle East
    Question. UAE has served as an important U.S. partner in the Middle 
East and Afghanistan. UAE led efforts to normalize diplomatic ties with 
Israel under the Abraham Accords, and has a deep economic relationship 
with the United States. What is the UAE's role in the broader Middle 
East vis-a-vis U.S. national interests?

    Answer. The UAE has been one of our closest economic, diplomatic, 
and security partners in the Middle East. It has built some of the most 
effective institutions and companies in the region and demonstrated 
that it can play a constructive role in resolving or de-escalating 
regional conflicts. The UAE Government provided tremendous support to 
Operation Allies Refuge, housing, feeding and caring for thousands of 
Americans and Afghans whom the U.S. Government removed from harm's way, 
as they made their way to the United States. The UAE has shown, in its 
historic agreement to establish relations with Israel, as well as its 
productive recent diplomatic efforts with Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt, 
that it can contribute meaningfully to a more peaceful Middle East and 
broader region. That is not to say that the U.S.-UAE relationship has 
not faced challenges. The 2017 Gulf rift divided U.S. partners in the 
region; the UAE's and Qatar's animosity exacerbated conflicts in Libya 
and the Horn of Africa. Doha and Abu Dhabi have made significant 
progress in reconciling these differences since the Al Ula Declaration 
of January 2021, which formally brought the Gulf rift to an end. If 
confirmed, I will encourage continued work to repair relations between 
these two important U.S. partners, and will look to the UAE to continue 
its close and multifaceted partnership with the United States.

    Question. How does the United States moderate UAE's often 
expeditionary Muslim Brotherhood-oriented foreign policy and encourage 
it to take a more productive role?

    Answer. The UAE has been a capable, productive diplomatic and 
security partner for the United States for decades. That is the case 
today as well, on issues such as Libya and in the UAE's helpful efforts 
on the fraught issue of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, an issue 
that has threatened to bring Egypt and Sudan into outright conflict 
with Ethiopia. While we do not always agree with the UAE on its course 
of action, our history of collaborative work--including on multiple 
security operations, from Afghanistan to the campaign to defeat ISIS--
provides the U.S. Government with ample influence. Experience in Yemen 
and Libya has also taught the UAE important lessons about the ease of 
getting into conflicts and the difficulty of exiting from them. From 
defense cooperation to bilateral trade to diplomatic work to deepen the 
regional benefits of the Abraham Accords, I see significant benefits 
that can be achieved via collaborative work with Abu Dhabi.

UAE, Russia and China
    Question. Despite being a key U.S. partner in the region, and 
central to normalization efforts with Israel, UAE also has a history of 
deepening cooperation with Russia and the People's Republic of China 
(PRC) that runs counter to U.S. interests. How does the department plan 
to address the UAE's partnership with Russia and [the People's Republic 
of] China?

    Answer. Several U.S. partners in the Middle East have deepened 
cooperation with Russia and the PRC in recent years. The administration 
has been clear that the United States has no issue with normal economic 
relations. Some areas of cooperation with these two countries, however, 
run up against U.S. interests, where they pose a threat to the security 
of sensitive weapons systems, U.S. defense and commercial technology, 
and information technology. If confirmed, I plan to address these 
issues forthrightly with the United Arab Emirates and other partners to 
convey U.S. red lines. We will not compromise on these issues.

    Question. Please provide an update on UAE's relationship with the 
PRC as it relates to the F-35 sale.

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has signaled its intent to 
move forward with these proposed defense sales to the UAE, even as the 
two governments continue discussions to ensure there are unmistakably 
clear mutual understandings with respect to Emirati obligations and 
actions before, during, and after delivery. Congress and the 
administration are focused on the same important issues about this 
sale, and if confirmed I will ensure they continue to be addressed. 
Projected delivery dates on these sales, if implemented, would be 
several years in the future. Thus, the administration anticipates a 
robust and sustained dialogue with the UAE to ensure that any defense 
transfers meet mutual strategic objectives to build a stronger, 
interoperable, and more capable security partnership and are employed 
in a manner consistent with international human rights law and the law 
of armed conflict.
    The UAE continues to be a key regional partner for the U.S. 
Government, and its defense procurements help regional security. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure a continued constructive U.S.-UAE 
relationship while ensuring the UAE understands and respects the 
administration's concern about the PRC's efforts to increase its 
strategic cooperation with the UAE.

UAE and Libya
    Question. In your assessment, how closely are the Emiratis 
coordinating with the Russian state, as well as its subsidiaries like 
Wagner, in Libya? What forms does this coordination take? Are there 
instances in which it has escalated into concrete and tangible support, 
whether that be to the Russian state or Russian-aligned operators?

    Answer. The United States has called on all external parties, 
including the UAE, to respect Libyan sovereignty and the October 23, 
2020 ceasefire agreement, which called on all foreign forces and 
mercenaries to depart the country. The UAE has supported forces aligned 
with General Haftar in recent years. The Defense Department's Office of 
the Inspector General reported in 2020 that the UAE may have supported 
the Wagner Group in Libya, as well. Recently, the administration has 
urged the UAE, in alignment with the international community's 
consensus, to use its influence with any Libyan political figures to 
help resolve the current impasse over the electoral framework, so that 
presidential and parliamentary elections may be held on time in 
December 2021.

UAE and Syria
    Question. There is growing concern over the prospect of the UAE 
normalizing ties with Bashar al-Assad. Do you share this concern? Are 
there tools the U.S. can employ to prevent the UAE from normalizing 
relations with the Assad regime, including through the provision of 
reconstruction funds to Syria?

    Answer. I am concerned that any government would consider 
normalizing ties with the Assad regime in Damascus without any measure 
of progress on the myriad requirements laid out in UNSCR 2254. The 
United States will not reestablish or upgrade our diplomatic relations 
with the Assad regime, and will continue to consult closely with our 
partners and allies in the region on the best way to achieve progress 
in Syria. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the UAE and other 
regional partners to consider what they might require of the Assad 
regime--on behalf of the Syrian people--before any potential engagement 
with Damascus. Syrians consistently say that the issue of first 
priority for them is gaining an accounting for missing and detained 
family members, for example.

    Question. In your assessment, is there more the U.S. can do 
diplomatically to end the war in Yemen? If so, what?

    Answer. The United States welcomes the appointment of the new U.N. 
Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg; his appointment, and his 
announced intention to focus on bottom-up political work in Yemen 
presents additional opportunities to muster the requisite pressure on 
the Houthis to agree to a national ceasefire. The U.S. Government 
remains committed to supporting a U.N.-led peace process to achieve a 
durable resolution to the conflict, but a ceasefire is a necessary 
starting point. Sustained engagement by U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking 
has helped create unprecedented international consensus on ending this 
war through inclusive political talks. If confirmed, I will work with 
him and the U.N. Special Envoy to urge all parties to engage with the 
U.N., with each other, and with civil society, without pre-conditions. 
I believe there is an opportunity to achieve peace in Yemen and we must 
seize it.

    Question. Do you believe UNSCR 2216 properly reflects the current 
context in Yemen? Will the new administration seek to modify this 
UNSCR?

    Answer. The administration is committed to exploring all possible 
options, taking into consideration the timing, sequencing, and 
ramifications of any new resolution. The United States continues to 
work with partners in the region, U.N. Security Council members, and 
the U.N. Special Envoy to advance the peace process. Revitalized 
diplomatic engagement in support of the U.N.-led peace effort is 
crucial for ending the war. A new resolution may be appropriate after 
further progress has been made in inclusive political negotiations, 
which remains a key objective of the administration. If confirmed, I 
will continue to strongly support the targeted arms embargo and 
sanctions designations of UNSCR 2216 as key elements of the UNSCR 2140 
Yemen sanctions regime.

    Question. Despite the August 4 explosions and unrest that followed, 
Lebanon's political elites have continued to cling to power. Current 
policy has been to withhold broader financial assistance absent reforms 
targeting corruption and transparency. Please describe your policy 
objectives in Lebanon and how they differ from previous approaches.

    Answer. Lebanon is facing accelerating political, economic, 
security, and public health crises, made worse by the failure of 
Lebanese political elites to form a government and institute critical 
economic reforms. The United States, in coordination with like-minded 
partners, has been pressing Lebanese leaders for the past 13 months to 
form a government; those efforts appear to have paid off. The formation 
of a government under PM-designate Najib Mikati is only the first step; 
the Government must take on structural reforms, and work to end endemic 
corruption. That is the focus of U.S. diplomatic efforts, in tandem 
with other like-minded regional and European partners. Given the dire 
humanitarian situation, the United States also continues to provide 
support directly to those in most need and is working to bolster key 
legitimate institutions that can strengthen Lebanese sovereignty in the 
face of the malign influence of Hizballah. If confirmed, I will 
continue to encourage key partners in Europe and the Gulf to assist the 
Lebanese people and keep up their political engagement in a united 
effort to push Lebanese leaders to make long-overdue reforms.

    Question. What conditions would Lebanon need to meet in order to 
qualify for U.S. financial support? If confirmed, will you continue 
sanctions against corrupt and Lebanese Hezbollah (LH) linked officials 
to advance these reforms?

    Answer. The formation of a government was just the first step in 
Lebanon's long road to arrest the spiraling economic crisis; the next 
steps will necessarily include enacting reforms to address the economic 
crisis, bring more accountability and transparency to a system that is 
rife with corruption, and keep elections on track for next year. The 
Mikati Government must act, and act swiftly. If confirmed, I stand 
ready to support the new government with the hard work ahead. If 
confirmed, I will also support efforts to use economic tools, such as 
targeted sanctions, to pursue Hizballah's financial networks and hold 
accountable those individuals who impede a reform agenda. I will also 
urge other countries to take national-level action to designate, ban, 
or otherwise restrict the group.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working to ensure the $11B 
in CEDRE, IMF, World Bank funding earmarked for Lebanon remains 
contingent on key reforms, including reforms to the electricity/natural 
gas sector, increased transparency, and an audit of the central bank?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the international community 
to ensure that Lebanese leaders understand that meaningful reforms 
remain crucial to unlocking long-term structural support to Lebanon.

    Question. Many in Congress see the Lebanese Armed Forces as a vital 
counterweight to the influence of LH and Lebanon's legitimate security 
guarantor. What role do you see for the LAF in Lebanon?

    Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) are the sole legitimate 
defender of Lebanon, are reliable U.S. partners, and are an important 
counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence. The LAF also remain the 
only cross-confessional institution with broad support from all 
elements of Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party 
affiliations. A strong, stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion 
that its arms are necessary to defend Lebanon from external aggression. 
If confirmed, I will ensure the LAF remain critical partners for the 
United States.

    Question. Do you commit to continued FMF assistance to the LAF, 
barring information that indicates otherwise?

    Answer. The LAF is one of our primary partners in achieving U.S. 
objectives in Lebanon. FMF assistance has become especially critical as 
the LAF has assumed responsibilities beyond its normal remit in 
response to the compounding crises facing the country. If confirmed, I 
commit to using FMF assistance to further the strong partnership 
between the United States and the LAF in support of our security 
objectives.

    Question. Will you commit to consult with Congress before 
modifications to LAF assistance?

    Answer. U.S. foreign policy is optimized when there is constant 
communication and collaboration between the executive and legislative 
branches of government. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our 
cooperation on these issues, and I will work through the interagency 
and with Congress to ensure the delivery of appropriated funds to 
Lebanon.

    Question. Despite efforts to the pivot to the Pacific, competition 
with China must also occur outside the IndoPacific region and on a 
global scale. China's Belt and Road initiatives are prospering in 
Africa, South Asia, and are making lasting inroads in the Middle East. 
Given a diminished U.S. commitment to the Middle East under the Biden 
administration in favor of the IndoPacific, how do you plan to contend 
with the growth of Chinese strategic expansion?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to rebuilding 
and restoring U.S. partnerships across the globe, including in the 
Middle East. This is not a diminishment of the U.S. commitment. If 
confirmed, I will continue to demonstrate to our partners the value of 
a sustained and strategic partnership with the United States through 
diplomacy, economic engagement, and cultural and people-to-people 
exchanges. This stands in contrast to the transactional nature of 
investments by the People's Republic of China (PRC).
    The United States distinguishes itself from Beijing's state-led 
approach by promoting private-sector driven alternatives. The United 
States focuses on partnerships and on strengthening local capacity to 
promote development, innovation, and prosperity. The United States will 
continue to promote entrepreneurship, transparency, good governance, 
fair practices, and internationally recognized environmental, social, 
and labor standards.

    Question. How does the United States remain the partner of choice 
in the Middle East given CCP encroachment and lack of Chinese focus on 
human rights issues?

    Answer. U.S. values--our support for essential freedoms of 
expression and worship, as well as our emphasis on respect for 
universal human rights--offer a potent counterpoint to PRC-style 
autocracy. U.S. higher education and entrepreneurship, and American 
culture are also powerful draws for the societies of the Middle East, 
and if confirmed, I will continue to promote them through energetic 
advocacy and programming. U.S. leadership in addressing global 
challenges like the pandemic and climate change is also a key source of 
our strength as a country.
    The Biden-Harris administration is leading as well on efforts to 
encourage de-escalation in the region, and with increasing success. The 
Gulf rift of 2017 is largely mended, there are encouraging signs of 
outreach between previously adversarial countries like Egypt and 
Turkey, and a re-alignment of regional countries around a common effort 
to resolve conflicts in Yemen and Libya. The U.S. effort resonates with 
countries across the region, demonstrating the value of a long-term 
strategic partnership with the United States.

    Question. The U.S. has growing concerns with China's economic 
relationship with Israel. Given the relative weakness on Israel's 
committee on foreign investment and issues highlighted by the CCP's 
involvement in Haifa port, how do you effectively decouple the CCP from 
Israel?

    Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by 
the People's Republic of China (PRC) to extend influence and acquire 
critical and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in 
Israel. The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance 
investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such 
an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory 
structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a 
responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that 
benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national 
security. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory 
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are 
concerns as to its effectiveness, given the voluntary nature of its 
coverage and its lack of coverage for the high-tech sector. If 
confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen its 
foreign investment advisory committee to minimize exposure to national 
security risks, including the acquisitions of critical technologies, 
sensitive data, and critical infrastructure.

    Question. The Department of Defense recently disbanded the Defeat 
ISIS Task Force and dismissed the Task Force Director. Similarly, State 
Department eliminated the Special Envoy to Counter ISIS (SECI) as an 
independent entity and placed the office under the CT Bureau. What are 
your views on the threat posed by ISIS?

    Answer. ISIS in Syria and Iraq remains a serious threat and 
ensuring its enduring defeat remains a central priority of the Biden-
Harris administration. The dual-hatting of the CT Coordinator and 
Special Envoy does not reflect a diminution of the position of the 
Special Envoy for the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. It instead 
reflects the evolving nature of the ISIS threat to encompass areas 
outside Iraq and Syria, and a desire to situate the enduring Defeat-
ISIS mission within the established CT Bureau architecture. Doing so 
enables the Defeat-ISIS campaign to more effectively leverage CT Bureau 
civilian counterterrorism capacity-building assets to counter ISIS 
branches and networks globally.

    Question. Thousands of foreign terrorist fighters and their 
families remain in Syrian Democratic Forces prisons or makeshift camps 
in Syria. Repatriation efforts to return these fighters and families to 
their countries of origin have been wildly unsuccessful. These fighters 
and their families represent a strategic vulnerability to the region. 
How will you address repatriation, de-radicalization, and 
demobilization efforts?

    Answer. The best long-term solution for foreign terrorist fighters 
and their family members is repatriation, followed by prosecution, 
rehabilitation, and/or reintegration, as appropriate. If confirmed, I 
intend to deepen our diplomatic outreach to press countries of origin 
to repatriate their citizens from northeast Syria. I will collaborate 
with the U.S. interagency in their work to support countries' efforts 
to repatriate their nationals, including through U.S. Government 
assistance with logistics and planning of repatriations, such as use of 
U.S. Government assets to transport foreign fighters and associated 
family members out of the region, and assistance in building partners' 
counterterrorism capacities for investigations, prosecutions, and 
rehabilitation.

    Question. What civilian security, democracy, and human rights 
programs would you highlight or pursue to address the seeds of conflict 
that led to the Islamic State's rise and allure and have not been 
effectively addressed?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration understands stability and 
its drivers are key to enabling our local partners in Syria to focus on 
fighting ISIS and ensuring its enduring defeat. In one of its first 
acts, the administration lifted the U.S. freeze on stabilization 
assistance for Syria. In March, the administration announced almost $50 
million for U.S. stabilization efforts in northeast Syria and will 
continue these efforts with FY 2021 resources. U.S. assistance in 
northeast Syria prioritizes stabilization activities that contribute to 
the restoration of daily life by closing gaps in local authority 
capacities; supporting transitional justice, justice and 
accountability, and civil society programs; and addressing 
vulnerabilities previously exploited by ISIS.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
           Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. The Israel-Gaza conflict continues to flare up, according 
to recent news reports that Israel's military bombed Palestinian 
militant weapons sites in the Gaza Strip early Sunday, August 22 in 
response to a violent demonstration on Saturday August 21 at the 
perimeter fence that left an Israeli police officer critically injured. 
As Assistant Secretary for NEA, what recommendations would you make to 
President Biden regarding next steps to help manage the tensions there?

    Answer. The May 21 Gaza ceasefire has mostly held, but we are 
engaging multiple partners who have a role to play in calming the 
situation. The August 21 protests ended with the death of one Israeli 
police officer, as well as the death and injuries of a number of 
Palestinians. There have been Israeli airstrikes in response to 
incendiary balloons and rocket attacks from Gaza. The situation remains 
tense because many of the factors that contributed to the May violence 
remain unresolved. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and 
the Palestinian Authority, as well as international partners, in 
maintaining calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keeping flashpoint 
issues in Jerusalem from reigniting the situation. President Biden has 
been clear in his conviction that a negotiated two-state solution would 
best secure the future of a democratic, Jewish Israel, and provide 
equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity to both Israelis and 
Palestinians. I would recommend an affirmative and practical approach 
that encourages constructive, positive and tangible steps by both 
Israeli and Palestinian authorities to keep the possibility of a 
negotiated two-state solution alive.

    Question. As Assistant Secretary for NEA, how are you planning on 
addressing the dismal human rights situation in Egypt even after the 
administration decided against appropriately responding to the 
Congressional provision?

    Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in 
Egypt. The Biden administration has made clear its intention to elevate 
the role of human rights in our foreign policy, and that includes in 
the U.S.-Egyptian relationship. The Secretary's decision on FMF--the 
first time a Secretary of State has not waived the Congressionally-
mandated human rights certification requirement--is only one facet of 
the Department's engagement on human rights. The Department supports 
greater space for civil society and human rights defenders, and freedom 
of expression. The administration's human rights dialogue with the 
Egyptian Government is focused on seeing steady, enduring progress on 
such fundamental rights.

    Question. As Assistant Secretary for NEA, how will you address 
these troubling reports out of Tunisia and continue to stand on the 
side of Tunisia's democracy?

    Answer. The United States shares the Tunisian people's goal of a 
democratic government that is responsive to the country's needs. If 
confirmed, I will urge President Saied to appoint a new head of 
government to address Tunisia's immediate economic and health crises, 
announce concrete plans for a return to the democratic path, and pursue 
reforms through an inclusive process that recognizes the Tunisian 
people's demand for reforms that improve the functioning of their 
democracy. These steps must include diverse political actors and civil 
society as well as respect for the rule of law and fundamental 
freedoms.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Todd Young

    Question. What is your view of the U.S.-Israel relationship? If 
confirmed, what will you do to maintain and strengthen this 
relationship?

    Answer. Israel is a critical partner to the United States and the 
two are united by shared values and strategic interests; those include 
a commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security. 
Israel is a stable country in an unstable region, and the U.S. 
Government's closest security partner in countering a broad spectrum of 
threats, ranging from cyber-attacks to Iran's destabilizing 
proliferation of advanced weaponry to its network of proxies. With an 
open and free society that is largely accepting of LGBTQ+ individuals, 
Israel has been dedicated to the cause of women's empowerment and 
gender equality since the founding of the state. If confirmed, I will 
commit to maintaining and strengthening all aspects of this 
relationship.

    Question. Israel constantly faces terrorist attacks and threats--
including rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza and attacks from Iranian-
backed groups in Lebanon and Syria. Do you fully support Israel's right 
to defend itself from terrorist attacks?

    Answer. Yes, I fully support Israel's right to defend itself from 
terrorist attacks and strongly condemn these attacks, no matter where 
they come from.

    Question. What is the status of the recently notified U.S. direct 
commercial sale of $735 million in U.S.-origin precision-guided 
munitions to Israel?

    Answer. I understand the notification was approved and authorizes 
the export of precision-guided munitions, including any technical data 
and defense services, to Israel to support weapons integration, flight 
tests, and hardware delivery of Joint Direct Attack Munition variants 
and Small Diameter Bomb Increment I variants.

    Question. Do you support maintaining the Palestine Affairs Unit at 
the Embassy in Jerusalem? How would opening a separate consulate in 
Jerusalem serve U.S. interests?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the U.S. 
presence in Jerusalem enables our government to carry out a full range 
of diplomatic activities, including engagement with the local 
communities and government leadership. The U.S. Government has been 
clear that our Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Currently, the 
Palestinian Affairs Unit within the embassy is the primary point of 
contact with the Palestinian people. In May, Secretary Blinken stated 
``the United States will be moving forward with the process to reopen 
our consulate in Jerusalem. That's an important way for our country to 
engage with and provide support for the Palestinian people,'' I 
understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement 
with the Palestinian people and leadership.

    Question. What would be your strategy for strengthening the Abraham 
Accords while persuading more countries to normalize relations with 
Israel? How would you build on the success of the Abraham Accords?

    Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, this 
administration welcomes and strongly supports the Abraham Accords and 
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and 
Muslim world. The Department is leading the U.S. Government's efforts, 
working with the National Security Council and U.S. Government 
interagency, to deepen existing agreements and urge other countries to 
normalize relations with Israel.
    If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries across the 
region to build on existing relationships and develop new ones, 
including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with 
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our 
disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in 
the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and 
Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
state solution.

    Question. What do you believe are the most pressing security 
challenges Israel faces, and what role do those threats play in 
convincing regional partners that Israel is the not the cause of 
instability in the region?

    Answer. Israel believes Iran is the greatest threat to its 
security. As Secretary Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have 
said, the United States is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a 
nuclear weapon, and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies 
and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. An Iran 
with a nuclear weapon is likely to act even more provocatively when it 
comes to these issues. The administration has fundamental problems with 
Iran's actions across a series of issues--including its support for 
terrorism, its ballistic missile program, and its destabilizing actions 
in the region. Our partners in the region share a similar concern.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to use your connection 
and experience in the region to garner more regional support for the 
vital humanitarian needs of the Yemeni people?

    Answer. I am proud that the United States continues to lead the 
humanitarian response to this crisis, with over $4 billion worth of 
assistance provided to the Yemeni people since 2014. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with key countries in the region and around the 
world, as well as the United Nations, to ensure pledges are disbursed, 
humanitarian organizations are adequately funded, and the needs of the 
most vulnerable Yemenis are addressed in a coordinated and effective 
manner. I will also work with the U.N. and other partners to promote 
unfettered access for humanitarian assistance throughout Yemen to 
ensure aid reaches those in need.

    Question. What would be your approach, alongside Tim Lenderking, in 
breaking the diplomatic stalemate that exists in Yemen?

    Answer. The U.S. Government has welcomed the appointment of Hans 
Grundberg, the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen, and remains committed 
to supporting a U.N.-led peace process to achieve a durable resolution 
to the conflict. Sustained engagement by U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking 
has helped create unprecedented international consensus on ending this 
war through inclusive political talks. If confirmed, I will urge all 
parties to engage with the Special Envoy, the U.N., with each other, 
and with civil society, without pre-conditions. I will also ensure the 
governments of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen are taking the 
steps necessary to advance peace, and will work with key international 
and regional partners to press the Houthis to cooperate with the U.N.-
led process. We have an opportunity to achieve peace in Yemen, and we 
must seize it.

    Question. Do you believe that the Iranian-backed Houthis desire a 
political settlement? Or does Iran desire to maintain a footprint and 
instability from which to target Saudi Arabia? Do you believe that the 
Houthis have the autonomy to decide this for themselves?

    Answer. The Houthis remain singularly focused on their military 
offensive against Marib, the greatest impediment to U.N. and U.S. peace 
efforts. The offensive is also exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian 
crisis, threatening directly some one million IDPs and other civilians 
in harm's way. The Houthi leadership must show they are committed to a 
political settlement by engaging with the new U.N. Special Envoy in 
good faith. In addition to continuing to prosecute the war inside 
Yemen, the Houthis, with Iranian support, have also launched more than 
240 cross-border air attacks on Saudi Arabia this year alone, 
endangering the Saudi people and more than 70,000 U.S. citizens 
residing in the Kingdom. If Iran wants to show it can be a responsible 
actor in the region, Yemen is a good place to start, by ending lethal 
aid and training to the Houthis.

    Question. Denying the Houthis access to key weapons and technology 
from Iran is critical to both reducing the threat the group poses to 
our regional partners and pressuring the group to cease attacks and 
negotiate in good faith. Do you agree? If so, how should the U.S. 
expand cooperation with partners and allies to expose and interdict the 
flow of key Iranian weapons, materiel, and equipment to the Houthis?

    Answer. I agree. The Houthis rely on Iranian weapons, intelligence, 
training, and support to conduct horrific attacks impacting civilian 
targets as well as infrastructure in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Denying 
the Houthis access to this lethal support from Iran is a critical part 
of the Department's regional strategy. If confirmed, I will continue 
with this comprehensive approach using a variety of tools--from 
sanctions to interdiction to support for Saudi Arabia's legitimate 
self-defense needs--to counter Iran's lethal aid to the Houthis and 
other armed groups, as well as it destabilizing behavior more broadly 
in the region. The Department will also continue to prioritize the 
implementation and enforcement of U.N. Security Council resolutions 
barring the unauthorized transfer of weapons to the Houthis.

    Question. What are the biggest dangers Iran poses to the 
international community and how would you rank them in order of 
urgency?

    Answer. The most serious threat that Iran poses globally is its 
untrammeled nuclear program. That is why the Biden administration 
prioritizes constraining Iran's program through measured, determined 
diplomacy. Iran poses additional threats through a spectrum of regional 
and global activities, including but not limited to its plots to kidnap 
our citizens, its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained 
Americans and foreign nationals as political tools, its support for 
terrorism, its lethal support to armed groups, proliferation of 
advanced weaponry to these groups, and its ballistic missile program. 
An Iran with a nuclear weapon would pose an even greater threat when it 
comes to these issues.

    Question. Secretary Blinken has said that any replacement of JCPOA 
needs to be ``longer and stronger.'' How would you define longer and 
stronger? What are the minimum requirements for a ``longer and 
stronger'' deal?

    Answer. Iran's unchecked, unconstrained nuclear program poses a 
threat to global security. Constraining it is therefore the overriding 
priority for the United States and its P5+1 partners. To achieve that 
immediate objective, the administration is pursuing a mutual return to 
compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. If the 
Department is successful in doing so, the intent is to build on that as 
part of a comprehensive approach using a variety of policy tools to 
strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program and address other 
issues of concern.

    Question. Do you believe the United States should learn any lessons 
from Hamas's heinous rocket campaign it unleashed on Israel in May, 
especially concerning Iran's destabilizing proxy campaign it is waging 
throughout the region?

    Answer. Hamas's heinous rocket attacks on Israel in May only 
reinforced the Biden-Harris administration's ironclad resolve on 
Israel's security, including through deterring and countering Iran's 
destabilizing regional activities. This includes the need to work with 
Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of materiel 
and financial support to Hamas and other Gaza-based militant groups.

    Question. Can you explain why it would be a prudent policy to 
pursue a nuclear agreement with Iran without doing anything to stop 
Iran's other destabilizing activities?

    Answer. Even as the administration pursues a diplomatic effort to 
constrain Iran's nuclear program, it continues to address Iran's 
destabilizing regional activities. The Biden administration is 
committed to continuing to counter the threats posed by Iran using the 
various tools at its disposal, including sanctions, and working in 
close coordination with allies and partners.

    Question. How can we look our partners in the face and tell them 
convincingly that we are committed to their security when we permit 
Iran to keep funding terrorist proxies, to keep launching attacks on 
international shipping and energy infrastructure, to keep testing 
ballistic missiles?

    Answer. Iran's destabilizing regional activities are nothing new. 
Tehran has posed such threats for decades, across multiple 
administrations. The Biden administration is unwavering in its 
commitment to its allies and partners and continues to engage closely 
with them as part of a comprehensive approach that includes sanctions, 
interdiction, defense and intelligence cooperation, and support for 
Israel's freedom of action to counter Iran's destabilizing activities. 
In fact, the administration's sustained diplomatic engagement with 
allies and partners has ensured a more united, better coordinated, and 
more consistent approach in countering the Iranian threat and advancing 
our shared goals in the region.

    Question. In your view, are the LAF a viable counterweight to 
Hezbollah's influence within Lebanon?

    Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) is the sole legitimate 
defender of Lebanon, a reliable U.S. partner, and an important 
counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence in the country. A strong, 
stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion that its arms are necessary 
to defend Lebanon from external aggression. The LAF remains the only 
cross-confessional institution with broad support from all aspects of 
Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party alliances.

    Question. Since the U.S. began funding the Lebanese Armed Forces, 
have they taken any meaningful steps to confront Hezbollah?

    Answer. According to a December 2019 GAO Report, the LAF's border 
security and counterterrorism capabilities notably improved from 2013 
to 2018. With the support of U.S. training and equipment, the LAF has 
defeated ISIS in Lebanon, reasserted control over territory along its 
border with Syria, and increased its presence in southern Lebanon in 
support of UNIFIL. These improvements undercut Hizballah's unfounded 
argument that its weapons are necessary to protect Lebanon's 
sovereignty. If confirmed, I will continue to use all the tools at our 
disposal to push back on Hizballah's terrorist activities and 
destabilizing influence in Lebanon and across the region.

    Question. Given the deterioration of the Lebanese state, can you 
assure the committee that U.S. equipment provided to the LAF will not 
fall into the hands of Hezbollah?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure we continue to undertake 
rigorous measures to minimize the likelihood that Hizballah or any 
other terrorist organization will benefit from our assistance, 
including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation 
practices carried out by the U.S. Government and implementing partners. 
The LAF is a strong U.S. partner with an exemplary end-use monitoring 
record. The Department continues to hold the LAF accountable for its 
use of U.S. assistance funds and have no reason to believe that any 
U.S. equipment has fallen into the hands of Hizballah.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. Just last week Lebanon announced a new government 
formation under Prime Minister Mikati. While this is a positive step in 
the formation of a government, I remain concerned about the deep 
economic crisis in the country.

   What are U.S. priorities in engaging with the new Government? How 
        can the U.S. help as the country's economy continues to 
        collapse further?

    Answer. Lebanon must implement significant reforms to address the 
spiraling economic crisis it faces, on an urgent basis and in a 
sustainable way. If confirmed, I will build on the work by the 
Department and our embassy, and in concert with key partners, to keep 
up the pressure on PM Mikati's new government to implement long-overdue 
economic and governance reforms; these reforms are demanded by the 
Lebanese people, and should be done ideally in partnership with the 
IMF, Lebanese civil society, and other key actors. The Mikati 
Government should also prepare the country to hold parliamentary 
elections in May 2022 as scheduled. The United States and our 
international partners have been clear that Lebanon's leaders must act 
in order to unlock potential financing programs and structural support, 
but the hard work must start immediately. The United States stands with 
the Lebanese people, and will continue to support it and key 
institutions, to help the most vulnerable weather the crisis.

    Question. How can we work with civil society, as well as the 
Lebanese Government, to support transparent and efficient parliamentary 
elections next spring?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to hold PM 
Mikati's new Government accountable for ensuring transparent 
parliamentary elections are held next spring. I will also support our 
existing programs aimed at assisting reform-minded actors to respond to 
the needs of citizens through transparent and democratic processes. If 
confirmed, I will ensure my team works closely with Lebanese civil 
society, which deserves our continued support as it both holds the new 
Government accountable and assists it in implementing needed reforms, 
as well as election monitoring initiatives. I will also work with the 
international community to press for a transparent electoral process to 
obtain credible elections that represent the will of the people, 
untainted by foreign malign influence.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington 
Free Beacon reviewed at least two of them.

    Answer. As a nominee I am not in a position to act on behalf of the 
State Department with regard to its records. I take my responsibilities 
with respect to Congressional oversight seriously and if confirmed, I 
look forward to working with you to respond to your concerns.

    Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance - emails, 
memos, cables, notes, decision memos, briefing papers, instructions, 
etc. - that instructed staffers not to use the phrase ``Abraham 
Accords.''

    Answer. As a nominee I am not in a position to act on behalf of the 
State Department with regard to its records. I take my responsibilities 
with respect to Congressional oversight seriously and if confirmed I 
look forward to working with you to respond to your concerns.

    Question. In your testimony on September 15 you indicated that you 
are supportive of the Abraham Accords. Can you commit to ensuring that 
any guidelines or policies prohibiting using the phrase ``Abraham 
Accords'' are revised and reversed?

    Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration 
refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I 
certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan 
Heights?

    Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, the 
administration gives great weight to Israel's security. As long as 
Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present in Syria, it 
would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with the Golan 
Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides Israel an 
added measure of security from the turmoil next door. This 
administration has not changed U.S. policy on this important issue.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over 
Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

    Answer. This administration has not altered U.S. policy on this 
important issue. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself 
is a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations 
between Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the 
national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I 
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and 
sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of 
any part of Jerusalem?

    Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both 
Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. 
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct 
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will 
handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity 
that they deserve.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of 
the Old City of Jerusalem?

    Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both 
Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. 
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct 
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will 
handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity 
that they deserve.

    Question. What are the regional security opportunities for the U.S. 
now that Israel is part of CENTCOM?

    Answer. Now that Israel is part of the U.S. Central Command's area 
of responsibility, regional security opportunities for the United 
States range from enhanced communication between our two countries to 
expanded opportunities for regional multilateral engagements, such as 
exercises and planning conferences.

    Question. How do you plan to maximize Israel's integration into our 
regional security architecture?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would promote Israel's integration into our 
regional security architecture in close coordination with my colleagues 
at the Department of Defense, including CENTCOM.

    Question. Please describe any new significant sanctions that have 
been imposed on Iran since the inauguration of President Biden.

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has imposed the following 
Iran-related sanctions since it took office:


   On September 17, the Treasury Department sanctioned international 
        financial networks supporting terrorism, including providing 
        support to Lebanese Hizballah and Iran's Qods Force;
   On September 3, Treasury sanctioned an Iranian intelligence network 
        targeting an Iranian-American activist in the United States;
   On August 13, Treasury sanctioned an oil broker network supporting 
        the Qods Force;
   On June 10, Treasury sanctioned an international network enriching 
        the Houthis and Qods Force in Yemen; and
   On March 9, the State Department designated Iranian officials 
        pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the FY2021 Department of State, 
        Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriation Act due 
        to involvement in gross violations of human rights.

    Question. Please describe the details of any arrangements, deals, 
or agreements that are being contemplated by the Biden administration 
to reduce pressure on Iran other than reentry into the Joint 
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

    Answer. There have been no such arrangements, deals, or agreements 
contemplated to reduce pressure on Iran.

    Question. What measures has the Biden administration taken to 
insulate our diplomats from engaging with Iranian officials connected 
to international terrorism or who have been sanctioned?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to ensuring 
Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and diplomacy, in coordination 
with our allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that 
goal. However, the U.S. Government has yet to engage in any direct 
discussions with the Iranian Government or its officials as their 
Government currently bars such interactions. Additionally, State 
Department policy generally limits USG personnel from interacting with 
Iranian officials, and specifically restricts interactions with 
officials known or suspected to be members of terrorist organizations 
or subject to sanctions designations.

    Question. To what degree was the State Department aware of Ghani's 
departure beforehand?

    Answer. I am currently not a State Department employee and am not 
privy to Department knowledge on this issue.

    Question. Did you or any State Department officials, to your 
knowledge, engage in conversations with any governments under NEA's 
purview to request that they provide Ghani with safe haven, including 
the gOvernments of Qatar or the United Arab Emirates?

    Answer. After President Ghani departed Kabul for Uzbekistan and the 
Government of Uzbekistan informed the U.S. of his presence on Uzbek 
soil and that he wished to travel onward to the UAE, the administration 
conveyed to both Governments of Uzbekistan and the United Arab Emirates 
that such arrangements would be a bilateral one between those 
governments and Ghani himself.

    Question. Do you believe that it would be in America's national 
security interest for resources to go to the Government of Lebanon even 
if that government was controlled or unduly influenced by Hezbollah?

    Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization, and the United 
States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. assistance from 
conferring benefits to Hizballah or any other terrorist group, 
including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation 
practices. As part of its security assistance, the U.S. Government 
conducts End-Use Monitoring (EUM) to mitigate the risk of unauthorized 
transfer or use of U.S. technology and equipment. The Lebanese Armed 
Forces continues to comply fully with all EUM reporting and security 
requirements.

    Question. On August 19, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Shea said that 
the Biden administration intends to waive sanctions on the Assad regime 
in order to provide energy to Lebanon: ``There is a will to make this 
happen. There will be some logistical things that need to happen too, 
but I think that it will all fall into place fairly easily.'' The 
waiver will facilitate the transfer of gas and resources through Assad-
controlled Syria and to Lebanon and its Government. Do you support 
waiving such sanctions?

    Answer. Lebanon is currently experiencing an acute energy crisis 
that is having a terrible impact on critical lifesaving infrastructure 
such as hospitals and the water supply; the crisis needs a long-term 
solution, but shorter-term measures are also urgently needed, given the 
deleterious effect on the public. These potential bilateral and 
multilateral agreements proffered by regional states, which have been 
endorsed by the World Bank, could help Lebanon begin to address its 
power crisis in a sustainable and transparent manner. I understand that 
the Department of State is currently conferring with those partners to 
gain further detail on the proposals and is conferring with the 
Department of Treasury as well. U.S. sanctions remain an important tool 
to press for accountability for the Assad regime, to include on its 
atrocious record of human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will work with 
the Department of the Treasury and our partners to ensure that any 
potential deal our partners reach is consistent with our broader policy 
priorities and all relevant U.S. sanctions. I look forward to 
continuing to consult with Congress on this important issue.

    Question. On September 15 you testified that the Lebanese Armed 
Forces (LAF) are an important partner in the Middle East and serve as a 
check against Hezbollah. Do you support calibrating support for the LAF 
on the degree to which it fulfills those functions? Under what 
conditions would you support restricting assistance to the LAF?

    Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) is the sole legitimate 
defender of Lebanon, a reliable U.S. partner, and an important 
counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence in the country. The LAF 
is also a cross-confessional institution with broad support from all 
aspects of Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party 
alliances. A strong, stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion that 
its arms are necessary to defend Lebanon from external aggression. If 
confirmed, I will continue to build the LAF's capacity to serve as a 
counterweight to Hizballah and act in the interests of the Lebanese 
people.

    Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for 
activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah in 2019 and 2020? 
A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.

    Answer. U.S. military assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) 
is focused on developing the LAF's capabilities and professionalism, as 
well as developing it as an institution that acts as a counterweight to 
Hizballah's influence. Since 2006, the United States has provided more 
than $2.5 billion in security assistance to the LAF. This assistance 
has helped increase its capacity to serve as the exclusive legitimate 
defender of Lebanon's sovereignty and violent extremist organizations, 
including ISIS.

    Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for 
activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah activities short 
of disarming them in 2019 and 2020, e.g. through roadblocks? A rough 
estimate or a range will be sufficient.

    Answer. U.S. assistance to Lebanon is one of the many tools the 
Department uses to support the Lebanese people, civil society, and 
institutions critical to building a sovereign state responsive to its 
people's legitimate needs. U.S. security assistance also supports 
partners, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security 
Forces, that are critical to stability and security. A government that 
reflects the will and is able to meet the needs of all Lebanese, and 
security institutions that can defend Lebanese sovereignty, undermine 
Hizballah's illegitimate and illegal actions, as well as its malign 
influence in Lebanon and the region.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment, 
Hezbollah continues to influence or control over the Beirut-Rafic 
Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the airport.

    Answer. The U.S. Government remains concerned about Hizballah's 
influence at ports of entry into Lebanon, including at the airport. In 
PM Mikati's new cabinet, a Hizballah minister was appointed Minister of 
Public Works and Transport.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment, 
Hezbollah continues to influence or control over the Port of Beirut or 
facilities located within the port?

    Answer. The influence Hizballah exerts over ports of entry remains 
of considerable concern and also denies the Lebanese people the benefit 
of customs revenue, which is significant given the large budget 
deficits Lebanon continues to face. In PM Mikati's new cabinet, a 
Hizballah minister was appointed as Minister of Public Works and 
Transport. The Department will continue to evaluate the impact of this 
appointment and report on the situation. To combat Hizballah's 
influence, the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign 
Assets Control (OFAC) designated under Executive Order 13224 Hizballah 
security official Wafiq Safa for acting for or on behalf of Hizballah. 
As head of Hizballah's security apparatus, Safa exploited Lebanon's 
ports and border crossings to smuggle contraband, enable Hizballah 
travel, and facilitate the passage of illegal drugs and weapons into 
the seaport of Beirut, routing certain shipments to avoid scrutiny.

    Question. Is the administration withholding $130 million in aid 
from Egypt on the basis of the conditions described in the Washington 
Post report? If the report is inaccurate, what parts are inaccurate?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's goal with regard to this 
decision is to seek progress on human rights. The administration 
supports further strengthening the bilateral security and defense 
relationship with Egypt, while also seeking sustainable improvements in 
the Egyptian Government's approach to human rights. The Department has 
focused on specific human rights issues of concern, including cases of 
political detention and restrictions on civil society.
    As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the 
Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and 
effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in 
section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make 
available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism, 
border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the 
exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A) 
of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns 
remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of 
$130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt 
unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human 
rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into 
Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be 
reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the 
prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to 
work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on 
improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expects 
that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented 
to them.
    While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take 
seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if 
confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other 
important issues.

    Question. Please provide a list of any individuals, including if 
relevant, the 16 referred to in the Washington Post story, who are the 
subject of conditions imposed on aid to Egypt. For each individual on 
the list, please list the following:


   Their names;
   Their organizational affiliations;
   The specific charges that the Egyptian Government has brought 
        against them, which the U.S. is asking the Egyptians to 
        dismiss; and
   Whether the individual is a U.S. citizen, or if not, whether the 
        individual holds a Legal Permanent Resident Card, or if not, if 
        the individual has applied for immigration or visa status and 
        what that status is.

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's goal with regard to this 
decision on FMF is to seek progress on human rights. The administration 
supports further strengthening the bilateral security and defense 
relationship with Egypt, while also seeking sustainable improvements in 
the Egyptian Government's approach to human rights. The Department has 
focused on specific human rights issues of concern, including cases of 
political detention and restrictions on civil society.
    As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the 
Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and 
effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in 
section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make 
available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism, 
border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the 
exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A) 
of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns 
remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of 
$130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt 
unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human 
rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into 
Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be 
reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the 
prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to 
work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on 
improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expects 
that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented 
to them.
    President Biden and President al-Sisi in May agreed on the 
importance of a constructive dialogue on human rights. Since then, the 
administration has pressed the Government of Egypt on multiple levels 
to address specific human rights concerns, including during Secretary 
Blinken's discussion with President al-Sisi in Cairo in May. Although 
the Department has and will continue to publicly raise concerns about 
Egypt's human rights record, administration officials have also 
conveyed these specific requests privately, in an effort to avoid 
Egyptian Government sensitivities about responding to foreign pressure. 
The Department anticipates hosting a ministerial Strategic Dialogue 
session with Egypt later this year to advance the U.S. - Egypt 
partnership and secure positive steps on human rights.
    While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take 
seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if 
confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other 
important matters.

    Question. Additionally, for any individual on the list described 
above who is not a U.S. citizen, please also describe:

   The process through which the State Department or as relevant the 
        broader interagency reviewed the cases and came to the 
        determination that their cases should be used as conditions for 
        aid.
   Whether they are affiliated with groups that promote Islamist 
        ideologies, distribute anti-Semitic materials, or distribute 
        political disinformation.
   Whether the Biden administration intends to grant U.S. visas to 
        them should the Egyptian Government release them.

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports further 
strengthening bilateral security and defense relationship with Egypt, 
while seeking and sustainable improvements in the Egyptian Government's 
approach to human rights. The Department has focused on specific human 
rights issues of concern, including cases of political detention and 
restrictions on civil society.
    As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the 
Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and 
effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in 
section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make 
available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism, 
border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the 
exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A) 
of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns 
remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of 
$130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt 
unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human 
rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into 
Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be 
reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the 
prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to 
work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on 
improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expect 
that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented 
to them.
    President Biden and President al-Sisi in May agreed on the 
importance of a constructive dialogue on human rights. Since then, the 
administration has pressed the Government of Egypt on multiple levels 
to address specific human rights concerns, including during Secretary 
Blinken's discussion with President al-Sisi in Cairo in May. Although 
the Department has and will continue to publicly raise concerns about 
Egypt's human rights record, administration officials have also 
conveyed these specific requests privately, in an effort to avoid 
Egyptian Government sensitivities about responding to foreign pressure. 
The Department anticipates hosting a ministerial Strategic Dialogue 
session with Egypt later this year to advance the U.S.-Egypt 
partnership and secure positive steps on human rights.
    While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take 
seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if 
confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other 
important matters.

    Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis 
in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

    Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain 
intransigent and focused on their military offensive against the city 
of Marib. That offensive is the single biggest impediment to a national 
ceasefire and follow-on peace talks; it is exacerbating an already-dire 
humanitarian crisis, placing at risk a million internally displaced 
persons who found refuge in Marib after escaping fighting in other 
parts of the country. The Houthis also exacerbate the humanitarian 
consequences of the fuel situation at Hudaydah port by stockpiling fuel 
and manipulating fuel prices, driving up costs far beyond the reach of 
most Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis continue to interfere in the 
delivery of humanitarian aid.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration revoked the terrorism 
designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, in 
recognition of the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen and the adverse 
impact the designation immediately had on NGOs and private commercial 
importers of food and other basic goods. Shortly after the FTO 
designation announcement, the administration began to hear of de-
risking--by banks, insurance firms, and transport companies--putting at 
risk near-term food imports. The administration listened to concerns 
voiced by the United Nations, humanitarian groups, and bipartisan 
members of Congress, among others, regarding potential impacts of the 
designation on Yemenis' access to basic commodities. The short time 
that passed between the designations and the revocations limited the 
impact the designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and 
commercial imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian 
assistance items are now moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates 
except in some areas under Houthis control.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

    Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and the 
revocations limited the adverse impact that designations could have had 
on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports. In Marib, the 
escalation of hostilities by the Houthis has caused additional needs 
and secondary displacement. The lifting of sanctions, however, has 
helped ensure the safe delivery of life-saving food, emergency shelter, 
water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as essential non-
food items, such as blankets and water containers.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                  WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2021 (p.m.)

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m., via 
videoconference, Senator Coons, presiding.
    Present: Senators Coons [presiding], Cardin, Kaine, Booker, 
Schatz, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.

        OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE

    Senator Coons. Good afternoon. It is my honor to call this 
hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to order.
    I welcome the chance to serve as chair of this hearing and 
appreciate Chairman Menendez asking me to take this on as we 
consider five highly qualified nominees, and I welcome, as 
ranking member for this hearing, Senator Hagerty and the five 
nominees who are before us.
    Let me briefly introduce them, and I will make a very brief 
statement and then invite Senator Hagerty to make whatever 
opening statement he may care to.
    Our five nominees for this afternoon's hearing are Dr. C.S. 
Eliot Kang, to be Assistant Secretary of State for 
International Security and Nonproliferation; Adam Scheinman, to 
be Special Representative of the President for Nuclear 
Nonproliferation; Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat, to be 
Director General of the Foreign Service; Bathsheba Nell 
Crocker, to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the United 
Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva; and 
Dr. Michael Carpenter, to be U.S. Representative to the 
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
    Let me begin by thanking all five of you, thanking you for 
your willingness to continue your service to this Nation. And 
let me extend my thanks to your families, who normally, if we 
were in person, would, many of them, be physically with us, and 
so I would have a chance to greet them. I do not know if any of 
them are hovering just off the screen, but please convey to 
them my gratitude for their support for your career and 
service.
    Before we proceed into the substance of your opening 
statements, our colleague from New Jersey Senator Booker will 
introduce Ambassador Bernicat. Let me also, before we proceed 
to that, do two more things. I am going to ask all of our 
nominees today to please keep your statements to roughly 5 
minutes in length. The committee will accept your written 
testimonies in full and submit them for the record.
    And I also want to note for all members and staff who may 
be listening that questions for the record for this 
confirmation hearing will be due by the close of business this 
Thursday, September 16th.
    With that, let me invite Senator Hagerty to make any 
opening comment he would like to. Then we will proceed to an 
introduction by Senator Booker.
    Senator Hagerty?

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. Chairman Coons, thank you very much. And I 
want to thank Senator Risch for inviting me to serve as the 
ranking member today. And I also want to thank the nominees for 
appearing before our committee today. I appreciate your 
willingness to serve our great Nation. I am looking forward to 
hearing from each of you.
    I would like to start with the nomination to the Director 
General of the Foreign Service. This position has the unique 
responsibility of recruiting, retaining, and sustaining the 
Foreign Service and the civil service workforce of the State 
Department.
    As a former U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I recognize that the 
people of the State Department are critical to the success of 
American diplomacy. For the United States to tackle the growing 
number of complex global challenges, we should seek to build 
the finest diplomatic corps in the world. I look forward to 
hearing from the nominee about how we will achieve this goal.
    Next I would like to turn to the nomination to be Assistant 
Secretary of State for International Security and 
Nonproliferation. As strategic adversaries such as China, 
Russia, Iran, and North Korea continue to expand their arsenal 
of weapons of mass destruction, the world is becoming more 
dangerous each day.
    The United States should look for opportunities to expand 
counterproliferation efforts in ways to stop the spread of 
weapons of mass destruction. I am particularly interested to 
hear from the nominee about his views on the increasing WMD 
threats from China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea and what the 
United States should be doing.
    I would like to turn next to the nominee to be the Special 
Representative of the President for Nuclear Nonproliferation. 
There are a growing number of countries, such as China and 
Iran, that pose significant challenges with respect to nuclear 
energy and nonproliferation norms. I look forward to hearing 
from the nominee about ways to update the NPT for the 21st 
century.
    Now I would like to turn to the nominee to be the U.S. 
Representative to the Organization for Security and Cooperation 
in Europe. I just returned from NATO, and it is clear that 
following the withdrawal from Afghanistan, we are at a critical 
juncture with many of our European allies and partners, and 
they need to know that the United States can and will be a 
reliable partner. This is even more important, considering 
Russia's efforts to spread malign influence throughout Europe. 
I look forward to hearing from the nominee about these issues.
    And now I want to turn my attention to the nominee to be 
the Representative of the United States to the United Nations 
and Other International Organizations in Geneva. As the lead 
U.S. official representing over 100 U.N. bodies in Geneva, you 
will be responsible for advancing U.S. interests in many 
multilateral organizations. As we all know, China and other 
strategic adversaries are looking to expand their influence by 
remaking global institutions in their image. I look forward to 
hearing from the nominee about what steps she intends to take 
to fight for America.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time. Thank you.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
    Let me now invite Senator Booker of New Jersey to offer an 
introduction of Ambassador Bernicat.

               STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    Senator Booker. Well, this is an extraordinary honor, 
Senator Coons. Thank you very much.
    I am really elated, frankly, to be able to introduce 
President Biden's nominee to serve as Director General of the 
Foreign Service, Ambassador Marcia Bernicat. We are currently, 
as you know, facing tremendous challenges all across the globe 
that will not only define the history of the world but will 
most certainly define the history of our Nation. Challenges 
like the global crisis of climate change to taking on the 
COVID-19 pandemic, which continues to cause such tragedy around 
the world.
    And we know this, for all of us Senators who have been 
traveling, America's diplomatic leadership is now needed more 
than ever. And that is why we need this great Jersian 
Ambassador Bernicat leading the diplomatic corps responsible 
for representing the United States of America and advancing our 
interests around the world.
    I can think of no one more qualified for this 
extraordinarily important position. She has served as a Foreign 
Service officer for three decades starting, I think, when she 
was 2 or 3 years old. Ambassador Bernicat has had a career that 
is not just impressive, but impactful.
    She most recently served as senior official for economic 
growth, energy, and the environment at the State Department and 
prior to that served as the Ambassador to Bangladesh and 
previously concurrently as the Ambassador to Senegal and 
Guinea-Bissau.
    Over the course of her diplomatic career, she has received 
extraordinary honors and respect from those who she served 
with. She is somebody that is both well respected and looked up 
to, but also someone in which folks have great confidence in.
    She has served in Barbados, Malawi, Morocco, India, Nepal, 
France, and Mali. All across the world she has made an impact 
and left a lasting legacy. She represents the best of the 
United States of America, and I would say, coming from the 
great State of New Jersey, she represents the best of New 
Jersians. Born in the wonderful Red Bank, New Jersey.
    Ambassador Bernicat probably has many, many accolades, but 
perhaps her two best living legacy examples of her success is 
her two sons, who she has raised while serving in the Foreign 
Service. As we Senators in a bipartisan effort work to reinvest 
in the diplomatic efforts to keep America safe, rebuild our 
alliances and partnerships, and live up to our collective 
values here at home and abroad, Ambassador Bernicat is exactly 
the kind of leader that we need.
    I urge my colleagues not because of fealty to New Jersey, I 
urge my colleagues because of fealty to the United States of 
America to support her nomination.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Booker. I appreciate that 
introduction.
    We are now going to proceed to hear opening statements from 
each of our five nominees in the order in which they were 
noticed for this hearing by the committee.
    So no disrespect, Senator Booker, we are going to begin 
with Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang, and then we will proceed through the 
five nominees in the order that they were noticed.
    Senator Booker. No disrespect taken, but go ahead.
    Senator Coons. It is just part of the traditions of this 
committee.
    So, if I might, Dr. Kang, your opening statement.

STATEMENT OF DR. C.S. ELIOT KANG OF NEW JERSEY, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND 
                       NONPROLIFERATION)

    Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. Thank you very much.
    Senator Booker, I am also from New Jersey. Ocean County, 
Lakewood, New Jersey.
    Senator Booker. Yes.
    [Laughter.]
    Dr. Kang. Yes. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Hagerty, and 
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today.
    I am grateful to President Biden for nominating me to be 
the Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and 
Nonproliferation.
    I am also grateful to Secretary Blinken for his trust and 
faith in supporting my nomination.
    Crossing the Pacific as a 9-year-old immigrant almost half 
a century ago, my only ambition was to taste a real hamburger. 
No doubt my mother and father, who made the fateful decision 
for my family to start a new life in the United States, had 
more lofty hopes for me and my sister, Myung. However, I am 
sure they never imagined the honor of me appearing before this 
august body to be examined for my worthiness to serve this 
great Nation as an Assistant Secretary of State.
    If confirmed, I pledge to continue working tirelessly for 
the American people. Indeed, public service is in my DNA. I 
have been following the footsteps of my late father, a 
decorated combat pilot and a Government official. And my 
mother, a lifelong educator and recipient of New Jersey 
Governor's award for outstanding teaching.
    I started my career in my mother's profession, but the 
events of September 11, 2001, led me to my father's path of 
Government service. It has not been an easy path to tread, but 
unwavering support from my wife, Michelle, and the 
understanding of my two sons, Gregory and Wesley, have 
strengthened my steps and resolve.
    In 2003, I first joined the State Department's Bureau of 
Political and Military Affairs and then Bureau of Arms Control 
as a William C. Foster Fellow, which was a congressionally 
established program for bringing academics into the 
Government's--into the Department's arms control and 
nonproliferation work.
    I became a career civil servant in 2005, and since 2006, I 
have held various leadership positions in the Bureau of 
International Security and Nonproliferation, working to protect 
the American people from dangers posed by the proliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems.
    As a career officer, I have endeavored across four 
presidential administrations to minimize the threat of nuclear, 
chemical, biological, and advanced conventional weapons and the 
destabilization these weapons can cause.
    However, despite tremendous bipartisan efforts and the 
steadfast leadership of this committee to stem the tide of the 
most destructive and horrible weapons, the challenges only 
appears to be growing. Indeed, the explosion of technology 
seems to create as many problems for our security as it solves 
for our society.
    In the late hours of the evening, I reflect upon the 
increasing challenges we face, and I arrive to work every 
morning resolved and determined to do something about them. In 
this commitment, I am not alone.
    I am privileged to serve the American people alongside a 
remarkable group of colleagues who share my dedication, the men 
and women serving in the Bureau of International Security and 
Nonproliferation who frustrate our adversaries and are 
respected by allies and friends throughout the world. I am 
inspired by these public servants who gladly accept personal 
sacrifices to serve our Nation.
    The President's confidence in me, a career officer, is an 
honor for me and my family, but it is also a testament to the 
expertise and ability of the remarkable professionals in the 
Bureau. Indeed, the Bureau is an extraordinary collection of 
civil servants, Foreign Service officers, and contractors with 
expertise in the physical sciences, engineering, intelligence, 
military sciences, communications, and program administration. 
Many are leading subject matter experts with international 
reputations. I am in awe of the tremendous skill and knowledge 
and dedication they bring to tackle some of the most pressing 
security problems facing the world and the Nation.
    If confirmed, I will work even harder to empower my 
colleagues to tackle the challenges this committee expects us 
to meet.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, the ranking member, and the 
members of the committee for your time and attention today and 
for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Dr. Kang follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang

    Chairman Coons, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee; thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
    I am grateful to President Biden for nominating me to be the 
Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and 
Nonproliferation. I am also grateful to Secretary Blinken for his trust 
and faith in supporting my nomination.
    Crossing the Pacific as a nine-year-old immigrant almost a half-
century ago, my only ambition was to taste a real hamburger. No doubt, 
my mother and father who made the fateful decision for our family to 
start a new life in the United States had more lofty hopes for me and 
my sister, Myung. However, I'm sure they never imagined the honor of me 
appearing before this august body to be examined for my worthiness to 
serve this great nation as an Assistant Secretary of State. If 
confirmed, I pledge to continue working tirelessly for the American 
people.
    Indeed, public service is in my DNA. I have been following the 
footsteps of my late father, a decorated combat pilot and government 
official, and my mother, a life-long educator and recipient of New 
Jersey Governor's Award for Outstanding Teaching. I started my career 
in my mother's profession, but the events of September 11th, 2001 led 
me to my father's path of government service. It has not been an easy 
path to tread but unwavering support from my wife, Michelle, and the 
understanding of my two sons, Gregory and Wesley, have strengthened my 
steps and resolve.
    In 2003, I first joined the State Department's Bureau of Political-
Military Affairs and then Bureau of Arms Control as a William C. Foster 
Fellow, which was a congressionally established program for bringing 
academics into the Department's arms control and nonproliferation work. 
I became a career civil servant in 2005, and since 2006, I have held 
various leadership positions in the Bureau of International Security 
and Nonproliferation working to protect the American people from the 
dangers posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and 
their delivery systems. As a career officer, I have endeavored across 
four presidential administrations to minimize the threat of nuclear, 
chemical, biological, and advanced conventional weapons and the 
destabilization these weapons can cause. However, despite tremendous 
bipartisan efforts and the steadfast leadership of this committee to 
stem the tide of these most destructive and horrible weapons, the 
challenges only appear to be growing. Indeed, the explosion of 
technology seems to create as many problems for our security as it 
solves for our society. In the late hours of the evening, I reflect 
upon the increasing challenges we face; and I arrive to work every 
morning resolved and determined to do something about them.
    In this commitment, I am not alone. I am privileged to serve the 
American people alongside a remarkable group of colleagues who share my 
dedication: the men and women serving in the Bureau of International 
Security and Nonproliferation, who frustrate our adversaries and are 
respected by our allies and friends throughout the world. I am inspired 
by these public servants who gladly accept personal sacrifices to serve 
our nation. The President's confidence in me, a career officer, is an 
honor for me and my family, but it is also a testament to the expertise 
and ability of the remarkable professionals in the Bureau. Indeed, the 
Bureau is an extraordinary collection of civil servants, foreign 
service officers, and contractors with expertise in the physical 
sciences, engineering, intelligence, military sciences, communications, 
and program administration. Many are leading subject matter experts 
with international reputations. I am in awe of the tremendous skills 
and knowledge and dedication they bring to tackle some of the most 
pressing security problems facing the nation and the world. If 
confirmed, I will work even harder to empower my colleagues to tackle 
the challenges this committee expects us to meet.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, the Ranking Member, and members of the 
committee for your time and attention today and for your consideration 
of my nomination. I look forward to answering your questions.


    Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Kang.
    Mr. Scheinman?

 STATEMENT OF HON. ADAM SCHEINMAN OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
      SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT FOR NUCLEAR 
         NONPROLIFERATION, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking 
Member Hagerty, and all other members of the committee present 
today. It is really an honor to appear today as President 
Biden's nominee for Special Representative of the President for 
Nuclear Nonproliferation.
    I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence placed in me, and I am very pleased to be here 
today with my old friend Eliot Kang and all other nominees here 
today.
    Mr. Chairman, this is my second time nominated to serve in 
this position. The first followed more than two decades in the 
Federal civil service working on issues related to nuclear 
weapons proliferation and related nuclear risks. And for the 
last 4 years, I served on the faculty of the National War 
College which, among other benefits, was a welcome opportunity 
to step back and view nuclear matters through a wider lens.
    At the War College, we teach that major U.S. national 
security challenges are best met using all instruments of 
power--diplomatic, military, economic, and informational. And 
in partnership with friends and allies and, on occasion, our 
competitors. A perfect illustration is nuclear proliferation. 
It is a challenge to our vital interests and one for which 
there are no purely military or political solutions.
    There is no doubt that the international system is in 
transition. It is increasingly competitive. It is less 
predictable, and in a time of turbulence, some would ask 
whether the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, or the NPT--an 
agreement conceived in the Cold War period--was still fit for 
purpose. To my mind, the answer is a resounding ``yes.'' There 
is no nuclear weapons challenge facing the United States for 
which the NPT limits our strategic options or for which better 
options would be available in the treaty's absence.
    On the contrary, the NPT is a force multiplier and extends 
the range and reach of our nuclear diplomacy and global 
confidence in nonproliferation norms and all the supporting 
institutions. This, I think, explains the continuity of U.S. 
bipartisan support for the NPT, support that spans 12 
presidencies--6 Democratic and 6 Republican administrations 
from President Kennedy to President Biden.
    As in prior decades, it certainly remains true that nuclear 
proliferation dangers are best tackled not alone, but through 
collective action, and the NPT anchors that action. It is the 
basis for assembling diplomatic coalitions to confront 
countries like Iran and North Korea. Its wide, robust 
international safeguards came into being, and we continue to 
strengthen them. And it provides a framework for peaceful 
nuclear cooperation and restraint on transfers of the most 
sensitive nuclear technologies.
    It also permeates U.S. alliances that are themselves potent 
instruments of nonproliferation policy. Same time we have to 
acknowledge that the NPT is not immune from pressures that 
could erode its appeal. Regional grievances, rising frustration 
of parties over the slow pace on nuclear disarmament actions 
are really serious problems for the NPT's political process. 
And no one here needs any imagination to guess at the 
consequences for the treaty and for international security if 
Iran were to take the path of North Korea and withdraw from the 
treaty to develop nuclear weapons.
    If confirmed, I look forward to doing my part to advance a 
broad U.S. strategy to strengthen the NPT in all aspects. There 
is much work to do, from strengthening the institutional 
machinery for nonproliferation to reassuring allies that they 
can depend on the United States for defense and deterrence and 
providing the arms control enterprise that President Biden has 
started with the agreement with Russia on a 5-year extension of 
the New START Treaty. These are important steps, and I hope 
they lay the groundwork for additional measures.
    Most significantly, our NPT agenda requires steady U.S. 
leadership. We were present at the creation of the 
nonproliferation regime. No other state has our reach or our 
influence to sustain it. And if confirmed, I pledge to do my 
part to carry forward the legacy of U.S. leadership, working 
closely with Congress, with my interagency colleagues and our 
foreign partners to preserve and strengthen this vital 
instrument.
    So, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome any questions you or 
members of the committee may have.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Scheinman follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Adam M. Scheinman

    Thank you Mr. Chairman and members of the committee.
    It is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee for Special Representative of the President for Nuclear 
Nonproliferation. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken 
for the confidence they have placed in me. I am also very pleased to be 
here today with my fellow nominees.
    Mr. Chairman, this is my second time being nominated for this 
position. The first time capped more than two decades in the federal 
civil service dedicated to preventing nuclear weapons proliferation and 
related nuclear risks. More recently, I served on the faculty of the 
National War College, which was a welcome break from the day-to-day 
rhythms of government work but also an opportunity to step back and 
view nuclear matters through a wider lens.
    At the war college, we teach that major U.S. national security 
challenges are best met using all instruments of power--diplomatic, 
military, economic and informational--and in partnership with friends, 
allies, and on occasion our competitors. A perfect illustration is 
nuclear proliferation, a challenge to our vital interests and for which 
there are no purely military or political solutions.
    There can be no doubt that the international system is in 
transition, increasingly competitive and less predictable. In a time of 
such turbulence, some ask whether the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty--or NPT, an agreement conceived in the Cold War era--is ``fit 
for purpose.''
    To my mind, this question answers itself resoundingly in the 
affirmative. There is no realistic nuclear weapons challenge facing the 
United States for which the NPT limits our strategic options or for 
which better options would be available in the treaty's absence. To the 
contrary, the NPT is a force multiplier, extending the range and reach 
of U.S. nuclear diplomacy and global confidence in nonproliferation 
norms, rules and supporting institutions. This explains the continuity 
of U.S. bipartisan support for this treaty, support that spans twelve 
presidencies, from President Kennedy to President Biden--that's six 
Democratic and six Republican administrations.
    As in prior decades, we recognize today that nuclear proliferation 
dangers are best tackled not alone but through collective action. The 
NPT anchors such action. It is the basis for assembling diplomatic 
coalitions to confront Iran and North Korea. It is why robust 
international nuclear safeguards came into being and continue to 
strengthen. It provides a framework for peaceful nuclear cooperation 
and restraint on transfers of sensitive nuclear technologies. And it 
permeates U.S. alliances that are themselves potent instruments of 
nonproliferation policy.
    At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the NPT is not 
immune to pressures that over time may erode its appeal. Regional 
grievances and rising frustration of many parties over the slow pace of 
nuclear disarmament actions are serious problems that roil the NPT's 
political process. And one needs little imagination to guess at the 
consequences for the treaty and international security if Iran were to 
take the path of North Korea by seeking to withdraw from the treaty to 
develop nuclear weapons.
    If confirmed, I look forward to doing my part to advance a broad 
U.S. strategy to strengthen the NPT in all its aspects. There is much 
work to do, from strengthening international safeguards, to expanding 
peaceful nuclear cooperation without adding to proliferation dangers, 
to enhancing the security incentives of states to support the NPT. 
Reassuring allies that rely on the United States for defense and 
deterrence is one such measure. Another is reviving the nuclear arms 
control enterprise, as the Biden administration has advanced by 
reaching agreement with Russia on a five-year extension of the New 
START Treaty. The agreement to resume a high-level dialogue on 
strategic stability is another welcome development, one that can lay 
the groundwork for additional measures.
    Most significantly, our NPT agenda requires steady U.S. leadership. 
We were present at the creation of the nonproliferation regime and no 
other state has our reach or influence to sustain it. If confirmed, I 
pledge to do my part to carry forward the legacy of U.S. leadership, 
working closely with Congress, my interagency colleagues, and our 
foreign partners to preserve and strengthen a treaty system that 
contributes so much to the nation's security.
    Thank you again, Mr. Chairman. I welcome any questions you or other 
members of the committee may have.


    Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Scheinman.
    We will now turn to Ambassador Bernicat.

STATEMENT OF HON. MARCIA STEPHENS BLOOM BERNICAT OF NEW JERSEY, 
  A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF THE 
  MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE 
                        FOREIGN SERVICE

    Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator 
Coons, Ranking Member Senator Hagerty, distinguished members of 
the committee. I am honored to appear before you today.
    I sincerely thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for 
Director General of the Foreign Service and to serve as 
Director of Global Talent Management. If confirmed, I will work 
with the members of this committee to build a workforce better 
able to confront the breadth and depth of challenges we face in 
the 21st century.
    Supporting the more than 76,000 women and men who make up 
our diverse global team would be the highest privilege of my 
four-decade career. I am inspired by my colleagues who so 
dutiful serve our Nation, too often in harm's way. They deserve 
our full support, and their welfare will be my north star.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my aunt and 
uncle, Blanche and Robert Stephens; my sister and brother-in-
law, Kathryn and Luther White; and brother and sister-in-law, 
Rodney and Cindy Bloom. I would also like to thank my sons, 
Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, and their father, 
Olivier, who hold a special place in my heart in no small part 
for having shared this Foreign Service journey with me across 
the globe.
    As Secretary Blinken noted when he came before this 
committee, when America does not lead on the global stage, 
others who do not necessarily have our best interests at heart 
and mind fill the void, or the challenges simply go 
unaddressed. In order to lead with diplomacy, we need a strong 
State Department.
    Our team has been tested in unprecedented ways over the 
last 20 months. Most recently mobilizing to evacuate more than 
123,000 people, including 6,000 U.S. citizens, 2,800 locally 
employed staff from Afghanistan, one of the largest 
noncombatant evacuations in U.S. history. And this effort was 
preceded in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic by our 
coordinating the repatriation of over 100,000 Americans from 
136 different countries and territories in less than 6 months.
    A 21st century workforce must reflect our diverse Nation. 
If confirmed, I will prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion, 
and accessibility so the Department is fully representative of 
the American people and is a workplace where every employee is 
treated with dignity and respect and has an equal opportunity 
for professional development and promotion. I will work with 
Ambassador Winstanley, the Department's first Chief Diversity 
and Inclusion Officer, to ensure the initiatives she leads are 
embedded at every level of our organization.
    Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 months we have adapted to 
unprecedented circumstances. At State, we are building on that 
experience to invest in a workforce that is more mobile, agile, 
and expeditionary, especially one that gets outside capitals 
more often to directly engage local communities.
    The virtual world provides new tools and expanded outreach, 
for example [inaudible]. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we 
are prepared to return to the workplace while taking full 
advantage of a more hybrid workforce and environment.
    We will also need to build a broader knowledge set to meet 
the challenges our Nation faces--from preventing the next 
pandemic, harnessing the full potential of emerging 
technologies, and addressing climate change, to strengthening 
our alliances and countering our adversaries.
    Our diversity as a nation gives us strategic advantage. By 
seeking the best talent, most creative minds, and our fellow 
citizens' varied experiences and backgrounds, State is better 
equipped to advance America's security, its other interests, 
our values, and commitment to democracy. In our diversity, we 
embody the values to which our Nation aspires, and we also 
inspire Americans to pursue a life of service and give young 
people across the globe hope for a better future.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen 
accountability, empowering our employees to take risks, learn 
from their mistakes, and assume greater responsibility for 
their decisions. And I will endeavor to make healing central to 
all my efforts--from a pandemic that robbed us of too many 
colleagues and family members, from the withdrawal from 
Afghanistan where so many of our employees served over the past 
two decades, and from the racial and social strife that has 
rocked our country and our workforce.
    Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. I 
look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Bernicat follows:]


       Prepared Statement of Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat

    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members 
of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today. I sincerely 
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they 
have placed in me as their nominee for Director General of the Foreign 
Service and Director of Global Talent Management.
    If confirmed, I will work with the members of this committee to 
build a workforce better able to confront the breadth and depth of 
challenges we face in the 21st century. Supporting the more than 76,000 
women and men who make up our diverse, global team will be the highest 
privilege of my four-decade career. I am inspired by the women and men 
who so dutifully serve our nation, too often in harm's way. They 
deserve our full support and their welfare will be my north star.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my Aunt and Uncle Blanche 
and Robert Stephens, the matriarch and patriarch of our family, my 
sister and brother-in-law Kathryn and Luther White and brother and 
sister-in-law Rodney and Cindy Bloom. I'd also like to thank my sons, 
Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, and their father Olivier, who 
hold a special place in my heart in no small part for having shared 
this Foreign Service journey with me across the globe.
    As Secretary Blinken noted when he came before this committee, when 
America does not lead on the global stage others who do not necessarily 
have our best interests in mind fill the void, or the challenges simply 
go unaddressed. In order to lead with diplomacy, we need a strong State 
Department.
    Our team has been tested in unprecedented ways over the last 20 
months, most recently mobilizing to evacuate more than 123,000 people, 
including 6,000 U.S. citizens and 2,800 Locally Employed Staff from 
Afghanistan, one of the largest non-combatant evacuations in U.S. 
history. This effort was preceded, in the wake of the COVID pandemic, 
by coordinating the repatriation of 101,386 Americans from 136 
countries and territories in less than six months.
    A 21st century workforce must reflect our diverse nation. If 
confirmed, I will prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion, and 
accessibility so the Department is fully representative of the American 
people and is a workplace where every employee is treated with dignity 
and respect and has an equal opportunity for professional development 
and promotion. I look forward to working with Ambassador Abercrombie-
Winstanley, the Department's first Chief Diversity and Inclusion 
Officer, to ensure the initiatives she leads are embedded at every 
level of the organization.
    Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 months we have adapted to 
unprecedented circumstances. At State we are building on that 
experience to invest in a workforce that is more mobile, agile and 
expeditionary; especially one that gets outside capitals more often to 
directly engage local communities. The virtual world also provides new 
tools for outreach. Our national network successfully recruited record 
numbers of outstanding, diverse candidates for the Pickering, Rangel, 
and Foreign Affairs IT Fellowships, and pursued ambitious efforts 
focused on diversity for career candidates. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the Office of Management and Budget and the Office of 
Personnel Management to ensure we are prepared to return to the 
workplace while taking full advantage of a more hybrid workforce and 
environment.
    We will also need to build a broader knowledge set to meet the 
challenges and benefits from the opportunities our nation faces--from 
preventing the next pandemic, harnessing the full potential of emerging 
technologies and addressing climate change, to strengthening our 
alliances and countering our adversaries. Our diversity as a nation 
gives us strategic advantages. By seeking the best talent, most 
creative minds, and our fellow citizens' rich and varied experiences 
and backgrounds, State is better able to advance America's security, 
interests, values, and commitment to democracy. In our diversity we 
embody the values to which our nation aspires, inspire Americans to 
pursue a life of service and give young people across the globe hope 
for a better future.
    Finally, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen accountability, 
empowering employees to take risks, learn from their mistakes, and 
assume responsibility for their decisions. And I will endeavor to make 
healing central to all my efforts--from a pandemic that robbed us of 
too many colleagues and family members; from the withdrawal from 
Afghanistan, where so many of our employees served over the past two 
decades; and from the racial and social strife that has rocked our 
country and our workforce.
    Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. I look 
forward to your questions.


    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
    Next we will turn to Ms. Crocker.

  STATEMENT OF HON. BATHSHEBA NELL CROCKER OF THE DISTRICT OF 
 COLUMBIA, NOMINATED TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES 
   OF AMERICA TO THE OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND OTHER 
    INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN GENEVA, WITH THE RANK OF 
                           AMBASSADOR

    Ms. Crocker. Thank you, Senator Coons, Ranking Member 
Hagerty, and distinguished members of this committee.
    I am honored to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the Representative of the United States 
to the United Nations and Other International Organizations in 
Geneva. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary of State 
Blinken for this opportunity to again serve my country.
    I am so grateful for the love and support of my husband, 
Milan Vaishnav, our daughters, Asha and Farrin, and for their 
sacrifice, should I be confirmed to take on this important 
role. I am also thankful for the support of my father, Chester 
Crocker, and my sisters and their families, and I am thinking 
today of my mom, who would have so proud to witness me 
appearing before this committee again.
    My parents instilled in me a deep commitment to public 
service. I have had no greater honor than serving my country, 
side by side with our career diplomatic corps. And I am 
especially proud that my father and I are the only father-
daughter Assistant Secretaries of State in State Department 
history.
    My previous roles as Assistant Secretary of State for 
International Organization Affairs at the United Nations and 
overseeing CARE USA's humanitarian work have shown me that the 
United Nations works most effectively when the United States 
leads and leverages all of the tools at our disposal to advance 
U.S. national security interests across and through the United 
Nations system.
    My previous experiences position me well to represent the 
United States across the many different organizations in Geneva 
and ensure sound oversight of the U.S. contributions to those 
organizations. I am committed to advancing reforms to make 
those organizations more efficient and effective and to 
ensuring the United States is best positioned to lead, to 
collaborate, and, where necessary, to outcompete, so that the 
United Nations system remains grounded on its foundational 
values of advancing human rights, democracy, economic 
opportunity, and international peace and security.
    China, Russia, Cuba, and others are threatening those 
values, seeking to co-opt multilateral institutions, including 
Geneva-based organizations, to impose their national agendas 
and reshape the rules-based international organizations. For 
example, at the International Telecommunications Union, the 
People's Republic of China and Russia aimed to undercut U.S. 
efforts to protect the open Internet. If confirmed, I will work 
to ensure that the United States and our like-minded partners 
can drive the discussion and the rules of the road, at the ITU 
and other standard-setting bodies, and support strong 
candidates for leadership in the Geneva-based organizations.
    The Biden-Harris administration decided that the United 
States should run for re-election to the U.N. Human Rights 
Council to ensure that body focuses on the world's worst human 
rights violators. The Geneva-based organizations are critical 
to U.S. efforts to address the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthen 
global health security, and support effective and efficient 
provision of humanitarian assistance in crisis and conflict 
situations around the world. The World Health Organization is a 
central pillar of the global house security architecture.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. leadership in the 
efforts to strengthen the WHO through reforms that promote 
transparency, accountability, cost effectiveness, 
sustainability, and equity across the agency and its programs. 
I am committed to ensuring that the organization can more 
effectively and transparently tackle COVID-19 and future 
emerging global health threats in collaboration with other U.N. 
and international partners.
    During my time at CARE USA, I saw firsthand the key role, 
the vital role that the United States plays in leading and 
supporting humanitarian efforts around the globe. In Geneva, 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the 
International Organization on Migration, the Office of the 
Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs, and the International 
Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent are key partners in 
those efforts. And if confirmed, I will ensure robust U.S. 
leadership and oversight at those agencies and look to leverage 
U.S. contributions to drive needed reforms and ensure other 
countries step up.
    At their best, Geneva-based organizations are valuable 
partners across an array of U.S. priorities, including global 
health security, human rights, humanitarian assistance, 
technology, and other standard-setting efforts, climate change, 
intellectual property, trade disarmament, and more.
    If confirmed, I will aim to reestablish U.S. relationships 
and leadership so that we can effectively leverage the unique 
multilateral platform Geneva offers to work with allies and 
partners, the private sector, and civil society to advance U.S. 
goals and push back on PRC and others' efforts to undermine 
those organizations.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this 
committee today. I look forward to your questions and, if 
confirmed, to working with this committee to ensure that USUN 
Geneva effectively meets the challenges of today's strategic 
landscape.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Crocker follows:]


         Prepared Statement of The Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker

    Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member, and distinguished 
members of this committee.
    I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to 
be the Representative of the United States of America to the United 
Nations and Other International Organizations in Geneva. I am grateful 
to President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken for this opportunity 
to again serve my country.
    I am so grateful for the love and support of my husband, Milan 
Vaishnav, and our daughters, Asha and Farrin--and for their sacrifice 
should I be confirmed to take on this important role. I am also 
thankful for the support of my father, Chester Crocker and my sisters 
and their families, and am thinking today of my mom, who would have 
been so proud to witness me appearing before this committee again.
    My parents instilled in me a deep commitment to public service. I 
have had no greater honor than serving my country side-by-side with our 
career diplomatic corps, and I am especially proud that my father and I 
are the only father-daughter Assistant Secretaries of State in State 
Department history.
    My previous roles as Assistant Secretary of State for International 
Organization Affairs, at the United Nations, and overseeing CARE USA's 
humanitarian work have shown me that the United Nations works most 
effectively when the United States leads and leverages all the tools at 
our disposal to advance U.S. national security interests across and 
through the United Nations system.
    My previous experiences position me well to represent the United 
States across the different organizations in Geneva and ensure sound 
oversight of the U.S. contributions to those organizations. I am 
committed to advancing reforms to make those organizations more 
efficient and effective and to ensuring the United States is best 
positioned to lead, to collaborate, and, where necessary, to out-
compete--so that the United Nations system remains grounded on its 
foundational values of advancing human rights, democracy, economic 
opportunity, and international peace and security.
    China, Russia, Cuba, and others are threatening those values, 
seeking to co-opt multilateral institutions, including Geneva-based 
organizations, to impose their national agendas and reshape the rules-
based international order.
    At the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), the PRC and 
Russia aim to undercut U.S. efforts to protect the open internet. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States and our like-minded 
partners can drive the discussion and the rules of the road--at the ITU 
and other standard-setting bodies--and support strong candidates for 
leadership in the Geneva-based organizations.
    The Biden-Harris administration decided that the United States 
should run for re-election to the U.N. Human Rights Council to ensure 
that body focuses on shining a spotlight on the world's worst human 
rights violators.
    The Geneva-based organizations are critical to U.S. efforts to 
address the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthen global health security, and 
support effective and efficient provision of humanitarian assistance in 
crisis and conflict situations.
    The World Health Organization is a central pillar of the global 
health security architecture. If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. 
leadership in the efforts to strengthen the WHO through reforms that 
promote transparency, accountability, sustainability, cost 
effectiveness, and equity across the agency and its programs. I am 
committed to ensuring that the organization can more effectively and 
transparently tackle COVID-19 and future emerging global health threats 
in collaboration with other U.N. and international partners.
    During my time at CARE USA, I saw firsthand the critical role the 
U.S. plays in leading and supporting humanitarian efforts around the 
globe. In Geneva, the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the 
International Organization on Migration, the Office of the Coordinator 
for Humanitarian Affairs, and the International Committee of the Red 
Cross and Red Crescent are key partners in those efforts, and, if 
confirmed, I will ensure robust U.S. leadership and oversight at those 
agencies and look to leverage U.S. contributions to drive needed 
reforms and ensure other countries step up.
    At their best, the Geneva-based organizations are valuable partners 
across an array of U.S. priorities, including global health security, 
human rights, humanitarian assistance, technology and other standard 
setting efforts, climate change, intellectual property, trade, 
disarmament, and more. If confirmed, I will aim to re-establish U.S. 
relationships and leadership so that we can effectively leverage the 
unique multilateral platform Geneva offers to work with allies and 
partners, the private sector, and civil society to advance U.S. goals 
and pushback on PRC and others' efforts to undermine those 
organizations.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this committee 
today. I look forward to your questions and, if confirmed, to working 
with this committee to ensure that USUN Geneva effectively meets the 
challenges of today's strategic landscape.


    Senator Coons. Thank you, Ms. Crocker.
    Dr. Carpenter, you are our last of our five nominees today. 
We look forward to your opening statement.

STATEMENT OF DR. MICHAEL CARPENTER OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 
  NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR 
SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Dr. Carpenter. Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member 
Hagerty, and members of the committee for this opportunity to 
appear before you today as the President's nominee for 
Permanent Representative to the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe.
    It is a tremendous honor to be nominated for this position, 
and I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence they have placed in me.
    I would also like to thank my parents, my spouse, and our 
two children for their endless love and support.
    My mother immigrated to this country from Poland. She was 
born during World War II while my grandparents, both 
physicians, were fighting the Nazi occupation as clandestine 
officers in the underground Home Army. After the war, the 
Communist dictatorship rewarded their heroism by confiscating 
their property and torturing my grandfather to divulge the 
names of his fellow officers. He refused, even when it cost him 
his job at the local hospital. Over four decades later, though, 
he lived to see the Solidarity movement sweep aside the 
oppressive Communist regime.
    My family's struggles against totalitarianism instilled in 
me an appreciation for the democratic freedoms we enjoy as 
Americans and a conviction that they must never be taken for 
granted. I graduated from high school in 1989, the very year 
that communism was defeated in Central Europe. After earning a 
doctorate studying democratic movements, I joined the Foreign 
Service.
    I was working on the South Caucasus when Russia invaded 
Georgia in 2008, and I was serving as NSC Director for Russia 
when it invaded Ukraine in 2014. Later, at the Pentagon, I led 
efforts to strengthen and support the sovereignty and 
territorial integrity and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the 
countries between NATO and Russia.
    Today, the optimism of 1989 seems distant. Democratic 
institutions are under assault, and increasingly aggressive 
authoritarian regimes seem to weaken and divide democratic 
states against one another. A Communist dictatorship in China 
is trampling human rights and using economic coercion against 
other states.
    A revanchist Russia is repressing civil society and using 
active measures to disrupt and weaken democratic rivals. In 
many countries within the OSCE space, anti-Semitism, racism, 
and intolerance are gaining ground. Judicial independence is 
eroding. Journalists are harassed. And ruling parties with no 
interest in fair electoral competition are capturing state 
institutions.
    Recognizing the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I would 
highlight the following three vital areas, where, if confirmed, 
I would seek to partner with the members of this committee as 
well as with the Helsinki Commission.
    First, to promote comprehensive security across all three 
OSCE dimensions--politico-military, economic and environmental, 
and human rights. Participating states must address not just 
conventional military threats, but also hybrid threats, such as 
election interference, energy coercion, disinformation, dark 
money, cyber operations, and transnational repression. We need 
to find ways not only to shine a light on these malign 
activities, but also to defend ourselves and our democratic 
partners against them.
    Second, to promote prosperity and rule of law, 
participating states must establish stronger anti-corruption 
measures, both east and west of Vienna. Corruption erodes 
economic growth, it undermines security, and it enables state 
capture. Like-minded states must work together to fight 
kleptocracy, using tools like criminal statues against bribery, 
Global Magnitsky-style sanctions, and collective action against 
offshore secrecy.
    Third, our allies and partners must work together to 
strength the resilience of frontline democracies. In Ukraine, 
Georgia, Moldova, Armenia, and many Balkan countries, OSCE 
institutions offer a range of tools for strengthening 
democratic resilience. Supporting religious freedom, media 
pluralism, electoral reform, and judicial independence all fall 
into this basket, as do efforts to bridge societal divides and 
resolve longstanding conflicts.
    Lastly, I want to acknowledge the instrumental role that 
Congress plays in achieving these goals. Whenever Members of 
this body observe an election, condemn human rights abuses, or 
demand push back against foreign coercion, you serve as a force 
multiplier. If confirmed, it will be an honor to work the 
members of this committee, the Helsinki commissioners, and 
other Members of Congress to advance our shared interest in 
democracy, transparency, prosperity, and security for the 
American people.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Dr. Carpenter follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Dr. Michael Carpenter

    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the 
committee for this opportunity to appear before you as the President's 
nominee for Permanent Representative to the Organization for Security 
and Cooperation in Europe. It is a tremendous honor to be nominated for 
this position and I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
    I would also like to thank my parents, my spouse, and our two 
children for their endless love and support.
    My mother immigrated to this country from Poland. She was born 
during World War II while my grandparents, both physicians, were 
fighting the Nazi occupation as clandestine officers in the underground 
Home Army. After the war, the Communist dictatorship rewarded their 
heroism by confiscating their property and torturing my grandfather to 
divulge the names of his fellow officers. He refused, even when it cost 
him his job at the local hospital. Over four decades later, though, he 
lived to see the Solidarity movement sweep aside the oppressive 
Communist regime.
    My family's struggles against totalitarianism instilled in me an 
appreciation for the democratic freedoms we enjoy as Americans and a 
conviction that they must never be taken for granted. I graduated from 
high school in 1989, the very year Communism was defeated in Central 
Europe. After earning a doctorate studying democratic movements, I 
joined the Foreign Service. I was working on the South Caucasus region 
when Russia invaded Georgia in 2008 and was serving as NSC Director for 
Russia when it invaded Ukraine in 2014. Later, at the Pentagon, I led 
efforts to strengthen and support the sovereignty, territorial 
integrity, and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the countries between NATO 
and Russia.
    Today, the optimism of 1989 admittedly seems distant. Democratic 
institutions are under assault and increasingly aggressive 
authoritarian regimes seek to weaken and divide democratic states 
against one other. A Communist dictatorship in China is trampling human 
rights and using economic coercion against other states. A revanchist 
Russia is repressing civil society and using ``active measures'' to 
disrupt and weaken democratic rivals. In many countries within the OSCE 
space, anti-Semitism, racism, and intolerance are gaining ground. 
Judicial independence is eroding, journalists are harassed, and ruling 
parties with no interest in fair electoral competition are capturing 
state institutions.
    Fortunately, the OSCE is uniquely suited to addressing these 
challenges. The Helsinki Final Act's linkages between security, 
economic relations, and human rights and its insistence that the latter 
are not an internal matter but a legitimate concern for all members of 
the international community have been transformational. Today, all 
participating States are held to account for their adherence to OSCE 
principles and commitments. If confirmed, I will continue speaking up 
for human dignity, freedom, and justice wherever they are challenged in 
the OSCE region. There are also bright spots and positive changes 
occurring. Though often less visible, OSCE field missions in Central 
Asia, the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe do highly impactful work 
to promote security, human rights, and rule of law at the local level.
    Recognizing the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I would 
highlight the following three vital areas where, if confirmed, I would 
seek to partner with the members of this committee as well as the 
Helsinki Commission:
    First, to promote comprehensive security across all three OSCE 
dimensions--politico-military, economic and environmental, and human 
rights--participating States must address not just conventional 
military threats but also ``hybrid'' threats such as election 
interference, energy coercion, disinformation, dark money, cyber 
operations, and transnational repression. We need to find ways not only 
to shine a light on these malign activities but also to defend 
ourselves and our democratic partners against them.
    Second, to promote prosperity and rule of law, participating States 
must establish stronger anti-corruption measures both east and west of 
Vienna. Corruption erodes economic growth, undermines security, and 
enables state capture. Like-minded states must work together to fight 
kleptocracy, using tools like criminal statutes against bribery, Global 
Magnitsky-style sanctions, and collective action against offshore 
secrecy.
    Third, our allies and partners must work together to strengthen the 
resilience of frontline democracies. In Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, 
Armenia, and many Balkan countries, OSCE institutions offer a range of 
tools for strengthening democratic resilience. Supporting religious 
freedom, media pluralism, electoral reform, and judicial independence 
all fall into this basket, as do efforts to bridge societal divides and 
resolve longstanding conflicts.
    Lastly, I want to acknowledge the instrumental role that Congress 
plays in achieving these goals. Whenever members of this body observe 
an election, condemn human rights abuses, or demand pushback against 
foreign coercion, you serve as a force multiplier. If confirmed, it 
will be an honor to work with the members of this committee, the 
Helsinki Commissioners, and other members of Congress to advance our 
shared interest in democracy, transparency, prosperity, and security 
for the American people.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.


    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    And now I am going to begin an initial round of 5 minutes. 
We have a robust participation in this virtual hearing, and I 
will ask just a few brief questions. I will try to direct one 
to each of the nominees, and then we will proceed to a first 
round. And if members are interested in a second round, if you 
please convey that to my team while we are doing these 
questions, that would be quite helpful.
    Dr. Kang, if you would just briefly describe to me what 
would the ISN Bureau's highest priorities be under your 
leadership?
    Dr. Kang. Thank you for that question, Senator Coons.
    I have--my career has been focused on nuclear matters, 
whether it be related to nuclear security, nuclear safeguards, 
even nuclear safety. But my biggest fear has always been a 
biological weapon that is unleashed on the world. And the 
COVID-19 pandemic right now is a wake-up call, and this is an 
area I have been very concerned about for many, many years.
    Four years ago, when I was Acting Assistant Secretary 
during the transition between President Obama and President 
Trump, I tried very much to increase our capability in this 
area in the Bureau. We have a very small staff even now, less 
than a half a dozen. Most of them, fellows, are from elsewhere. 
But when I consider that I had led diplomacy and engagement 
with our foreign partners and elsewhere to make everyone 
cognizant of a danger a radiological device could create, the 
mayhem that it could create and wreak on our economy and the 
casualties it could cause, just imagine what if COVID-19 was a 
purposely designed biological weapon.
    Now, state parties would be hesitant to use such a weapon. 
But I could clearly see a nihilistic group of terrorists and 
the threshold for creating something like this is not as high 
as creating a nuclear weapon without apparatus of a state with 
its engineering and manufacturing capabilities.
    So that is my greatest fear. Yet at the same time, the 
international instrument that at least my Bureau is responsible 
for, the Biological Weapons Convention, is the least 
institutionalized, least developed, and in many ways least 
significant of the many nonproliferation regime out there. So, 
sir, this is one area where I will be focused like a laser beam 
and trying to make some advances.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Kang. I will ask one more 
question, and then I will be asking in a second round.
    Mr. Scheinman, if I could? The NPT tries to balance 
peaceful use of nuclear energy with the goals of preventing the 
proliferation of sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technologies in 
enrichment and reprocessing and reducing the risk of the 
proliferation of nuclear weapons technology. How should the 
United States balance those two goals, and what would you do to 
help improve the effectiveness of the NPT?
    Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you very much for the question, 
Senator Coons. It is really a critical issue for the long-term 
success of the nonproliferation system because if we do not 
adequate controls over peaceful use of nuclear technology, we 
are very likely to see additional proliferation down the road.
    There are two areas where I think we need to spend a lot of 
time and energy. One is ensuring that the IAEA, the 
International Atomic Energy Agency's verification system is as 
strong and robust as possible, that we have agreements among 
states to make it as strong and robust as possible, so that we 
have a very clear firebreak between a country's peaceful 
nuclear program and any potential that that program might be 
put to weapons.
    The system has worked pretty well, but it could certainly 
be improved. And one area in particular that we hope to see 
improvement on is gaining global support for the additional 
protocol to the IAEA safeguards agreement, which is essential 
if we are going to ferret out undeclared nuclear programs. 
Absolutely essential.
    The other area is perhaps a bit outside of the NPT, but it 
deals with supplier policies. I worry about the spread of the 
most sensitive nuclear fuel production technologies, enrichment 
and reprocessing, because if that spreads to additional 
countries, it would be very, very challenging to prevent 
countries from not using that for military purposes down the 
road. So we have to work with the export control supply regime, 
the nuclear suppliers group to encourage the highest level of 
restraint in those transfers.
    We need to work with other nuclear suppliers so that we 
have understandings that when we sign contracts, it is not 
going to include enrichment and reprocessing technology. And we 
should acknowledge in the NPT itself that certain technologies 
are more dangerous than others, and we ought to erect the 
highest possible barriers. So that is some of the ways I think 
we can look at that.
    Senator Coons. Okay, thank you, Mr. Scheinman. I look 
forward to a next round where I will try to question our three 
other nominees.
    Senator Hagerty? Senator Hagerty, you are muted.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Bernicat, I would like to start with you. I 
would like to begin with a quote from Ambassadors Bill Burns 
and Linda Thomas-Greenfield, and this is the quote. ``The 
personnel evaluation process consumes 3 months of an officer's 
time, with no commensurate accountability for, let alone 
improvement in, individual or collective performance.''
    As U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I worked with some very 
talented colleagues in the State Department, but I can 
certainly sympathize with that statement, given the amount of 
time that people spent on performance evaluations. And I recall 
a saying that if one wants to offer criticism at the Department 
of State that one does it by damning someone by faint praise, 
as they say. I cannot tell you how many 5s I saw on personnel 
evaluation forms. And I strongly advocate for having a more 
rigorous evaluation process to ensure that accountability is at 
the center of the State Department's personnel process.
    So my first question is do you agree with the 
characterization of the State Department's personnel evaluation 
process as described by Ambassadors Burns and Thomas-
Greenfield?
    Ambassador Bernicat. Senator, thank you very much for that 
question, and you know from your own experience how time-
consuming our performance evaluation process is.
    I have to say, having served with Linda Thomas-Greenfield 
when she was Director General and being a colleague of Bill 
Burns over the years, I know that Linda in particular worked 
very hard to reform the EER process, which we did. I can tell 
you, if confirmed, I will rededicate my efforts to further 
reforms, which I understand are already being considered.
    The evaluation process is the sole means by which we 
promote people, but it is really the penultimate activity in 
what should be a year's worth of performance evaluation. And as 
a supervisor, I have always--and a leader, I have always 
encouraged my team, if you are a supervisor, to provide honesty 
feedback throughout the year and with the notion of improving 
performance because no one is perfect. And then as to my 
employees to seek that kind of critical feedback because it is 
very hard to see our blind spots, and our performance in those 
blind spots change from time to time. So I assure you that we 
have improvements we can make, and we should make them.
    Senator Hagerty. I am glad to hear it and look forward to 
working with you to talk through metrics. And again, I do not 
mean critical in a bad sense, but as I said, the performance 
evaluations seem so inflated to me as a business person that it 
is hard, it is hard for a person to see how they might improve 
when anyone--when everybody gets such high scores in the 
system.
    One more place I want to turn is the issue of promotion in 
the State Department, Ambassador. Again, I am going to come 
back to Bill Burns and Linda Thomas-Greenfield. They also said 
this, that opportunities for mid-career graduate or 
professional education are scarce--and here is what gets me--
and they carry little weight with promotion panels.
    The effect is often to penalize employees who receive extra 
training or undertake assignments to other agencies, or they 
work in Congress because they have gone outside of the State 
Department system and spent time there. And if what they say is 
true, it really seems counterproductive to me to building a 
diplomatic corps, that we want to have the type of breadth of 
experience and preparation for the 21st century. And if 
confirmed, I would love to hear how you would ensure that 
professional education, experiences like working on the Hill, 
are something that actually inures to the credit of our State 
Department employees.
    Ambassador Bernicat. Yes, well, thank you. I would say 
three things on this issue.
    One is that expanding your skill set as a Foreign Service 
officer at whatever point in your career is considered a 
valuable and credible reason to promote someone. In and of 
itself, the training is not a promotable function, if you will, 
but have you applied the skills that you learned in that 
additional training or time off?
    Secondly, the promotion boards. Again, my experience as an 
employee and as a supervisor, promotion boards have been 
instructed to in recent years to give added weight to those 
experiences.
    And thirdly, and this is a real key, Senator, we have had a 
roller-coaster experience with hiring, both in terms of budget 
and in terms of hiring freezes over the course of my career. It 
is really difficult to allow people the time that they need to 
take to get training when we are short on personnel. And so, I 
know that our budget requests are looking to once again build 
in the kind of cushion where we can let people take time off 
without harming the core mission.
    And Senator, if I can just add parenthetically, I had a 
year of university training at Berkeley before going to India, 
and I believe it directly helped lead to my promotion after 
that. So I would say when we use those training opportunities, 
build in those exchange opportunities, then they strengthen a 
person's promotability.
    Senator Hagerty. I am glad to hear you say that, and that 
is your perspective. I know talking with my employees at the 
Embassy in Japan, there was a perception that it may--you know, 
it may actually be a disadvantage to take that time off, and I 
understand the resource constraints that make it difficult and 
challenging. But I look forward to working with you because I 
do think those sort of broadening experiences make a real 
difference.
    Mr. Chairman, I will yield my time back. Look forward to a 
second round.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. 
And first, let me thank all of our nominees for their 
willingness to continue to serve our country. We thank you. We 
thank your families.
    Dr. Carpenter, I first want to appreciate the meeting that 
we had and your statements today about working with the members 
of the Senate and the Helsinki Commission members and the 
Helsinki Commission itself. I think we share the same 
objectives. I was very pleased to hear your three priorities.
    In regards to the hybrid threat, you are exactly right. I 
call your attention to a report I authored when I was ranking 
on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about Mr. Putin's use 
of an asymmetric arsenal to bring down democratic states. I 
think you will find a lot of the issues you talk about. We 
document Russia's specific use of these tools to compromise 
democracies.
    And that is why resiliency of frontline democracies so much 
needs to be a priority. We have seen a decline of democracies 
globally, and certainly within the OSCE region, there has been 
a significant decline of democratic states.
    And then, lastly, the corruption issue. You and I have 
talked about this. The corruption is the fuel that allows the 
autocratic regimes to stay in power. So I am going to ask your 
help in three bills that are moving through the Congress 
because sometimes we do not get the full cooperation of the 
executive branch and the missions within the State Department.
    One would set up a tier rating system for how well every 
state in country--every country in the world is dealing with 
corruption. The other makes the Global Magnitsky statute 
permanent and strengthens some of the provisions within it. And 
the third establishes a fund that we can use when an 
opportunity presents itself to deal with--dealing with 
corruption in countries.
    All three are bipartisan, and all three are very strongly 
supported. There has been positive action in our committee. But 
I would ask your support for these initiatives because I think 
it very much will help you in regards to your mission.
    So I look forward to working with you, and I will be glad 
to hear a response.
    Dr. Carpenter. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for your 
incredible leadership on these issues. And it has been so 
heartening to see the Helsinki Commission, and you in 
particular, leading the effort on anti-kleptocracy. And I would 
note that the anti-kleptocracy act now has, I believe, seven 
different bills attached to it, all of which strike at key 
elements of global corruption.
    This is a problem, as you just noted, Senator, that is 
inextricably linked to the growth of authoritarianism around 
the world. Often we see regimes that consolidate political 
power that start out by using corrupt means, whether it is 
doling out procurement contracts or using other forms of graft 
and bribery, to be able to accumulate economic power.
    So those two things, sort of the oligarchization of 
politics around the world and the growing authoritarianism of 
politics around the world, go together. And of course, some of 
our biggest competitors, both Russian and China, are experts at 
weaponizing corruption against democratic states.
    So I value these efforts, the incredible number of ideas 
and bills that have come out of the Helsinki Commission, many 
of which you have cosponsored, and look forward to advancing 
this agenda, if confirmed.
    Senator Cardin. I look forward to working with you.
    Dr. Kang and Ambassador Scheinman, I would like to ask you 
about probably the greatest the threat we have on nuclear 
proliferation, and that is Iran. We are in a somewhat difficult 
decision right now not to be part of the JCPOA. Which we have 
seen Iran violate the JCPOA, and yet we are, it looks like, 
supporting a path that will not allow for international 
sanctions. I want to know your strategies for how you will 
advise President Biden and the administration on what can work 
in making sure Iran does not have nuclear weapons.
    Dr. Kang. Perhaps I should start, sir? Absolutely Iran 
should never obtain a nuclear weapon. The President is 
absolutely committed to that, and that is consistent passed 
over a number of administrations. But return to the JCPOA 
advances our national security interest. And it is the 
intention of the President to build a longer and stronger deal, 
which encompasses regional destabilization that Iran is 
responsible for, but also the ballistic missile development 
they have, which could threaten certainly the regional 
neighbors but perhaps, over time, ultimately the United States.
    So, yes, there has been a break in conversations and 
negotiations between our lead negotiator, Rob Malley, who is 
charge of this, since June, but there also has been an election 
in Tehran. Now the Supreme Leader makes the ultimate call, but 
nonetheless, it is left to the presidential administration to 
implement and negotiate their position with us. So we are still 
waiting for a positive response from Iran, but nonetheless as, 
Senator Cardin, you point out, the Iranians are creating plants 
underground, which has nothing to do with peaceful uses of 
nuclear energy.
    Enrichment up to 60 percent for uranium, also producing 
uranium metal of 20 percent, these are dangerous moves. So 
while we have not imposed a deadline for these negotiations, I 
think Secretary Blinken made it clear and stated that we are 
very conscious that as time proceeds, Iran's nuclear advances 
will have a bearing in its view, our view of returning to the 
JCPOA. And President also said the process will not be open 
indefinitely.
    And sir, as someone who had pioneered in many ways and also 
been at the front edge of many nonproliferation and 
counterproliferation sanctions targeting, whether it be DPRK, 
Syria, or Iran, all those machineries and authorities--and 
thanks for tools that Congress has armed us with--we are ready 
to make sure that Iran makes the right decision not just for, 
well, for itself, for the sake for the Iranian people.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Coons. We are next going to hear from Senator 
Young.
    Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman. I will stick with the 
topic of Iran for starters here. Since both Dr. Kang and Mr. 
Scheinman are up for related and somewhat overlapping 
positions, I would like you each to speak to your views on the 
following questions.
    Just to lay the foundation here, at the last moment, the 
IAEA struck a deal with Iranian officials on September 12th to 
continue nuclear monitoring. However, in that deal, the storage 
cards for the monitoring cameras are sealed and cannot be 
viewed until the United States and Iran resume JCPOA talks. But 
this, of course, is a critical time when Iran is actively 
moving towards having enough material for a bomb.
    I would like to know what each of you believes is a 
realistic timeframe before Iran has enough fissile material for 
a nuclear weapon. How much time are we dealing with here?
    Dr. Kang. Ambassador Scheinman, are you comfortable dealing 
with it? Perhaps as a sitting official----
    Senator Young. Dr. Kang, go ahead, please.
    Dr. Kang. Yes, perhaps I am in a better position because I 
do not believe Mr. Scheinman is privy to some of the latest 
information and assessment.
    Senator Young. Yes, go ahead, sir.
    Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. So the platform, of course, this 
particular platform is not ideal for transmitting the most 
accurate and precise information to you, sir. So, if confirmed, 
I certainly will be happy to brief you on this matter.
    Senator Young. Okay, okay.
    Dr. Kang. But it is true, I mean, they have, as when they 
were complying with JCPOA, they were about a year away from 
producing enough fissile material for a viable weapon.
    Senator Young. Sure. Well, there has been----
    Dr. Kang. Now they are months away. Yes?
    Senator Young. I understand, if you are read into this, 
you, of course, would not want to provide any classified 
estimates, which is good. You passed that test. But open 
source, you know, materials indicate that a couple of months is 
some of the latest estimates that may or may not be accurate.
    I will ask each of you to answer the following. What 
alternatives is the Biden administration considering if the 
resumption of talks fails? Dr. Kang?
    Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. So, ultimately, that would be up to the 
President and the Secretary and others at a much higher pay 
scale than myself. But it is clear that what my mission would 
be, and our Bureau is very well equipped to apply those 
necessary sanctions, interdiction, and other measures to make 
sure that there is sufficient incentive for Iran to reconsider 
its position.
    Senator Young. Okay, so your job would not be to offer 
counsel on such matters?
    Dr. Kang. Well, I would definitely voice my opinion, sir, 
and I will be part of the interagency process. But I have been 
dealing with proliferators all my career here at State 
Department.
    Senator Young. Yeah.
    Dr. Kang. DPRK, Syria.
    Senator Young. You mention sanctions, Dr. Kang. We had 
sanctions before this administration came in. So what other 
options might you recommend?
    Dr. Kang. Well, certainly there are other things that once 
again I cannot fully discuss with you in this platform. But as 
a general matter, interdiction is something we are very good 
at. There are varied export control measures that we lead, and 
we will turn those on, right back on.
    Senator Young. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Scheinman, will you be involved consultatively with the 
administration in your role on such matters?
    Ambassador Scheinman. Yes.
    Senator Young. And if so, if you would kindly indicate what 
alternatives the administration should consider if these talks 
fail.
    Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you, Senator. I would note that 
my responsibilities will not include our direct negotiations 
with Iran. That is handled by others in the administration. I 
will probably look at the issue through the lens of the 
Nonproliferation Treaty and what do we do if Iran were to break 
out of the Nonproliferation Treaty.
    Senator Young. Okay. Well, my time is winding down. I would 
just note I also had question for Ms. Crocker pertaining to an 
unrelated matter. It relates to the Human Rights Council and--
--
    Senator Coons. Just be briefly, if you might, Senator 
Young.
    Senator Young. Yes, I will, indeed. The step they took of 
establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate 
Israel, the only such permanent agenda item on the council. We 
will ask you about that in writing. Perhaps you could offer 
your views on the propriety of that matter.
    Thank you.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Young.
    Senator Schatz?
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ambassador Bernicat, to all of you, thank you for your 
willingness to serve. I understand that Special Envoy Kerry and 
his team are doing a lot of work in terms of how to make sure 
taking action on climate is a routine part of how our Foreign 
Service thinks about their mission on a day-to-day basis. Can 
you talk a little bit about where you see the opportunities to 
make climate action part of recruitment, training, and 
promoting Foreign Service officers so that it becomes a 
permanent part of the Foreign Service and the State Department 
and does not swing wildly depending on who the Secretary is and 
who the President is?
    Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you so much, Senator Schatz, for 
that question that has been teasing all of us and especially in 
my current role as Acting Assistant Secretary for Oceans, 
Environment, and Scientific Affairs. Our goal is to increase 
the literacy Department wide on [inaudible] environment----
    Senator Coons. Ms. Ambassador Bernicat, in a demonstration 
of the need for greater investment in State Department IT, your 
signal is cutting out very, very badly.
    [Crosstalk.]
    Ambassador Bernicat:--and health issues, it begins with 
recruiting. But of course, the bulk of our corps is generalist, 
and so--I did improve the audio. Is that working?
    Senator Coons. Sure. Why do we not try and continue now?
    Ambassador Bernicat. Can you hear me?
    Senator Schatz. The audio seems to be working. Go ahead.
    Ambassador Bernicat. Okay. I have also changed location. So 
tell me if that helps.
    [Inaudible.] Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
    Recruiting more people with the STH skills as well as 
promoting stem education are part of the plan, but I can assure 
you, sir, if confirmed, that we will also look for ways to 
improve training for all officers and staff as well as to bring 
more people into the various bureaus who have specific 
responsibility for these issues. In no small part because they 
are tied not just to environment, but to energy, to increasing 
jobs, and to everything related to the environment, including 
health.
    Senator Schatz. You know, I think that is a good start, but 
I want to be really crisp with what I am asking. I am looking 
for the kinds of changes that are institutionally difficult to 
reverse and do not depend on who the President is. And just an 
emphasis on who you hire is not an unreasonable start, but I am 
looking for processes, training manuals, curricula, and all of 
that to change because climate is not going to go away as a 
threat multiplier and as a diplomatic challenge. So I look 
forward to working with you on that.
    Ambassador, as you know, we pass a defense authorization 
every year, and we sometimes pass a Coast Guard authorization 
every year, and I am wondering if you can talk about in your 
mind's eye what it would be like if the Congress passed an 
annual State Department reauthorization, as we do for the 
Department of Defense, and how that might help to address the 
challenges that you see with the Foreign Service.
    Ambassador Bernicat. Well, sir, thank you for that 
question, and let me just say, thank you, I look forward to 
working with this committee and with Congress on a whole host 
of issues related to the health and function of our staffs and 
the State Department in general.
    I would say that, you know, in general, our greatest 
resource is our people. And so, the ability--as you say, 
recruiting is a good start, but we also need to make sure that 
we are retaining and developing that talent pool all along the 
way in their career, and to be able to do that in a steady 
funding, to be able to plan workforces out over a period of 
time is really important.
    We are, parenthetically, right now the youngest Foreign--
excuse me, State Department in terms of seniority that we have 
been years, and that has a lot to do with the hiring surges 
that took place under Secretary Powell and Secretary Clinton, 
as well as a good number of retirements, especially in our 
civil service corps.
    In terms of processes related to the environment, there are 
a whole host of things from legislation that requires specific 
actions. We are--we are leading again from the front on 
environmental issues, and we are committing ourselves to a 
number of actions that have multiple-year execution in order to 
make them happen. And so we are looking to build in ways to 
make sure that we are supporting not only our commitments, but 
the countries that we are asking to make those commitments.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, can I have another minute?
    Senator Coons. One question, if you would, Senator Schatz.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    Just, Dr. Kang, the Biden administration is continuing the 
previous administration's proposals to expand U.S. nuclear 
capabilities, including a new low-yield nuclear sea-launched 
cruise missile that many of us believe is dangerous and 
unnecessary. I understand that some of the true bad actors are 
not persuaded by anything or by much, and that sort of calls of 
hypocrisy are not particularly compelling. But I am also 
wondering about the rational countries that we are trying to 
persuade not to pursue their own nuclear ambitions and how we 
square our pursuing of these low-yield nuclear sea-launched 
cruise missiles with our desire to stop proliferation among 
some of our allies and adversaries who are considering whether 
they want to go down the wrong path.
    Dr. Kang. Thank you for that question, Senator.
    I will try my best to answer that question because that 
would not be in the area of responsibility for the Bureau of 
ISN. It will be for the companion bureau, AVC, Arms Control and 
Verification and, of course, Under Secretary Bonnie Jenkins, 
who has the Department lead on this. But having said that----
    Senator Schatz. In the interest of time, in the interest of 
time and clarity, do you see that as a challenge for the United 
States?
    Dr. Kang. Oh, yes, sir. I mean, there is intimate link 
between arms control and nonproliferation. Those who have--
possess nuclear weapons in the context of the NPT, a nuclear 
weapons state, they have an obligation to reduce and ultimately 
seek disarmament. So it would set a bad example. For example, 
China massively expanding its nuclear strategic capability is 
counterproductive, and it runs counter to nonproliferation.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Senator Coons. Senator Van Hollen?
    Senator Van Hollen: Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking 
Member Hagerty, and congratulations to all of you on your 
nominations. It is great to see a panel of such experience.
    And Ambassador Bernicat, congratulations on the nomination 
to be the Director General of the Foreign Service. I am 
thrilled with the appointment. As you may know, I come from a 
Foreign Service family and very interested and focused on 
ensuring the strong morale and support for the Foreign Service.
    And Senator Dan Sullivan, Republican from Alaska, and 
myself formed the Foreign Service Caucus a number of years ago, 
when we introduced legislation called the Foreign Service 
Families Act. And that act would extend different benefits to 
Foreign Service families to try to bring them up on a par with 
the benefits that are extended to military families serving 
oversees. And I know that the most recent Quadrennial Diplomacy 
and Development Review found, and I am quoting, ``Ensuring 
opportunities for spousal employment should be an integral part 
of plans to retain and motivate staff.''
    Do you agree with that?
    Ambassador Bernicat. Oh, my goodness, Senator Van Hollen, I 
have to just express enormous gratitude for the work that you, 
Senator Sullivan, and others have done particularly on behalf 
of our families. We have almost 2,000 family members now 
working oversees. They bring--and back here in Washington. They 
bring amazing talents to augment our often barebones 
operations. And so, looking for ways to ensure that we can take 
advantage, but also that makes it easier to serve as families.
    You know, Senator, I cannot help but--I cannot resist when 
you mention Foreign Service families, I do not think Bathsheba 
knows this, but I studied under her father at Georgetown 
University. And so in the spirit of being mentored, I do not 
think I would be here today if it were not in part for Chet 
Crocker. So, Bathsheba, I am also part of the family.
    Senator Van Hollen: Well, thank you, Madam Ambassador, for 
mentioning that as well about Chet Crocker, and it is great to 
see Bathsheba here and others. Let me--and just on the Foreign 
Service Families Act, we have asked the chairman of the full 
committee to put it on the next markup calendar, and we are 
waiting for a green light from the ranking member of the full 
committee, and I see no reason for opposition, but we are 
continuing to push.
    So, Dr. Kang, thank you for your current service in the 
acting position, and I look forward to supporting you in this 
confirmation process.
    On the issue of nuclear nonproliferation, Saudi Arabia, as 
you know, has been engaged with successive administrations with 
nuclear cooperation talks but continues to have in place--Saudi 
Arabia, that is--the lowest standard of safeguards with the 
IAEA. And again, they say they want at least two nuclear power 
plants as part of a program going forward, and they seem intent 
on mastering the front end of a nuclear fuel cycle and 
developing enrichment capabilities.
    So my question to you is, has the administration, has the 
Biden administration made any attempt in either bilateral or 
multilateral settings to push Saudi Arabia to sign and 
implement the additional protocol with the IAEA?
    Dr. Kang. Senator, thank you for that question.
    We have been in negotiation with Saudi Arabia since 2012. I 
think that says something. And of course, President Biden has 
made it clear that he will recalibrate our relationship with 
Saudi Arabia in human rights and other matters that complicate 
the relationship.
    Now in terms of having the lowest standard, well, Saudi 
Arabia is party to the NPT, and it has in force a comprehensive 
safeguard agreement. And that in terms of their ambitions are 
very high, and certainly, they have the financial resources to 
make it happen, just as we have seen what UAE has done. But 
having said that, they have not made significant moves in 
actually gaining capability.
    The United States has supported the universalization of 
additional protocol, and that is policy. And also we discourage 
enrichment and reprocessing where these capabilities do not 
already exist.
    And so, we are pursuing a 123 agreement with Saudi Arabia 
because precisely because 123 agreement is a nonproliferation 
tool. So we are, of course, briefing members, as well as staff, 
as if there are any movement on this, and of course, it will 
always be a pleasure to brief you on this matter.
    Senator Van Hollen: Well, I appreciate that. I see the time 
is expired, but we will follow up with you on that, and I will 
be submitting a question for the record on the administration's 
full compliance with the BRINK Act, which was to ensure we plug 
a lot of the loopholes in the sanction regime against North 
Korea. We saw the recent reports about their firing missiles, 
and so I will put that in the record. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
    And I do not believe Senator Kaine is still with us. Is 
that correct? So I believe every member who is participating 
has had a chance at a first round. Senator Hagerty, I know you 
have got additional questions you would like to ask, and I have 
a few more I will ask, but let me defer to you to begin the 
second round, Senator Hagerty.
    Senator Hagerty. That is very kind of you, Chairman Coons. 
I appreciate it.
    I would first like to turn to Dr. Carpenter, talk about 
Nord Stream 2.
    Dr. Carpenter, you previously said, and I want to quote 
this, ``To make sanctions against Russia work, the United 
States and its allies need to dispense with symbolic gestures 
and impose stronger sanctions that will have an immediate 
economic impact.'' Dr. Carpenter, I just want to say that I 
wholeheartedly agree with that statement.
    And in 2019, you stated the following. ``The European Union 
has, unfortunately, lacked the political will to implement its 
own anti-monopoly rules and stop Nord Stream 2 from coming to 
fruition, which means the U.S. Congress is now the only body 
that can prevent the pipeline from being built.''
    Dr. Carpenter, I wholeheartedly agree with that statement, 
too. Yet, in May, the Biden administration waived U.S. 
sanctions against Nord Stream 2 AG and sanctions against its 
chief executive. And last week, Gazprom announced that it has 
now completed the pipeline.
    So, Dr. Carpenter, my question is this. With the pipeline 
now complete, what do you feel will be the impact on energy 
security in Europe?
    Dr. Carpenter. Well, thank you for the question, Senator. I 
am very concerned by the geopolitical consequences of the Nord 
Stream 2 pipeline. This is a project by the Kremlin that brings 
no new gas molecules from Russia to Europe but merely bypasses 
Ukraine and the Central European countries and delivers that 
very same gas directly to Germany, thereby giving the Kremlin 
enormous leverage over Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, and other 
countries in Central Europe.
    Going forward, if I am confirmed, I will work to 
reinvigorate the second dimension of the OSCE, the economic and 
environmental dimension that deals with energy security, and I 
will seek to work very closely with my friend Amos Hochstein, 
who is the senior adviser to the Secretary on Energy Security, 
to build resilience for our partners, and particularly Ukraine, 
in terms of energy supply, so that Russia cannot continue to 
use energy supplies as a form of political weaponization of 
energy and energy coercion.
    And last thing I will say on this, Senator, I think it is 
very important that the United States continue to have a--
continue to be ready to use all of the authorities contained 
within PEESA and CAATSA, which are the laws of the land when it 
comes to this.
    Senator Hagerty. Well, I know the OSCE will have many 
divergent opinion in terms of Nord Stream 2, and I wish you the 
best with that, Dr. Carpenter.
    Dr. Kang, can I turn with you now to focus on North Korea. 
You know, we worked enormously hard with Japan, with the U.N. 
Security Council, to impose three different, three successively 
more abiding sets of economic sanctions on North Korea. They 
had an immediate and very, very important effect on North 
Korea's economy. Yet China has continued to undercut our 
position there.
    And at the same time, North Korea has persisted in working 
in secret on their nuclear program, and there is an example I 
would like to highlight. And that is according to 
nongovernmental experts, North Korea is producing uranium at a 
covert facility, covert uranium enrichment facility, known by 
the U.S. intelligence community as the Kangson enrichment site.
    It is not surprising that North Korea would build secret 
facilities to produce fissile material, but it poses 
significant proliferation challenges, especially considering 
Pyongyang's previous efforts to provide Syria with a nuclear 
reactor. If confirmed, you are going to be responsible for 
spearheading the State Department's efforts to reduce WMD-
related threats by promoting bilateral and multilateral 
initiatives to prevent proliferation.
    So, my question is, Dr. Kang, if confirmed, will you commit 
to providing regular updates to the committee about the 
administration's efforts to address North Korea's declared and 
undeclared nuclear and missile facilities and programs?
    Dr. Kang. Absolutely, Senator. I have a long relationship 
with our lead on re-engagement with North Korea, Ambassador 
Sung Kim. I have extensive relationship in the Government 
talking with Korea, as well as Japan. This will be a top 
priority.
    As you know, North Korea is an awfully hardened state, and 
as you rightly point out, there is always this escape valve of 
China. China made a decision some time ago that it is tolerable 
for North Korea to have nuclear weapons as long as it is a 
buffer state. So it is difficult proposition, but I believe the 
President is on a right path. We have got to calibrate a 
practical approach, and this is something Ambassador Sung Kim 
and myself during the Bush administration have some practical 
experience in.
    Senator Hagerty. I have had the privilege of working with 
Ambassador Sung Kim as well, and I look forward to continue to 
working with both of you as we address this challenge.
    Mr. Chairman, if you would permit me, I have just a follow-
on question, if I might, for Assistant Secretary Crocker?
    Senator Coons. Of course. Please.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you so much.
    Assistant Secretary Crocker, I want to focus on China's 
growing influence among international organizations. You 
mentioned this in your opening remarks. And while you served as 
the Assistant Secretary for International Organizations during 
the Obama administration, China took over leadership of 
multiple international organizations and staffed them with 
Chinese nationals.
    But in 2017, our posture towards China's malign behavior 
changed. And if confirmed, I hope that you will continue that 
posture developed during the previous administration to 
continue to counter China's influence in global institutions. 
And further, I fully expect you to fight for American influence 
by supporting qualified candidates in leadership positions and 
look to increase positions for Americans, such as greater 
positions in the Junior Professional Officers Program at the 
U.N. and, as you mentioned, representation like at the ITU. But 
I hope to see much more participation there.
    And so, my question is, if confirmed, what actions will you 
take to make certain that qualified United States candidates 
are in leadership positions at U.N. bodies in Geneva?
    Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Senator, and I 
think, as you noted, this is a strategic priority for China, 
and it needs to be a strategic priority for the United States. 
And indeed, the State Department and the administration are 
making a concerted effort working with like-minded partners and 
allies to ensure that we are able to both identify and then 
robustly support qualified, viable, independent candidates for 
leadership positions in international organizations, be they 
American candidates or other like-minded candidates.
    And if confirmed, this will be a top priority for me. It is 
an effort that I fully support, and I would look to use my role 
and the role and the resources of the U.S. mission in Geneva, 
working closely with the State Department and across the 
interagency, to ensure that we are best positioned 
diplomatically and--and in terms of resources to support the 
candidacies.
    You mentioned the ITU, where, of course, there is an 
American candidate up for Secretary General, for an election 
that will take place in September of 2022. And if confirmed, I 
would consider this to be one of my highest priorities on 
getting out to Geneva to support that candidacy and ensure that 
the mission is doing everything it can to support the 
candidacy.
    And I think, again, looking at both election for leadership 
positions but also, as you mentioned, making sure that we are 
strategically focused on ensuring that we are looking also at 
staffing up and down the system. The Chinese are doing that, as 
you note, from the junior political officer level all the way 
up, and we need to do that. And if confirmed, I would look 
forward to working with Congress to make sure--and this 
committee to make sure--that we have appropriate resources to 
do that.
    Senator Hagerty. Well, I am very pleased to hear that, 
Assistant Secretary Crocker. Thank you.
    And I will be submitting a question for the record for Mr. 
Scheinman about China and the NPT. I am very concerned their 
obligations as signatory to that treaty and the fact that they 
are not living up to those obligations. That will be in the 
QFRs coming forward, Mr. Scheinman.
    And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for indulging me with some 
extra time.
    Senator Coons. Of course. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and 
thank you for a series of, I think, reasonable and balanced 
questions. Ironically, the last question you asked of Assistant 
Secretary Crocker was the question I was going to ask.
    Senator Hagerty. I am sorry.
    Senator Coons. And I will add--no, no, I think it is well 
worth focusing on for a moment. One of the things that I was 
most enthusiastic about in terms of actions of a member of the 
previous administration, there was a heated contest for 
leadership of the World Intellectual Property Organization. And 
Andrei Iancu, the former PTO Director, successfully mobilized 
an effort amongst all of our allies to ensure that the 
successful nominee was from a country and a person with 
experience that would suggest a commitment to protecting IP 
rather than someone who might be more questionable in terms of 
their commitment to IP.
    There are so many organizations that you will have some 
role in that I just want to emphasize, and I agree with Senator 
Hagerty that it is important that we, the United States and our 
partners, pay attention to the ways in which China is expanding 
its influence throughout the U.N. system.
    Let me ask one last question then, if I might, Ms. Crocker. 
There is a number of entities of the United Nations, the Human 
Rights Council, for example--UNESCO is another--where we have 
withdrawn, either because of previous conduct, I think it was 
Senator Van Hollen who referenced the sort of permanent agenda 
item on the Human Rights Council questioning Israel that we had 
found objectionable, or whether it is some of the ways in which 
UNESCO, by admitting Palestine, has run afoul of our priorities 
and views. We are now in significant arrearages both with the 
U.N. as a whole and with some of the specialized agencies or 
entities.
    In your view, just speaking broadly, are we better off 
being at the table and current in our payments and pushing back 
on adversaries who have competing perspectives on entities, 
whether it is the WHO or the ITU or otherwise, or are there 
certain circumstances where we need to withdraw from U.N. 
entities because of the ways in which they have conducted 
themselves?
    Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Chairman Coons.
    It is my view, and agree very much with the position and 
approach of the Biden-Harris administration on this, that we 
are far better served to be at the table and in good standing 
in terms of our financial payments to the organization in order 
to be able to effectively drive the kinds of reforms that we 
want to see across the system around accountability, 
efficiency, effectiveness. And also dealing with some of the 
credibility issues that, frankly, exist in different parts of 
the system, whether that is the anti-Israel bias at the Human 
Rights Council that you and Senator Young also raised earlier 
or some of the issues--or some of the issues at UNESCO.
    So I think for sure it is better for us to be in good 
standing from a financial perspective. But also I think it is 
just important to recognize, and this gets also to Senator 
Hagerty's questions earlier, that it is important for us to be 
able to be at the table with the full weight of United States 
from a diplomatic perspective backing us.
    And I certainly saw firsthand when I was Assistant 
Secretary for International Organization Affairs, the important 
role that our bilateral and multilateral missions faced--they 
play and the importance of making sure that they are well 
resourced. And that we have strong people across the board able 
to raise these issues and raise them at the right levels in 
countries around the world because when we are operating at 
full strength diplomatically as the United States, there is no 
one that can really go to bat with us.
    So if we want to go whether it is toe to toe with the 
Chinese or with the full strength that we need to be at to push 
the reforms we want to see across the system, I fully agree 
that we need to both be in good financial standing and also in 
our strongest position possible from a diplomatic perspective.
    Senator Coons. Well, thank you. Thank you both for that 
answer and to all five of our nominees today for your 
willingness to continue your service to the United States and 
for your dedication to taking on these important posts and 
positions.
    As I referenced at the beginning of this hearing, questions 
for the record are due by the close of business this Thursday 
the 16th. A number of members who have participated today have 
indicated they intend to submit QFRs. So please do so respond 
promptly so that we can conclude the hearing process and 
hopefully move forward with your confirmation votes.
    Thank you, Senator Hagerty, for serving as the ranking 
member of this confirmation hearing.
    And to the five of you, congratulations, good luck. I 
personally look forward to supporting your nominations and hope 
to stay in regular touch with you as we go forth to serve the 
people of the United States, depending on the action of the 
Senate in the coming weeks and months.
    So, with that, this hearing is concluded. Thank you all 
very much.


    [Whereupon, at 3:57 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. As you noted during your hearing and in your meeting with 
SFRC minority staff, the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) is the 
least developed of the nonproliferation regimes. What practical steps 
must we take to strengthen the BWC?

    Answer. There are a range of practical steps that can be taken to 
strengthen implementation, increase transparency, and promote the safe 
and secure use of the life sciences for peaceful purposes - but only if 
its members can find the political will. If confirmed, I will work to 
break the longstanding political deadlock in the BWC and advance such 
practical steps.

    Question. Given the limitations of the BWC, what new actions must 
the U.S. take outside the convention to address biological threats?

    Answer. The BWC reflects the global norm against biological weapons 
and provides international legal underpinning for measures taken by 
responsible countries to prohibit and prevent BW, but complementary 
U.S. efforts are essential. New efforts to raise the bar for 
international biosafety and biosecurity are needed. International 
capabilities to detect, respond to, and attribute BW use need to be 
strengthened as well - and because such use could mimic a natural 
outbreak, this means that the links between international public health 
and international security institutions must be reinforced.

    Question. According to 1 FAM 457.3, the Biological Policy Staff is 
charged with ``developing and promoting measures to prevent misuse of 
advances in the life sciences, to include participation in U.S. 
Government and international groups on health security issues; outreach 
to the scientific community and private industry; and promoting 
international standards and norms.'' During your tenures in ISN, what 
specific initiatives or steps have you spearheaded or participated in 
to fulfill that mandate? Please provide examples. What would you like 
to do more of to meet this challenge?

    Answer. Although the Biological Policy Staff is constrained by its 
small size, it has taken a number of steps in this area, including 
briefing on U.S. experiences and advocating that other countries 
develop oversight mechanisms for potentially high-risk research; 
organizing and participating in workshops to assess, test, and refine 
qualitative frameworks for assessing risks and benefits; establishing 
ties between the U.S. National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity 
and its French equivalent; and a G7 Experts' Meeting on Strengthening 
Laboratory Biorisk Management last year. More work in all these areas 
is needed.

    Question. According to the Department of State website, the 
Biological Policy Staff works with foreign partners on the oversight of 
emerging technologies such as synthetic biology. What specific 
initiatives and steps have you spearheaded or participated in to 
address the challenges posed by synthetic biology?

    Answer. A number of offices in ISN work to address issues posed by 
synthetic biology and other emerging technologies. This has included 
promotion of voluntary screening guidelines for providers of synthetic 
DNA; collaboration with iGEM international on outreach regarding dual-
use awareness and risk assessment; work in the BWC and elsewhere to 
evaluate and promote risk assessment frameworks, including the approach 
set out by the National Academies recently in Biodefense in the Age of 
Synthetic Biology; and promoting new export controls on desktop DNA 
synthesizers and related technology.

    Question. Does ISN have the authorities, personnel, and resources 
it needs to address the proliferation of biological weapons?

    Answer. ISN has significant authorities to address BW 
proliferation, highly qualified and motivated personnel, and an 
important suite of threat reduction programs. However, biological 
weapons proliferation is an enormous challenge both politically and 
technically. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to 
identify and address specific needs and opportunities to ensure our 
effectiveness in this important mission.

    Question. Does ISN play any role in approving or disapproving life 
sciences or biological research collaboration with other countries that 
could pose dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses, 
and toxins, even if such collaboration is funded by another federal 
agency? If so, please describe ISN's involvement.

    Answer. ISN does not fund nor directly approve any life sciences 
research. The United States has policies pertaining to Federally funded 
research on high consequence pathogens and dual-use research of 
concern, which are applicable regardless of where the research is 
conducted. These policies establish a high bar for funding based on a 
careful assessment of risks and benefits and require steps to mitigate 
any risks. ISN ensures that Federal policy development takes into 
account our international obligations and urges other countries to 
adopt similar policies that minimize the potential misuse of life 
sciences research.

    Question. Do you agree that ISN must have a stronger role in 
decisions to share weaponizable biotechnology with China and other 
countries that may not be in compliance with BWC obligations?

    Answer. ISN is the focal point within the State Department for 
policies to prevent the misuse of life sciences, and we participate in 
the interagency processes that establish the oversight policies for 
sharing research [and technology] that might pose concern. Our role 
ensures that the policy development considers both our international 
obligations from the BWC and the international implications of our 
policies. We believe this requires careful consideration of risks and 
benefits, and where appropriate, measures to mitigate the risks, 
including for sharing technology with those we have concerns regarding 
their compliance with the BWC.

    Question. What is the U.S. doing to address Russia's offensive 
biological weapons program?

    Answer. As the lead bureau on the BWC, ISN works closely with the 
Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance, as well as others 
within the Department and the interagency to address this and other 
threats. To counter Russia's offensive biological weapons program, the 
United States has engaged with allies and partners and imposed export 
restrictions on certain Russian organizations associated with Russia's 
BW program. If confirmed, I will continue these efforts through direct 
bilateral information exchanges with key allies and partners and 
consider a variety of export-control and sanctions related actions 
against Russia.

    Question. Does the loss of Afghanistan to the Taliban increase the 
likelihood of terrorist bioweapons labs on Afghan territory? What must 
the U.S. do to address any such threats, or other terrorist BW 
capabilities?

    Answer. The accessibility of weaponizable biological materials is 
of great concern to me. If confirmed, I will increase assistance to 
countries in South and Central Asia to reduce threats emanating both 
out of and into Afghanistan.

    Question. China is growing its nuclear arsenal at an alarming rate. 
What impact will this have on the NPT? How should the U.S. address it, 
in the context of the NPT?

    Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining 
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of 
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater 
responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear 
weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue those objectives both in 
bilateral engagements with China and in multilateral fora such as the 
NPT Review Conference.

    Question. Should the IAEA be subject to political considerations of 
any particular government and its negotiations on other matters, or 
should the IAEA only consider strict compliance issues?

    Answer. The United States strongly supports the professional, 
technical, and independent work of the IAEA to verify States' 
compliance with their NPT-required safeguards agreements and to 
undertake additional monitoring and verification activities as 
requested by the IAEA Board of Governors. A strong, credible 
international safeguards regime is a core United States national 
security interest.

    Question. At what point do the advances of the Iranian nuclear 
program make any return to the nuclear deal irrelevant?

    Answer. I am carefully evaluating Iran's expansion of nuclear 
activities, as reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency. As 
Secretary Blinken has made clear, continued Iranian nuclear advances 
bring us closer to the point where a mutual return to compliance with 
the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action would fail to reproduce the 
nonproliferation benefits the deal originally delivered. The 
administration remains committed to pursuing a diplomatic solution to 
Iran's nuclear program. If confirmed, I will make clear the window of 
opportunity will not remain open indefinitely.

    Question. Iran has successfully stymied the IAEA's investigation of 
Iran's past nuclear activities. How can the IAEA restart this 
investigation and keep it going effectively?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned that Iran has yet to provide the IAEA 
with the information it needs to resolve questions regarding potential 
undeclared nuclear material. Iran must cooperate fully and 
substantively with the Agency without further delay in a way that leads 
to resolution of these issues. The U.S. is working with Allies and 
partners to reinforce support for the IAEA and the Director General 
(DG) as they pursue these serious issues. If confirmed, I will be 
watching closely whether Iran provides the necessary level of 
cooperation, starting with the DG's meetings with senior Iranian 
officials in Vienna this week and in Tehran in the near future.

    Question. Considering the Iran nuclear archive and the findings in 
the 2021 Arms Control report, can the U.S. confirm today that Iran has 
solely peaceful intentions for its nuclear program?

    Answer. I would refer you to the Intelligence Community regarding 
Iran's intentions. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action provided the 
strongest verification and monitoring measures ever negotiated to help 
ensure Iran's nuclear activities are exclusively peaceful. Resumption 
of mutual compliance with the deal would ensure the renewed 
implementation of these important measures, as well as restrictions on 
the size and scope of Iran's nuclear activities.

    Question. Do you believe that Iran engages in nuclear hedging? Why 
or why not? In that context, is it advisable in your view to lift 
nuclear and terrorism sanctions on Iran?

    Answer. The administration is committed to ensuring that Iran does 
not obtain a nuclear weapon and to addressing the many other issues of 
concern related to Iran. If confirmed, I would remain committed to 
engaging in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a return to mutual 
compliance with JCPOA commitments, and would recommend against 
providing the sanctions relief described in the JCPOA unless there is a 
return to mutual compliance. Regardless of the status of the JCPOA, the 
administration will continue to utilize sanctions to respond to Iranian 
policies that are contrary to U.S. national security interests.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you plan to work within the 
administration to encourage the International Atomic Energy Agency 
(IAEA) to investigate Iran's potentially ongoing nuclear weaponization 
work, which the nuclear archive indicates Tehran hid and dispersed at 
research institutes, universities, and military sites after 2003?

    Answer. Iran's history of deception regarding its past nuclear 
weapons program is not new. Verifiably ensuring Iran never resumes such 
activities, despite Iran's past denials, is a core purpose of the Joint 
Comprehensive Plan of Action, which provides for the most intrusive 
verification and monitoring procedures ever negotiated. The 
administration will continue to seek a mutual return to compliance with 
JCPOA commitments, which would ensure that its critical verification 
and monitoring measures are restored.

    Question. If confirmed, how can you assure Congress that political 
considerations or multilateral issues are not used to avoid holding 
Iran accountable for its noncompliance with safeguard agreements?

    Answer. The United States has made clear our serious concerns 
regarding potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, 
as reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It is 
essential that Iran fully comply with its legally binding obligations 
under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and its comprehensive 
safeguards agreement with the IAEA to resolve these important matters 
without further delay. The stability of any diplomatic outcome 
regarding Iran's nuclear program relies on the credible resolution of 
these serious issues and Iran's full compliance with its safeguards 
obligations.

    Question. Do you support the Countering America's Adversaries 
Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)? If confirmed, will you fully implement 
it?

    Answer. Yes, I support and, should I be confirmed, am fully 
committed to implementing CAATSA, especially Section 231, for which the 
Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation leads U.S. 
implementation. If confirmed, I will urge all our partners and allies 
to refrain from major new purchases of Russian military equipment that 
could risk mandatory sanctions under CAATSA Section 231.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Benjamin L.Cardin

    Question. How do you envision the United States' role in bolstering 
the international nuclear nonproliferation regime?

    Answer. The Interim National Security Strategic Guidance--issued 
less than two months after the President took office--noted that the 
threats posed by WMD proliferation, ``cannot be effectively addressed 
by one nation acting alone. And none can be effectively addressed with 
the United States on the sidelines.'' The United States led in the 
creation of the international nuclear nonproliferation regime, such as 
the establishment of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the 
International Atomic Energy Agency, and it is vital that we continue to 
lead efforts to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons.

    Question. Should the United States continue to work to prevent new 
states from possessing their own nuclear weapons?

    Answer. Yes. The President's Interim National Security Guidance 
states that ``as we re-engage the international system, we will address 
the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons.'' The Guidance also 
states that nuclear proliferation poses an existential danger. 
Addressing these threats requires that we minimize the number of states 
possessing nuclear weapons, and the administration places a high 
priority on using the tools of national security to achieve this 
objective. Renewed American nonproliferation leadership will be 
essential to reducing the dangers posed by nuclear weapons.

    Question. Which new or expiring agreements require the bureau's 
near-term focus? How should the United States balance the goals of 
increasing states' access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy with 
the nonproliferation goals of preventing the further spread of 
sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technology?

    Answer. The United States is in negotiations for peaceful nuclear 
cooperation agreements with Jordan, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and 
Thailand. If confirmed, I would support the negotiation of additional 
peaceful nuclear cooperation agreements, which are needed for 
significant exports of U.S. nuclear material and equipment, to increase 
access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the highest 
standards of nuclear security and nonproliferation and continue the 
United States' longstanding policy of limiting the spread of enrichment 
and reprocessing capabilities around the world.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. What are your views on the threats posed by biological 
dual-use research of concern?

    Answer. I take threats posed by dual-use research of concern (DURC) 
seriously. In fact, one of ISN's missions is to prevent the life 
sciences from being misused for biological weapons development. Dual-
use research of concern warrants careful oversight and risk/benefit 
analysis. The ISN Bureau has advocated for thoughtful national 
oversight of such research in international forums, such as the 
Biological Weapons Convention, for almost a decade and, if confirmed, I 
will continue to do so.

    Question. Would Chinese interest in dual-use research of concern be 
consistent with your understanding of the Chinese national strategy of 
military-civil fusion?

    Answer. Military-Civil fusion seeks to develop a singular ecosystem 
within which all dual-use technology is simultaneously advancing 
military and civilian programs. Key to this is the removal of the 
traditional barriers between the national defense and national economic 
systems. Whether specific types of dual-use research of concern might 
be exploited in this way would likely depend on the extent to which the 
research was specifically relevant to People's Republic of China 
military applications and objectives.

    Question. Should the United States be involved in, or support, 
potential dual-use research of concern conducted in China?

    Answer. The United States has federal funding and oversight 
policies for research that might pose particular concerns, including 
dual-use. These policies require careful consideration of risks and 
benefits, and where appropriate, measures to mitigate those risks. 
Policy development is led by the National Security Council and by the 
White House Office of Science and Technology Policy and decisions about 
the funding of specific research proposals are made by the responsible 
funding agency. The ISN Bureau ensures that policy development 
considers both our international obligations and the international 
implications of policy choices.

    Question. Can you explain the ISN Bureau's international outreach 
related to dual-use research of concern in their role as ex-officio 
member of the Nation Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity (NSABB)?

    Answer. The ISN Bureau's international outreach on dual-use 
research of concern has consisted of a variety of advocacy and 
awareness-raising efforts, including participating in or organizing 
workshops and briefings and working to develop common understandings 
internationally. With the exception of efforts to facilitate 
collaboration between the NSABB and its French counterpart, this 
outreach is unrelated to the ex-officio role.

    Question. Did the ISN Bureau, in their role on the NSABB, support 
lifting the moratorium on gain of function research with viruses in the 
United States in 2017?

    Answer. The Department of State's role on the NSABB is a non-voting 
ex officio position. ISN neither advocated for lifting of the 
moratorium nor participated directly in the decision taken by the 
NSABB.

    Question. Would Chinese military research into weaponizing 
pathogens such as coronaviruses be a concern under the Biological 
Weapons Convention (BWC)?

    Answer. Research into the weaponization of any pathogen by any BWC 
State Party would be a matter of concern. If confirmed, I will work 
with my colleagues in the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and 
Compliance to address any concerns regarding compliance with the 
Convention.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to undertake a full-scale 
investigation into the transfer of dual-use technology, know how, and 
money by the U.S. Government to Chinese research institutions engaged 
in synthetic biology and engineering chimeric pathogens through gain of 
function experiments?

    Answer. A number of mechanisms exist to guard against the risk that 
transfers of U.S. technology will be misused. If confirmed, I will work 
to ensure that these mechanisms are effective and are fully utilized, 
taking into account lessons learned.

    Question. At any time, were you instructed to shudder or stop the 
Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance (AVC) 
investigation into the potential Chinese BWC concerns by Biden State 
Department appointees or other administrative staff?

    Answer. No. As I understand it, the AVC Bureau, under the previous 
administration, commissioned an internal inquiry into COVID origins. 
This ad hoc inquiry was conducted as part of a larger contract. I defer 
to the AVC Bureau about details of this contract. I understand the 
group briefed State Department staff during both the Trump and Biden 
administrations.

    Question. What was your role as acting T Assistant Secretary in 
supporting the AVC Bureau's research into potential Biological Warfare 
links to the PLA's Academy of Military Medical Science, (AAMS) which 
was referenced in the January 15 Fact Sheet?

    Answer. I had no role in relation to this research, nor in the 
development of the January 15 Fact Sheet.

    Question. I understand the ISN and AVC office directors responsible 
for Biological Warfare warned of a potential ``can of worms'' that 
would be opened if AVC investigated Chinese BW programs and potential 
ties to research being done at the WIV. What, specifically, was the 
concern with regard to a ``can of worms?''

    Answer. ISN personnel at no point objected to such an investigation 
by AVC or warned against such investigation. Assertions to the contrary 
are incorrect.

    Question. Why would the State Department Weapons of Mass 
Destruction programs, who are responsible for holding the PRC 
accountable to their international obligations, not opt to investigate 
every potential lead? If confirmed, will you allow the State Department 
investigation to continue into potential military links to the research 
at the WIV?

    Answer. The Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance 
has primary responsibility for issues related to assessing compliance 
with arms control agreements, and continues to monitor and assess 
information related to countries' compliance with the BWC, working 
closely with IC colleagues and others in the interagency. If confirmed, 
I will work closely with AVC and other partners to address such 
concerns.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. What can the United States do to reinforce the norms of 
the Chemical Weapons Convention?

    Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau 
is the lead on the Chemical Weapons Convention. However, if confirmed, 
I commit to implementing Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and 
Warfare Elimination Act while also coordinating with AVC to limit the 
proliferation of chemical weapons.

    Question. Is the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical 
Weapons (OPCW) up to the task? What reforms would you recommend to make 
it more effective?

    Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau 
is the lead on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 
(OPCW). If confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to limit the 
proliferation of chemical weapons.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, are you committed to fully enforcing INKSNA 
and other U.S. non-proliferation sanctions?

    Answer. Yes. Sanctions are a critical tool that contribute to 
nonproliferation goals. If confirmed, I would join the Department's 
commitment to implementing its sanctions authorities, including the 
requirements of the Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act 
(INKSNA). The Department recently transmitted five INKSNA reports to 
Congress--in Feb 2020, Sept 2020, Nov 2020, Jan 2021, and July 2021--
clearing a backlog of previously delayed reports. This has led to 
sanctions against 46 foreign entities/individuals for proliferation 
activities, including against 18 entities for supporting Iran's missile 
program.

    Question. What is your assessment of the effectiveness of sanctions 
measures in supporting nuclear non-proliferation?

    Answer. Sanctions are an effective tool in impeding, rolling back, 
and countering proliferation and changing the behavior of those who 
provide aid or support to proliferators. Sanctions are one of a number 
of important tools in the counterproliferation toolkit, and they can be 
deployed in a targeted and strategic manner.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with other agencies, particularly 
with the Department of the Treasury, to fully implement all U.S. 
nonproliferation sanctions, and to work with allies and partners to 
ensure U.N. sanctions are also implemented and enforced.

    Question. Is Iran in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation 
Treaty? If so, how could Iran be compliant with the NPT when it has not 
answered the IAEA's questions on undeclared nuclear material and 
activities?

    Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards 
agreement to declare to the IAEA all peaceful nuclear material and 
related activities in Iran. Iran's failure to provide substantive or 
technically credible responses to the IAEA's questions related to 
possible undeclared nuclear materials and activities in Iran is cause 
for serious concern and raises serious questions regarding Iran's 
compliance with its NPT and IAEA safeguards obligations. These concerns 
are under active discussion in the IAEA Board of Governors. If 
confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in 
Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and 
activities, as well as continued IAEA Board action as necessary to 
ensure Iran complies with its NPT-related obligations.

    Question. Do you think the Biden administration should commit to 
not lifting or waiving sanctions on Iran until it, at a minimum, 
complies with the IAEA's requests on undeclared nuclear material and 
activities?

    Answer. The long-term stability of any diplomatic solution to the 
Iran nuclear challenge relies on the credible resolution of these 
serious safeguards concerns. The administration strongly supports the 
IAEA's ongoing investigations regarding possible undeclared nuclear 
material in Iran. Iran must provide the IAEA full cooperation without 
further delay. The foundation for any long-term solution is strong and 
credible verification; credible resolution of the serious safeguards 
concerns reported by the IAEA Director General must be a brick in that 
foundation. In addition to the assurances that would be provided if it 
does so, a mutual return to compliance with JCPOA commitments, which 
include the strongest verification and monitoring measures ever 
negotiated, would ensure that these critical measures are restored.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. The four Nuclear Security Summits successfully led to 
elimination or downblending of global civilian stocks of weapons usable 
fissile material. If confirmed, what diplomatic efforts will you take 
to encourage countries to reduce stocks of fissile material in their 
military programs and other non-military stocks that are not subject to 
IAEA safeguards?

    Answer. The United States will continue to lead by example in 
eliminating surplus plutonium and downblending highly enriched uranium 
that are no longer needed for defense purposes. The United States has 
called on states to declare moratoria on production of fissile material 
for weapons, and if confirmed I will continue those efforts. In 
addition, I will support U.S. and international efforts and diplomacy 
related to placing fissile material no longer required for military 
purposes under IAEA safeguards and arranging for its appropriate 
disposition.

    Question. Extension of the State Department travel ban to North 
Korea and the need to obtain a specific license from the Treasury 
Department have made it more difficult for generous Americans and 
others to provide life-saving assistance to North Koreans--assistance 
that is explicitly exempted under U.S. law. If confirmed, will you work 
with your State and Treasury Department colleagues to issue new 
guidance that clearly defines what additional goods related to food and 
medicine to be exempted from U.S sanctions?

    Answer. The U.S. Government actively seeks to facilitate the 
provision of humanitarian assistance in the DPRK as a matter of U.S. 
policy, and maintains a number of sanctions exemptions and 
authorizations related to humanitarian aid. It has also led efforts to 
streamline the process for humanitarian exemptions in the U.N. Security 
Council DPRK sanctions committee. The DPRK itself has created the most 
significant barriers to the delivery of aid by closing its borders and 
limiting access for the personnel responsible for implementing such 
projects. If confirmed, I will work to support efforts aimed at helping 
humanitarian aid reach vulnerable people in the DPRK.

    Question. In 2019, President Trump unsigned the Arms Trade Treaty 
(ATT)--a global treaty that regulates the conventional arms trade--
despite the fact that the treaty simply requires other countries to 
uphold the same domestic legal standard we have: to not transfer arms 
to countries if it is believed they will be used to violate 
international humanitarian law. Will the United States rescind the 
Trump administration's letter to the United Nations stating that the 
United States did not intend to ratify nor fulfill the obligations of 
this treaty?

    Answer. If confirmed, I support reviewing the implications of 
decisions taken to date on the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), both in the 
United States and in the ATT Conferences of States Parties, to 
determine the proper relationship of the United States to the Treaty. I 
believe this review should be situated within the larger context of 
U.S. policy on conventional arms transfers. The United States is the 
largest arms exporter in the world, and it is imperative that U.S. 
transfers of conventional arms are consistent with our laws, values, 
and interests.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. In April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative 
for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing 
to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past 
noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT 
obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to 
past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive 
device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives 
for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel 
related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' '' 
Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?

    Answer. If being in ``good standing'' means being in compliance 
with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), then the United States 
has, including in the 2021 Compliance Report, indicated concern with 
regard to Iran's compliance with Article III of the NPT. Given Iran's 
past non-compliance with its obligations under the NPT and Iran's NPT-
required safeguards agreement and its present failure to fully address 
the IAEA's current questions related to implementation of that 
safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State 
Party to the NPT cannot be described as ``good.''

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If 
no, please explain why

    Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the 
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings 
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were 
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018. 
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared 
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary 
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The 
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the 
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully 
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please 
explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the 
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings 
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were 
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018. 
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared 
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary 
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The 
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the 
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully 
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

    Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of 
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good 
standing of the NPT? If so, why? If not, why not?

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the 
NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International 
Atomic Energy Agency.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from 
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please 
explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to 
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, 
please explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Paragraphs 10-15 of United Nations Security Council 
Resolution (UNSCR) 2231 describe a so-called `snapback mechanism' which 
reverses the termination of sanctions on Iran described in paragraph 
7(a) of that resolution. The resolution requires a ``JCPOA participant 
state'' to notify the U.N. Security Council of an issue it believes 
constitutes ``significant non-performance'' of commitments under the 
JCPOA. By no later than December 2019, the State Department had 
conducted a legal analysis which concluded that ``there is a legally 
available argument we can assert that the United States can initiate 
the snapback process under UNSCR 2231 by submitting a notification to 
the Security Council of an issue that the United States believes 
constitutes significant non-performance.'' Do you agree with that 
conclusion, i.e. that there is a legally available argument for the 
United States to initiate the snapback process? If not, why not?

    Answer. The U.S. initiation of the ``snapback'' of previous U.N. 
sanctions on Iran in 2020 resulted in an impasse at the U.N. Security 
Council that, as a practical matter, undermined its ability to address 
Iran's destabilizing activities. The United States will continue to use 
domestic authorities to address Iran's proliferation activities--
including Executive Order 13949, which authorizes blocking sanctions 
related to the supply, sale, or transfer of arms or related materiel to 
or from Iran.

    Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of 
INKSNA if Russia sold advanced weapons to Iran, including missile 
technology?

    Answer. The Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act 
(INKSNA) requires reports to Congress identifying, and the discretion 
to impose sanctions against, foreign persons that transfer or receive 
items controlled by the four multilateral export control regimes, (the 
Australia Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Nuclear 
Suppliers Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement), as well as other 
sensitive items, involving the subject countries. I understand that the 
Department is committed to implementing sanctions under INKSNA. For 
example, in July 2021, sanctions were imposed against three Russian 
entities, Asia-Invest LLC, Charter Green Light Moscow (CGLM), and NPP 
Pulsar LLC (Russia), for transferring sensitive items to Iran's missile 
program.

    Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of and 
INKSNA if China sold advanced weapons to Iran, including missile 
technology?

    Answer. The Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act 
(INKSNA) requires reports to Congress identifying, and the discretion 
to impose sanctions against, foreign persons that transfer or receive 
items controlled by the four multilateral export control regimes, (the 
Australia Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Nuclear 
Suppliers Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement), as well as other 
sensitive items, involving the subject countries. I understand that the 
Department is committed to implementing sanctions authorities under 
INKSNA, and that, for example, in November 2020, sanctions were imposed 
against two PRC entities, Chengdu Best New Materials Co Ltd and Zibo 
Elim Trade Company, Ltd. for transferring sensitive items and 
technology to Iran's missile program.

    Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article 
VI obligations?

    Answer. The State Department's most recent Compliance Reports does 
not find China to be in violation of its obligations under Article VI 
of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty's. The AVC Bureau has the lead 
on compliance reporting to Congress.

    Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to 
dampen China's nuclear buildup?

    Answer. The answer to this question involves a range of national 
security instruments, but given the responsibilities of the position 
for which I have been nominated, I will respond from the perspective of 
nonproliferation. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining 
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of 
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater 
responsibility and demonstrate greater transparency and restraint with 
respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue 
those objectives both in bilateral engagements with China and in 
multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Chris Van Hollen

    Question. Do you agree that greater enforcement of international 
sanctions against North Korea would strengthen U.S. leverage in nuclear 
talks with Pyongyang?

    Answer. Yes. The DPRK's unlawful weapons of mass destruction (WMD) 
and ballistic missile programs constitute serious threats to 
international peace and security and the global nonproliferation 
regime. A series of United Nations Security Council resolutions have 
put in place sanctions to address the threat posed by the DPRK 
Government's weapons programs and proliferation activities and to deny 
it the means to advance its WMD and ballistic missile programs. If 
confirmed, I will continue to promote their full global implementation 
and look forward to supporting the administration's efforts to pursue 
calibrated and practical diplomacy with the DPRK.

    Question. What steps would you recommend the administration take to 
pressure other countries, in particular China, to enforce international 
sanctions against North Korea?

    Answer. DPRK-related sanctions implementation by other countries, 
including the PRC and Russia, has been uneven. I am clear-eyed that 
while our interests on the Korean Peninsula overlap at times, our 
priorities often differ significantly. If confirmed, I will continue to 
engage the PRC and Russia on DPRK issues and encourage both to play a 
positive role. I will continue to work with other U.N. Member States to 
promote full global sanctions implementation and enhance their capacity 
to fulfill their U.N. obligations.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to fully comply with the Otto 
Warmbier North Korea Nuclear Sanctions and Enforcement Act of 2019 
(title LXXI of Public Law 116-92; 133 Stat. 2244)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's compliance 
with the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act, including as 
amended by the Otto Warmbier North Korea Nuclear Sanctions and 
Enforcement Act of 2019.

    Question. In your view, does cooperation on naval nuclear 
propulsion constitute an allowable peaceful use under the U.S.-
Australian civilian nuclear cooperation agreement, submitted to 
Congress pursuant to section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as 
amended [P.L. 83-703; 42 U.S.C. 2153 et seq? If not, would 
such cooperation require congressional approval?

    Answer. The 2010 U.S.-Australia Agreement Concerning Peaceful Uses 
of Nuclear Energy would not apply to cooperation on naval nuclear 
propulsion. Any cooperation will be undertaken consistent with 
requirements of the Atomic Energy Act, including with respect to any 
necessary agreements and requisite Congressional review in accordance 
with its provisions.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. China is growing its nuclear arsenal at an alarming rate. 
What impact will this have on the NPT? How should the U.S. address it, 
in the context of the NPT?

    Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining 
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of 
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater 
responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear 
weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue those objectives both in 
bilateral engagements with China and in multilateral fora such as the 
NPT Review Conference.

    Question. How will you evaluate if the NPT Revcon is a success? If 
confirmed, what will you do to make it a success?

    Answer. NPT Review Conferences are held every five years to review 
the operation of the Treaty. There are no fixed standards for success, 
and past RevCons have reached consensus on various forms of final 
outcome documents. At a minimum, I expect that NPT Parties will 
recognize the continuing importance of the Treaty and reaffirm their 
commitment to the Treaty. If confirmed, I will work to build the 
broadest possible consensus on principles, goals, and specific actions 
to strengthen the NPT regime.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Question. Are the provisions of the NPT still relevant over fifty 
years later? How do you assess the effectiveness of the treaty for U.S. 
nonproliferation policy?

    Answer. I believe that the provisions of the Treaty are still 
highly relevant and vital to the preservation of U.S., as well as 
international, security. The NPT is the international legal foundation 
for efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, one of the 
greatest threats to our national security. Almost all countries have 
joined the Treaty, which has helped forestall the widespread 
proliferation of nuclear weapons predicted in the 1960s. The Treaty is 
among the most effective international regimes, contributing to the 
norm against nuclear proliferation as well as robust international 
nuclear safeguards, common nuclear supplier policies, and action on 
nuclear arms control.

    Question. How do you view the NPT's three tenets, nonproliferation, 
disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy? Should one be 
prioritized over the others?

    Answer. Each of these tenets--or ``pillars,'' as we often call 
them--represents a common interest of all NPT Parties. All states 
benefit from and can contribute to each. They should not be treated as 
competing interests. However, since some other Parties often emphasize 
the disarmament or peaceful uses pillars, we encourage all Parties to 
recognize that nonproliferation is an essential foundation for these 
other two. Further steps toward disarmament will be hindered if more 
nuclear proliferation occurs, and states are reluctant to supply 
nuclear wherewithal to others unless they are assured it will be used 
for solely peaceful purposes.

    Question. How should the United States balance the goals of 
increasing states' access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy with 
the nonproliferation goals of preventing the further spread of 
sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technology (enrichment and reprocessing)?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work within the context of the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to make good on its objective of 
expanding access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, while 
promoting the highest standards of nuclear safety, security, and 
nonproliferation and continuing the United States' longstanding policy 
of limiting the spread of enrichment and reprocessing capabilities 
around the world. Proliferation of such technologies is not necessary 
to meet the NPT States Parties' peaceful uses needs.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The United Arab Emirates Ambassador to the United States 
earlier this year asked why under current U.S. policy an adversary--the 
regime in Iran--would be allowed to have an enrichment program while 
U.S. partners and allies were committed to nuclear programs without 
enrichment or reprocessing. How would you answer the ambassador's 
question?

    Answer. The United States has long sought to limit the spread of 
uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing capabilities. Under the 
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran committed to strict 
limits on both the level and scale of its enrichment program and 
related research and development activities, as well as limits on 
reprocessing. The administration believes that diplomacy and a mutual 
return to compliance with the JCPOA are the best path to reestablishing 
limits on Iran's nuclear program and ensuring Iran never acquires a 
nuclear weapon.
    I have long applauded the constructive decision by the United Arab 
Emirates in 2008 to voluntarily refrain from domestic enrichment and 
reprocessing-related activities. If confirmed, I will continue to urge 
other countries to follow in a similar path and will support using all 
measures at our disposal to limit the spread of these sensitive 
technologies both in the region and globally.

    Question. How should the administration address Middle Eastern 
states seeking enrichment and reprocessing capabilities to match Iran's 
if Washington re-enters the JCPOA and accepts the continued existence 
and future growth of Tehran's enrichment program?

    Answer. The United States has a longstanding policy of limiting the 
further spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies to the 
greatest extent possible, and we employ a range of tools to that end. 
The United States shares a common interest with regional partners in 
ensuring through diplomacy that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. 
If confirmed, I will urge regional states to rely on the existing 
international market for nuclear fuel and services, rather than seeking 
to acquire or develop such capabilities, and to apply the highest 
nonproliferation standards, including by bringing into force an IAEA 
Additional Protocol if they have not yet done so.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. What leverage do we still have with Iran to halt further 
development of their nuclear program and restrain their destabilizing 
actions in the region?

    Answer. If confirmed as Special Representative, I would not have 
direct responsibility for these issues, but I believe the high priority 
Iran places on sanctions relief gives us leverage in the negotiations 
on a mutual return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of 
Action (JCPOA). A mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA and to 
build on that basis are central to the administration's efforts to 
restrict Iran's nuclear program, secure diplomatic support for this 
goal, and address Iran's destabilizing activities in the region.

    Question. I am pleased that the Biden administration has extended 
the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (new START) until 2026. 
However, I remain concerned about Russia's nuclear program, 
particularly given its continued malign actions near and far beyond its 
borders. What more can be done to ensure continued dialogue with Russia 
on this matter, and how will you, if confirmed, ensure that we are able 
to conduct inspections as agreed to in New START?

    Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau 
is the lead on bilateral nuclear arms control with Russia. If 
confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to ensure that Nuclear 
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) States Parties are appropriately 
informed of U.S. dialogue and bilateral treaty implementation with 
Russia. The administration has launched a Strategic Stability Dialogue 
with Russia to discuss strategic stability issues, including future 
arms control and risk reduction. The administration is also working 
with Russia to determine when New START inspections can be resumed 
safely.

    Question. How can we build on the New START extension to cover 
tactical (i.e. short range missiles, nuclear artillery, etc.) and 
emerging nuclear weapon technologies (i.e. Skyfall, nuclear warhead 
unmanned subsurface vehicles, etc.)?

    Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau 
is the lead on bilateral nuclear arms control with Russia. If 
confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to ensure that Nuclear 
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) States Parties are appropriately 
informed of U.S. dialogue and bilateral treaty implementation with 
Russia. The administration will use the time provided by extension of 
the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with 
Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all 
Russian nuclear weapons, including novel strategic systems and non-
strategic nuclear arms.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. In April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative 
for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing 
to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past 
noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT 
obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to 
past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive 
device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives 
for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel 
related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' '' 
Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?

    Answer. The United States has, including in the 2021 Compliance 
Report, indicated concern with regard to Iran's compliance with Article 
III of the NPT. Given Iran's past non-compliance with its obligations 
under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement and its 
present failure to fully address the IAEA's current questions related 
to implementation of that safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a 
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as 
``good.''

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If 
no, please explain why

    Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the 
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings 
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were 
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018. 
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared 
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary 
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The 
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the 
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully 
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please 
explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the 
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings 
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were 
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018. 
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared 
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary 
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The 
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the 
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully 
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

    Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of 
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good 
standing of the NPT? If so, why? If not, why not?

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the 
NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International 
Atomic Energy Agency.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from 
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please 
explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to 
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, 
please explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article 
VI obligations?

    Answer. I understand the State Department examined the issue of 
China's compliance with NPT Article VI in connection with the 2021 
compliance report and determined it did not merit inclusion. If 
confirmed, I commit to follow up with the AVC bureau, which is the 
Department lead on compliance reporting, and to support and advocate 
for the administration's efforts to engage China in nuclear risk 
reduction talks.

    Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to 
dampen China's nuclear buildup?

    Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining 
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of 
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater 
responsibility and demonstrate greater transparency and restraint with 
respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue 
those objectives both in bilateral engagements with China and in 
multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. In your view, has China exhibited good faith efforts to 
pursue nuclear negotiations with the United States or any other party 
of the NPT?

    Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining 
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. It is 
urgent for China to take on greater responsibility, transparency, and 
restraint with respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. If confirmed, I 
would work to pursue those objectives both in bilateral engagements 
with China and in multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to providing regular updates 
to the committee on the Biden administration's effort to determine 
whether or not China has violated Article VI of the NPT?

    Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau 
has the lead on compliance reporting to Congress. If confirmed, I 
commit to working with them and Congress on matters related to the NPT.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
     Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Robert Menendez

State Department Attrition
    Question. The Institute for the Study of Diplomacy recently 
released a report that found that almost a third of current foreign 
service officers are seriously considering leaving the Department. This 
finding reflects a broader trend of attrition within the foreign 
service over the past decade.

   What steps will you take, if confirmed, to improve foreign service 
        retention and to ensure that the foreign service is motivated, 
        engaged, and functioning to the highest degree of their 
        professional capabilities? What steps will you take to ensure 
        that the Department retains foreign service officers from a 
        diversity of backgrounds?

    Answer. On his first day in office, Secretary Blinken addressed the 
Department's workforce and underscored that our task ``starts with 
rebuilding morale and trust'' within our ranks. The Department is 
developing new approaches in support of the President's directive to 
revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. As part 
of this effort, the Secretary appointed Ambassador Gina Abercrombie-
Winstanley as the Department's first Chief Diversity and Inclusion 
Officer and, if confirmed, I plan to work closely with her to ensure 
that diversity and inclusion practices are integrated strategically 
into personnel-related policies. I also plan to promote workplace 
flexibilities and to highlight for the workforce resources available to 
assist employees: FSI workshops and engagements; 24/7 online access to 
WorkLife4You to address personal issues, including mental health; and 
TalentCare, the single touchpoint for resources for well-being, 
community, safety, and workplace flexibilities.
    If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening our efforts to 
support, retain, and develop our already top notch Foreign Service and 
Civil Service employees to confront the foreign policy challenges of 
the 21st century.

    Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to address 
foreign service officers' concerns regarding assignments, promotions, 
bias, and family matters?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ask Department experts to examine 
whether there is a significantly higher rate of attrition for certain 
populations, and I commit to further analyzing mitigation measures to 
ensure the Department remains an employer of choice for all of our 
employees. Understanding why employees leave the Foreign Service is a 
crucial step in increasing retention. The Department has launched a 
revamped centralized exit survey to better understand the reasons 
employees may decide to leave, and the Department has utilized the 
Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey to drill down on bureau level issues 
that affect retention in support of the President's directive to 
revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. I am 
committed to examining employee concerns, including assignments, 
promotions, bias, family member employment, education of dependents, 
and any other areas, which lead to a loss of our most valuable human 
resources. If confirmed, I will pursue programs and solutions that 
remove barriers to retention of our top talent.

Diversity
    Question. I remain extremely concerned that the foreign service 
does not sufficiently reflect the makeup of this country and lags 
behind most of the rest of the federal government in hiring and 
retaining a diverse workforce. I appreciate that Secretary Blinken has 
made this a priority from day one. The fact remains, however, that much 
work lies ahead. Our diplomats and State Department personnel represent 
America to much of the world. It is critical that we have foreign 
service and civil service professionals who represent all the richness 
that our nation has to offer.

   How do you intend to ensure that the foreign service recruits and 
        retains a diverse workforce?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and 
retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure that GTM 
continues to integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically 
into personnel-related policies in alignment with the Chief Diversity 
and Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and administration's 
priorities. This includes fair and transparent interviewing and hiring, 
workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a culture of inclusion, 
including through professional development and advancement.
    If confirmed, I am committed to listening to our members of the 
Foreign Service and ensuring we retain high performers by investing in 
their professional development and strengthening programs that mentor 
individuals for success, provide actionable feedback on performance, 
chart career progression, provide more interagency and other detail 
opportunities, and create more viable pathways to ensure professional 
growth.

    Question. How do you plan to ensure that diversity is represented 
at all levels of the workforce, especially at senior levels? What 
specific steps do you plan to take with respect to mentoring young and 
mid-level professions, to eliminate bias in promotions, and to 
otherwise improve access to senior positions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with the Chief Diversity and 
Inclusion Officer (CDIO) to ensure that the Department represents the 
diversity of the American people. The Department is developing new 
approaches in support of the President's directive to revitalize the 
foreign policy and national security workforce. GTM and the CDIO's 
office are working to track and ensure progress on performance metrics 
on diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility as outlined in the 
soon-to-be released Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan. The 
Department has already taken steps to widen the candidate pool of 
applicants for senior-level positions through mentorship programs, 
outreach to employee affinity groups, and the inclusion of interviewing 
parameters to ascertain the candidates' commitment to diversity and 
inclusion. In addition, the Department ensures that every promotion 
board panel is racially and ethnically diverse, gender balanced, and 
that all panel members receive unconscious bias training. If confirmed, 
I will continue these efforts to develop our diverse workforce, reach a 
wider candidate pool, and include more candidates from underrepresented 
backgrounds for senior positions.

    Question. How will you promote diversity, equity, and inclusion in 
your own hiring and leadership?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and 
retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure that GTM 
continues to integrate diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility 
practices strategically into personnel-related policies in alignment 
with the Secretary's and administration's priorities. This includes 
fair and transparent interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, 
and encouraging a culture of inclusion through professional development 
and advancement for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service.
    If confirmed, I will partner with Chief Diversity and Inclusion 
Officer (CDIO) Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley to ensure that the 
Department represents the diversity of the American people. As the 
Secretary has said, diversity and inclusion make us stronger, smarter, 
more creative, and more innovative. The CDIO and her office are 
building on the efforts established by the Bureau of Global Talent 
Management (GTM) and GTM will collaborate with the CDIO on the 
Department's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan which will lay out 
the framework to implement wide-reaching diversity and inclusion 
initiatives along with concrete benchmarks and performance metrics.

    Question. Do you commit to establish and demonstrate inclusive 
leadership practices and to build and maintain a safe work environment? 
How will you each carry that out in practice?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to establish and demonstrate 
inclusive leadership practices and to build and maintain a safe work 
environment. If confirmed, I will expect everyone in the workforce to 
promote a culture of inclusion where every voice is heard, respected, 
and valued. As a senior leader at the Department of State and two-time 
Ambassador, I have led numerous teams comprised of employees from a 
wide variety of backgrounds and worked deliberately to foster inclusive 
work environments.
    I previously served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau 
of Human Resources, now the Bureau of Global Talent Management, where I 
worked directly on accountability mechanisms. If confirmed, I will use 
this experience to work with the Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer 
and Office of Civil Rights to strengthen these accountability 
mechanisms, which are a key component of a culture of inclusion.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I remain extremely concerned that the Department's 
response to attacks on personnel, so-called Anomalous Health Incidents, 
remains woefully inadequate and that the Department is not consistently 
providing prompt and equitable treatment for affected personnel and 
family members.

   Do you commit to making the response and treatment of personnel a 
        top priority if confirmed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to making the response and 
treatment of personnel a top priority of mine.

    Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and 
pose a threat to the health of State personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and 
pose a threat to the health of State personnel.

    Question. What steps, specifically, will you take to improve 
communication with affected personnel, ensure the workforce is 
sufficiently aware of the symptoms to watch for and how to report 
suspected incidents, and ensure all medical treatment is covered and 
reimbursed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Care Coordination Unit 
and Health Incidents Response Task Force (HIRTF) team on communication 
with affected personnel and the workforce writ large, and ensure that 
employees are apprised of their benefits. The Senior Care Coordinator 
and her team will continue to meet regularly with the group of injured 
employees and will remain available for individual meetings with those 
employees. If confirmed, I will meet with these employees as well. I 
will ensure that the GTM team also works with HIRTF to establish a 
webpage with information for Department personnel and will help amplify 
the page in our DG Digest and other communications. DS and MED has and 
will continue to take every opportunity to remind members of the State 
Department family of the response protocols for all personnel under COM 
security responsibility.

Assignment Restrictions
    Question. I remain concerned about how assignment restrictions are 
imposed, the limitations they impose on State Department personnel, and 
the ability for personnel to appeal restrictions. Such restrictions 
have historically had a disproportionate effect on communities of 
color, and can impede career advancement.

   Do you share these concerns, and how do you intend to address these 
        concerns, if confirmed?

    Answer. I share your concerns about assignment restrictions. If 
confirmed, I will support the Department's review of legally available 
options and broader policy reforms regarding this process, with the 
goal to better leverage the expertise and capabilities of our entire 
workforce as well as to increase transparency. Assignment restrictions 
are based on a number of factors and are intended to mitigate security 
concerns related to foreign preference and foreign influence, where 
security clearances for individuals with these circumstances would 
otherwise be denied, leaving them wholly unable to serve the 
Department. Individuals who are restricted from serving in one or more 
countries have capabilities and expertise that contribute to the 
Department's overall mission and vision. The Department is determined 
to leverage the diversity and skills of our workforce in ways that make 
our policy more robust and transparent, while ensuring our national 
security information remains protected and security concerns are 
mitigated.

    Question. What steps will you take to help improve the promotion 
board process and ensure that promotions are based on merit and not 
unduly influenced by bias?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to 
increase the accountability for diversity & inclusion in evaluations.
    Global Talent Management (GTM) makes every effort to make the 
Department's Selection Boards as diverse as possible, in accordance 
with the Foreign Service Act of 1980. The Department ensures that every 
promotion board panel is racially and ethnically diverse, gender 
balanced. Diversity of experience and perspective is also valued and 
this coming year, GTM will recruit Foreign Service Specialists to serve 
on Generalist Boards. Board members are also required to take diversity 
awareness and unconscious bias training, prior to beginning service. 
GTM has revised Selection Board procedures to focus on assessing 
potential for success at the next level versus past performance, 
valuing multifunctionality, and complexity of work over geography - and 
ensure that each Board member receives consistent guidance and 
training.

Workforce Training
    Question. Workforce training is a key element to professional 
development, especially as it relates to improving management 
practices.
   Do you believe the Department should provide more opportunities for 
        professional development training, particularly for management, 
        and if so, what steps will you take to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support expanding professional 
development opportunities for our Civil and Foreign Service workforce, 
including for managers and supervisors, by increasing both the number 
of programs offered and the number of employees participating. This 
includes incentivizing supervisors to empower employees to take 
advantage of long-term training opportunities, developmental rotations, 
domestic and overseas TDY opportunities, and details, as well as 
filling gaps left behind due to staffing shortages. For example, 
creating ``backfill positions,'' (which in and of themselves would also 
provide professional development experience) would support bureaus 
experiencing staffing gaps when Civil Service employees are pursuing 
career development opportunities.

    Question. What steps will you take to ensure that diversity, 
equity, and inclusion are incorporated into professional development 
training and mentorship opportunities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that diversity, equity, 
inclusion, and accessibility are incorporated into training, 
professional development opportunities, and mentoring programs 
throughout the Department in support of the Secretary's Office of 
Diversity and Inclusion's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan 
(DISP). This includes continuing to train and educate supervisors about 
the importance of recruiting and retaining diverse teams and 
emphasizing that creating an environment of inclusion is essential 
aspect of good leadership. While training alone cannot transform the 
Department, I fully believe that it plays a central role in promoting 
culture change. If confirmed, I look forward to building a stronger, 
more inclusive State Department.

Mental Health
    Question. As you know, the recent events in Afghanistan will likely 
bear heavily on many State Department personnel, whether that be 
because they previously served in Afghanistan or because they worked 
closely on the evacuation efforts.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to ramp up mental health 
        services and to encourage State Department employees to seek 
        counseling and support when needed?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues in the Bureau 
of Medical Services (MED) to ensure that we, as an organization, 
continue to hone processes to lower the barriers, perceived or 
otherwise, that stand in the way of our employees seeking and receiving 
the care they need. I will support the Department's efforts to 
communicate to employees that the act of seeking help from a counselor, 
psychotherapist, or other mental health professional to address grief, 
anxiety, family or marital issues, or other concerns, by itself, is not 
considered derogatory in a security clearance determination, and to 
dispel the perceived notion that seeking mental health care might 
adversely affect clearances and career trajectory.

    Question. How will you communicate the availability of mental 
health resources and improve accessibility to them?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will meet State Department personnel on the 
channels and platforms they listen to and learn from. We will use all 
available conduits, including staff emails, internal webpages, internal 
TV channels (a.k.a. BNET), newsletters, handouts, webinars, and message 
boards to make mental health resources and mental health care part of 
the ongoing, daily discussion at the Department of State. These will 
complement the in-person communication of available resources already 
happening through MED's psychologists and social workers in Employee 
Consultation Services (ECS) as well as psychiatrists overseas.
    If confirmed, I will aim to improve accessibility and destigmatize 
mental health care. I will support the Department in making resources 
easily available where and when they are needed, meeting State 
Department personnel where they are overseas and at home. The 
Department does this now in-person whenever possible through Regional 
Psychiatrists posted overseas or ECS clinicians domestically. ECS has 
also expanded capacity recently to travel to overseas sites to work 
collaboratively with our psychiatrists to address crises, deteriorating 
morale, or burnout at posts. If confirmed, I will ensure that we are 
able to maintain this valuable service. I will work with MED to ensure 
continued availability and leverage of technologies such as WebEx, 
Microsoft Teams, and Zoom for the benefit of our employees and 
families.

Work-Life Balance
    Question. The Department has made significant improvements 
regarding work-life balance, but many aspects, particularly related to 
moving and living overseas, reflect an outdated reality.

   What steps can the Department take to improve work-life balance for 
        all employees, including those balancing family obligations? 
        What do you intend to focus on to further improve work-life 
        balance, if confirmed?

    Answer. As our community readies for a return to on-site work, I am 
committed, if confirmed, to preserving the workplace flexibilities upon 
which employees have come to depend. This includes supporting the 
ongoing implementation of the Mobility Assessment Tool (MAT) to assess 
telework eligibility for domestic positions based on job function, 
training needed for a more efficient hybrid and remote workforce, and 
further expanding the Domestic Employee Teleworking Overseas (DETO) 
program, which enables domestic direct hire Department employees under 
certain conditions to telework from overseas in order to accompany 
their spouse to foreign posts of assignment. If confirmed, I will also 
listen to and assess workforce needs, including through Global Talent 
Management's (GTM) Innovation Portal.

Civil Service
    Question. As you know, many have commented that a stark divide 
exists between the foreign service and the civil service, in part due 
to the opportunities that are available to foreign service officers, 
but not to those in the civil service.

   What is your assessment of the civil and foreign service divide? If 
        confirmed, what steps will you take to help bridge this gap?

    Answer. The strength of the Department's workforce is due in large 
part to the blending of unique but complementary skills and experiences 
among the various corps. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to 
strengthen our partnership and bridge any perceived gap. If confirmed, 
I'm committed to listening to the entire workforce and ensuring we 
develop and retain high performers. I support expanding professional 
development opportunities and increasing not only the number of 
programs, but the number of employees participating.
    If confirmed, I will also invest in Civil Service professional 
development tools and training that chart career progression, prepare 
employees to take on leadership roles earlier in their careers, and 
create pathways for those aspiring to the Senior Executive Service.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
       Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to develop the 
State Department workforce capabilities with respect to strategic 
competition with China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the continued efforts of the 
Bureau of Global Talent Management, the Foreign Service Institute, and 
the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs to create stronger 
incentives for officers to increase their Chinese language skills and 
regional expertise. Concepts already in progress include a TransPacific 
Fellowship program in Taipei; revamping language and hardship 
incentives; and revising the promotion precepts to place additional 
emphasis on super-hard language skills in promotion reviews. Currently, 
the Department has 24 additional Chinese Language designated positions 
worldwide that are not located in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. The 
Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs has several lines of effort 
with the Bureau of Global Talent Management, the interagency, and the 
Secretary to grow and develop our pool of China experts to coordinate 
State's policy, outreach and engagement with partners and allies on 
China, to implement cutting-edge polices with rapid interagency input, 
and to advise Department, interagency, and like-minded government 
partners on effective competition with China.
    In 2020, the State Department stood-up a Mandarin Language Task 
Force to answer the continuing critical need for regional expertise and 
advanced Chinese language skills. The Task Force has already delivered 
an Advanced Mandarin Training Program, with students starting in-
country, in-depth language training in Summer 2021.
    If confirmed, I will also encourage deploying our employees with 
China expertise to Posts throughout the world to better track China's 
activities globally.

    Question. What is your view on the assignments restrictions 
process? What steps can be done to conduct such a process with greater 
transparency and clarity?

    Answer. Though assignment restrictions presently affect a small 
percentage of the Department's workforce, the Department is reviewing 
legally available options and broader policy reforms regarding this 
process. The aim is to better leverage the expertise and capabilities 
of our entire workforce as well as to increase transparency. Assignment 
restrictions are based on a number of factors and are intended to 
mitigate security concerns related to foreign preference and foreign 
influence, where security clearances for individuals with these 
circumstances would otherwise be denied, leaving them wholly unable to 
serve the Department. Individuals who are restricted from serving in 
one or more countries have capabilities and expertise that contribute 
to the Department's mission and vision. The Department is determined to 
leverage the diversity and skills of our workforce in ways that make 
our policy more robust and transparent, while ensuring our national 
security information remains protected and security concerns are 
mitigated.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
   Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Diversity
    Question. The Director General of the Foreign Service has 
traditionally played a significant role with respect to State 
Department diversity and inclusion programs.

   If confirmed, what specific knowledge and experiences from your 
        time at the State Department will you apply to your work in 
        diversity and inclusion?

    Answer. As a senior leader at the Department of State and two-time 
Ambassador, I have built and led numerous teams comprised of employees 
from a wide variety of backgrounds, and worked deliberately to foster 
inclusive work environments. If confirmed, I will expect everyone in 
the workforce to promote a culture of inclusion where every voice is 
heard, respected, and valued.
    I previously served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau 
of Human Resources, now the Bureau of Global Talent Management, where I 
worked directly to strengthen accountability mechanisms. If confirmed, 
I will use this knowledge to work with the Chief Diversity and 
Inclusion Officer and Office of Civil Rights to strengthen these 
accountability mechanisms, which are a key component of a culture of 
inclusion.

    Question. How will you collaborate on these matters with the State 
Department's Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer, who is occupying a 
newly created position? Please explain the intended contours of your 
working relationship.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with Chief Diversity and 
Inclusion Officer (CDIO) Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley to ensure 
that the Department represents the diversity of the American people. As 
the Secretary has said, diversity and inclusion make us stronger, 
smarter, more creative, and more innovative. The CDIO and her office 
are building on the efforts established by the Bureau of Global Talent 
Management (GTM) and GTM will collaborate with the CDIO on the 
Department's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan which will lay out 
the framework to implement wide-reaching diversity and inclusion 
initiatives along with concrete benchmarks and performance metrics.
    If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit, develop and 
retain a workforce that represents America in support of the 
President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and national 
security workforce. I will ensure that GTM continues to integrate 
diversity and inclusion practices strategically into personnel-related 
policies in alignment with the CDIO's vision and the Secretary's and 
administration's priorities. This includes fair and transparent 
interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a 
culture of inclusion through professional development and advancement 
for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service, as well as our Locally 
Employed Staff.

Professional Education and Training
    Question. Many stakeholders, including former State Department 
officials, have long expressed concern that the State Department values 
and emphasizes the professional education and training of its personnel 
to a much lesser degree than not only other U.S. agencies, but also the 
diplomatic corps of other countries such as China. Some note that this 
issue partially reflects agency culture and management practices, 
observing that there are widely-held views in the State Department that 
education and training programs do not enhance one's career and may 
damage promotion prospects.

   Please share your views on whether the State Department's agency 
        culture and management practices discourage personnel from 
        pursuing training and professional development opportunities, 
        especially in the Foreign Service. What changes, if any, should 
        the State Department consider with respect to Foreign Service 
        promotion criteria, time-in-class restrictions, or other 
        policies to provide more incentives for personnel to seek out 
        such opportunities?

    Answer. The Department of State recognizes that our greatest asset 
is our people. Both Civil Service and Foreign Service employees are 
encouraged to participate in details and long-term professional 
development opportunities, many of which are highly sought after and 
prestigious. Time-in-class extensions are granted for periods of long-
term training, including language training, to ensure employees will 
not be penalized by pursuing opportunities that enhance their skills. 
Foreign Service Selection Boards are instructed to place an emphasis on 
continued development of professional expertise and multifunctionality 
and to consider positively the successful acquisition and/or use of a 
foreign language. If confirmed, I will continue to explore incentives 
for Department personnel to pursue training and professional 
development to ensure our workforce has the skills and expertise needed 
to further U.S. security.
    Professional Education and Training. Many stakeholders, including 
former State Department officials, have long expressed concern that the 
State Department values and emphasizes the professional education and 
training of its personnel to a much lesser degree than not only other 
U.S. agencies, but also the diplomatic corps of other countries such as 
China. Some note that this issue partially reflects agency culture and 
management practices, observing that there are widely-held views in the 
State Department that education and training programs do not enhance 
one's career and may damage promotion prospects.

    Question. As Director General, what changes would you propose to 
training and professional development programs for Foreign Service and 
Civil Service staff?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support expanding professional 
opportunities for our Civil and Foreign Service workforce by increasing 
both the number of programs offered and the number of employees 
participating. The Department is developing new approaches in support 
of the President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and 
national security workforce. This includes incentivizing supervisors to 
empower employees to take advantage of long-term training 
opportunities, developmental rotations, domestic and overseas TDY 
opportunities, and details, as well as filling gaps left behind due to 
staffing shortages. For example, full-time professional development and 
training/backfill positions would support bureaus experiencing staffing 
gaps when Civil Service employees are pursuing career development 
opportunities.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
     Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. For years now, Government Accountability Office reports 
have pointed out the lack of diversity in the Department of State, and 
in particular at higher levels of leadership. These recommendations 
were repeated again in the latest report last year, which Secretary 
Blinken acknowledged, and yet we have not seen the numbers change.

   If confirmed, what will be your first steps as Director General to 
        truly address diversity at the State Department? Will you 
        commit to ensuring a fair assignments process, and to making 
        data on diversity in the various bureaus and posts widely 
        available?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and 
retain a workforce that represents America in support of the 
President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and national 
security workforce. I will ensure, if confirmed, that GTM continues to 
integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically into 
personnel-related policies in alignment with the Chief Diversity and 
Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and administration's 
priorities. This includes fair and transparent interviewing and hiring, 
workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a culture of inclusion through 
professional development and advancement. If confirmed, I commit to 
ensuring the continuation of a fair assignments process, and to making 
data on diversity in the various bureaus widely available consistent 
with applicable law, including PII privacy laws, and the EEOC's 
regulatory requirements.

    Question. Is the State Department still deploying Foreign Service 
Officers to posts where reports of directed energy attacks have taken 
place? If so, what assurances are you providing to these individuals? 
If confirmed, how will you prepare our Foreign Service officers 
accordingly?

    Answer. The interagency community is actively examining a range of 
hypotheses but has made no determination about the cause of these 
incidents or whether they can be attributed to a foreign actor. All 
Foreign Service employees receive regular updates about anomalous 
health incidents (AHI) through various means of communication. AHIs 
have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for 
the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF) to strengthen the 
Department's communication with the workforce, provide care for 
affected employees and family members, and better protect against these 
events in the future as the Department continues to work closely with 
the interagency to find the cause of these AHI. If confirmed, there is 
nothing I will take more seriously than the health and security of the 
workforce. HIRTF is actively working to communicate response protocols 
to the field, in the form of ALDACs, via Regional Executive Directors 
to their respective bureaus, and workforce messaging from the desk of 
the Secretary. Regional Security Officers cover AHIs during their 
newcomer and regular security briefings at overseas posts. Further, if 
confirmed, I will collaborate with HIRTF and the Foreign Service 
Institute to deploy AHI-related content into the Security Overseas 
Seminar (SOS). The SOS is mandatory for all direct-hire federal 
employees posted overseas and highly recommended for Eligible Family 
Members (EFMs) and Members of Household.

    Question. Can I get your commitment that, if confirmed, you will 
ensure that it will be State Department policy for all individuals who 
desire it to have access to the Walter Reed medical facility?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to ensure all our 
employees have access to the best medical care available. The 
Department has established relationships with several centers of 
medical excellence including Walter Reed Medical Center. I will 
continue to advocate for access to Walter Reed along with other health 
care centers recommended by the Bureau of Medical Services or preferred 
by the individual.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
     Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Cory A. Booker

Promoting Diversity
    Question. Prioritizing diversity, equity, inclusion, and 
accessibility at the State Department is essential. Ensuring that the 
Department's personnel is representative of the American people is 
critical to ensuring the effectiveness of our diplomacy and ensuring 
that the United States leads by example when championing human rights 
around the world. To remove barriers low-income students and students 
of color face to participating in internship opportunities and help 
foster a more diverse Foreign Service and workforce at the Department 
of State, I have introduced a bipartisan bill, the Department of State 
Student Internship Program Act, to ensure that internships at the State 
Department are remunerated. This is just one of many steps that can be 
taken to improve diversity.

   What other changes do you think could be made to help increase 
        diversity in the State Department's recruitment?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing conversations 
with you and others in Congress on the one-semester paid internship 
program in your bill and the House-passed Department of State 
Authorization Act of 2021.
    The Department's top recruitment priority is enhancing diversity 
among career candidates, in support of the President's directive to 
revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. If 
confirmed, I will review proposals to continue the Department's efforts 
to build a more diverse workforce. The recruitment team created a new 
Volunteer Recruitment Corps which leverages the Department workforce, 
particularly members of the Department's employee affinity groups, to 
augment outreach to prospective applicants. The team added virtual 
private sector recruitment best practices, including candidate sourcing 
via national networks and databases.
    The Department expanded the Pickering and Rangel Fellowships by 50 
percent, starting with the 2021 program year, and recruited record 
numbers of outstanding, diverse candidates for both. The Department is 
considering new Fellowships to meet Specialist career track hiring 
needs and diversity and inclusion initiatives, as we have done for 
Information Specialists with the Foreign Affairs IT Fellowship (FAIT).

    Question. My internship bill will help to address recruitment, but 
retention of employees of color has been another major problem at the 
State Department. What do you believe are the most important steps the 
State Department can take to increase retention?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit, 
develop and retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure 
that GTM continues to integrate diversity and inclusion practices 
strategically into personnel-related policies in alignment with the 
Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and 
administration's priorities. This includes fair and transparent 
interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a 
culture of inclusion through professional development and advancement 
for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service.
    If confirmed, I am committed to listening to the workforce and 
ensuring we retain high performers by investing in their professional 
development and strengthening programs that mentor individuals for 
success, provide actionable feedback on performance, chart career 
progression, provide more training and interagency and other detail 
opportunities, and create viable pathways for those in the Civil 
Service and Foreign Service as they aspire to advance their careers.

    Question. My internship bill will require additional financial 
resource. What initiatives can the State Department pursue immediately 
to increase diversity that do not require additional resources?

    Answer. Currently 16 regional Diplomats in Residence are based 
around the country, hosted by universities but responsible for 
recruitment of professionals and students in a geographic region, not 
just on campus. Seven are hosted by Historically Black Colleges and 
Universities and Hispanic Serving Institutions. The all-virtual 
environment enabled our Diplomats in Residence and recruiters to attend 
more virtual career fairs, host online information sessions, intensify 
activity on social media platforms to include working professionals, 
and reach far more people across the country in FY 2020 than in the 
previous years, including a 39 percent increase in participation in 
diversity-focused events. If confirmed, I will encourage even more 
digital engagement with diverse, prospective candidates with skills 
sets that will enhance our national security.
    The State Department encourages all employees to recruit diverse 
talent by using their professional affiliations and networks to amplify 
Department career opportunities. The new Volunteer Recruiter Corps, 
launched in January 2021, has opened recruitment activities to more 
Department employees, leveraging the Department's existing talent and 
diversity. Half of the initial 500 participants are members of the 
Department's 17 Employee Affinity Groups (EAGs) and all EAGs are 
represented in the Volunteer Recruiter Corps. If confirmed, I will 
consult with the recruitment team on broadening and further engaging 
the Corps.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
         Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator James E. Risch

U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
    Question. As the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) marks 
its 70th anniversary, global displacement is at an all-time high. 
Demands for life-saving assistance will only increase as the disaster 
in Afghanistan, exacerbated by a hasty U.S. withdrawal, continues to 
unfold, forcing hundreds of thousands of vulnerable Afghan to seek 
safety and shelter as refugees.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you approach ameliorating 
conditions for the existing 2.6 million registered Afghan refugees (2.2 
million of whom are registered in Iran and Pakistan, which presents 
extraordinary challenges), in addition to the inevitable exodus of 
hundreds of thousands more Afghans feeling rule by the Taliban?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage actively with the leadership of 
the key U.N. humanitarian agencies in Geneva as well as NGOs to ensure 
coordination and help monitor evolving needs inside and outside 
Afghanistan. The United States is currently working with these and 
other partners to review and strengthen humanitarian preparedness and 
priority interventions in the region in the event of new refugee 
outflows from Afghanistan, and the Geneva-based agencies will be 
crucial to this ongoing effort. If confirmed, I will ensure that the 
U.S. mission in Geneva coordinates closely across the interagency and 
engages regularly with the Geneva-based humanitarian agencies, 
including UNHCR, and with key donors and other partners to ensure the 
U.N. system is appropriately responding to Afghan's evolving needs, 
inside and outside Afghanistan.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. 
assistance for Afghan refugees provided through U.N. agencies, 
including UNHCR, reaches its intended beneficiaries and does not 
materially benefit the Taliban?

    Answer. The United States is the largest single donor of 
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and we will continue our life-
saving support for vulnerable populations in Afghanistan and in the 
region. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to ensure humanitarian 
assistance in Afghanistan directly benefits the people of Afghanistan. 
U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need through 
our international and non-governmental partners, and not through the 
Taliban. U.N. agencies that deliver U.S. humanitarian assistance in 
Afghanistan follow similar risk mitigation requirements as other 
implementers of U.S. assistance. These risk mitigation measures include 
extensive vetting to reduce the risk of the diversion of funds and 
other resources. Monitoring and strict notification requirements are in 
place to flag issues that could impact assistance delivery.
    If confirmed, I will support the Department's close coordination 
with international partners to stress the importance of remaining 
united in our approach to Afghanistan and delivering humanitarian 
assistance with impartiality, neutrality, and independence. If 
confirmed, I will also support the Department's work with the 
international community to encourage unhindered humanitarian access, 
freedom of movement and employment opportunities for aid workers of all 
genders, and the safety and security of humanitarian staff.
    At the same time, humanitarian access in places like Central 
African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, South Sudan, 
Syria, and Yemen remains highly constrained. With humanitarians 
increasingly under attack, these areas have become the most dangerous 
places in the world for aid workers. To further complicate matters, 
some UNHCR-supported camps (most notably in the DRC following the 
Rwanda genocide in 1994, but also more recently in the displaced 
persons camps in South Sudan), have served as hotbeds for recruitment 
by armed actors and other abuses, including extreme violence against 
women and girls.

    Question. What more can UNHCR do to facilitate and secure 
humanitarian access, prevent diversion by malign actors, protect 
humanitarians and beneficiaries from attack and abuse, and promote 
accountability?

    Answer. As the world's largest single donor to global humanitarian 
response efforts, the United States has a longstanding commitment to 
ensuring appropriate access and effective delivery of assistance. By 
working with partner nations and through important international 
mechanisms, including, inter alia, the U.N. Security Council, the 
United States has always been a leading voice to reinforce the crucial 
principle of U.N. neutrality and push for all appropriate access.
    If confirmed, I will work with UNHCR, other U.N. humanitarian 
agencies, NGOs, and other member states to identify, highlight, and 
address factors that hinder humanitarian access and accountability, 
from risks to humanitarian staff to bureaucratic obstacles imposed by 
governments that delay or divert assistance, as well as mechanisms, 
such as biometrics, that could be used to strengthen accountability 
around assistance. While the United States is the largest single donor 
to UNHCR, close coordination with other like-minded actors also 
supports the effective delivery of life-saving assistance to those in 
need with the safety and security of aid workers at front-of-mind. If 
confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. leadership on these issues through 
engagement with diplomatic counterparts, U.N. humanitarian agency 
leadership, public facing engagements, and through governing and other 
executive bodies on which the United States sits.

    Question. Under what circumstances, if any, should assistance to 
camps for displaced persons be halted?

    Answer. Considerations for halting assistance to camps is a complex 
process and must take into account the context of the camps and the 
conflict. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the U.S. continues to 
provide support on the basis of need, whether those in question are in 
camps or are integrated with host communities, and that assistance to 
refugee camps is delivered according to international standards. If 
confirmed, I will actively pursue burden-sharing with other donors, 
national refugee inclusion policies with refugee host countries, and 
work to advance relief to development coherence where possible.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to impressing upon the 
U.N.'s Geneva-based humanitarian assistance agencies, and UNHCR in-
particular, the importance of establishing and utilizing biometrics and 
other verification mechanisms that will enable the agencies to track 
refugees and internally displaced persons throughout the life of their 
displacement, improve operational planning, eliminate redundancies, and 
enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of donor contributions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these methods are 
implemented in an effective and transparent manner that improves 
accountability for donor contributions and contributes to the larger 
goal of providing quality assistance to beneficiaries. If confirmed, I 
will also urge reluctant states to conduct joint biometric 
registrations with UNHCR, where possible, with the aim of building the 
capacities of host nations to eventually take over the responsibility 
for registering refugees on their territories. Finally, if confirmed, I 
will encourage other states to utilize biometric registration and 
identity management for refugees, particularly those unwilling or 
unable to do so, while attentive to the risk of such data falling into 
the hands of those who might misuse it.

    Question. What concrete steps do you plan to take to reform the 
U.N. Human Rights Council in order to eliminate Agenda Item 7 and 
improve council membership?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel. When the U.S. has had a seat at the 
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and have seen 
changes, such as a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting 
Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. 
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the 
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. 
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the 
Council, we have been able to engage with our allies and partners to 
keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and 
to encourage and support countries with better records to run for 
seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. 
friends and allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's 
efforts to erode respect for human rights in favor of its authoritarian 
aims and will work to expand space for civil society engagement in the 
Council's work, something the PRC has worked to restrict in recent 
years.

    Question. What points of leverage will you use to secure reforms at 
the U.N. Human Rights Council?

    Answer. I am committed to seeking reforms of the U.N. Human Rights 
Council, if confirmed. U.S. engagement at the HRC can be a force for 
positive change, and we must continue to prioritize needed reforms as 
part of our re-engagement. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. leadership 
on a robust reform agenda. Past experience has shown that when the 
United States is at the table, working closely with U.S. friends and 
allies, as well as non-traditional partners, we can make progress on 
addressing the Council's problematic anti-Israel bias. If confirmed, I 
will also press for U.N. member states to more carefully consider the 
human rights records of countries running for election to the Council 
and encourage countries with good records to run. If confirmed, I will 
ensure that U.S. expectations around Council reforms are prioritized in 
our diplomatic engagements in Geneva.

    Question. What would you define as ``success'' for U.N. Human 
Rights Council?

    Answer. The United States firmly believes that we advance America's 
national interests best when we have a seat at the table in the 
multilateral system, including the Human Rights Council (HRC). Through 
robust U.S. advocacy since our return to the Council as observers in 
February, we have pushed to ensure the Council has shined a powerful 
light on Beijing's human rights abuses in Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong 
Kong; pressured regimes around the world, such as Belarus, Burma, 
Eritrea, Syria, and Venezuela, by sharpening investigative mechanisms 
into their human rights violations and abuses; and worked to advance 
equality for all, protecting women's human rights, advancing the human 
rights of LGBTQI+ individuals, and assuming a leadership role on racial 
justice.
    If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the Council focuses 
on its core mission--to shine a light on the world's worst human rights 
abusers--and on the need to protect civilians. I will also work closely 
with other member states to improve the Council's record through a 
considered reform effort and to address the Council's credibility gap 
due to its anti-Israel bias and its poor membership.

    Question. If the Council does not eliminate Agenda Item 7, will the 
United States continue to run for election at the UNHRC?

    Answer. Yes. U.S. membership on the Council puts us in a much 
stronger position from which to continue to push against anti-Israel 
actions at the HRC and pursue our broader human rights agenda, 
including ensuring the HRC addresses other serious human rights 
situations around the world. If confirmed, I will prioritize continued 
efforts to eliminate Agenda Item 7 as well as other needed reforms of 
the HRC.

    Question. In May, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) created a 
new commission of inquiry to investigate the Israeli-Palestinian 
conflict. The new commission's mandate is much broader in scope 
chronologically, geographically, and substantively than the mandates of 
its predecessors.
    The Biden administration has chosen to reengage with the UNHRC, 
with Secretary Blinken asserting that despite the Council's flawed 
record on Israel ``the best way to improve the Council is to engage 
with it and its members in a principled fashion.'' Blinken committed 
that the U.S. would be at the Council ``table using the full weight of 
our diplomatic leadership'' and said we ``strongly believe that when 
the United States engages constructively with the Council, in concert 
with our allies and friends, positive change is within reach.'' Yet the 
mandate and membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry 
represents a change for the worse rather than the better.

    Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May, 
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on 
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry 
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater 
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to 
influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part of broader 
efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human Rights Council, 
in line with other U.N. member states. If confirmed, I will also engage 
regularly with the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear 
U.S. opposition to the Commission. The United States does not intend to 
cooperate with the Commission.

    Question. If confirmed, will you use the full weight of our 
diplomatic leadership to stop the UNHRC from attacking Israel?

    Answer. Yes. I am committed to working with Israel and our other 
allies and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate the HRC's 
attacks on Israel. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United 
States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in Geneva and 
in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world, to address 
the Human Rights Council's longstanding anti-Israel bias.

    Question. How specifically would you plan to defense Israel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S. 
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the 
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with 
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. 
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. If confirmed, I will 
work to reduce the number of Israel-related resolutions at the Council, 
make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to 
reduce the impact of such mandates, and bolster the number of countries 
aligned with U.S. views on the need to permanently tackle the Council's 
bias against Israel. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States 
uses its voice and position in Geneva to push back on efforts to 
unfairly single out Israel, works to counteract existing mechanisms 
that are biased against Israel, and consistently makes clear U.S. 
opposition to anti-Israel efforts.

    Question. Will you ensure that no U.S. taxpayer dollars are used to 
fund this UNHRC commission of inquiry?

    Answer. The Commission of Inquiry, like all other HRC mandates, is 
funded by the U.N. regular budget. As such, there is no means to ensure 
that no funding for this mandate comes from the United States regular 
contributions to the U.N. budget. However, if confirmed, I will ensure 
that the United States uses its voice strongly at all opportunities to 
register our opposition to this commission.

    Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) Government is 
actively trying to reshape international institutions to advance its 
malign economic and governance model, including the United Nations. If 
confirmed, how will you work with our democratic allies and partners to 
build resiliency to attempts by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to 
undermine the integrity of multilateral institutions and longstanding, 
widely held democratic values, including with regard to the important 
work of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N. High 
Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and the 
World Intellectual Property Organization?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the 
Department to strengthen our alliances and partnerships as well as 
improve outreach to other countries based on shared multilateral 
priorities, both in Geneva and through bilateral channels. The United 
States has had success coordinating with allies and partners to advance 
an affirmative vision that supports and defends the rules-based 
international order and deters the PRC's attempts to undermine core 
U.N. principles. As part of this effort, if confirmed, I will ensure we 
make clear through our diplomatic engagements that the PRC's actions to 
bully and coerce undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of 
sovereign equality. If confirmed, I will also prioritize working with 
allies and partners to support qualified and independent candidates for 
senior leadership positions at the Geneva-based organizations and 
counter the PRC's attempts to set the agenda in standard-setting bodies 
and to include ideological language in U.N. documents. This will enable 
us to better defend and improve the work of U.N. institutions in 
Geneva, including the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N. 
High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and 
the World Intellectual Property Organization.

    Question. Do you commit to monitoring such attempts and taking 
appropriate actions?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, this will be one of my top priorities. 
The United States is best able to address these issues when we are 
actively engaged and leading at the U.N. and its specialized agencies 
and related organizations. If confirmed, I will use our re-engagement 
with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work with our 
allies and partners to defend the foundational values of the U.N. and 
international rules, standards, and norms. If confirmed, I will seek to 
improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, transparency, and impartiality; take 
targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC efforts, such as its use of the 
U.N. and international organizations to promote the Belt and Road 
Initiative or incorporate its ideology into U.N. documents. If 
confirmed I will also support qualified and independent candidates for 
key positions and ensure that we advance our priorities on issues 
ranging from human rights to emerging technologies, including in 
standard-setting organizations.

    Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles 
in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical 
standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have 
overtly advanced CCP goals, instead of acting independently to advance 
the global good. It is clear the United States has had mixed success 
with elections for heads of International Organizations in the past and 
is taking more robust and coordinated steps to advocate for qualified 
and independent candidates in U.N. bodies. If confirmed, will you 
prioritize robust strategies to secure the election qualified and 
independent candidates to lead the highly specialized U.N. agencies 
based in Geneva?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be the election 
and appointment of qualified, independent candidates to leadership 
positions in the U.N. system. Such personnel are critical to ensuring 
the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational 
principles and values. They also bring strong technical and policy 
skills that enhance the performance and outcomes within the U.N. 
system, which, in turn, bolster U.S. efforts on U.N. reform and good 
governance. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has 
established a new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and 
coordinating elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and like-
minded candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. That office 
works closely with our multilateral missions, including Geneva, to 
ensure the United States identifies and advocates on behalf of 
interested candidates for key positions across U.N. organizations and 
agencies. If confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with top U.N. 
leadership and our partners and allies to advocate for the placement of 
qualified applicants and candidates, including U.S. citizens, at the 
U.N. and in specialized and technical agencies.

    Question. How do you propose to counter China's malign influence at 
the WHO? Please be specific.

    Answer. The United States is best able to respond to this challenge 
when we are engaged and leading at organizations, including the WHO. If 
confirmed, I will use our re-engagement with the WHO to reassert U.S. 
leadership and work with allies and partners to push back against the 
PRC's attempts to reshape international institutions, rules, standards, 
and values.
    The United States is taking a leadership role in discussions on 
strengthening and reforming the WHO as an opportunity to push forward 
critical reforms that will, inter alia, focus on better pandemic 
preparedness and response, efficiency and effectiveness, transparency, 
and accountability. This includes working to improve WHO transparency 
and accountability through more effective implementation of the 
International Health Regulations and insulating the WHO Director-
General from political influence and pressure. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize U.S. leadership on these and other reforms to improve WHO's 
performance and accountability and bolster global health security. U.S. 
leadership on these issues at the WHO is critical both to ensuring 
progress on strengthening global health security and rebuilding WHO 
credibility but also to pushing back on the PRC's efforts to undermine 
the organization's accountability, transparency, and governance. If 
confirmed, I will also ensure close engagement with like-minded 
partners and WHO leadership to push for Taiwan's meaningful 
participation at the WHO, including participation at the World Health 
Assembly.

    Question. How will you ensure that COVAX, the vaccines pillar of 
the WHO-supported Access to COVID-19 Tools (ACT) Accelerator, does not 
become a vehicle for subsidizing and distributing substandard Chinese 
vaccines?

    Answer. Gavi will not use funds from the generous U.S. contribution 
supporting COVAX to purchase vaccines produced by Chinese companies. 
U.S. funds have either already been spent down to purchase vaccines 
made by non-Chinese manufacturers or are being used to support the 
purchase of Pfizer vaccines or vaccine readiness efforts in recipient 
countries. Given the immense need for vaccines around the world to help 
control and end the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. Government is 
supportive of COVAX's efforts to rapidly roll-out vaccines authorized 
by the World Health Organization (WHO) as safe and effective. We 
understand that a condition for distribution via COVAX is a WHO 
authorization via an emergency use listing (EUL). If confirmed, I will 
ensure close engagement with Gavi to understand its current and future 
plans for vaccine roll-out and work with the organization as it tries 
to identify additional sources of vaccine to address its supply 
challenges, with more vaccines made by non-Chinese companies expected 
to come online in the coming months.

    Question. What are the top five reforms that you believe the United 
States should pursue at the WHO?

    Answer. The World Health Organization is in need of reform and, if 
confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to make the WHO stronger, more 
independent, and fit for purpose. The United States is using its 
leadership role on WHO strengthening and reform efforts to focus on 
improving WHO's ability to prevent, detect, and respond to future 
pandemics by:

   Improving surveillance and alert systems, including through 
        partnerships with Member States and nonstate actors;

   Increasing transparency and the ability of the WHO and Member 
        States to quickly and effectively respond to outbreaks, 
        especially through strengthened implementation of and 
        compliance with the International Health Regulations; and

   Increasing the WHO's cost effectiveness and sustainability.

    The May 2021 World Health Assembly (WHA) established a Member State 
Working Group on Strengthening WHO Preparedness for and Response to 
Health Emergencies (WGPR) to propose actions for WHO reform based on 
the recommendations by three independent review panels and Member 
States for consideration at the next World Health Assembly. If 
confirmed, I am committed to energetically supporting these efforts, 
ensuring strong U.S. leadership to push for a set of practical and 
meaningful reforms that will address performance, management, and 
accountability issues at the organization.

    Question. Do you believe the WHO should lead emergency health 
operations, or would it be better placed to focus on the technical and 
normative aspects of its mission?

    Answer. The WHO engages in vital emergency health work around the 
world, including, for example, the work it is doing to provide critical 
healthcare assistance, including to combat the polio epidemic in 
Afghanistan. But the COVID-19 pandemic revealed troubling gaps in 
global public health investments, capacities, and norms. The United 
States reengaged in the World Health Organization in January in order 
to advance critically needed reforms, reassert our role as a leader in 
global health security, and help the world combat the COVID-19 
pandemic. The United States took an active role in working with G7 and 
other partners to lay the groundwork to strengthen WHO's global health 
emergency preparedness and response. If confirmed, I will support a 
more transparent, effective, and agile WHO that will be better placed 
to detect, report, and respond to emerging health emergencies.

    Question. In preparing for the next World Health Assembly, do you 
agree that diplomatic engagement, including with regard to negotiating 
governance reforms at the WHO, would be best left to competent 
diplomats reporting to the Secretary of State while the technical 
aspects of the International Health Regulations are left to the 
Department of Health and Human Services? Do you see a difference?

    Answer. The Department of State continues to advance WHO reforms in 
close collaboration with the Department of Health and Human Services 
(HHS). We take a whole-of-government approach that leverages all 
agencies' competencies. For example, the U.S. delegation to the WHO 
Working Group on WHO Strengthening for Preparedness and Response to 
Health Emergencies includes key representatives with subject matter 
expertise and multilateral skills from State, HHS, USAID, and the 
National Security Council. The strong cooperation between State, HHS, 
and other relevant agencies will ensure that the United States achieves 
the best possible results from the WHO reform process. If confirmed, I 
will work to ensure that the U.S. brings to bear the full weight of its 
diplomatic and technical leadership to drive WHO reform efforts and the 
ongoing work and oversight of the organization.

    Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure that Taiwan is 
granted full observer status at the WHO and the World Health Assembly, 
regardless of Chinese obstructionism?

    Answer. It is deeply unfortunate that Taiwan's expertise and 
experience on COVID-19 were missing from the 2021 World Health Assembly 
and for the previous several years. The United States has continued to 
express its concern to the World Health Organization leadership, and if 
confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to build support for Taiwan's 
participation at the World Health Assembly through diplomatic 
engagement with WHO member states, WHO leadership, and media and other 
outreach to raise public awareness.
    If confirmed, I will continue U.S. policy to work closely with 
like-minded partners to counter the PRC's efforts to restrict Taiwan's 
meaningful participation at the WHO, World Health Assembly, and other 
U.N. bodies, as well as its efforts to shrink space for civil society's 
meaningful participation in U.N. fora.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
         Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. As we know, women's access to health care, including 
sexual and reproductive health care like modern contraceptives, plays a 
significant role in their empowerment. It also dramatically reduces 
maternal and newborn deaths. Yet the previous administration undertook 
a campaign against inclusive policies and language that has undermined 
U.S. credibility on gender equality and women's empowerment.

   Can you speak to how you will work within the U.N. system in Geneva 
        to promote access to health care for women?

    Answer. The United States is best able to promote access to health 
care for women when we are engaged and leading in international 
organizations. If confirmed, I will contribute to the administration's 
re-engagement across the multilateral system by working with partners 
and allies to improve global health capabilities and equitable access 
to health care for women and girls. The administration has prioritized 
the promotion of women's global health and equity, and that action is 
evident in U.S. efforts to increase access to comprehensive health care 
for women and girls; to restore appropriate references to gender in 
U.N. documents; to address health disparities; to advance sexual and 
reproductive health and rights; to prevent and respond to gender-based 
violence (GBV); and to address the gender-specific health effects of 
the COVID-19 pandemic.
    If confirmed, I will advance these priorities across the U.N. 
organizations in Geneva, including through raising these priorities 
with leadership of key U.N. humanitarian organizations, working with 
likeminded partners, and ensuring the United States uses its voice in 
governing and executive boards to ensure continued progress and to make 
clear the strong U.S. support for women's health and gender equity.

    Question. Will you commit to ensuring that the United States talks 
about gender--both by once again using the word and promoting the 
idea--in our engagement with the United Nations?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will promote gender equity and 
equality and women's empowerment across the full spectrum of Geneva-
based agencies and in all the work they conduct. This will include 
promotion and protection of the rights of LGBTQI+ persons and the 
return of U.S. use of and support for the term ``gender'' in our 
statements at the U.N. and in negotiated U.N. documents.
    If confirmed, I will also restore the U.S. voice in support of 
women's and girls' sexual and reproductive health and rights, including 
access to voluntary family planning, as a key element of the Biden-
Harris administration's broader commitment to promoting women's health 
and advancing gender equity and equality in the United States and 
around the world.

    Question. Women's access to health care, including sexual and 
reproductive health care like modern contraceptives, plays a 
significant role in their ability to advance their education, 
participate in the economy and support their families and communities.

   Can you speak to how you will work in this post to promote access 
        to comprehensive health care across U.N. offices in Geneva?

    Answer. The best way to promote equitable health care access, 
including for women, is for the United States to demonstrate leadership 
on these issues on the global stage, including within international 
organizations such as the U.N. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-
Harris administration's determined reengagement and leadership by 
working across the U.N. agencies in Geneva and with likeminded partners 
to identify and pursue all appropriate means of promoting equitable and 
comprehensive access to health care, including sexual and reproductive 
health care.
    This means not only strengthening actions through bodies such as 
the World Health Organization, but also ensuring that women's and 
girls' health remains a central objective for organizations such as the 
U.N. Refugee Agency, U.N. Women, UNICEF, the U.N. Population Fund, and 
others charged with supporting human health and wellbeing. If 
confirmed, I look forward to invigorating U.S. diplomatic engagement in 
Geneva to focus on these crucial needs.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you approach restoring 
relationships with U.S. allies and U.S. leadership within the U.N. 
system?

    Answer.
    The Biden-Harris administration has charted a course to mend and, 
where needed, modernize America's alliances. If confirmed, I will 
support those efforts by strengthening U.S. leadership at the Geneva-
based international organizations, rebuilding partnerships, advocating 
for qualified and independent U.S. and likeminded candidates for U.N. 
positions, and pushing for necessary reforms. I firmly support the 
administration's belief that the United States is most influential when 
it is at the table, working in partnership with allies, and when it is 
engaged across the multilateral system from a position of strength and 
leadership.
    That is the intent in seeking election to the U.N. Human Rights 
Council, and in returning with renewed vigor to dozens of other 
multilateral bodies. If confirmed, I will prioritize reestablishing 
strong relationships with likeminded partners and allies to advance 
common priorities and forming relationships with non-traditional 
partners that can be critical to U.S. efforts to ensure the U.N. system 
remains grounded on its foundational principles and aims and is not co-
opted by those who seek to undermine the rules-based international 
order.

    Question. In your opinion, has the lack of U.S. leadership at the 
U.N. allowed for countries that seek to overturn democratic norms to 
push their agendas within the U.N. system? Where should we be most 
concerned about this, and what are the first steps to undoing these 
efforts?

    Answer. The United States is best able to address efforts to 
undermine and weaken the U.N. system when we are engaged and leading at 
the U.N. and its specialized agencies and related organizations. If 
confirmed, I will use our re-engagement with the U.N. system to 
reassert U.S. leadership and work with our partners and allies to push 
back against attempts to reshape the U.N. and international rules, 
standards, and values. We are seeing these attempts play out in 
different ways across the U.N. system, including in the human rights 
space, in specialized and technical organizations, and in standard-
setting bodies.
    If confirmed, I will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, 
transparency, and impartiality; take targeted actions to oppose efforts 
by some countries to use the U.N. and international organizations to 
promote signature foreign policy platforms or insert national ideology 
and policy into U.N. documents; support qualified and independent 
candidates for key positions; and ensure that we advance our priorities 
on issues ranging from from global health security to humanitarian 
assistance and human rights to emerging technologies, including in 
standard-setting bodies.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
           Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has a long history 
of anti-Israel bias. The Council has repeatedly chastised Israel and 
held it to a double standard, while ignoring gross human rights abuses 
around the world. To this day, Israel is the only country subject to a 
permanent spot on the Council's agenda.

   If confirmed, how will you counter anti-Israel bias at the U.N. 
        Human Rights Council and other U.N. agencies?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC), particularly with respect to the HRC's 
disproportionate focus on Israel and the HRC's problematic membership. 
When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to advocate on 
Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction in the 
number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as non-
traditional partners, to address the HRC's problematic anti-Israel bias 
and will engage regularly with the Office of the High Commissioner for 
Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel 
mandates. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States uses its 
voice and position in Geneva to push back on efforts to unfairly single 
out Israel, works to counteract existing mechanisms that are biased 
against Israel, and consistently makes clear U.S. opposition to anti-
Israel efforts.

    Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets toward 
Israel from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the ridiculous 
step to establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate 
Israel. What are your thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S. 
cooperate with commission?

    Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) following the conflict in Gaza in 
May 2021. The session exemplifies the HRC's disproportionate focus on 
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry 
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater 
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If 
confirmed, I will work to influence the scope and timeline of this 
Commission as part of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated 
fairly by the Human Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member 
states. The United States does not intend to cooperate with the 
Commission.

    Question. The Biden administration has chosen to reengage with the 
UNHRC in the hopes of improving the council's record. Yet this mandate 
and membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry represents a 
change for the worse rather than the better.

   If confirmed, will you use the full weight of American diplomatic 
        leadership to stop the UNHRC from engaging in anti-Israel bias?

    Answer. I am committed to working with Israel and our other allies 
and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate attacks on Israel by 
the Human Rights Council. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the 
United States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in 
Geneva and in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world, 
to address the HRC's longstanding anti-Israel bias.

    Question. The Chinese Communist Party has sought to use U.N. 
bodies-including the UNHRC-to aggressively promote a new definition of 
human rights. For instance, in 2017 and 2018, the CCP was able to offer 
resolutions that called for ``people-centered development,'' building a 
``community of common human destiny,'' and ``mutually beneficial 
cooperation in the field of human rights.'' These resolutions--which 
passed--downplay an individual's inherent human dignity and gives 
authoritarians around the world tacit acceptance for abuse.

   If confirmed, how will you combat the CCP's sophisticated efforts 
        to revise international human rights norms at the U.N.?

    Answer. The United States will continue to be vigilant and work 
with others to ensure we have the broadest possible defense of the 
multilateral system's values and norms and are best placed to counter 
the PRC's efforts to erode global human rights norms and pursue its 
authoritarian aims. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues across 
the Department to strengthen current alliances and partnerships as well 
as improve outreach to other countries based on shared human rights 
priorities, both in Geneva and through bilateral channels. As part of 
this effort, the U.S. will also make clear that the PRC's actions to 
bully and coerce undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of 
sovereign equality. If confirmed, pushing back on the PRC's efforts to 
reshape global human rights norms at the U.N. will be one of my top 
priorities, and I will use the full weight of U.S. diplomatic 
leadership toward these efforts.

    Question. One of the many consequences of the Biden 
administration's disastrous Afghanistan decision is that the Taliban is 
now in a position to appoint a new envoy for Afghanistan at the U.N. If 
appointed, this envoy will assume Afghanistan's membership on the 
Commission for the Status of Women. This is ludicrous considering the 
Taliban has been and still is, one of the worst oppressors of women's 
rights.

   If confirmed, how will you encourage the U.N. to invoke Rule 29 to 
        ensure a Taliban appointee does not become Afghanistan's envoy 
        to the U.N.?

    Answer. The United States has consistently emphasized the 
importance of any future government in Afghanistan to respect the human 
rights and fundamental freedoms of all Afghans. This includes the 
rights of women, children, and minority groups. The United States is 
closely watching the Taliban's actions across the country in this 
regard, and we will judge them by their actions, including with respect 
to their representational efforts at the U.N.
    As Secretary Blinken has said, the Taliban want international 
legitimacy. It is vital that the international community work in unison 
to send a clear message that legitimacy is earned through concrete 
actions. If confirmed, I will work to reinforce these efforts across 
the Geneva-based organizations, including ensuring appropriate focus of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council on the human rights situation in 
Afghanistan.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you use your position to ensure 
that U.N. humanitarian assistance does not benefit the Taliban?

    Answer. The United States is the largest single donor of 
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and we will continue our life-
saving support for vulnerable populations in Afghanistan and in the 
region. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to ensure humanitarian 
assistance in Afghanistan directly benefits the people of Afghanistan. 
U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need through 
our international and non-governmental partners, and not through the 
Taliban. U.N. agencies that deliver U.S. humanitarian assistance in 
Afghanistan follow similar risk mitigation requirements as other 
implementers of U.S. assistance. These risk mitigation measures include 
extensive vetting to reduce the risk of the diversion of funds and 
other resources. Monitoring and strict notification requirements are in 
place to flag issues that could impact assistance delivery.
    If confirmed, I will support the Department's close coordination 
with international partners to stress the importance of remaining 
united in our approach to Afghanistan and delivering humanitarian 
assistance with impartiality, neutrality, and independence. If 
confirmed, I will also support the Department's work with the 
international community to encourage unhindered humanitarian access, 
freedom of movement for aid workers of all genders, and the safety and 
security of humanitarian staff. If confirmed, I will engage regularly 
with U.N. humanitarian leadership in Geneva in support of these 
efforts, as well as with other donor countries.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
         Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Cory A. Booker

Re-establishing U.S. Leadership in U.N. Bodies
    Question. China has secured leadership roles in a number of U.N. 
bodies over the last few years, including the Food and Agriculture 
Organization (elected in 2019), International Telecommunication Union 
(re-elected in 2018), International Civil Aviation Organization (re-
appointed in 2019 and leaving office in August 2021), and U.N. 
Industrial Development Organization (re-appointed in 2017), at the time 
when the prior administration withdrew the United States from a number 
of U.N. bodies, dealing a double blow to our influence with the U.N. 
system. The Biden administration has taken steps to rejoin a number of 
bodies.

   What further steps does the administration plan on taking to re-
        establish U.S. leadership with the U.N. system and to ensure 
        that either the United States or our allies regain leadership 
        roles in important U.N. bodies?

    Answer. The election and appointment of qualified and independent 
candidates to positions in the U.N. system are critical to ensuring 
that the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational 
principles and values. Qualified U.S. citizens and nationals from like-
minded countries bring strong technical, policy, and management skills 
that enhance the performance and outcomes within the U.N. system, 
which, in turn, bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good governance.
    The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has established a 
new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and coordinating 
elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and like-minded 
candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. That office works 
closely with posts such as Geneva to ensure the United States is well-
positioned to identify and advocate on behalf of interested candidates 
for key positions across multiple U.N. organizations and agencies. If 
confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with senior U.N. leadership as 
well as our allies and partners to advocate for placement and election 
of qualified and independent applicants and candidates, including U.S. 
citizens, at the U.N. and in its specialized and technical agencies. If 
confirmed, I will also prioritize working closely across the 
interagency, with U.S. bilateral and multilateral missions, and with 
Congress to ensure that we dedicate robust diplomatic efforts to 
leadership election and appointment campaigns.

    Question. What can the State Department do to counter China's 
growing influence within the U.N. system?

    Answer. The United States is best able to respond to this challenge 
when we are engaged and leading at the U.N. and its specialized 
agencies and related organizations. If confirmed, I will use our re-
engagement with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work 
with our allies and partners to push back against the PRC's attempts to 
reshape international institutions, rules, standards, and values. I 
will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, transparency, and 
impartiality; support qualified and independent candidates for key 
positions; ensure that we advance our priorities on issues ranging from 
human rights to emerging technologies, including in standard-setting 
bodies; and take targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC efforts, such 
as its use of the U.N. and international organizations to promote the 
Belt and Road Initiative or its incorporation of PRC ideology and 
policy into U.N. documents. If confirmed, I will also work closely with 
like-minded partners to counter the PRC's efforts to restrict Taiwan's 
meaningful participation in U.N. bodies and its efforts to shrink space 
for civil society's meaningful participation in U.N. fora.

    Question. The African bloc within the U.N. is a large bloc of 
countries that tends to vote together and can be decisive with respect 
to votes at the United Nations. China has done a lot economically and 
diplomatically to successfully court this bloc, for example convincing 
almost all African countries to abandon Taiwan in favor of China.

   What can the State Department do to work with this bloc to better 
        explain U.S. positions and have it vote with the United States 
        at the U.N.?

    Answer. The United States shares many priorities with countries in 
Africa, yet too often in multilateral fora our votes do not align. If 
confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the Department to improve 
outreach and partnerships with African and other G-77 countries on our 
shared multilateral priorities, both in Geneva and through our 
bilateral channels. As part of this effort, we will also make clear 
that the PRC's actions to coerce and bully countries to support its 
positions at the U.N. undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of 
sovereign equality and work with those countries to defend our shared 
interests at the U.N.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
           Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, what specific reforms will you push for at 
the Human Rights Council? How will you fight anti-Israel bias at the 
U.N. Human Rights Council?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic 
membership. When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to 
advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction 
in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as 
non-traditional partners, to address the Council's problematic anti-
Israel bias and will engage regularly with the Office of the High 
Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to 
problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    We have also seen that when the United States plays an active and 
constructive role on the Council, we have been able to engage with our 
allies and partners to keep off some of the countries with the worst 
human rights records and to encourage and support countries with better 
records to run for seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I would work 
closely with U.S. friends and allies to push back on the People's 
Republic of China's efforts to erode global human rights norms in favor 
of its authoritarian aims and will work to expand space for civil 
society engagement in the Council's work, something the PRC has worked 
to restrict in recent years. If confirmed, I will ensure the United 
States prioritizes these specific reforms.

    Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets at Israel 
from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the step of 
establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate Israel, 
the only such permanent agenda item of the council. What are your 
thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S. cooperate with commission?

    Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May, 
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on 
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry 
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater 
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to 
influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part of broader 
efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human Rights Council, 
in line with other U.N. member states. The United States does not 
intend to cooperate with the Commission, and if confirmed, I will make 
clear U.S. opposition to the Commission through regular engagements 
with the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and diplomatic 
counterparts.

    Question. As you know, China continues to seek leadership posts and 
influence inside key standards-making bodies like the International 
Telecommunication Union (ITU), World Intellectual Property 
Organization, and International Organization for Standardization. What 
do you believe is required to effectively push back on Chinese efforts 
to codify CCP-friendly international standards?

    Answer. The United States has consistently participated in the 
activities of key standard-setting bodies to ensure U.S. interests are 
represented, while standing as a bulwark against PRC interests. This is 
achieved by ensuring that organizations are transparent and accountable 
to membership, focused on mandates and core competencies, and led by 
independent, qualified candidates.
    Strong leadership and engagement in international technology 
standards development activities are essential to the national security 
and economic security of the United States. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize electing qualified and independent candidates to lead 
important standard-setting bodies, including the election of American 
citizen Doreen Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the ITU, and 
robust strategies to work with our allies and partners to strengthen 
the international standards development process in alignment with our 
shared values and principles. I will also work to ensure the U.S. 
private sector can appropriately engage in standard-setting processes 
and will strengthen relationships with leadership of the Geneva-based 
standard-setting bodies so that the U.S. can most effectively advance 
our interests.



                               __________


     Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
           Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has been subject to 
bipartisan criticism for endemic anti-Israel bias. It has in recent 
years taken a leading role in promoting economic measures against 
Israeli Jews and in territories where Israeli Jews live. The Human 
Rights Council has published a blacklist of companies doing business in 
the West Bank and East Jerusalem--including American companies. The 
move puts these companies at severe reputational and potentially even 
legal risks, pursuant to American statutes prohibiting participation in 
such boycott efforts.

   What specific steps do you intend to take to ensure that the 
        Council retracts databases and other lists seeking to pressure 
        companies into curtailing activities with Israel?

    Answer. The United States opposed the creation of the database and 
release of the report, as mandated by the Human Rights Council in 2016, 
and continues to oppose any work to update it. The United States has 
not provided and has no intention to provide any information to OHCHR 
for the database. If confirmed, I will also encourage other countries 
not to provide any information for the database. The United States 
continues to engage with the High Commissioner in Geneva to make its 
views and opposition clear and to push for retraction of the database. 
If confirmed, I will continue this effort.

    Question. How long do you assess it will take you to ensure that 
the Council retracts all such databases and other lists?

    Answer. I cannot offer a specific timeline. However, I can assure 
you that, if I am confirmed, the United States, and I personally, will 
continue to engage regularly with the High Commissioner in Geneva to 
urge the retraction of this database and push to ensure that the 
database is not further updated.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. What are your views on the future of the Minsk Group and 
how we can promote a better future in the region amid increased Azeri 
and Turkish aggression?

    Answer. The United States takes its role as one of the three OSCE 
Minsk Group Co-Chairs--with France and Russia--very seriously. If 
confirmed, I will support the mandate of the Minsk Group Co-Chairs to 
help Armenia and Azerbaijan negotiate a peaceful, comprehensive 
settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and will support efforts 
invigorate the Minsk Group Co-Chair process to find a lasting solution 
that brings peace and stability to the South Caucasus region. If 
confirmed, I will also look for opportunities for broader OSCE 
engagement in the South Caucasus region to promote peace, security, and 
stability.

    Question. So how will you use the OSCE platform to draw attention 
to human rights abuses and the erosion of the rule of law in Turkey?

    Answer. I share your concerns about democratic backsliding and the 
erosion of the rule of law in Turkey. If confirmed, I will speak 
frankly about democracy and human rights concerns with my Turkish 
counterparts. I will also raise these concerns in statements at the 
Permanent Council and other OSCE venues to ensure that all 
participating States are held accountable for their OSCE commitments.

    Question. What would you do as ambassador to make sure that Turkey 
is unable to derail the OSCE's work on these important issues?

    Answer. All participating States, including Turkey, freely adopted 
OSCE commitments on respect for human rights, the rule of law, and 
democracy. If confirmed, I will use OSCE platforms to hold Turkey and 
other states accountable for their failures to uphold these 
commitments. I share your concern that countries could seek to evade 
criticism of their records by obstructionist tactics, as is currently 
the case with Russia's blocking of procedural decisions regarding the 
Human Dimension Implementation Meeting. If confirmed, I will continue 
to take the firm U.S. position that such tactics are unacceptable and 
work with allies and partners to uphold the principle that the human 
rights record of all participating States is subject to review.

    Question. Given the Kremlin intransigence, what steps will you take 
within the OSCE to ensure that the Kremlin is held accountable for 
abuses against its own people?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue spotlighting Russia's 
failures to uphold its freely made commitments on human rights, rule of 
law, and democracy. I will amplify the voices of embattled civil 
society activists, human rights defenders, and independent journalists. 
I will raise the cases of political prisoners and call out abuses. I 
agree the Kremlin has obstructed the work of the OSCE inside Russia for 
many years, including in the runup to this year's parliamentary 
elections. After obstructing independent media coverage and genuine 
opposition participation, and after imposing unjustified restrictions 
on OSCE observation, the OSCE rightly decided not to observe this 
year's elections. However, that does not mean Russia will evade the 
spotlight or international accountability. If confirmed, I will 
continue the U.S. Mission to the OSCE's efforts to call out the 
Kremlin's failures to abide by its OSCE commitments.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Todd Young

Nontransparent Behavior with Respect to Its War Games
    Question. Russia's history and continued practice of under-
reporting, mischaracterizing, or permanently repositioning forces under 
the rubric of exercises is dangerously destabilizing. Many of the 
confidence- and security-building measures contained in the OSCE's 
Vienna Document are designed to provide transparency regarding military 
activities, including military exercises in the field. If it chose to, 
Russia could demonstrate its commitment to international stability by 
ensuring it is transparent before, during, and after military 
exercises. This would give other OSCE participating States greater 
confidence that Russia will refrain from an unlawful threat or use of 
force. Unfortunately, Russia does not consistently fulfill the 
transparency measures it committed to in the Vienna Document. If 
confirmed, I will continue to call upon Russia to meet its 
international obligations and its commitments under the Vienna Document 
and will use the OSCE platform to call out its destabilizing military 
activities while keeping our allies and partners united.

   Is the Vienna document still relevant given how frequently Russia 
        violates its spirit and intent? What reforms are most pressing 
        to maintain OSCE as a relevant institution?

    Answer. The Vienna Document remains a pillar of military 
transparency and confidence-building in Europe and Eurasia. If 
confirmed, I will work to build support for Vienna Document 
modernization so its provisions are better adapted to new military 
realities, including by working with allies and partners to push Russia 
to participate constructively in results-oriented negotiations. 
Russia's repeated failures over the years to fulfill certain of its 
Vienna Document commitments in good faith undermines other states' 
confidence in Russia's commitment to international stability. However, 
the United States and our allies are better off with these commitments 
in place, in part so we can hold Russia to account.
    The OSCE's comprehensive security concept linking respect for human 
rights within states to cooperation and peace among states helps the 
United States advance its interests within the organization, and this 
concept remains highly relevant today. Useful reforms would include 
those mandating a timely adoption of the Unified Budget and steps to 
facilitate OSCE's core functions, including holding all three 
implementation/review meetings annually. If confirmed, I look forward 
to consulting with Congress on the question of reforms and will 
steadfastly defend the continued independence of OSCE institutions and 
field missions, which do invaluable work to advance our interests.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with OSCE to counter 
the growing belligerence of Russia and its encroachment into Belarus?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by Russia's malign activities in 
Belarus, including its insertion of Russian propagandists into 
Belarusian state-controlled media outlets to replace Belarusian 
journalists and Belarusian technical personnel, who were either fired 
due to their participation in the pro-democracy movement or quit in 
peaceful protest. Other Russian ``advisors'' have also been deployed to 
Belarus to assist the regime with consolidating power.
    The United States, together with 16 other participating States, 
invoked the OSCE's Moscow Mechanism in September 2020 to investigate 
human rights abuses in Belarus. The Moscow Mechanism is a unique OSCE 
tool that allows for an investigation to be launched without consensus 
and independently of the OSCE Chairmanship. The resulting OSCE 
Rapporteur's report on Belarus thoroughly documented ongoing human 
rights abuses and made specific recommendations, such as calling for an 
end to torture, the release of all political prisoners, the launch of 
an inclusive national dialogue, and new, free and fair elections. If 
confirmed, I will use all applicable OSCE platforms and tools to 
support the human rights and democratic aspirations of the Belarusian 
people and the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of 
the Republic of Belarus.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Human Rights
    Question. Over the past year, the world has suffered the crippling 
impact of COVID-19, which has disproportionately affected our most 
vulnerable citizens and allowed some governments to exploit the 
pandemic to limit fundamental freedoms. Corruption threatens peace, 
prosperity, and human rights across the region, and the Kremlin remains 
intransigent in its overt violence against its neighbors as well as its 
covert attempts to undermine democratic institutions elsewhere.

   As Ambassador, what would be your top priorities for the U.S. 
        Mission to the OSCE?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize respect for democracy and 
human rights and continue efforts to push back on Russian and PRC 
malign influence across the OSCE region, particularly Russia's 
aggression in Ukraine, and redouble U.S. engagement to resolve 
protracted conflicts in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova and Nagorno-Karabakh. 
I will focus on addressing conventional military concerns and updating 
the Vienna Document, as well as addressing ``hybrid'' threats such as 
election interference, energy coercion, disinformation, cyber 
operations, and transnational repression. I will prioritize 
establishing stronger anti-corruption measures, and work with allies 
and partners to strengthen the resilience of frontline democracies. 
Finally, I will use OSCE platforms and institutional tools to defend 
human rights and human dignity, promote democratic reforms, and push 
back against growing restrictions on civil society, media and internet 
freedom, judicial independence, and the rising tide of intolerance.

    Question. How can the OSCE contribute to its mission of promoting 
human rights and democracy in Belarus and countries undergoing similar 
situations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available OSCE platforms and 
tools to shine a light on the appalling human rights situation in 
Belarus while affirming our support for democratic norms and 
institutions. While it is up to the people of Belarus to decide their 
political future, the OSCE must continue to hold the authorities in 
Belarus accountable for their actions. The successful invocation of the 
OSCE's Moscow Mechanism by the United States and 16 other countries in 
2020 resulted in the issuance of a report documenting ongoing human 
rights abuses and offering policy recommendations, such as calling for 
an end to torture, the release of all political prisoners, the launch 
of an inclusive national dialogue, and new, free and fair elections. If 
confirmed, I will continue calling Belarus and other participating 
States to account when they violate their human rights obligations or 
disregard the OSCE commitments they freely pledged to uphold. 
Additionally, I will continue support for the OSCE's independent 
institutions, which conduct invaluable human rights programming, 
spotlight repressions against journalists and human rights defenders, 
and provide support to vulnerable populations.

Rise in Violence:
    Question. Since 2015, I have served as the Special Representative 
on Anti-Semitism, Racism, and Intolerance for the OSCE Parliamentary 
Assembly. We've seen, in recent months, current events trigger latent 
bias in our communities. We go back to 9/11 where we saw the rise of 
hate against the Muslim community, which was translated into violence 
against Muslim Americans. We saw during COVID-19 latent bias against 
the Asian American community. Once again, as a result of recent 
violence in the Middle East, we see a rise of anti-Semitism here in the 
United States and around the world.

   The center's Early Warning Project provides an innovative risk 
        assessment tool using methods to spotlight countries where mass 
        atrocities have not begun, but where the risk of such violence 
        is high. The warning signs are there. As Ambassador, how are 
        you planning on addressing this issue with many OSCE 
        participating states?

    Answer. I share your alarm at the rise of anti-Semitism, anti-
Muslim hatred, xenophobia, and other forms of intolerance in the OSCE 
region that, if left unchecked, can lead to mass atrocities. Whole-of-
government approaches, such as efforts to implement the Elie Wiesel 
Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act and the Global Fragility Act, 
provide the Department, in collaboration with other agencies, 
opportunities to innovate, leverage and utilize valuable tools for 
early warning and early action regarding mass atrocities. Various 
nongovernmental organizations also provide useful metrics for assessing 
risk of mass atrocities. At the OSCE, the Conflict Prevention Center 
staffs a round-the-clock Situation Room to look for early warning signs 
and bring them to the attention of participating States.
    If confirmed, I will condemn hate in all of its forms, and use the 
OSCE's diplomatic, educational, and programmatic tools to build 
international coalitions to act swiftly whenever and wherever there is 
a risk of violence or mass atrocities. In this regard, preventative 
diplomacy is critical. If confirmed, I will also continue U.S. support 
for the tolerance projects of the Office for Democratic Institutions 
and Human Rights and encourage active engagement by the High 
Commissioner on National Minorities to address the triggers of inter-
ethnic conflict and engage in conflict prevention at the earliest 
possible stage.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Ted Cruz

Nord Stream 2
    Question. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is opposed by OSCE countries. 
In 2019, the OSCE passed a resolution ``expressing particular concern 
about the Nord Stream 2 and TurkStream pipeline projects and their 
potential to be used for the political or economic coercion of supply-
dependent participating State.''
    Congress has of course mandated the use of sanctions to stop Nord 
Stream 2 from coming online, and on September 15 you testified ``I 
think it's very important that the U.S. continues to be ready to use 
all of the authorities contained within PEESA and CAATSA which are the 
laws of the land when it comes to this.'' The statement is in tension 
with statements from other Biden administration officials, who have 
publicly said that the pipeline cannot be stopped, in part because it 
has been physically completed. European allies that believe the 
pipeline should be stopped have, in turn, emphasized that there are 
still several months to prevent its certification and activation.

   Please clarify your September 15 testimony by describing what 
        authorities within PEESA and CAATSA should be used.

    Answer. The Protecting European Energy Security Act (PEESA) and the 
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) both 
provide the administration with authorities to sanction foreign persons 
who engage in certain activity related to the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I 
understand the administration remains committed to implementing CAATSA 
and PEESA, as amended, and that work continues to examine entities 
involved in potentially sanctionable activity.

    Question. Please assess whether you believe the Nord Stream 2 
pipeline can still be stopped from coming online.

    Answer. It is my understanding that while the physical work 
required to construct the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is either finished or 
close to being finished, it could take several more months before 
German authorities are ready to certify the pipeline for use. If 
confirmed, I will continue to oppose the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and 
work to strengthen the energy security of our allies and partners.
    If confirmed, I will use OSCE platforms and tools to push back 
against the Kremlin's coercive energy policies and advance a more 
secure and sustainable energy future for Ukraine and other frontline 
European countries. I would continue to support the OSCE's work to 
build the capacity of participating States to protect their energy 
networks, diversify their energy mixes, improve the investment climate 
in the energy sector, and reduce the environmental footprint of energy 
production, use, and transport.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Question. How can we apply more pressure in Belarus within the OSCE 
context? Can we do more to support the democratic movement led by 
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available OSCE platforms and 
tools to spotlight the appalling human rights situation in Belarus, 
urge the Lukashenka regime to engage in a facilitated dialogue with the 
democratic opposition and civil society, and support the Belarusian 
people's democratic aspirations. The OSCE must continue to hold 
Belarus' authorities accountable for their severe human rights abuses 
and allow for the voices of civil society and democratic leaders to be 
heard. The 2020 invocation of the OSCE's Moscow Mechanism by the United 
States and sixteen other countries resulted in a report documenting 
human rights abuses and making policy recommendations supported by the 
United States, such as an immediate end to violence and torture, 
unconditional release of all political prisoners, launch of an OSCE-
facilitated national dialogue inclusive of civil society and the 
political opposition, and new, free and fair elections under 
international observation.

    Question. I was able to visit Georgia earlier this summer and was 
initially encouraged by the progress undertaken by the April 19 
agreements. However, recent events over the course of the summer 
indicate that there is still insufficient political will to advance the 
April 19 agreement.

   The next round of elections is scheduled for early October--what 
        role will the OSCE take in observing these elections?

    Answer. The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human 
Rights (ODIHR) has deployed an election observation mission (EOM) for 
Georgia's October 2 local elections. The EOM will consist of 12 
international experts, 30 long-term observers, and 350 short-term 
observers. Observers will monitor all aspects of the election, 
including implementation of electoral reforms, the campaign 
environment, media coverage, and election dispute resolution. Short-
term observers will monitor the opening of polling stations, voting 
processes, the counting of ballots, and tabulation of results. The EOM 
will assess the elections for compliance with OSCE commitments and 
standards, and international obligations related to the holding of free 
and fair elections.

    Question. What can be done to ensure that the elections are free 
and fair, and that if so, all parties accept the results to allow 
Georgia to move forward politically?

    Answer. The Georgian Government, all political parties, all 
candidates, and election officials have an important role in upholding 
the highest standards of integrity before, during, and after Election 
Day. A robust OSCE election observation mission in Georgia will help 
establish a clear factual record of election processes and conduct, as 
will nonpartisan domestic election monitoring. The United States has 
provided substantial bilateral assistance over the years to promote 
professional and transparent election administration and nonpartisan 
domestic election monitoring. If confirmed, I will continue efforts in 
support of democratic reforms and encourage enhanced OSCE engagement in 
Georgia. Timely implementation of inclusive and transparent democratic 
reforms can reduce political polarization and help Georgia advance its 
Euro-Atlantic aspirations.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                     WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:20 a.m. in 
Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee, 
presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Schatz, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, 
Young, Barrasso, Cruz, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senators Klobuchar, Casey, Toomey, Padilla, 
Feingold, Heinrich, and Lujan.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    We are here today to consider nominations for five very 
important positions. On the first panel, we will hear from Mr. 
Thomas Nides to be the ambassador to Israel, Mr. David Cohen to 
be the ambassador to Canada, and Dr. Cynthia Telles to be 
ambassador to Costa Rica.
    We are also pleased to have a number of our colleagues here 
to introduce some of these nominees. I will turn to them in 
order.
    Senator Klobuchar, I understand you will be introducing Mr. 
Nides.

                STATEMENT OF HON. AMY KLOBUCHAR,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA

    Senator Klobuchar. Thank you very much, Chairman, and to 
Ranking Member Risch as well. The work this committee does 
touches the lives of people all over the world and we thank you 
for that.
    Right now in the wake of new leadership in Israel, it is a 
critically important moment in our alliance with our friend and 
ally, and we have with us today someone with the experience, 
credibility, and respect to serve as our ambassador to Israel 
and he just happens to have been born in Minnesota, as usual.
    And I am so proud to introduce my good friend, Tom Nides. 
With Tom today is his son Max, who will testify to the fact 
that his dad is wise and patient all the time, right, Max? 
Okay, good.
    And I want to tell you a little bit about Tom. He grew up 
in Duluth as the youngest of eight siblings. His father, 
Arnold, served as the president of Temple Israel and of the 
Duluth Jewish Federation, and his mother, Shirley, was a 
teacher. His sister, Jane, told the Duluth News Tribune that 
their parents would be going crazy with joy if they were alive 
to see their son nominated to serve as ambassador to Israel.
    I was amused the day that Tom was nominated to read the 
headline in the Duluth News, which said simply this: ``Man who 
grew up in Duluth nominated Ambassador to Israel.''
    Tom was innovative from a young age. As a senior at Duluth 
East High School, he was tasked with finding a speaker for his 
high school graduation. Being the proud Minnesotan he was, he 
wanted Walter Mondale, who just happened to be Vice President 
of the United States.
    He learned that the best time as a high schooler to catch 
the Vice President's Chief of Staff was at 5:30 in the morning. 
He reached out and Walter Mondale agreed to speak at his high 
school graduation.
    A year later, Tom and I met as interns for the Vice 
President and I remember walking in and seeing him sitting at 
the desk as a 20-year-old, his legs sprawled up on the desk 
above him, sitting on the chair with a vice presidential pin on 
his lapel.
    And I watched him answer the phone and say, ``Tom Nides 
with the Vice President's office'' in a tone that would 
convince anyone that he was no 20-year-old intern but he was, 
in fact, the chief of staff.
    While I was assigned to do the furniture inventory and 
write down the serial number of every lamp and desk, Tom got to 
save the Lake Superior foghorn for the city of Duluth, and just 
like everything else, he got it done.
    Since then, he continued to serve ably and, most 
importantly for our work here, optimistically in many 
leadership positions, including in the halls of Congress and in 
two presidential administrations.
    He was a trusted adviser to Congressman Tony Coelho and to 
Speaker Tom Foley. He worked for Mickey Kantor in the office of 
the United States Trade Representative and he later served as 
Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources with 
Secretary Clinton under President Obama.
    During that time, he distinguished himself as a key voice 
on Israel and an advocate for humanitarian support for our U.S. 
allies. For his outstanding service, he was awarded the 
Secretary of State's Distinguished Service Award, our country's 
highest diplomatic honor.
    His private sector and trade background as well as his 
strong background in Middle Eastern policy makes him the 
perfect choice to serve as our ambassador to Israel, one of our 
strongest and most enduring allies.
    Members on both sides of the aisle understand that the deep 
friendship between our two countries is based on shared values 
and that Israel's interests in the Middle East are strongly 
aligned with our own. Support for Israel can never ever become 
a partisan issue.
    Now more than ever, we need an ambassador dedicated to 
fostering lasting peace and stability. I am confident that as 
ambassador Tom will further the close alliance between our two 
nations and our commitment to prosperity in the region for 
generations to come.
    He will do a phenomenal job, Mr. Chair, and I strongly urge 
the committee to support his nomination. Thank you to the 
members of the committee.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Senator Casey, Senator Toomey, I understand you will be 
introducing Mr. Cohen. I will ask Senator Casey to go first and 
then Senator Toomey.

             STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY JR.,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

    Senator Casey. Mr. Chairman, thanks very much. I am honored 
to be here with you and appreciate this opportunity as well as 
thanking the ranking member for this opportunity to say a few 
words about my friend, David L. Cohen, to serve as ambassador 
to Canada.
    I am especially grateful to be joined by Senator Toomey. We 
do not always appear together on big issues. But today, we are 
united in our recommendation and our commendation of the work 
of David Cohen.
    I have known David for more than a quarter of a century and 
I have seen him in all kinds of circumstances, most of them in 
connection with public service.
    Many of you know that in addition to being a very 
successful lawyer and doing the work of a lawyer and an 
advocate, he served as chief of staff to the mayor of 
Philadelphia, Ed Rendell.
    To be chief of staff of a mayor of one of America's largest 
cities is about as difficult a job as anyone can imagine. But 
he did it well and he served the people of Philadelphia with 
distinction.
    I think it also bears repeating that sometimes the most 
difficult jobs in public service also are the jobs that teach 
you a lot about what public service is. David understands the 
commitment you have got to make to be a public servant and I 
think he has demonstrated that over and over again.
    In addition to his work for the city and his work as a 
lawyer, later, of course, he joined Comcast, and I tried to 
itemize or list all of the roles he played at Comcast and I 
will just give you just a partial list of the work that he did 
serving in major leadership positions at Comcast, whether it 
was legal work or government affairs, communications, 
administration, real estate, did a lot of work in diversity and 
inclusion to help lead a major corporation in the city of 
Philadelphia and, of course, charitable giving.
    All of those roles he played. All of that work he did and 
more helped Comcast to grow and to be such an important 
corporate partner in Philadelphia for so many institutions in 
the city.
    His community service, I think, is unparalleled, and 
whether it is at Penn Medicine, the work he did at the 
Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce, the work he has done with 
organizations like the Urban League and on and on. We could 
list many more.
    I do not think I have to remind members of this committee, 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, about the importance of 
our relationship with Canada, our second largest trading 
partner, ever more so important in the context of the 
challenges we face today, whether it is fighting COVID-19 or 
future viral security challenges, managing climate change, 
addressing the opioid crisis, trade issues, economic issues, on 
and on.
    A lot of those issues, of course, involve many, many 
Pennsylvania businesses and businesses across the country that 
rely upon the stability and the strength of this relationship.
    I would say this in conclusion, Mr. Chairman. This is my 
fifteenth year serving in the Senate and in those years I have 
seen David commit himself to excellence in every task that he 
was presented with.
    I also got to know over those quarter century or more his 
wife, Rhonda, who, in her own way, has contributed so much to 
public service. I asked Rhonda just before this hearing--I 
said, Rhonda, is David ready? And she said, yes, and that is 
all I needed to know. He is ready to do this job in a 
critically important time in our nation's history.
    The last thing I will say is this. There is a line in the 
Scriptures, ``To whom much has been given, much is expected.'' 
The good Lord gave David a lot--an intellect, a strength of 
character, a commitment to helping people, and we have asked 
him to do a lot, and much is and has been expected of him and 
he has never failed to deliver. I have no doubt that will be 
the case when he serves as our ambassador to Canada.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Toomey?

                 STATEMENT OF HON. PAT TOOMEY,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

    Senator Toomey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Risch, members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Thank 
you for allowing me to introduce briefly my friend, David 
Cohen, and express my enthusiastic support for his nomination 
to be our next U.S. Ambassador to Canada.
    And thank you, David, for your willingness to serve. I was 
delighted to see your wife, Rhonda, is here with you and I 
appreciate the sacrifices required of individuals but also 
their families when they choose to go into public service and I 
am glad to see that you are up for this challenge.
    There is a passage about David in Buzz Bissinger's 
excellent book, ``A Prayer for the City.'' It is a book that 
chronicles the administration of Philadelphia Mayor Ed Rendell, 
which, as Senator Casey pointed out, it is an administration in 
which David Cohen served as chief of staff.
    I think the passage is relevant for today's hearing so I am 
going to read it briefly. It is about David Cohen and it says, 
and I quote, ``It wasn't just his prodigious capacity for work 
that made him so good at what he did. It was his patience as a 
negotiator, the way in which he determined the result he 
wanted, and then, as Macedon put it, exhibited a willingness to 
stay with something forever until he got there.
    In the meantime, he never got frustrated. He never 
personalized or railed or sought vendettas. Once again, the 
normal human impulse to get angry and become agitated that 
never even surfaced,'' end quote.
    Mr. Chairman, I think there is a word for this kind of 
quiet, thoughtful, persistent approach to getting things done. 
It is called diplomacy. David is a longtime resident of 
Pennsylvania, a very active member in the community, as Senator 
Casey pointed out.
    I think it is important to point out that while serving as 
chief of staff to Mayor Ed Rendell through the '90s he played a 
central role in pulling the city out of really dire fiscal 
circumstances and placing it on a stable footing.
    He led a prestigious U.S. law firm prior to joining Comcast 
Corporation in 2002. Senator Casey mentioned some of the many 
roles that David has played at Comcast.
    I would just point out that in addition to helping to forge 
Comcast into a telecommunications powerhouse, David also helped 
to establish Comcast as a really exceptional corporate citizen 
for Philadelphia and Pennsylvania and our country including, 
among many other things, donating millions of dollars to myriad 
charitable causes across the country.
    David's many career accomplishments are accompanied by an 
extensive record of service. As Senator Casey pointed out, he 
has long served on many, many boards and advisory panels 
supporting Philadelphia in particular in its academic, 
athletic, arts communities.
    Just to name two, he was for over a decade the chairman of 
the Board of Trustees for the University of Pennsylvania, and 
currently he sits alongside Senator Casey and myself on the 
U.S. Semiquincentennial Commission.
    All the members of this committee understand full well how 
important Canada is as one of America's allies and neighbors. 
We rely on Canada as a major trade, energy, and security 
partner.
    Frankly, Pennsylvania's proximity to Canada gives us a 
particularly strong tie to that country and our representation 
of Canada is all the more important for folks in the 
Commonwealth.
    The fact is President Biden made an outstanding choice in 
choosing David for this post. David Cohen's very strong 
business background, his deep understanding of government at 
all levels, and his passion for service prepared him well for 
this role.
    Mr. Chairman, I enthusiastically support his nomination and 
encourage my colleagues to do likewise. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    And last but not least, our distinguished colleague from 
California, who is going to introduce Dr. Telles.
    Senator Padilla?

                STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA

    Senator Padilla. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Risch, and members of the committee.
    It is my honor to introduce Dr. Cynthia Telles this morning 
from the great state of California, and President Biden's 
nominee to serve as ambassador to Costa Rica.
    As a clinical professor in the UCLA School of Medicine's 
Department of Psychiatry and a widely published researcher, Dr. 
Telles is widely recognized for her work in health care and 
especially in improving the lives of those with mental illness.
    For more than three decades, Dr. Telles has directed UCLA's 
Spanish-speaking psychosocial clinic, where she has helped 
train a generation of clinicians to provide culturally-
competent mental health services for Latino communities.
    In addition to her work in health care, Dr. Telles brings 
life experience from the region and from serving on a number of 
nonprofit organizations and government commissions.
    As a longtime member of the board of directors of the 
Pacific Council on International Policy, she has worked closely 
with industry and governmental actors to promote global 
engagement in Los Angeles, throughout California, and beyond.
    She has served as a commissioner in the city of Los 
Angeles, America's second largest city, for almost 20 years, as 
well as having served on the board of the California Community 
Foundation and for nearly a decade serving on the board of the 
California Endowment, California's largest health foundation.
    Dr. Telles also continues a family legacy of public 
service, including deep ties to Costa Rica. Her father, Raymond 
Telles, was the first Latino to serve as a U.S. ambassador, 
appointed by President Kennedy in 1961. Dr. Telles grew up 
determined to fight for the world's inequities from a young 
age.
    During her father's ambassadorship, she lived in Costa 
Rica, where she found her calling for both public service and 
public health. Dr. Telles is a uniquely well-qualified person 
to represent the United States and Costa Rica, an important 
regional partner.
    She brings a wealth of experience, dedication, and 
compassion to her role representing the United States and Costa 
Rica.
    I strongly support her nomination, and I urge for her swift 
confirmation.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Padilla.
    With that background, maybe we should have Dr. Telles work 
with us here in Washington to solve a few things.
    [Laughter.]
    The Chairman. Thank you very much. Thank you to all the 
senators who made presentations.
    Let me turn now, first, to a little bit of committee 
business before I get to the nominees. I want to appreciate the 
ranking member's willingness to move forward with nine nominees 
that the committee was scheduled to consider today.
    We postponed the hearing this afternoon out of a deference 
to one of our members, but that has been rescheduled for next 
week.
    I am also glad that you agreed to a few of the nominees 
that I proposed for hearings next week and that you indicated, 
albeit with many caveats, that you may be ready to notice more. 
I, certainly, hope that materializes.
    I remain deeply concerned, however, by the delays and 
obstacles facing the bulk of nominees when it comes to securing 
your approval for their hearings.
    It is inexplicably taking an average of six weeks, almost 
40 days, from the time a nominee's file is complete to the time 
that the minority is willing to move forward, and that is just 
for a hearing. This is almost four weeks slower than it took 
during a similar period in 2009.
    I ask how that is possible. As you know, we have a massive 
backlog at the State Department, USAID, and other nominations 
pending before the committee. We have almost reached 80 and the 
number continues to grow.
    The nominations pending include ambassadorships to China, 
Japan, and countries throughout Latin America, Africa, and 
Europe, places where competition with China and Russia is real, 
where we need ambassadors in place to project U.S. power, to 
assist our citizens, and to promote our companies.
    I would just ask Senator Risch, I appreciate the work we 
have done so far. I need your full cooperation and 
participation to tackle this backlog.
    I would just note that when faced with similar numbers in 
2009, the majority and the minority worked together to move 57 
nominees in just one month.
    There is no reason we cannot do that if we work together. 
To date, I have noticed only nominees who the ranking member 
has agreed to. In fact, I have bent over backwards to restore 
the tradition of comity that was abandoned in the last 
Congress.
    But the slow pace and many obstacles to moving nominees is 
unacceptable. It is dangerous. We are less safe when our 
national security agencies are so short staffed.
    We have to fix this problem. We owe it to the Senate and we 
owe it to all Americans, and I look forward to working with you 
to try to achieve that.
    Let me turn to our nominees. Welcome, and thank you and 
your families for your willingness to serve the country in this 
capacity. I will briefly address each of the positions that you 
have been nominated for.
    Mr. Nides, welcome back to the committee. I am pleased to 
see such a qualified and capable nominee for one of our most 
vital allies. Your extensive experience in management, 
including as the Deputy Secretary of State, will surely serve 
you well in navigating the particulars of our embassy in 
Jerusalem.
    As Israel settles into its new government, it is critical 
that we have an experienced diplomat in place to help pursue 
many of our shared U.S. and Israeli interests across national 
security, technology, cultural, and religious exchanges.
    And while some may try to exploit any small fissures or 
differences in policy opinions between our two countries, this 
committee, the Senate, and the Congress as a whole have 
repeatedly confirmed our unwavering support for Israel's 
security, its right to defend itself in the face of neighbors 
who continue to threaten to wipe it off the map.
    Finally, to all our friends who may or may not be watching 
in Israel and here, let me wish you all a Hag Sukkot Sameah, 
and I look forward to hearing from Mr. Nides.
    I am also pleased that we are reviewing the nomination of 
our next ambassador to Canada. Our alliance with our northern 
neighbors, one of the most important partnerships that we have 
united by shared security interests and strengthened by 
expansive economic ties, our nations are linked by a common 
commitment to democratic principles and to tackling the most 
pressing challenges on the global stage.
    It is with the deepest respect that we also remember that 
our Canadian brothers and sisters fought alongside our men and 
women for decades, most recently in Afghanistan.
    Yet, during the last administration this most essential 
alliance was too often marked by tensions and tariffs, marred 
by insults aimed at Canadian leaders, and neglected by an 
absentee U.S. ambassador.
    It is imperative that we rebuild our relationship with 
Canada, deepen our collaboration to address the challenges 
posed by China and Russia, and work together to address the 
threats posed by climate change.
    Mr. Cohen, I have no doubt you are the right person to 
tackle these challenges and, upon confirmation, will be a 
strong and effective ambassador.
    I am also pleased that we are considering the nomination of 
our next ambassador the Costa Rica. As it celebrates its 
bicentennial, Costa Rica stands out for its consistency on the 
global stage and leadership on environmental stewardship.
    Costa Rica is also an example of democratic resiliency in 
Central America at a time when the region is plagued by weak 
rule of law and leaders who have embraced authoritarian 
tactics.
    It is also unique that we are considering a candidate whose 
father served as ambassador to Costa Rica under President 
Kennedy.
    I am pleased that Dr. Telles, if confirmed, will carry 
forward a family commitment to strengthening our partnership 
and advancing U.S. interests in Costa Rica. We look forward to 
hearing your testimony.
    Let me now turn to the distinguished ranking member, 
Senator Risch, for his opening remarks.

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH, 
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your 
comments regarding nominations. They are always difficult, and 
as I have said publicly and privately to you, having been a 
governor I know how important nominations are and it is 
impossible to govern if you do not have your team in place.
    I do want to review, however, the record on the numbers. 
First of all, I am going to compare the 116th Congress to the 
117th Congress.
    In the 116th Congress, the average Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee nominations processing time with you as the ranking 
member was 94 days.
    On the average, Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
nomination processing time in the 117th Congress so far with me 
as the ranking member it has been 44 days, 50 days less. The 
average processing time, obviously and clearly, is 50 days 
less, and the numbers do not lie.
    On some specifics, take for instance, the Assistant 
Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, Labor. Under the Trump 
nominee, Robert Destro, was 276 days. The Biden nominee, Sarah 
Margon, was 76 days.
    The U.S. U.N. representative, Andrew Bremberg was 245 days 
as the Trump nominee, and under this administration, the Biden 
nominee, Bathsheba Crocker, was 56 days.
    The Assistant Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, 
and Human Rights at Justice--excuse me, Assistant Secretary--
Civilian Secretary of Security, Democracy and Human Rights, 
Marshall Billingslea, was 378 days. Uzra Zeya was 34 days.
    U.S. for Arms Control under President Trump, Marshall 
Billingslea, was 244 days. Bonnie Jenkins under this 
administration was 34 days.
    Ambassador to Mexico, Chris Landau, was 57 days under 
Trump. Ken Salazar under this administration for ambassador to 
Mexico was 17 days.
    The number of days from file complete to business meeting 
for U.S. management--the department Secretary of Management, 
Brian Bulatao, was 319 days. The Biden nominee, Brian McKeon, 
was 18 days.
    The Assistant Secretary for Political Military Affairs, 
Clarke Cooper, under Trump, nominee was 260 days, whereas 
Jessica Lewis was 49 days as the Biden nominee.
    The Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs, David 
Schenker, the Trump nominee, was almost one year, 358 days. 
Barbara Leaf was 68 days.
    Other key positions held by Democrats during the Trump 
administration, the legal advisor to the Department of State, 
CJ Mahoney, was 187 days from file complete to hearing. Sarah 
Cleveland, the file has not been complete.
    The ambassador for Pakistan, Bill Todd, the Trump nominee, 
was 180 days from file complete to hearing. Of course, there 
has been no nominee.
    Mr. Chairman, I would ask unanimous consent that this 
matrix be entered into the record.
    The Chairman. Without objection.

    [The information referred to follows:]

=======================================================================


                       Nomination Processing Time

                  (116th Congress vs. 117th Congress)

                       (As of September 22, 2021)

   Average SFRC nomination processing time in the 116th 
        Congress (with Sen. Menendez as Ranking Member): 94 
        days\1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    \1\ (conservative estimate based on staff research)

   Average SFRC nomination processing time in the 117th 
        Congress so far (with Sen. Risch as Ranking Member): 44 
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        days

   Average processing in 117th Congress = 50 days faster than 
        116th Congress


                                Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                    Trump Nominee             Biden Nominee
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A/S Democracy, Human Rights, Labor (DRL)                                Robert Destro              Sarah Margon
                                                                             276 days                   76 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U.S. U.N. Representive                                                Andrew Bremberg                Bathsheba Crocker
                                                                             245 days                   56 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U/S for Civilian Security,                                       Marshall Billingslea                 Uzra Zeya
  Democracy, and Human Rights (J)                                            378 days                   34 days
                                                                                (NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U/S for Arms Control (T)                                         Marshall Billingslea            Bonnie Jenkins
                                                                             244 days                   34 days
                                                                                (NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ambassador to Mexico                                                                 Chris Landau   Ken Salazar
                                                                              57 days                   17 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------



                                Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                    Trump Nominee             Biden Nominee
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U/S Management / Deputy                                                 Brian Bulatao              Brian McKeon
  Secretary for Management                                                   319 days                   18 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A/S for Political Military                                                           Clarke CooperJessica Lewis
  Affairs (PM)                                                               260 days                   49 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A/S for Near Eastern                                                   David Schenker              Barbara Leaf
  Affairs (NEA)                                                              358 days      68 days from hearing
                                                                                         date (Business Meeting
                                                                                         expected in September)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------



                                Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                    Trump Nominee             Biden Nominee
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Legal Adviser to the                                                                 CJ Mahoney          Sarah Cleveland
  Department of State (L)                                          187 days from file                  (FILE INCOMPLETE)
                                                                  complete to hearing
                                                                                (NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ambassador to Pakistan                                                      Bill Todd                      NONE
                                                               180 days file complete
                                                                           to hearing
                                                                                (NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      
=======================================================================



    Senator Risch. I commit to you to continue to work as best 
I can, again, realizing that there is always stress on these. 
We take our vetting responsibilities seriously just as you did 
when the President was another party.
    I respect that. I appreciate it, and we are going to 
continue to do the best we can to vet these people and as 
quickly as we possibly can.
    Moving to the panel that we have before us today, I want to 
thank the nominees and, of course, their families for the 
sacrifice that they will share.
    On the nomination for ambassador to Israel, Israel is 
America's most vital ally in a very turbulent region. It faces 
serious threats and it is in the national security interest of 
the United States to ensure Israel is adequately equipped to 
meet these challenges.
    I am deeply disappointed that the House of Representatives 
have attempted to pull the Iron Dome funding from the 
Continuing Resolution. I expect the Senate will remedy that 
issue very quickly.
    Since the Biden administration took office, we have seen no 
movement to expand or strengthen the Abraham Accords. I think 
most everyone that moves in the area of foreign relations 
agrees that the Abraham Accords were tremendous steps forward 
in the relationship we have and others have in the Middle East.
    Many of us have concerns that the administration has 
instead doubled down on the failed Palestinian policies of the 
past. I am also disappointed the administration continues to 
provide assistance to the Palestinians without securing any 
concessions on the egregious ``pay to slay'' program.
    Instead of normalizing this appalling practice through 
deeper relationships with the Palestinian Authority and the 
Palestinian Liberation Organization, the administration should 
pursue changes in Palestinian policies that glorify and promote 
violence and terrorism.
    I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these important 
issues.
    On the nomination for the ambassador to Canada, first of 
all, I appreciated the opportunity to meet personally with the 
nominee and we discussed the importance of a couple of issues 
that are important to me and important to America.
    One is the Columbia River Treaty. The other is the opening 
of the Canadian border, and I was pleased to hear his thoughts 
on that and appeared to be on board as far as both issues are 
concerned.
    The Columbia River Treaty remains an important issue to the 
entire Northwest delegation. I expect that you will prioritize 
these negotiations, should you be confirmed, as we discussed.
    As for the U.S.-Canadian border, I am disappointed in the 
administration's decision on Monday to extend restrictions on 
nonessential travel from Canada to the United States at land 
ports of entry.
    These restrictions are causing significant economic and 
emotional distress to communities such as those in north Idaho 
that depend on well-regulated cross-border traffic. The 
administration should reconsider this decision and reopen our 
land border with Canada as soon as possible.
    Finally, the nomination of ambassador to Costa Rica. Costa 
Rica is an outpost of democratic governance in Central America 
and a valuable trade, security, and diplomatic partner.
    As many as 50,000 Americans call Costa Rica home, in large 
part due to its political and economic stability. Nevertheless, 
Costa Rica's democratic model has come under acute pressure due 
to instability generated by the Ortega regime in Nicaragua and 
the COVID-19 epidemic.
    Costa Rica has also sought deeper relations with China, 
which comes with its own set of challenges. I hope to hear how 
you plan to manage those U.S. relations with this strategic 
partner in Central America.
    Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    Just very briefly, I must say that, of course, one has to 
compare apples with apples and oranges with oranges in terms of 
dates.
    The reality is, is that for the first nine months of the 
Trump administration it took an average of just 22 days--22 
days--to get a nominee scheduled for a hearing, despite many 
serious and well-documented vetting issues.
    It is currently taking an average of 36 days, over three 
weeks longer than that period of time, for the minority to 
clear nominees with completed files for hearings. That is a 
challenge, and bottom line is we have nearly 80 people.
    The final thing I will say is that, unfortunately, the 
previous administration did not vet nominees so looking at 
numbers was extremely meaningless.
    We had nominees that had unprecedented vetting issues, 
lying to this committee, lying to the IRS, indictments, racism, 
#MeToo issues that all came out as a result of the vetting. 
That is why it took time.
    I do not want to belabor it. But I do want to work with the 
ranking member because, as I have heard him say and he said 
again today, that as a governor he understands the importance 
of having people in place in the executive branch to execute. I 
agree with him in this context as well, and hopefully, we can 
get to a point where we are promoting the number of nominees 
for the process.
    We still have the floor issues that have been vexing us, 
which is maybe beyond this committee's pay grade but, 
nonetheless, is a critical issue where Republican members 
exclusively are holding up nominees on the floor to the 
detriment of the national security and interests of the United 
States.
    Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    First of all, I hope we do not mix the issue of what is 
happening on the floor versus what is happening in the 
committee. Like you, I am likewise frustrated with what is 
happening on the floor and, certainly, this is an issue that 
should be tackled by the senior members of leadership of both 
of our teams and get this removed so we can move forward on 
that.
    I am not going to debate the quality of the appointments. 
Obviously, that would take many, many more days than what we 
have here. I will just say that I do commit that I am going to 
continue to work with you to move as rapidly as we can.
    I have no doubt that we will wind up with similar 
frustrations but we will work through them as best we can.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    We ask each of you to summarize your testimony in about 
five minutes or so. Your full statements will be included in 
the record, without objection.
    And we will start with Mr. Nides to make his presentation.

 STATEMENT OF THE HON. THOMAS R. NIDES OF MINNESOTA, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
        UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF ISRAEL

    Mr. Nides. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
members of the committee. It is a privilege to appear today. It 
is an honor to be asked to serve as the ambassador to the State 
of Israel.
    I want to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence in me, and I am grateful to share this day with my 
family.
    I would like to thank Senator Klobuchar for her kind words 
of introductions. As the Senator mentioned, she and I have been 
friends for over 40 years having served as interns together for 
Vice President Walter Mondale. I am so, so grateful for her 
friendship.
    As Senator Klobuchar mentioned, I grew up in Duluth, 
Minnesota, the youngest of seven children. My parents were 
leaders in a vibrant but small Jewish community. My dad was the 
president of our temple, our chairman of our local UJA. My mom 
was a leader of both Hadassah and Sisterhood, who grew up 
believing being Jewish was more than a religion but a way of 
life.
    Most importantly, my parents have pressed upon my siblings 
and me the importance, as they say in Hebrew, tzedakah, or 
charity, giving to your community and caring about others.
    During my first trip to Israel, I worked on a kibbutz where 
I discovered the importance of this very young and vulnerable 
nation. As Jews everywhere are celebrating the holiday of 
Sukkot, there is no greater honor than to be asked to 
strengthen the ties between the United States and the State of 
Israel.
    My many trips to Israel, both in the Government and the 
private sector, have strengthened my commitment to sustain 
Israel as a democratic and Jewish state.
    The U.S.-Israel relationship has long been based on both 
common values and strategic interests to remain united in our 
shared commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and 
regional security.
    Should I have the honor of being confirmed, let me just 
spend a moment on a few of the priorities that will guide me.
    First, the United States remains unwavering in its 
commitment to Israel's security supported by a 10-year/$38 
billion Memorandum of Understanding. Israel is one of our 
closest security partners in countering the broad spectrum of 
threats.
    Chief among them is the critical threat that Iran poses. 
President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that 
Iran will never develop a nuclear weapon. Upholding Israel's 
security serves America's national security interests, ensures 
that we will always have a strong, reliable, and secure 
partner.
    Second, United States remains committed to advancing the 
depth and breadth of our bonds between our people, including 
our ever-expanding economic relationship.
    Israel's startup nation economy is welcoming for U.S. 
businesses, with U.S. companies establishing two-thirds of the 
more than 300 foreign investment research and development 
centers in Israel. And, as importantly, President Biden has 
announced he will work with Israel in hopes of them joining the 
Visa Waiver Program.
    Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China 
is a defining feature of the 21st century, and the United 
States views close cooperation with Israel on foreign 
investment as critical to our security and intelligence 
partnership.
    Third, the United States values working with fellow 
democracies to oppose international institutional biases 
towards Israel, and I look forward to working with Israel to 
protect the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful 
assembly, creating an atmosphere all voices can be heard.
    Equally, we must continue to oppose all efforts to isolate 
and delegitimize Israel. If confirmed, while respecting the 
rights of all Americans for free speech, I will continue the 
tireless work of this administration to firmly reject the BDS 
movement and boycott laws which unfairly single out Israel.
    Fourth, the Abraham Accords. Yes, the Abraham Accords are 
critical to the region's stability and prosperity. I will 
personally support every effort to expand cooperation among 
Israel and the countries of the Arab and Muslim world, and I 
hope to strengthen the Abraham Accords and identify 
opportunities to expand Israel's relationship in additional 
countries in the Arab and Muslim world.
    While we support the normalization between Israel and other 
countries, it is not a substitute for Israel-Palestinian peace, 
and we seek to harness existing and future agreements and make 
tangible improvement for the Palestinian people with a view of 
preserving the vision of a negotiated two-state solution.
    I am committed to doing so my part to rebuild the 
partnership between the Americans and the Palestinian people.
    The priorities listed above are only some of the key issues 
that face any diplomat serving in Israel. Frank and fruitful 
dialogues only strengthen our partnership and deepen the bonds 
between Americans and Israelis.
    Before I close, I would like to say something, that if I am 
fortunate to get confirmed, this will be my second time working 
at the State Department with some of the most talented and 
dedicated individuals I have ever had the honor to be with.
    I would be remiss in not thanking every one of them for 
their service. I am humbled and grateful to serve this country 
and to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israeli partnership.
    And thank you for the opportunity to testify, and I look 
forward to your questions.
    Thank you, Senator.
    [Prepared statement of Mr. Nides follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Thomas R. Nides

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today.
    It is an honor to be asked to serve as Ambassador to the State of 
Israel. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence in me. I am grateful to share this day with my family.
    I would like to thank Senator Klobuchar for her kind words of 
introduction. As the Senator mentioned, she and I have been friends for 
over 40 years, having served as interns together for Vice President 
Walter Mondale. I am grateful for her friendship.
    As Senator Klobuchar mentioned, I grew up in Duluth, Minnesota the 
youngest of seven children. My parents were leaders in a vibrant but 
small Jewish community. We grew up believing being Jewish was more than 
a religion, but a way of life. Most importantly, my parents impressed 
upon my siblings and me the importance of giving back to our community 
and caring about others.
    There is no greater honor than to be asked to strengthen the ties 
between the United States and the State of Israel. My many trips to 
Israel, both in government and the private sector, have strengthened my 
commitment to sustain Israel as a democratic and Jewish state at peace 
with its neighbors.
    The U.S.-Israeli relationship has long been based on both common 
values and strategic interests. We remain united in our shared 
commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security. 
Should I have the honor of being confirmed, some of the priorities that 
will guide my efforts include:


          First, the United States remains unwavering in its commitment 
        to Israel's security, supported by our 10-year, $38 billion 
        Memorandum of Understanding. Israel is one of our closest 
        security partners in countering a broad spectrum of threats 
        ranging from climate change to cyber-attacks to nuclear 
        proliferation. Chief among these is the critical threat that 
        Iran poses.
          President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that 
        Iran never develops a nuclear weapon. Upholding Israel's 
        security serves America's national security interests and 
        ensures that we will always have a strong, reliable, and secure 
        partner.

          Second, the United States remains committed to advancing the 
        depth and breadth of the bonds between our people, including 
        our ever-expanding economic relationship. Israel's start-up 
        economy is safe and welcoming for U.S. businesses, with U.S. 
        companies establishing two-thirds of the more than 300 foreign-
        invested research and development centers in Israel and 
        President Biden announced we will work with Israel in hopes of 
        them joining the Visa Waiver Program. Strategic competition 
        with the People's Republic of China is a defining feature of 
        the 21st century, and the United States views close cooperation 
        with Israel on foreign investment risk management as a down 
        payment on our security and intelligence partnership.

          Third, the United States values working with a fellow 
        democracy to oppose international institutional bias and 
        promote human rights at home and abroad. I look forward to 
        working with Israel to protect the freedoms of expression, 
        association, and peaceful assembly, creating an atmosphere 
        where all voices can be heard and highlighting efforts to 
        advance the rights of members of vulnerable communities. 
        Equally, we must continue to oppose all efforts to isolate and 
        delegitimize Israel internationally. If confirmed, while 
        respecting the rights of all Americans to free speech, I will 
        continue the tireless work of this administration to firmly 
        reject the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement and 
        boycott laws which unfairly single out Israel.

          Fourth, the Abraham Accords are critical to regional 
        stability and prosperity. I will personally support every 
        effort to expand cooperation among Israel and countries in the 
        Arab and Muslim world, and I hope to strengthen the Abraham 
        Accords and identify opportunities to expand Israel's relations 
        with additional countries in the Arab and Muslim world.


    While we work to support normalization between Israel and other 
countries, it is not a substitute for Israeli-Palestinian peace, and we 
seek to harness existing and future agreements to make tangible 
improvements for the Palestinian people with a view to preserving the 
vision of a negotiated two-state solution. I am committed to doing my 
part to rebuild the partnership between the American and Palestinian 
peoples.
    The priorities listed above are only some of the key issues that 
face any diplomat serving in Israel. Frank and fruitful dialogues only 
strengthen our partnership and deepen the bonds between Americans and 
Israelis.
    Before closing, I would like to thank the very talented, dedicated 
cadre of public servants who represent the United States faithfully 
both here in Washington and abroad. It goes without saying that, if I 
am confirmed, the safety and security of all Americans, and not just 
those in the Embassy, but all those in Israel and the West Bank and 
Gaza, is my top priority.
    I am humbled and grateful to serve this country and to work to 
strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israeli partnership. Thank you for 
the opportunity to testify and I look forward to your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Cohen?

 STATEMENT OF DAVID L. COHEN OF PENNSYLVANIA, NOMINATED TO BE 
  AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
                  STATES OF AMERICA TO CANADA

    Mr. Cohen. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch----
    The Chairman. Mr. Cohen, if you could put your microphone 
on.
    Mr. Cohen [continuing]. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, and members of the committee, I am proud and humbled to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve 
as the United States Ambassador to Canada.
    I want to thank the President for his nomination, Senators 
Casey and Toomey for their kind introductions, and this 
committee for its courtesy.
    I also would like to acknowledge my wife, Rhonda, who has 
joined us here today. She has supported me--maybe it would be 
more accurate to say that she has put up with me--through 44 
years of marriage. I deeply appreciate her remarkable 
partnership and commitment to my career.
    Canada is one of our most important allies and a partner 
for our economic prosperity and our national security.
    If confirmed, I pledge to devote my full efforts to 
strengthening our unique bilateral partnership. As President 
Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau stated this year in their 
roadmap for a renewed U.S.-Canada partnership, and I quote, 
``It is in the shared interest of the United States and Canada 
to revitalize and expand our historic alliance and steadfast 
friendship to overcome the daunting challenges of today and 
realize the full potential of the relationship into the 
future,'' unquote.
    In navigating the confirmation process, including meetings 
with members of this committee, I have heard many 
recommendations for expanding and improving the already strong 
relationship between Canada and the United States.
    Based on these discussions, if confirmed, some of my key 
priorities would be, first, preserving and growing the trade 
relationship between Canada and the United States, including as 
detailed in the USMCA.
    At nearly $1.7 billion a day, Canada is our largest trading 
partner and the top export market for more than 30 of our 
states.
    Second, easing border restrictions while protecting public 
health in both countries. As Canada and the United States share 
the world's longest land border with 120 ports of entry and a 
prepandemic daily rate of 400,000 people, crossing over a safe 
and vibrant border is important for bilateral relations, trade, 
tourism, and the personal and family relationships that form 
the bedrock of our cultures.
    I understand that the impact of today's restrictions on the 
many communities along the border, but I also appreciate the 
health sensitivities and concerns that have led to the current 
regulations.
    Third, Canada and the United States cooperatively manage 
multiple watersheds through complex arrangements, several of 
which would benefit from modernization.
    A modernized Columbia River Treaty regime, for example, 
could enhance hydropower and flood risk management in both 
countries. I know that many members share this high priority.
    Fourth, continue to respect and fortify the trusted and 
valuable alliance with Canada on multiple defense 
relationships, including NATO and NORAD.
    We also must honor our commitments to make the necessary 
investments to meet those needs and, of course, our policy 
toward China is a key priority today.
    Finally, continue to advance common priorities of our 
countries on the global stage on issues such as combating 
climate change, anti-corruption, and building more diverse and 
inclusive societies, including for women and girls.
    My varied professional career has been rewarding and, 
ultimately, enhanced by leadership roles in multiple nonprofit 
organizations. One important theme running through my career 
has been the opportunities I have had to serve.
    I am also proud of my success in tackling big complicated 
issues and in bringing people together to solve problems. I am 
excited by the possibility of extending my passion for service 
and applying my collaborative and solutions-based approach in 
the role of ambassador to Canada.
    If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with the members 
of this committee as I represent the President, the Secretary 
of State, and this country in Canada.
    It would be the ultimate honor to work alongside the 1,200 
members of the United States mission in Canada and with the 
Canadian Government to advance our shared priorities.
    Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward 
to your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Mr. Cohen follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of David L. Cohen

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, I am proud and humbled to appear before you today as 
President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to 
Canada. I want to thank the President for his nomination and Senators 
Casey and Toomey--two extraordinary public servants who I have had the 
privilege of working closely with over many years--for their kind 
introductions of me, and I thank this committee for its courtesy.
    I also would like to acknowledge my wife, Rhonda Cohen, who has 
joined us here today. She has supported me--maybe it would be more 
accurate to say that she has put up with me--through 44 years of 
marriage. I can say with absolute certainty that I simply would not be 
here today were it not for her remarkable partnership and commitment to 
my career.
    Canada is one of our most important and committed allies and a 
partner for our economic prosperity and our national security. But I 
understand the significant challenges that lie ahead for both of our 
countries. If confirmed, I pledge to devote my full efforts to 
strengthening our unique bilateral partnership, to enable both 
countries to take advantage of our shared economic and political 
interests.
    As President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau stated in their 
Roadmap for a Renewed U.S. Canada Partnership in February of this year, 
``It is in the shared interest of the United States and Canada to 
revitalize and expand our historic alliance and steadfast friendship to 
overcome the daunting challenges of today and realize the full 
potential of the relationship into the future.''
    In navigating the nomination and confirmation process, including 
meetings with members of this committee, I have heard many 
recommendations for expanding and improving the already strong 
relationship between Canada and the United States.
    Based on these discussions, if confirmed, some key priorities for 
me are:


   Preserving and growing the trade relationship between Canada and 
        the United States, including as detailed in the USMCA. At 
        nearly $1.7 billion a day, Canada is our largest trading 
        partner and the top export market for more than 30 of our 
        states.

   Easing border restrictions while protecting public health in both 
        countries. As Canada and the United States share the world's 
        longest land border, extending 5,525 miles, with 120 ports of 
        entry, and a pre-pandemic daily rate of 400,000 people crossing 
        over, a safe and vibrant border is important for bilateral 
        relations, trade, tourism, and the personal and family 
        relationships that form the bedrock of our cultures. I 
        understand the impact of today's restrictions on the many 
        communities along the border, but also appreciate the health 
        sensitivities and concerns that have led to the current 
        regulations.

   Canada and the United States cooperatively manage multiple 
        watersheds through complex arrangements, several of which would 
        benefit from modernization. A modernized Columbia River Treaty 
        regime, for example, could enhance hydropower, flood risk 
        management, and ecosystems in the United States and Canada. I 
        know that many Members share this high priority.

   Continue to respect and fortify the trusted and valuable alliance 
        with Canada on multiple defense and foreign affairs 
        relationships, including NATO and NORAD. We also must honor our 
        commitments to make the necessary investments to meet current 
        and future challenges to our collective security and preserve 
        our ability to successfully promote peace and human rights 
        globally.

   Continue to advance common priorities of Canada and the United 
        States on the global stage on issues such as combating climate 
        change, anti-corruption, energy independence, and building more 
        diverse and inclusive societies, including for women and girls 
        around the world.


    My varied professional career has included the practice of law, 
government service, and a senior executive business role. That career 
has been rewarding, enriching, and ultimately enhanced by leadership 
roles in multiple nonprofit organizations. For me, one important theme 
running through my career has been the opportunities I have had to 
serve. I am proud of my success in tackling big, complicated issues, 
and in bringing people together to solve problems.
    I am excited by the possibility of extending my passion for service 
and applying my collaborative and solutions-based approach in the role 
of United States Ambassador to Canada. If confirmed, I look forward to 
consulting with the members of this committee as I represent the 
President, the Secretary of State, and this country in Canada. It would 
be the ultimate honor to work alongside the 1,200 members of the U.S. 
Mission in Canada for our Government and with the Canadian Government 
to advance our shared priorities.
    Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to your 
questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Dr. Telles?

STATEMENT OF DR. CYNTHIA ANN TELLES OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
        STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA

    Ms. Telles. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor for me 
to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be 
the U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica.
    I am grateful and humbled by the trust placed in me and, if 
confirmed, I really look forward to working with all of you to 
advance our nation's interests in the region.
    With your indulgence, I would like to introduce my husband, 
Joe Waz, and my son, Raymond Jimenez, who are here with me 
today. Their unequivocal love and support mean the world to me.
    Also, I would like to thank my beloved parents, Raymond and 
Delfina Telles, who are with us in spirit. My father taught me 
by example that public service is a noble cause to which he 
dedicated his entire career, having served as the first 
Hispanic elected mayor of a major U.S. city in 1957 and also 
having served as the very first Hispanic U.S. ambassador when 
President Kennedy appointed him to serve in Costa Rica in 1961.
    If confirmed, it would be my life's greatest honor to 
follow in his footsteps.
    I spent several years of my youth in Costa Rica, which came 
to have a special place in my heart. I became very familiar 
with its people, its culture, and its challenges. I also was 
able to witness firsthand the formation of the Alliance for 
Progress with its great dreams of shared prosperity and 
democracy.
    My father was able to organize a summit for President 
Kennedy and all the Central American presidents at the U.S. 
Embassy in Costa Rica. I am committed to using that experience 
to deepen the enduring bonds between Costa Rica and the United 
States and, thereby, to further our mutual interests.
    The United States and Costa Rica have shared an exceptional 
partnership across decades, one that is based not only on 
mutual interests but on shared values of democracy, of good 
governance, of human rights. This strong partnership is 
critical now more than ever.
    We face an unprecedented convergence of challenges in 
Central America: increased drug trafficking by transnational 
criminal organizations, economic downturn exacerbated by the 
pandemic, disruption to the region due to climate change, 
uptick in irregular migration, and also foreign influences that 
threaten to undermine democracy and our priorities in the 
region.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with Costa Rica to 
promote our shared interests throughout the region. Costa Rica 
has been a strong ally in migration management and a regional 
leader in welcoming vulnerable migrants and providing 
international protection for refugees and asylum seekers.
    If confirmed, I will, certainly, work to strengthen its 
asylum protection and temporary worker programs, and to expand 
its capacity in general to deal with migration, including 
border protection.
    Very importantly, I will work with Costa Rica to address 
root causes of migration in the region.
    The U.S. and Costa Rica collaborate closely to combat 
transnational crime organizations. Costa Rica is actually 
crucial to this shared mission, given its strategic location 
which positions it at the largest transshipment hub from South 
America to the U.S. for narcotics bound to our country.
    The good news is that in 2020 Costa Rica interdicted a 
record 71 metric tons of narcotics, mostly cocaine, 
demonstrating not only its commitment and capacity but also, 
very importantly, the huge challenges it faces in the region.
    If confirmed, I commit to strongly support Costa Rica's 
counter narcotics efforts in every way possible.
    For decades, Costa Rica has been a champion of democracy 
and recently demonstrating this by calling out that Ortega-
Murillo regime in Nicaragua and the Venezuelan Government to 
return to peaceful democracy, to hold free and fair elections, 
to release political prisoners, to hold people accountable for 
corruption.
    Certainly, I will gladly support Costa Rica's efforts to 
promulgate our shared values in the region.
    Although Costa Rica has enjoyed a relatively stable economy 
across time, there are recent troubling signs evidenced by high 
unemployment, by a large public debt, and by stress in the 
public health system due to COVID-19 and increased migration 
from Nicaragua.
    In addition to the human toll that these pose, these 
vulnerabilities can be exploited by our adversaries and 
competitors. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening economic 
partnership with Costa Rica and to promote mutual prosperity. 
Importantly, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to combat the 
COVID-19 pandemic.
    If confirmed, I look forward to leading the embassy team in 
San Jose where my highest priorities will be the protection of 
U.S. citizens and our interests. I will look forward also to 
seeking consultation from this committee.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I 
am happy to answer your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Telles follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of 
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica. I am grateful 
and humbled by the trust placed in me.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance our 
nation's interests.
    I would like to introduce my husband, Joe Waz, and my son, Raymond 
Jimenez. Their invaluable support and love mean the world to me.
    I would like to thank to my beloved parents, Raymond and Delfina 
Telles, who are with us in spirit. My father taught me by example that 
public service is a noble cause to which he dedicated his entire 
career. He served as the first Hispanic elected mayor of a major 
American city in 1957 and, subsequently, as the first Hispanic United 
States Ambassador when President Kennedy appointed him to serve in 
Costa Rica in 1961. If confirmed, I will be deeply honored to follow in 
his footsteps.
    I spent several years of my youth in Costa Rica, which came to have 
a special place in my heart. I became very familiar with its people, 
its culture, and its challenges. I am committed to using that 
experience to enhance America's enduring bonds with Costa Rica and, 
thereby, to further our mutual interests.
    The United States and Costa Rica have enjoyed an exceptional 
partnership across decades--one based, not only on mutual interests, 
but on shared values of democracy, good governance and human rights. 
This strong partnership is critical--now more than ever. We face an 
unprecedented convergence of challenges in Central America: increasing 
drug trafficking by transnational criminal organizations; disruption 
from climate change; economic downturn exacerbated by the pandemic; a 
related uptick in irregular migration; and foreign influence that 
threatens to undermine democracy and our priorities in the region.
    In addressing these challenges, Costa Rica has been, not only a 
reliable partner, but an effective role model. If confirmed, I will 
work closely with Costa Rican people to promote our shared interests 
throughout the region.
    Costa Rica has been a strong ally in migration management through 
participation in our Comprehensive Regional Solutions Framework. It has 
been a regional leader in welcoming vulnerable migrants and guest 
workers and providing international protection for refugees and asylum 
seekers, including more than 80,000 Nicaraguans and 30,000 Venezuelans 
in recent years. Through the U.S. funded Protection Transfer Agreement, 
Costa Rica hosts individuals with urgent protection needs from 
Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, while they undergo refugee 
processing for resettlement. If confirmed, I will work with the 
Government to help strengthen its asylum system, support temporary 
worker programs, expand its efforts to deal with migration and 
protection issues and, very importantly, to address the root causes of 
migration.
    The United States and Costa Rica collaborate closely to combat 
transnational criminal organizations that move illicit drugs to the 
U.S. and engage in human trafficking. Costa Rica is critical to this 
shared mission, given its strategic location, which positions it as the 
largest transshipment hub for South American cocaine bound for the U.S. 
In 2020, Costa Rica interdicted a record 71 metric tons of narcotics, 
demonstrating, not only its capabilities, but also the enormous 
challenges it faces. If confirmed, I commit to strongly support Costa 
Rica's counter-narcotics efforts.
    For decades, Costa Rica has been a strong champion of democracy. 
Recently, its Government demonstrated a commitment to pressure 
Nicaragua's Ortega-Murillo regime to hold fair and free elections and 
to release political prisoners. Costa Rica has repeatedly called for a 
peaceful return to democracy in Venezuela and accountability for 
corruption.
    In addressing the climate crisis, the United States has no stronger 
ally in this hemisphere than the Costa Ricans with their longstanding 
commitment to protecting the environment, conserving biodiversity, and 
reducing carbon emissions, in fact, outlining a pathway toward net zero 
emissions by 2050. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with them 
to advance these shared goals.
    Although Costa Rica has enjoyed a relatively stable economy, there 
are recent signs of strain evidenced by high unemployment, untenable 
public debt, and stress on the public health system due to COVID-19 and 
increased migration from Nicaragua. In addition to the human toll, 
these vulnerabilities can be exploited by our competitors and 
adversaries. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening our economic 
relationship with Costa Rica to promote mutual prosperity. In the near 
term, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to fight the COVID-19 
pandemic, which has greatly impacted the country, now in its fourth 
major surge. U.S. support to date has included a donation of half a 
million Pfizer vaccines.
    If confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy team in San 
Jose and to working closely with you.
    My highest priority will be to protect U.S. citizens and to 
champion our interests in cooperation with our strong partners in Costa 
Rica.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I'm happy 
to answer your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Before we start a round of five-minute questions with 
members, there are a series of questions we ask each nominee on 
behalf of the full committee and they, really, require a simple 
yes or no answer.
    I would like to ask each question and get a verbal response 
from each of the nominees. These are questions that speak to 
the importance that this committee places on responsiveness by 
all officials in the executive branch and that we expect and 
will be seeking from you. I would ask each of you to provide 
just a yes or no answer.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully 
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
    The Chairman. All right. Thank you. All of the nominees 
have responded yes verbally.
    I will recognize myself for a series of questions.
    Mr. Nides, this is one of the most important relationships 
we have. It is long-standing, enduring, and incredibly bound by 
common values that we share with the people of Israel.
    I think these are self-evident but I just want to make 
sure. You are committed to Israel's right to self-defense, are 
you not?
    Mr. Nides. Yes, I am.
    The Chairman. Under U.S. law, there is a question of 
Israel's qualitative military edge. You are committed to 
continuing to pursue that under the law, right?
    Mr. Nides. Absolutely.
    The Chairman. And do you support replenishment of the Iron 
Dome missile defense system----
    Mr. Nides. Yes, sir.
    The Chairman [continuing]. Which has saved countless 
Israeli and Palestinian lives as well?
    Mr. Nides. Yes.
    The Chairman. And you spoke to the Abraham Accords, which 
we all cherish that other countries have finally come together 
in recognizing Israel and we hope that that can be pursued even 
more significantly.
    Those are all key elements and you have covered many other 
things in your opening statement.
    Let me turn to Mr. Cohen. Since Canadian authorities 
detained the CFO of Huawei in December of 2019, China's 
Government has engaged in numerous forms of retaliation, 
including the imposition of tariffs and cutting imports of 
Canadian products.
    However, the most egregious case is the PRC's arbitrary 
detention of two Canadian citizens, Michael Spavor and Michael 
Kovrig, as well as the seemingly political conviction of Mr. 
Kovrig last month. These tactics by China require the 
international community to respond with a united purpose. I 
have spoken about this quite a bit.
    What steps will you take to deepen coordination with our 
Canadian allies and ensure that our two countries formulate a 
joint response to the challenges posed by China's coercive 
diplomacy?
    Mr. Cohen. Mr. Chairman, I think the good news is that we 
start from a proposition, as you observed in your opening 
comments, where Canada and the United States share a commitment 
to democratic values and I think they share an abhorrence of 
much of the behavior of the People's Republic of China.
    I think the United States has joined Canada in the 
condemnation of the treatment of the two Michaels. I think 
Canada almost seems to prefer working in multilateral ways in 
its foreign affairs, which sometimes may make it appear that 
they are less outspoken than you might otherwise think.
    In the case of the two Michaels and arbitrary detention, 
they have been very outspoken and the United States has been 
very supportive. I think we are all waiting for Canada to 
release its framework for its overall China policy, and I think 
as ambassador, if I am confirmed, it is an appropriate role to 
be engaged in discussions and make sure that Canada's policies 
reflect its words in terms of the treatment of China, and that 
we do improve the collaboration and coordination between our 
two countries in taking on the existential threat that is China 
politically, economically, diplomatically, et cetera.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    The Congress, as a whole, which is a rarity these days, but 
in a bipartisan way put out legislation, including legislation 
from this committee that became part of the overarching 
legislation on China, recognizing China as our most significant 
geostrategic challenge in the world. Our allies are going to be 
incredibly important to this.
    You and I had an opportunity to speak yesterday. I 
appreciate you coming by the office.
    I hope also upon your confirmation you can work with our 
Canadian partners, who we have a great deal of respect for. We 
honor the service and the sacrifices that they have made 
alongside of us in Afghanistan and other places as a NATO ally.
    But I would hope that they would be more forthcoming on 
democracy and human rights issues in the hemisphere. They are a 
key hemispheric partner. They sit in the OAS with us.
    And yet, I get disappointed at times when, for example, the 
Canadians do not join us, for example, on human rights and 
democracy in Cuba. It is pretty amazing to me.
    I understand Canadians have economic interests in Cuba, but 
those should not overcome the human rights and democracy issue. 
It is something I hope you will work on upon your confirmation.
    Dr. Telles, you mentioned Costa Rica and some of the 
challenges that it has now in COVID and some of the economic 
impacts on it. How do you think we can work together? What 
would be some of your top priorities to work with Costa Rica to 
help it meet these present challenges so it can continue to be 
what it has been on both refugees, democracy, a stalwart in the 
hemisphere?
    Ms. Telles. Chairman, thank you for your question. Very 
timely and relevant at this point.
    And, certainly, as you mentioned, COVID-19 has had a 
significant impact on the economic circumstance in Costa Rica 
as it has throughout the region and also globally.
    One of the things that I would hope to do is to assist the 
Government in addressing the issues right now which are 
currently plaguing it, including high unemployment, also issues 
related to increasing public debt and also the strain that 
COVID-19 has placed on its health system.
    And I would also suggest in dealing with these shorter-term 
issues that may require some financial assistance that we look 
to supporting Costa Rica and it's kind of a long-term economic 
resilience. And that would, certainly, mean to kind of 
strengthening our economic partnership with Costa Rica through 
trade and investment.
    I would, certainly, reach out very proactively to American 
businesses to consider investing in Costa Rica, which has a 
very favorable business climate.
    Additionally, I think that in terms of the longer-term 
resilience issues it will be important for Costa Rica to 
continue down the path it has begun already through its 
accession to the Organization of Economic Development and 
Cooperation, which has, certainly, suggested certain reforms--
economic and governmental reforms--which they are embarking on.
    I believe that we also need to get the assistance of 
multinational organizations as well as international financial 
institutions to assist with long-term recovery.
    In terms of your question about refugees, as you know, as I 
mentioned, Costa Rica has been an incredible partner, a 
regional leader, in terms of providing protection for refugees 
and asylum seekers.
    And just very recently it, actually, has provided a home as 
it welcomed refugees from Nicaragua, in the last three years 
probably about 100,000 and from Venezuela close to 40,000 in 
the last--it just varies in terms.
    I believe--and even though they are very willing and 
welcoming, it has, certainly, strained to some extent its 
public health system and its infrastructure.
    I think that we need to look at some additional 
humanitarian assistance to Costa Rica and also to figure out 
how we can expand its capacity to receive migrants by 
supporting its temporary worker programs, its asylum protection 
programs also.
    Again, I look forward, if confirmed, to working with the 
Government of Costa Rica to address these issues.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Risch?
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And let me let start with Mr. Nides. First of all, thank 
you for your enthusiastic condemnation of the despicable and 
anti-Semitic Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement. I 
really appreciate your enthusiasm for that position, which I 
share and many others share.
    We have another member on the next panel who, I think, has 
less enthusiasm for that. But we are going to test that when we 
get there.
    I also want to acknowledge your enthusiastic support for 
the Abraham Accords. That is the most enthusiasm I have heard 
from anyone from this administration regarding the Abraham 
Accords, even though almost everyone agrees that this was one 
of the most significant steps that has happened in the Middle 
East in decades.
    I appreciate that and I also appreciate your personal 
commitments to expand the Abraham Accords where possible. That 
is a game changer in that region. Certainly, the more relations 
that the countries have with each other in the region is good 
for them and it is good for the world. Thank you for that.
    The Palestinian issue that I am most concerned with is the 
``pay for slay'' program, which I assume you are familiar with, 
and I would ask your thoughts on that, please.
    Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you very much, and I share your 
concern about this abhorrent behavior as it relates to the 
``pay for slay.'' Obviously, legislation was passed the Taylor 
Force Act, which, we are quite focused on, and if I am 
fortunate enough to get confirmed, I have every intention of 
working with the Palestinians to try to get progress on this.
    But I do not think there is anyone in this administration 
that would disagree with you about what has happened there, and 
we need to work to get it resolved.
    Senator Risch. I appreciate that. I was one of the primary 
sponsors on Taylor Force. I had hoped that it had been more 
successful than it has been.
    But if it is followed closely, it certainly makes inroads 
in that and I, along with others, are criticized sometimes 
because we are tough on the Palestinians and particularly when 
you are talking about money flowing to them because of the 
corruption and the way that the terrorists have a way of 
siphoning money from our money that is going there to help 
people in the country.
    I think this is something that really deserves our 
continued attention and I am, certainly, going to be tough and 
I think everybody is going to be tough on this ``pay for slay'' 
program, and I hope you will enthusiastically join us as we 
continue that battle. Thank you.
    Turning to Mr. Cohen, thank you so much for taking the time 
to meet with me on the issues with Canada. I, certainly, wish 
we had the same relationship with all countries.
    Like the Chairman, I am not completely satisfied with their 
view on everything. But that is not unusual. There is virtually 
no country that we are in complete concurrence with.
    Two of the real important issues for me are the Columbia 
River Treaty. It is important to all of us on a bipartisan 
basis who serve from the Pacific Northwest.
    Senator Cantwell and I have been the two leading people on 
the negotiations that are going on. She is a very good partner 
in that regard. We are in complete agreement on where we need 
to go with this.
    We talked about the heavy lift that it is and I know you 
are ready for that challenge, and we expect to continue that as 
it is going and we look forward to your help in that regard.
    On the second issue, and that is the opening of the 
northern border, we share--my state shares a border with Canada 
and we are very painfully and personally aware of the cost of 
this closing.
    I appreciate your commitment to work on getting that open 
as quickly as we can.
    For Ms. Telles, the Costa Ricans switched their diplomatic 
relations from Taiwan to the PRC in 2007, and ever since then 
we have seen the slow creep of Chinese influence in that 
country.
    Could I have your thoughts on that?
    Ms. Telles. Absolutely. Thank you for your question, 
Ranking Member Risch.
    It is something of great concern, quite frankly. China has 
sought for some years now to expand its sphere of influence, 
politically and economically, and it would love nothing better 
than to have a beachhead in Costa Rica.
    And in recent years, in the last few years or so, these 
efforts have become much more aggressive. Whether it is through 
promises of investment and trade or public diplomacy, they 
built them some time ago, as you know, a stadium and a police 
academy, but there are more recent offers of a similar nature.
    Additionally, they attempted vaccine diplomacy. It did not 
work at this point, and they are now very interested, very 
aggressively, actually, pushing, trying to further infiltrate 
the Costa Rican telecommunications system through the sale at 
very good terms of their equipment for cellular phones.
    I would say that I think the biggest, I think, or the most 
important strategy here would be, really, to strengthen our 
economic relationship with Costa Rica in terms of trade and 
foreign direct investment, and as I mentioned, I really want to 
urge the American companies to really invest in Costa Rica.
    That, I think, will be probably one of the biggest 
leverages that we will have over time. Right now, we are their 
top trading partner and the largest contributor to foreign 
direct investment. I would want to preserve that and expand 
that.
    But also, very importantly, I think it would be important, 
certainly, to urge the Costa Ricans to be mindful of our shared 
values of democracy and human rights, and also to encourage 
them when entering into contracts and list agreements to 
prioritize trusted partners and entities that will not 
compromise their long-term security.
    But I am confident that in working with Costa Rica--it has 
been a great partner over many years--that we can achieve these 
goals.
    Senator Risch. Thank you. I appreciate that clear-eyed 
view. Your reference to the relatively small amount of money 
that China spends in these countries gets them tremendous 
leverage at times, whether it is here, whether it is in the 
Small Pacific nations. We have seen that over and over again.
    I appreciate your attention to that and we will all be 
watching it. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Cardin is 
with us virtually.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me start 
by thanking all of our nominees for their willingness to serve 
our country. We thank you. We thank your families.
    These are critically important positions for the United 
States and we thank you for being willing to step up in this 
responsibility.
    Mr. Nides, let me start with you. Thank you for the 
opportunity that we had to chat. I know your record over many, 
many years and I know your strong support for the importance of 
the U.S.-Israel relations.
    We have already covered the issue about Israel's right to 
defend itself. We have already covered the partnership with the 
United States under a Memorandum of Understanding and the 
replenishment of the Iron Dome funds, and we have covered also 
the dangerous efforts that are made to isolate Israel through 
the BDS movement.
    I want to talk in a positive note. We recognize that the 
need for peace between the Palestinians and the Israelis, that 
is in the interest of both Palestinians, Israelis, and the 
United States and the region for security.
    There have been many opportunities in the past where we 
came close but we were not able to complete the negotiations. 
It seems to me that we have two things at this moment that give 
signs of encouragement. We have already talked about one, the 
Abraham Accords, with countries normalizing their relations 
with Israel, and, as you point out, additional countries that 
are candidates for the Abraham Accords.
    And we also have a broad coalition government in Israel 
right now that gives us maybe the political opportunity within 
Israel to be more aggressive on peace. We recognize the 
challenges among the Palestinians and their leadership.
    But could you just share with us your thoughts as to 
whether this might be the right time to pursue peace between 
the Palestinians and Israelis?
    Mr. Nides. Senator Cardin, thank you for your question.
    I think as President Biden said, I think, yesterday at the 
U.N. there is a view that a two-state solution, clearly, is a 
goal to try to attempt to achieve. I do not think any one of us 
believe that that is achievable in the next couple of weeks.
    But I do believe that we need, as a government, to continue 
to create the pathway to achieve that and I think we are doing 
that through a variety of ways. One, talking about the 
importance of a two-state solution. Number two, adding to the 
assistance to the Palestinian people.
    I think there is $400 million of assistance for the 
Palestinian people through a variety of programs to send a 
strong message to the Palestinian people and to encourage both 
the Palestinians and the Israelis not to take unilateral action 
that will make the path towards a two-state solution 
impossible.
    I, obviously, believe that Prime Minister Bennett's visit 
here was a successful one. I think the relationship between the 
prime minister and the foreign minister with the Biden 
administration is strong.
    I hope that relationship will continue to grow as we and, 
hopefully, when I have the opportunity potentially to be 
confirmed I will reach out to the Palestinian people to 
continue to send the message that we not only care, we believe 
in the importance of the same freedom and security and 
prosperity that the Israelis want to achieve.
    Senator, I am, generally, an optimist. You would not take 
these jobs if you were not. I am also a realist. But I hope we 
are beginning the process to create the environment for that to 
happen.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you for that response.
    Mr. Cohen, let me just ask quickly a question in regards to 
U.S.-Canadian relations. We know it is our closest ally from 
the point of view of regional. A great relationship between our 
two countries.
    But I think we have to recognize that there is damage that 
has been done. The Canadian Globe and Mail reported on July 
22nd that, and I quote, ``The political discord in the United 
States remains dangerously deep.''
    And although Canada-U.S. relations are improving now that 
Donald Trump is no longer President, it will be a long time 
before things return to normal, if they ever do.
    Now, I do not want to rehash what happened over the past 
four years. But I do want to just emphasize the fact, and we 
talk to Canadians all the time, there has been damage done in 
our relationship.
    What is your strategy in order to strengthen the ties as 
far as the feelings among the people in Canada and the United 
States towards each other?
    Mr. Cohen. Senator, I agree with the premise of your 
question quite strongly, and I think that it plays to one of my 
strengths over the course of my career.
    I am going to start with the simplest thing. I am going to 
show up. I am going to be there. I am going to reach out.
    One of the outcomes of the election on Monday is there are 
going to be a number of new cabinet ministers and I want to 
make sure that I try to create a relationship and a 
communication channel with the Government and make it clear 
that I am there to listen. I am there to, obviously, represent 
the United States interests, that I am there to be 
communicative and two ways communicative, to communicate our 
desires and our positions, for example, on issues like China, 
as the Chairman raised.
    But I am also there to listen to Canadian concerns and to 
bring them back and to make sure that I create a reality that 
the United States cares about Canada as a strong ally, cares 
about what they think, and wants to be a true partner in trade 
and diplomacy, in defense, in energy and climate change, in all 
of the issues that we share values on and that we work closely 
together.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    The next available member is Senator Coons.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and thank you 
to all three of our nominees today. Thank you for your 
willingness to continue to support our nation and to serve 
overseas and for your families, who are with you today.
    It is my honor to work with you and to question you today, 
and I intend to support your confirmation before the Senate of 
the United States and to welcome and express my appreciation, 
Max, to you--Rhonda, it is great to see you again--to Joe and 
to Raymond.
    All of us are able to sustain our careers in service 
because of the support of our families. Thank you for that.
    If I might, Mr. Nides, I join many others in saying the 
Abraham Accords enjoy bipartisan support. I look forward to 
partnering with you and figuring out how we can more fully 
implement them.
    As the Chairman of the State and Foreign Operations 
Subcommittee, I am committed to working with you on ensuring 
Israel's security and the continued strengthening of that long, 
deep, and important partnership.
    I want to ask you about a specific program that was funded, 
the Nita Lowey Middle East Partnership for Peace Act. It has 
$250 million over five years to support venture capital 
investment in the West Bank and people-to-people programs.
    Are you familiar with this? How do you think it might 
contribute to the very difficult work of developing an 
environment for partnership and for peace?
    Mr. Nides. Thank you very much, Senator, for the question.
    Yes, I am quite knowledgeable about this and I congratulate 
the Congress for doing this program in a bipartisan way with 
your leadership and many of the Republicans who signed on for 
this legislation.
    I happen to have gone out to see former Congresswoman Lowey 
in Westchester a few weeks ago to talk to her specifically 
about the program. The program, as you know, is a $250 million 
program over a five-year period of time that marries both the 
DFC and USAID to do exactly what needs to be done, which is not 
only people-to-people growth but, more importantly, trying to 
use these monies to improve both the Palestinian and Israeli 
relationships.
    Congresswoman Lowey, someone who I have known for a long 
time, it was an honor for her, clearly, but shows the 
importance of her commitment to the U.S.-Israel-Palestinian 
two-state solution idea and for us to focus on that.
    I am quite familiar with it. I have already had some 
preliminary discussions with folks as I got briefed up on it. 
But I think it has got an enormous amount of potential and I 
look forward to working with you as we implement programs if I 
am fortunate enough to get confirmed.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Tom.
    Mr. Cohen, it is great to see you before us and to be with 
you again, and I think you will serve as an excellent 
ambassador to address some of the issues Senator Cardin just 
raised.
    Senator Udall and I actually were part of a bipartisan 
delegation that went to Latvia a number of years ago where we 
visited with a Canadian battalion that was helping lead NATO 
security presence in that Baltic country. Just one of many 
reminders of the ways in which Canada is not just a critical 
trade partner, not just a critical values partner, but is a 
real security partner.
    How will you work with Canada to advance our shared 
security goals through NATO, through NORAD, through their vital 
work in peacekeeping and other partnerships that are essential 
to our security?
    Mr. Cohen. Again, I think I will have the advantage of 
starting with the foundation of a long-term friendship and 
partnership.
    There isn't any resistance to the importance of Canada and 
the United States working together on defense arrangements, 
including the ones that you have identified.
    But as the Chairman pointed out in one of his questions, 
there is always room for improvement. Let me put it that way. 
When I look at the side of our relationships about benefit 
sharing and about making sure that we are all investing 
appropriately in these defense partnerships, in NORAD, Canada 
has not appropriated the sum of money that is necessary to fund 
the modernization and improvement of NORAD that we have agreed 
to conceptually.
    And although the percentage of the Canadian defense budget 
is creeping upwards, it is only at about 1= percent and it is 
projected to drop to as low as 1 percent over the next decade 
or so.
    I think that is an opportunity for dialogue. It is an 
opportunity for conversation. It is an opportunity to say if we 
really believe in the importance of NATO, if we really believe 
in the importance of NORAD, we have to invest appropriately to 
make sure that we can deliver on the defense benefits to both 
of our countries and to the free world.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    And if I might, Dr. Telles, just a question to follow up on 
your previous exchange about foreign direct investment.
    I was very encouraged to see Intel's announcement in July 
that they will invest $600 million in a long-idled 
semiconductor microchip plant in Costa Rica.
    How can partners like Costa Rica help partner with us to 
support the near shoring of critical technologies as we look to 
develop supply chains that are more robust and independent?
    Ms. Telles. That is an excellent question, Senator, and I 
do think that that Costa Rica could play a very important role 
in partnering with us in this respect.
    As you know, they have a relatively well-educated well-
trained workforce. They also offer a very positive business 
environment, open economy, relatively low levels of corruption 
and such.
    And so given that they have already--as you know, one of 
their main exports is medical equipment, but aside from that 
they have a capacity to engage in broader production, and I do 
believe that we could certainly encourage this particular 
partnership even further.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, and I look forward to working 
with you to support and strengthen the ability of the Costa 
Rican people to both welcome refugees and to be a wonderful 
development and security partner with the United States.
    Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    I understand that Senator Young is with us virtually.
    Senator Young. Yes, Chairman. Thank you, sir.
    Mr. Nides, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has made it clear 
that his government opposes the Biden administration's efforts 
to revive the Iran deal, and they would ensure Israel has the 
ability to go it alone in securing itself from Iranian terror.
    I do not necessarily doubt your commitment to the U.S.-
Israel relationship, especially having visited with you, sir. 
But this administration seems intent on pursuing certain 
policies that, I believe, will only undermine it.
    Mr. Nides, how can an administration that claims to be 
unequivocal about Israel's security continue to press for 
revival of a deal with Iran that Israel's own government 
opposes due to the security risks that it presents?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for the question, as you and 
I discussed in your office.
    I will make two points. One is, as you know, the President 
has been quite clear that he is attempting to use diplomacy to 
resolve the Iran nuclear situation. He has also made it clear, 
as Secretary Blinken has, that he will not stand by to allow 
the Iranians to obtain a nuclear weapon.
    Obviously, I am not a party, since I have not been 
confirmed, to the level of negotiations, but those are the 
binding facts of this relationship and the position of this 
administration.
    Senator Young. If you believe the JCPOA, sir, does enhance 
Israel's security--let us just take that as a premise because 
you would almost have to in order to reconcile the commitment 
to U.S.-Israel relationship and their intent on making sure 
that Israel can defend itself with this JCPOA negotiation.
    Let us just assume the JCPOA enhances Israel's security. 
How do you square that with Israel's opposition to the 
agreement and the prime minister's commitment to do whatever is 
necessary to secure the people of Israel?
    Mr. Nides. Again, Senator, I am not, obviously, currently 
involved in the discussions and negotiations, obviously, with 
Israel or the conversations going on in Vienna.
    I will only say that I think the President has been quite 
clear both in his statements yesterday at the U.N. and the 
public statements that he and the Secretary of State have said, 
is obviously they want to, if possible, use diplomacy to 
resolve the situation.
    And I think, as this process plays out, and if I am 
fortunate enough to be confirmed, obviously, I will be more 
informed about the details of that. But that is, certainly, the 
policy of the administration and I do believe that there are 
ongoing communications between the Israeli Government and the 
American Government as it relates to whatever discussions are 
going on around the diplomatic channel and non-diplomatic 
channel through the conversations among the parties.
    Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Nides.
    Mr. Cohen, the United States and Canada are close trade 
partners, especially evident in the symbiotic relationship 
between my state of Indiana and the Canadians.
    As a leader in the automotive industry, Indiana exports 
over $7 billion in motor vehicles and motor vehicle parts to 
Canada. Canada is also Indiana's largest export destination, 
followed by Mexico, according to 2019 statistics.
    It is safe to say that we rely on access to partners in 
Canada in order to export products all across the globe and 
keep our industries humming, and that access was solidified by 
the landmark USMCA agreement.
    As ambassador, Mr. Cohen, how will you work to mitigate 
supply chain disruptions that business continuously faces as 
they emerge from the pandemic, and do you see value in 
diverting supply chains out of China and closer to U.S. soil?
    Mr. Cohen. Good morning, Senator. Good to see you.
    I think the problem you have put your finger on is 
something I alluded to in my opening statement, which is the 
pandemic has, clearly, been disruptive to supply chains and the 
limitations on travel have complicated things.
    I think, in the automotive world, by the way, we are 
working through the processes of USMCA to try and deal with 
some of the automobile industry issues that were--frankly, were 
one of the reasons for USMCA being passed.
    If I am confirmed, though, I think this is another case 
where my role as ambassador is to help encourage these types of 
discussions and, obviously, anytime we can divert supply chains 
to our hemisphere as opposed to China is an economic benefit to 
the hemisphere and to the United States.
    And to the extent that we can accomplish that, I think that 
is good policy for the United States and for Canada.
    Senator Young. Thank you. I am out of time. I appreciate 
your desire to serve, all of you.
    Senator Schatz. [Presiding.] Thank you, Senator Young.
    Mr. Nides, in my view, we have a moral obligation to help 
the Palestinians that are suffering, and I understand that 
there are those who do not share that view.
    But could you talk about why U.S. humanitarian assistance 
to the Palestinians is not just morally right but good for us 
and for the Israelis and serves the long-term interests of a 
two-state solution?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you very much, and I 
wholeheartedly agree with that.
    The moneys going to the Palestinians are going to the 
Palestinian people, and making life better for the Palestinian 
people has been a bipartisan issue. It has not just been a 
Democratic issue.
    For many years, this committee and the appropriators have 
appropriated money for the Palestinian people from everything 
from water to education to health care.
    I think it makes our national security interests because 
that is who we are as a country. I think it helps the Israelis 
by keeping things calm not only in the West Bank, which I think 
is important for the security, and I think it is important for 
us if we believe, ultimately, that the solution is a two-state 
solution it provides them an opportunity and a guide path for 
that.
    I am in complete concurrence and I think it is important 
with all the caveats that we all understand and all the rules 
which are in place, but giving assistance to the Palestinian 
people--not to the Palestinian Authority, but to the 
Palestinian people--is in our national security best interests, 
and I think and I believe that also in Israel's national 
security interest as well.
    Senator Schatz. Can you flesh out that last part for us? 
Can you talk about the work that the U.S. Government and the 
NGO community does to make sure that our assistance goes to 
support the needs of the Palestinian people and what guard 
rails we will have in place to ensure that the U.S. funding 
does not get diverted from a humanitarian mission?
    Mr. Nides. Sir, I think we are using our trusted partners. 
The auditing that goes on through USAID and our other 
development partners is focused on that.
    We are very aware and very focused on the Taylor Force Act. 
Those monies will be to the Palestinian people. These are 
programs that help healthcare, education, water purification, a 
variety of programs, and I believe, if I am fortunate enough to 
get confirmed to speak for USAID, but I know they are very much 
focused on how those monies are being spent and all the guard 
rails that are put up in conjunction with the laws and 
regulations that are in place.
    Senator Schatz. I will submit this question for the record 
because I want to get to Mr. Cohen.
    But I do want to ask you about the potential for clean 
energy partnerships between the United States and Israel.
    Mr. Cohen, the Canadian Government passed a law this summer 
ratifying its commitment to clean energy by the year 2050. It 
still has a lot of work to do. Everybody has a lot of work to 
do to flesh out its plan and put funding behind it.
    But we do need this kind of ambition and commitment from 
our allies if we are going to combat the climate crisis. Can 
you talk about how we can make climate action more of a main 
part of our bilateral relationship with Canada?
    Mr. Cohen. Good morning, Senator. Good to see you.
    And I think the premise of your question provides some of 
the answer. When we deal with Canada, we are dealing with a 
friend that shares our values and that includes around climate 
issues.
    You have the legislation. You also have Prime Minister 
Trudeau's federal carbon pricing, which was layered on top of 
that legislation and which was just upheld by the Canadian 
Supreme Court. You have got real action being taken by Canada.
    I think the best ways to align is better coordination and 
continued communication. We have got two current examples of 
that. One is the roadmap that I referenced in my opening 
statement, which identifies climate and fighting climate change 
as one of the priorities of Canada and the United States 
working together. That is a statement from the highest levels 
of both governments, the president and the prime minister.
    And the second thing I would point to is the recent 
convening that Climate Secretary Kerry had with Canada and 
promised a periodic high-level convening around climate change-
related issues to keep the two countries aligned and to keep 
this issue front of mind.
    I mean, I think that both are consistent with my sense that 
we need coordination, communication, at the highest levels of 
our governments.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, and thanks to all of 
you for your willingness to serve.
    Senator Barrasso?
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Nides, congratulations on your nomination. I just had a 
chance to talk with Senator Klobuchar, who gave you such a nice 
introduction, and congratulations.
    I want to talk about Iron Dome. The U.S.-Israel 
relationship has long been the cornerstone of America's 
strategy in the Middle East. Israel constantly faces terrorist 
attacks. We have seen it again recently, threats including the 
rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza, attacks from Iranian-backed 
groups in Lebanon and Syria.
    Iron Dome is the first line of defense for Israel. In May, 
Israel faced over 4,000 rockets and attacks by the Iranian-
backed terrorist group Hamas. The Iron Dome system intercepted 
more than 90 percent in terms of being effective in 
intercepting the rockets threatening civilians and critical 
infrastructure. It saved lives.
    Yet, what we just saw is the House Democrats removed 
funding for the Iron Dome that had been included in their 
Continuing Resolution funding bill. This just happened within 
the last day.
    Do you support funding to replenish the Iron Dome defense 
system?
    Mr. Nides. Absolutely.
    Senator Barrasso. And how important is continued U.S.-
Israel cooperation on the Iron Dome and other cooperative 
defense programs?
    Mr. Nides. Very.
    Senator Barrasso. In terms of Jerusalem, is Jerusalem the 
capital of Israel?
    Mr. Nides. Yes.
    Senator Barrasso. Do you believe it should be the permanent 
place of the U.S. Embassy in Israel?
    Mr. Nides. Yes.
    Senator Barrasso. In 2019, the United States formally 
recognized Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Do you 
view the Golan Heights as part of Israel?
    Mr. Nides. We support the current position vis-a-vis the 
threats that we have in Syria with Assad and it is a 
strategically very important strategic position for the 
Israelis.
    Senator Barrasso. In 2018, Congress passed into law the 
Taylor Force Act. It prohibits U.S. economic assistance that 
directly benefits the Palestinian Authority as long as the 
Palestinian Authority continues to pay financial rewards for 
terrorism.
    I know Senator Risch talked about the importance of this 
issue a little earlier in this hearing. Does the Palestinian 
Authority continue to subsidize and pay financial reward to 
terrorists?
    Mr. Nides. I believe they have not stopped these payments.
    Senator Barrasso. If confirmed, are you fully committed to 
stopping the terror incentive payments by the Palestinian 
Authority?
    Mr. Nides. If I am confirmed, absolutely will work to 
achieve that goal.
    Senator Barrasso. There is a new Palestinian Authority law 
that, effectively, nationalized all what were once independent 
civil society groups. These groups need to now submit plans and 
budgets to the Palestinian Authority to review their conformity 
with the, quote, ``work plan of the relevant ministry.''
    The law also gives the Palestinian Authority power to 
dissolve any organization and then seize or transfer its assets 
to a similar Palestinian association or institution.
    You look at that, the way that they are going to do this, 
looking at this and saying would you support the United States 
providing taxpayer resources to these organizations if they can 
be seized by the resources can be seized by the Palestinian 
Authority, which the United States is legally prohibited from 
funding directly?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, I am not totally aware of exactly the 
program you are speaking of but, clearly, the Taylor Force Act 
is the law of the land and, obviously, we will abide by any 
laws, obviously, on the books.
    On that particular one, I am not particularly aware of that 
piece of--or that Palestinian legislation or whatever law that 
may be in place. But I will, certainly, look into it.
    Senator Barrasso. I appreciate your willingness to look 
into it.
    Israel continues to face direct threats from Iran and its 
terrorist proxies. The administration's budget request includes 
$3.8 billion in U.S. security assistance to Israel.
    President Biden has clearly stated, ``I am not going to 
place conditions for the security assistance given the serious 
threats that Israel is facing, and this would be, I think, 
irresponsible.''
    Do you oppose placing conditions on U.S. security 
assistance to Israel?
    Mr. Nides. Yes, sir.
    Senator Barrasso. And how would reducing or conditioning 
security assistance to Israel hurt Israel's ability to defend 
itself from threats?
    Mr. Nides. The reality is the administration does not 
support conditionality on the assistance and, as you know, we 
are at a $38 billion tenure MOU, and the position of the 
administration is we do not support conditionality.
    Senator Barrasso. Last week marked the one-year anniversary 
of the Abraham Accords, the historic diplomatic U.S.-brokered 
agreements between Israel and several of the Arab neighbors.
    The Trump administration helped negotiate several historic 
developments between Israel, its regional Arab neighbors--the 
UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan. They joined Egypt and Jordan 
in establishing relationships diplomatically with Israel.
    These agreements have created a path to peace through 
recognition and engagement rather than isolation and boycotts 
of Israel.
    Israel's foreign minister recently said the Abraham Accords 
club is open to new members as well. Secretary Blinken pledged 
the administration will continue to build on the successful 
efforts of the last administration to keep normalization 
marching forward.
    As the ambassador, what role would you play in fostering 
peace with Israel in the Arab world?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, as I said in my opening statement, I am 
quite focused on the Abraham Accords. I think they are good for 
Israel. If my North Star is a democratic Jewish state, I think 
this makes it stronger.
    Obviously, my hope is that as we operationalize the current 
Abraham Accords countries and then expand it, it will also 
benefit the Palestinians as well. I think, obviously, it is 
something that is good for Israel. It is, certainly, good for 
the United States' national security interests, and we would 
love to, at the time, make sure it is also good for the 
Palestinians as well.
    But I will work closely with the implementation, work to 
strive to get the new additional countries into the Abraham 
Accords, and I look forward to working with you on that.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Schatz. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to 
the witnesses. What a great panel.
    I am fortunate to have two friends on this panel, Tom Nides 
and David Cohen, and Dr. Telles, while we do not know each 
other enough for me to call you a friend, your husband, Joe, is 
a friend. I am an admirer of yours, but a friend of your 
husband. What a good panel. I am really excited to be with you.
    I have two questions. Sometimes I ask questions to make a 
point, but these are questions because they are things I am 
puzzled about. One is for you, Mr. Nides, and one is for you, 
Dr. Telles.
    Mr. Nides, your opening testimony talks about long-time 
U.S. policy dating back to President Truman supporting two-
state, a peaceful Israel, peaceful Palestine living side by 
side, and that has always been my thought about the best 
outcome there.
    But I will say, I have been to Israel and Palestine now 
probably more than any other country in the world--I do not 
consider myself an expert but I have been a lot--I look for 
evidence that Israeli or Palestinian leadership want a two-
state solution and I am not sure I see it.
    I do not necessarily see it in the current government of 
Israel that they really want a two-state solution. And when I 
am talking to Palestinian leadership, they sort of suggest that 
they want it but I do not see a capacity to carry it out.
    And when I talk to just everyday people, I often hear two-
state, one-state, that is for politicians. On the Palestinian 
side, what I often hear is, we just want equal rights to water 
and to voting--equal rights.
    I detect a troubling lack of interest in the two-state 
solution in Israel and Palestine, and it makes me wonder 
whether the U.S. can have a policy for a nation that it does 
not necessarily have for itself.
    My question to you is what evidence is there right now that 
Israeli or Palestinian leadership want a two-state solution?
    Mr. Nides. Sir, it is a great question, obviously. We can 
only control what we can control and, in our view--this is the 
United States' position and this administration's position--is 
to set the table, keeping the parties not doing unilateral 
action that makes that impossible to achieve and we do that by 
a variety of things: assistance to the Palestinians, clear 
support to Israel for their own defense, the MOU, providing 
opportunities on the Abraham Accords, making sure that we 
articulate to the Palestinians that we care about their freedom 
and their prosperity and their security.
    We, as the United States, can only set the table, 
potentially giving us the opportunity to achieve it at some 
point, as the President has articulated.
    I cannot, obviously, speak for the Israelis or, obviously, 
the Palestinians. But, hopefully, if I am confirmed, I can 
speak for the United States and we will at least not to 
exasperate and divide but encourage the parties coming 
together.
    Senator Kaine. I think that is about as good an answer as 
anyone could give, because I am just not sure there is a lot of 
evidence out there right now.
    We should do what we can to, hopefully, create 
opportunities for progress. But it really troubles me, and we 
are in the midst of a painful analysis right now of the last 
chapter of U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan, and one of 
the questions we are having to ask ourselves is did we want 
something, a set of things, for Afghanistan that the Afghan 
leaders did not want for themselves, and we have to be humble 
in asking that question and getting to the bottom of it.
    Dr. Telles, here is my question for you. I lived in 
Honduras for a while, and when I lived in Honduras in 1980 and 
'81, Costa Rica was sort of a real island of stability and a 
very tough Honduras was a military dictatorship. There was a 
Contra war going on against the Government of Nicaragua, 
Guatemala and El Salvador in the midst of brutal civil wars.
    Why has not Costa Rica's success had a little positive 
infection throughout the Americas? It has always puzzled me 
that they have been able, and thank God, they have been able to 
be--they have got challenges, too--but an island of stability.
    But that was 40 years ago that I was in Central America. 
Honduras is not a military dictatorship now but it is equally 
troubled, maybe more violent and killing of journalists and 
activists.
    What is it about Costa Rica that enables it to be 
successful? Why has not that model been attractive to its 
neighbors?
    Ms. Telles. Thank you for your question, Senator, and also 
I appreciate your interest in Central America, knowing that you 
lived there for a bit and were involved in humanitarian 
efforts.
    It is a very good question. It is a fact that Costa Rica 
has really enjoyed a stable democracy and a relatively 
prosperous economy over the years, and it could be a part of 
its roots go back to 1949 when, after almost a year of civil 
strife a constitution was adopted that really emphasized 
democracy but also, importantly, I think, took certain actions 
to invest in the people of Costa Rica.
    They eliminated their army and they put most of their 
resources into public health and into education, and I think 
that that went a long way, I think, towards helping to create a 
middle class, helping to stabilize its long-term interests.
    Why has that not been exported successfully to other 
countries? That is a very good question. If you look at some of 
the history of Central America, some instability has been 
related to military actions which have engaged in coups and 
also repression of the people. And so that is just one simple 
answer.
    But I do hope that Costa Rica can increasingly through its 
leadership in the Central American region and its recent 
presidency, actually, of the Central American Integration 
System will continue to promulgate our shared values of 
democracy and human rights, which are very necessary right now 
in Central America.
    Senator Kaine. I am well over my time, but I really 
appreciate both of you for offering good insights into two very 
tough questions.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair. I yield back.
    Senator Schatz. Senator Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And to each of you, I want to congratulate you on your 
nominations. It is a tremendous honor to be nominated to 
represent your nation in this way and I wish you the best as 
you move through the hearings process.
    I would like to start with an area that is of particular 
strategic concern, although all of your countries are terribly 
important--the countries that you are hoping to represent the 
United States to--but that is Israel.
    And Mr. Nides, I wanted to reach out to you. Earlier this 
year on a 97 to 3 vote, an amendment that I co-authored with 
Senator Jim Inhofe was passed to ensure that Jerusalem 
continues to be recognized by the United States as the capital 
of Israel.
    That is pursuant to the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995. The 
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 codified U.S. policy, first, 
ensuring that Jerusalem would be the capital of Israel and that 
Jerusalem should remain an undivided city.
    Mr. Nides, as nominee to be our ambassador to Israel, do 
you support the Jerusalem Act of 1995 and, in particular, do 
you agree that Jerusalem should continue to be recognized as 
the capital of the State of Israel by the United States, that 
Jerusalem should remain an undivided city, and that the United 
States should maintain its embassy to Israel in Jerusalem?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for your question, and the 
answer is yes. The capital of Israel is Jerusalem. The embassy 
is in Jerusalem. If I am confirmed, I will be living in 
Jerusalem. Obviously, that is something that I will be looking 
forward to.
    Obviously, at a certain point, if there is a negotiation 
between the Palestinians and the Israelis as it relates to a 
final status, long from now, that will be up to the parties. 
But from the United States' perspective, Jerusalem is the 
capital of Israel.
    Senator Hagerty. With respect to the Palestinian 
negotiations, I would like to probe further on that.
    Mr. Nides. Please.
    Senator Hagerty. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett recently 
visited here, met with our president.
    President Biden told him, told Prime Minister Bennett that 
he intends to open a U.S. consulate for Palestine in Jerusalem. 
Prime Minister Bennett's response was not positive to that. In 
fact, he indicated publicly his opposition to President Biden's 
proposal.
    Foreign Minister Lapid called Biden's proposal a bad idea. 
Indeed, the U.S. embassy currently has a Palestinian affairs 
unit at Agron. I visited that facility in June of this year.
    If the U.S. Government were to open and maintain an 
embassy, a consulate, a legation, some type of function like 
that, some type of diplomatic facility in Jerusalem besides the 
one that exists inside the U.S. embassy to the State of Israel, 
do you think that that course of action is consistent with the 
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?
    Do you think that that supports the philosophy of that law 
that Jerusalem is the undivided capital of the State of Israel?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, yes, I do. I, fundamentally, believe 
that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. The embassy will be in 
Jerusalem. As you know, the issue around the consulate, that 
consulate has existed in one form or another for almost 130 
years in one form or another.
    Obviously, the opening of the consulate if it occurs--and 
as you know, the President has indicated, as well as the 
Secretary, that we would like to open the consulate--it will 
have no impact upon the capital of Israel being Jerusalem.
    This is something, obviously, if I am fortunate enough to 
be confirmed I will be, obviously, addressing but, obviously, 
taking my direction from the President and the Secretary of 
State.
    Senator Hagerty. I appreciate the position you are in. I 
just hope that we take into account the position of our ally, 
Israel, our strongest ally in the Middle East, and their 
concerns, I think, are very relevant and pertinent to this 
discussion.
    I would like to turn to another point, very quickly, and 
that is yesterday the House decided to remove funding to 
resupply and replenish the Iron Dome rocket defense system.
    I was very disappointed to see it. I am also happy that 
Leader McConnell and Appropriations Committee Vice Chairman 
Shelby are proposing a Continuing Resolution that will include 
a billion dollars to replenish the Iron Dome.
    In fact, earlier this year, I introduced the Emergency 
Resupply for the Iron Dome Act of 2021 to immediately resupply 
the Iron Dome. I did that along with our colleagues, Senator 
Cruz and Rubio, here.
    I also visited Israel with Senator Cruz immediately after 
the 11-day war. I saw the benefit of having a technology like 
that that saved both Israeli and Palestinian lives.
    And I want to ask you if you agree that that defensive 
capability that we provided through the Iron Dome is actually a 
benefit to our relationship with Israel and to their position 
there?
    Mr. Nides. Absolutely. Senator, I will make just one quick 
point.
    Number one, the President has been very clear that he 
supports the replenishment of the Iron Dome.
    Number two, obviously, it is in our national security 
interest to support a very, very important ally in the region, 
and this is a defensive mechanism. It is to stop rockets from 
raining in on Israel.
    We are supportive of the replenishment and it is in our 
national security interest, and it is our desire and hope that 
those funds will be provided to replenish the Iron Dome.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you. I am very pleased to hear that 
position. Thanks very much.
    Senator Schatz. Senator Murphy?
    Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Just a 
few quick comments and then a couple of questions.
    Senator Van Hollen and I just returned from a trip to 
Israel to meet with the new Government. Incredibly impressive, 
this coalition that has come together, an unlikely one.
    The United States is at our best when we are a helpful and 
active broker for peace, when we are a friend of Israel but 
when we are also acting to try to bring the Palestinians to the 
negotiating table. We abdicated that responsibility for the 
last four years.
    And as you mentioned, Mr. Nides, there was a consulate in 
Jerusalem for 150 years. This was a effective nonissue prior to 
the closure of that consulate during the Trump administration.
    It is an easy thing to do to just go back to the status quo 
of a century-plus. But it is important to the Palestinians 
because they see it as a way for this administration to signal 
that we care about the plight of Palestinians just like we care 
about the security of Israel.
    Similarly, I support Iron Dome funding. I think we should 
telegraph right now that we are going to continue to be a full 
partner with Israel in making sure that they can defend 
themselves.
    But I also think we need to send a message that we are 
going to restart our partnership with the Palestinians to try 
to address their legitimate humanitarian needs. This committee 
has at times not been helpful in allowing the administration to 
get money to the Palestinian Authority. There are desperate 
reconstruction needs in Gaza right now.
    And so my suggestion is that we should move ahead with Iron 
Dome funding, but we should partner it with some significant 
humanitarian relief to the Palestinian people. I think that is 
just the right thing to do.
    Mr. Nides, I wanted to ask you a specific question about 
the Palestinian elections that have been postponed now. I think 
it is really important for there to be elections in the PA, in 
particular, because we need a shot at new leadership. We need 
the ability of some new voices to be able to break through.
    They were postponed, and the reason given was that there 
was not a commitment by the Israeli Government to allow for 
elections to happen inside Jerusalem.
    I do not know if that is the real reason or not, but I, 
certainly, know it would be a lot better if the Israelis made 
that commitment. And while we were there, the prime minister 
and the PA made a commitment that if the Israelis allowed for 
elections to go forward amongst Palestinians in Jerusalem, they 
would schedule them within six months.
    How important do you think it is that these elections take 
place and what role can you, as an ambassador, play in trying 
to make sure that they occur?
    Mr. Nides. Senator, first of all, thank you for your 
question and your statement, and I wholeheartedly agree with 
you.
    As I said to Senator Kaine a few minutes ago, we, as 
Americans, need to set the table for the potential of a two-
state solution through assistance and through strong support 
for Israel and the MOU so we can actually walk and chew gum at 
the same time as it relates to doing both at the same time.
    As it relates to the elections, I agree with you elections 
would be good for the Palestinians. If I am fortunate enough to 
be confirmed, I will work with the Israeli Government to assure 
that that issue is not an obstacle to achieve elections.
    And as you and I both know, we are not sure how much of 
that was the reason. But I would, certainly, work to make sure 
that is taken off the table as an issue or an obstacle for 
elections in the--with the Palestinians.
    Senator Murphy. Yeah, I think that is the right approach. 
Let us eliminate all of the excuses to not go forward with this 
election.
    I understand the danger of this election. Hamas is, 
obviously, now in the wake of the latest conflict more 
politically potent in the West Bank than ever before. But that 
in and of itself is not a reason to try to give a new 
generation of leaders the chance to step up.
    Mr. Cohen, just very quickly, sanctions coordination 
between the United States and Canada. We are best when we do 
things together. We worked together, for instance, on sanctions 
on Belarus.
    What is your analysis of the willingness of the Canadian 
Government to be able to continue to work with us on sanctions? 
How important do you think that will be in your new role?
    It seems like an area where we can do more, where we can 
communicate earlier. We are stronger when the United States and 
Canada speak together on issues of pro-democracy and pro-human 
rights sanctions policy.
    Mr. Cohen. Senator, good to see you. Good afternoon.
    I think your question is absolutely correct and whenever 
Canada and the United States can work together we are more 
powerful. We speak with a greater voice.
    The issue of sanctions coordination and sanctions policy is 
an issue that this committee has dealt with and there is 
legislation now for a sanctions coordinator position within the 
State Department, and I think the work was started on creating 
that. The plug was pulled during the Trump administration.
    It is my understanding that work is being done to identify 
a candidate to be nominated for that position, which would 
report to the Secretary of State, and I think that is an 
important tool to improve the coordination of sanctions, which 
will improve the effectiveness of sanctions and will be another 
example of Canada and the United States being able to work 
together to advance our mutual goals.
    Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you very much. I look forward 
to working with you on that.
    The Chairman. [Presiding.] Thank you.
    I understand Senator Van Hollen is with us virtually.
    Senator Van Hollen: Yes. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, 
thank you.
    To all of our nominees, congratulations on your 
nominations.
    Mr. Cohen, great to see a fellow Swarthmore alum nominated 
to be our ambassador to Canada. I do have some serious concerns 
with the current disconnect in our policy with respect to 
Canada and travel to the United States.
    If you are vaccinated as a Canadian you can fly to the 
United States but cannot cross the border by car, and this is 
despite the fact that Canada has a higher vaccination rate than 
the United States.
    If I have time at the end of my question, I may circle back 
with you on that issue.
    Mr. Nides, congratulations on your nomination. Great to see 
you. I agree with the points that you made in your opening 
statement.
    I recently traveled to Israel and the West Bank with 
Senator Murphy and two of our colleagues, and you have heard 
some of the report just now from Senator Murphy. We had 
positive visits in both stops. We very much and warmly welcomed 
many of the new steps being taken by the Government in Israel.
    We discussed the importance of our relationship, including 
the continuation of the MOU, which you reference in your 
opening remarks. And I fully support replenishment of the Iron 
Dome, which helped save lives in the recent conflict between 
Israel and Hamas.
    You say in your statement that we need to work to preserve 
the vision of a two-state solution. I agree with you. As you 
know, the President agrees with you.
    If you could just say in your own words why you think that 
that is important for the future, both for Israel and for the 
Palestinians, and what you will do as ambassador to preserve 
that option, as you say, in your statement.
    Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for the question.
    Ifif my North Star is a democratic Jewish state, I believe 
to preserve that--to preserve that, having a two-state solution 
preserves that. I think it creates the environment for the 
Palestinians to live with the same freedom and security and 
prosperity that the Israelis have.
    I believe that us providing the assistance for the 
Palestinian people is critically important. It is not just the 
right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do for our own 
security.
    I think providing security assistance is the right thing to 
do for not only Israel and the Palestinians but for the 
Americans as well.
    Israel is our most, if not one of the most, important 
allies that we have in the region and in the world and keeping 
that safe is relatively and exceptionally important for their 
security and for our national security.
    I just think if you fundamentally believe, as I do, that a 
two-state solution provides that security for the long haul, I 
think it is the right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do, 
and if I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, I will work 
towards that goal.
    Senator Van Hollen: And what specific measures would you 
take as ambassador to preserve that option? Because as you 
know, the door is rapidly closing through changes on the ground 
with respect to a two-state solution. What measures do you 
think need to be taken to keep that option open?
    Mr. Nides. If I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, the 
most important thing is for neither parties, the Israelis or 
the Palestinians, to take unilateral action that prevents that 
from happening.
    And so if I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, I will 
work with the parties to avoid that, and we all know those 
issues that create the environment that allows for conflicts to 
occur.
    I think the goal of the ambassador is to articulate the 
vision of the President and the Secretary of State, but to try 
to keep the parties not creating an atmosphere that we cannot 
move forward on a vision of a two-state solution.
    Senator Van Hollen: Thank you.
    We also, as Senator Murphy said, met with Prime Minister 
Shtayyeh in the West Bank, who said and acknowledged the 
importance of opening up the Palestinian Authority to 
elections.
    As you probably saw, they just announced municipal 
elections this December. But there is the issue of the 
Legislative Assembly elections. I am pleased to hear your 
response to Senator Murphy with respect to working with our 
Israeli partners to make sure that Palestinians in East 
Jerusalem can vote and make sure that that is not an excuse for 
not going forward with the legislative elections.
    Finally, as you know, the President has said that he wants 
to reverse the decision by the Trump administration that shut 
down our consulate in Jerusalem.
    Do you support reopening that consulate as the President 
has committed to do and what do you think the timetable for 
that will be?
    Mr. Nides. I, certainly, support that, as the President has 
indicated and the Secretary of State has announced.
    Until I am confirmed I am not privy to the conversations 
that are happening between the State Department or the 
administration with the Israelis. But, obviously, that is 
something that, once I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, 
will work on and be able to report back to you on a timing.
    Senator Van Hollen: Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, I cannot see the clock. Has my time run out?
    The Chairman. It ran down a while ago.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Van Hollen: All right. Thank you all very much.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    This particular part of the hearing is now over. This 
record is going to remain open to the close of business 
tomorrow for questions to the record.
    I would urge the nominees if they get a question to respond 
to it expeditiously and fully so that we can consider your 
nominations for a business meeting.
    And with the thanks of the committee, we will now move to 
our second panel.
    [Pause.]
    The Chairman. Let me introduce our second panel as they get 
themselves adjusted to their positions.
    [Pause.]
    The Chairman. We have two nominations on the second panel: 
our former colleague Senator Tom Udall to be an ambassador to 
New Zealand and Samoa, and Ms. Sarah Margon to be the Assistant 
Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, 
and Labor.
    [Pause.]
    The Chairman. I would ask our other nominees to please take 
your conversations outside of the chamber so we can move on.
    I know that Senators Heinrich and Lujan have expressed 
their interest in introducing Senator Udall but they have not 
yet arrived. We will wait for them in the moment.
    I also understand that our former colleague and member of 
this committee, Senator Feingold, is going to introduce Ms. 
Margon virtually today.
    Is Senator Feingold with us?
    Senator Feingold, welcome back to the committee even if it 
is virtually. We will recognize you to give an introduction of 
Ms. Margon.

              STATEMENT OF HON. RUSSELL FEINGOLD, 
               FORMER U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN

    Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman and 
Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee.
    Thank you for this opportunity to speak with you today to 
introduce Sarah Margon, a nominee for Assistant Secretary of 
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, which is known as 
DRL.
    I worked closely with DRL during my tenure at the State 
Department when I was the Special Envoy to the Great Lakes 
region of Africa. I would argue the DRL's work has never been 
more important than it is right now, with democracy going head 
to head with the growing threats of kleptocracy and 
authoritarianism around the globe.
    Right now, democracy is losing some ground in several 
countries with devastating consequences for human rights, the 
rule of law, independent judiciaries, and other democratic 
principles.
    President Biden has stressed repeatedly that human rights 
must be at the center of our foreign policy, and I could not 
agree more. Democracy and human rights go hand in hand, and DRL 
is at the forefront of implementing President Biden's 
commitment to human rights and to crafting and implementing 
policy aimed at strengthening and preserving the democratic 
values and principles that we so staunchly believe in and 
cherish.
    Sarah is an exceptional candidate to lead DRL at this time 
and to help inform and guide human rights and democracy-focused 
U.S. foreign policy. It is a true honor for me to introduce 
her.
    She came to work for me many years ago when I was a member 
of this committee. At the time, she was coming not just from 
Oxfam America but she came into the office almost literally 
right from a trip she had taken to Eastern Chad.
    I mention this because it is indicative of Sarah's lifetime 
commitment to an approach to addressing conflict and crises 
across the globe. Her policy perspectives are continuously 
informed and driven by her experiences traveling to these 
countries and working directly with affected communities and 
through that and her experience and commitment would help 
develop meaningful legislation and policy change as it has 
throughout her career and will in her new role as Assistant 
Secretary of State, if she is confirmed.
    I will just highlight a couple of things that make her 
unique. She has a strong commitment to bipartisan foreign 
policy. I saw this firsthand when she worked in my office and 
worked closely with senators on both sides of the aisle to 
advance meaningful foreign policy.
    This included working with Senator Isakson on many 
democracy issues, Senators Inhofe and Brownback to pass 
legislation to help protect civilians in northern Uganda, and 
Senators McCain and Graham on issues relating to Egypt's 
growing repression and election concerns in 2010, of course, 
just before the Tahrir Square protests in 2011.
    She takes the time to listen to all sides and stakeholders, 
including those whom she disagrees with, so she can ensure that 
she is fully informed. She regularly made time to speak to my 
constituents in Wisconsin and hear their concerns about 
everything from Indonesia and East Timor and Sri Lanka. She 
believed they had important contributions to make to our policy 
work.
    If she is confirmed, I know that Sarah will be committed to 
engaging the American public beyond the Beltway on America's 
role in the world, and she will never lose sight that her 
principal job is to serve the American public.
    Sarah believes fiercely in the important role of Congress 
when it comes to foreign policy. I will state this is 
particularly important to me and one of the reasons that I 
hired Sarah.
    She firmly believes that Congress must play an active and 
assertive role in foreign policy, both in terms of helping to 
build and support an agenda that represents all of America and 
in terms of oversight of the executive.
    She understands the experience and tools to make good 
policy. Her rich experience makes her an expert on the full 
toolkit deployed by our State Department, from punitive 
measures like economic sanctions to incentivizing and 
relationship building.
    She understands that meaningful and impactful policy cannot 
be made in a vacuum, and I saw her demonstrate this as we 
traveled all the way from Eastern Congo to Djibouti and even 
Peshawar, Pakistan, where we were working on these issues.
    Sarah is driven by a deep belief and a commitment to 
ensuring that the United States is a force for good in the 
world. This translates to a fierce commitment to diplomacy and 
the necessary work to build and maintain positive constructive 
relationships across borders.
    I want to close by underscoring Sarah's values, which drive 
her work every day. She brings sincere integrity to her work. 
She is solution oriented, which is exactly what we need at this 
time when democracy is on the back foot around the world and 
when basic fundamental liberties are under attack.
    I think it would be a little hard to find someone who is 
more genuinely devoted to advancing human rights and democracy, 
and doing so in an informed, transparent, and collaborative 
manner than Sarah.
    If confirmed, she will be an open honest broker for 
improving human rights and democracy around the world. I 
recommend Sarah Margon as Assistant Secretary of State for 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and I thank you so much for 
the pleasure of testifying before you.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Feingold. It is good to 
see you, and we appreciate your glowing recommendation of Ms. 
Margon.
    We have now been joined by two of our colleagues, Senator 
Heinrich and Senator Lujan, who will join in introducing 
Senator Udall.
    Senator Heinrich?

              STATEMENT OF HON. MARTIN HEINRICH, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO

    Senator Heinrich. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
and all the distinguished members of this committee, it is 
really my honor today, my distinct honor, to introduce 
President Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S. ambassador 
to New Zealand and Samoa, and, obviously, our former colleague, 
Senator Tom Udall.
    As a long-serving member of this committee, I know Tom is 
no stranger to any of you. But I wanted to make sure to echo 
what I am sure anyone who has worked with Tom Udall over the 
years would say about his incredible character and the deep 
commitment that he has to public service.
    Tom has devoted his entire life to my state, to serving the 
people of New Mexico and to serving this great nation, first, 
as our state's attorney general, then for 10 years in the U.S. 
House of Representatives, followed by two terms in this body, 
in the United States Senate.
    And during the time that the both of us served here 
together in the Senate, Tom Udall proved to be a constant 
friend and close mentor to me. He also set a true example of 
what it means to be a public servant.
    Over his two terms in the Senate, Tom showed all of us how 
to act with decency and integrity, how to stay true to your 
principles but also how to find common ground, and these are 
all qualities that I am very confident will serve him well in 
this new diplomatic role representing our nation's interests 
abroad.
    With all of his experience on climate issues and his work 
with indigenous communities, he is uniquely qualified to build 
upon our nation's cooperation and shared interests with our 
allies in New Zealand and Samoa, and I can truly think of no 
one better suited to represent our country and face 
international challenges than Tom Udall.
    On behalf of Julie and myself, I want to congratulate both 
Tom and his wife, Jill, on this new opportunity to continue 
their lifelong service to our country, and I sincerely hope 
that each and every one of you on this committee will join me 
in supporting this incredibly qualified nominee.
    Thank you, Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Lujan?

               STATEMENT OF HON. BEN RAY LUJAN, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO

    Senator Lujan. Thank you, Chairman. It is an honor to be 
here this morning before the committee alongside Senators Udall 
and Heinrich.
    Senator Udall has spent his career, his life, serving 
fellow New Mexicans and our brothers and sisters across 
America. Both he and Jill Udall have made a tremendous 
difference in the lives of so many.
    As our state attorney general, U.S. Representative, and 
United States Senator, Tom was deeply and continues to be 
committed to fighting for everyone to get a fair shake.
    You know Tom and Tom knows you. Yesterday at the United 
Nations, President Biden pledged a new era of relentless 
American diplomacy, and today's consideration of Senator Udall 
to serve as U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa is proof 
of the President's commitment to restore American leadership 
around the globe.
    New Mexicans know Tom as a true statesman and as a leader, 
as a friend, and as a mentor who takes the climate crisis 
seriously. He cares about others, he leads by example, and 
treats people with respect and dignity.
    This ambassadorship matters. New Zealand and Samoa are 
leading on many important issues and are important partners in 
the fight against the climate crisis.
    As ambassador, I am confident that Senator Udall will make 
New Mexico and our country proud. He will bring the same energy 
and commitment and, hopefully, a few bolo ties to the world 
stage.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Lujan. This is an exciting day for Tom and Jill, 
and for countless New Mexicans back home. Tom is a highly-
qualified nominee and it is my honor to stand with him and Jill 
today.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Lujan, for the glowing 
recommendation of our colleague. We appreciate it. We know you 
have other issues to attend to. Do not hesitate to leave when 
you think it is appropriate.
    And I will just note as well that Congressman Malinowski 
from my home state of New Jersey is here with us. He had the 
former position that Ms. Margon is been nominated for as the 
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor. We welcome him to the committee.
    And since you are here, Congressman, we need to talk about 
the CASE Act and updating it so that we can actually get some 
information in real time these days. I look forward to working 
with you on that.
    Let me briefly speak to these two nominees.
    Senator Udall, welcome back to the committee. You now know 
what it feels to be on the other side of this questioning. But 
we know you are going to do great. Congratulations on your 
nomination, to Jill as well.
    I am glad that President Biden selected you for this 
important post. I am confident that, upon confirmation, you 
will represent the United States well in New Zealand and in the 
Independent State of Samoa.
    As you know, New Zealand is one of our closest partners, a 
partnership that is critical in this new era of strategic 
competition. Now more than ever, the United States has to 
pursue intense diplomatic outreach in order to support our 
common goals for addressing climate change, expanding economic 
and trade opportunities, and building security partnerships.
    Climate change is one of the most pressing national 
security challenges of our time and it poses a significant 
threat to Pacific Island nations. Overall, I believe we need to 
reinvigorate our diplomatic presence and outreach to New 
Zealand and Samoa, and I am confident that you will be very 
well up to that task.
    We look forward to hearing your goals for how we can deepen 
one of the closest diplomatic relationships we have even 
further.
    Ms. Margon, congratulations on your nomination to DRL. You 
have extensive experience working to advance human rights and 
democratic values as well as support a bipartisan group of 
national security leaders, human rights, and civil society 
organizations, including prominent Jewish organizations who 
believe in the importance of the U.S.-Israel partnership and 
the importance of a two-state solution for ensuring Israel's 
future as a Jewish and democratic state.
    But I also know there have been questions about some of the 
nuances here and I will trust you will be able to answer those 
questions.
    The need for strong effective leadership at the helm of DRL 
has never been more necessary. In every region of the world 
today authoritarian governments are seizing more and more 
power, dismantling core democratic institutions, and closing in 
on journalists and civil society.
    Today, Beijing, Moscow, and their kleptocratic partners are 
driving global authoritarian expansion. They do this through 
increasingly sophisticated digital authoritarian surveillance 
and control tools that we put out a very significant report 
from this committee, and through old-fashioned arrests of 
peaceful protests and shutting down independent media.
    To that end, we witnessed this summer the Cuban regime 
unleash a brutal wave of repression in response to 
unprecedented protests by the Cuban people. While the Trump 
administration took a wrecking ball to our reputation, the 
Biden administration is doing vital work to reassert the U.S. 
role in championing democracy and human rights around the 
globe.
    That effort, however, was badly damaged this summer by the 
flawed withdrawal from Afghanistan and the unfolding human 
rights catastrophe.
    From Burma to Ethiopia, the amount of human rights concerns 
around the world is vast. We understand that, at times, the 
United States faces hard choices where foreign policy and 
national security interests do not align neatly with the values 
we strive to reflect as a nation.
    Upon occasion that is unavoidable. But we also know that 
the organizational structure at the State Department has 
allowed a culture to flourish in which human rights concerns 
gets less traction because the powerful regional bureaus 
frequently sideline DRL.
    I look forward to hearing from you about how, if confirmed, 
you will work to recenter our foreign policy around the core 
American values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law 
that advance our U.S. national interests and the cause of 
freedom and human dignity that rightly belong to people 
everywhere.
    And I will just close by saying today we had a breakfast 
meeting with the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Boris 
Johnson, and in that conversation one of the things that he 
said that I thought was so poignant for our other colleagues to 
hear was how important it was for the United States to raise 
the principles of democracy and human rights, and what it means 
to the rest of the world to do so.
    This is an incredibly important position.
    I know that the ranking member has as well opening remarks 
as it relates to these nominees, and when he returns I will 
recognize him. As such, he is voting right now. But in the 
interests of expediting this process, let me turn to Senator 
Udall first for his opening statement.
    I ask you both to try to summarize your statements in about 
five minutes. Your full statements will be included in the 
record, without objection.
    And with that, Senator Udall, the floor is yours.

   STATEMENT OF FORMER SENATOR HON. TOM UDALL OF NEW MEXICO, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
    THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO NEW ZEALAND AND WITHOUT 
         ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION TO THE STATE OF SAMOA

    Senator Udall. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and I want to 
thank so much Senator Heinrich and Senator Lujan for coming and 
introducing me.
    Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee, it is an 
honor and pleasure to meet with all of you again. As a former 
member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have great 
respect for the important work you are doing to consider the 
diplomatic nominations before you.
    Today, I have exchanged my seat on the dais to sit as 
President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States 
Ambassador to New Zealand and to the Independent State of 
Samoa.
    After a career of public service in the state of New 
Mexico, including two terms as New Mexico Attorney General, 
five terms as United States Representative, and two terms as 
United States Senator, I am grateful for the trust of the 
President and Secretary Blinken that they have placed in me to 
represent the United States overseas.
    The advice and consent role of the United States Senate, 
Mr. Chairman, as you know well, is one of the most important 
roles granted to Congress by the Constitution, and I am honored 
by this committee's consideration of my nomination.
    Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to take a 
moment to introduce my wife, Jill Cooper. She has been my 
partner and chief adviser during my 30 years of public service. 
She is an accomplished lawyer in her own right and a strong 
advocate for the arts, having served as a member of the 
President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities.
    And while they are not here with me today in these 
chambers, I would like to recognize my daughter, Amanda, and my 
son-in-law, Judge Jim Noel.
    In January, I marked the conclusion of serving New Mexico 
in the United States Senate. New Mexico is a mountainous and 
rural state strong in its multiculturalism, including a vibrant 
indigenous culture.
    New Mexico is also rich in natural resources and growing 
tech and space and cinematic sectors, complete with a vital 
national security sector. In all these respects, New Mexico is 
very much like New Zealand.
    Both are aiming for the stars. Both continue to invest in 
new space sectors advancing science, human progress, and 
cinematic storytelling set in their unique geographies.
    While there are numerous positive comparisons, it is no 
secret that New Zealand and Samoa, like New Mexico, face 
enormous threats from climate change.
    As a senator, I made protection of the environment a 
priority, from championing the 30 By 30 proposal to conserve 30 
percent of our lands and waters by 2030, to passing the 
landmark bipartisan Frank Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act.
    The president has made it clear that climate consideration 
shall be an essential element of United States foreign policy 
and national security.
    As ambassador, I look forward to working with New Zealand, 
a country that shares my passion for the protection of our 
natural environment.
    I also look forward to maintaining the strong political, 
military, and intelligence relationship we share with New 
Zealand from World War Two when tens of thousands of Americans 
were stationed in New Zealand, through the post-war Five Eyes 
intelligence alliance formed by the United States, Great 
Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and from support 
for our forces in Afghanistan in 2001 as well as other 
peacekeeping missions to formalize our strengthening defense 
cooperation in the 2012 Washington Declaration.
    Just last week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern affirmed that 
recent developments in the Indo-Pacific do not change the 
security intelligence ties of New Zealand to the Five Eyes 
alliance.
    Members of this committee have been clear that the United 
States cannot challenge all the threats in the region alone. We 
need allies like New Zealand and we need to help them thrive 
despite these regional challenges. We should not allow outside 
influences to drive a wedge in that relationship.
    As ambassador, I will work to protect and grow mutual 
goodwill between our nations. Countering and competing with the 
People's Republic of China requires strong partnerships with 
countries throughout the region. Beijing continues to pressure 
countries that stand up to its human rights violations, to 
threaten freedom of navigation, and to violate international 
rules and norms.
    Like you say, I would just ask that the rest of my 
statement be put in the record and it will be a real honor, if 
confirmed, to go off as an ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the courtesies. 
And Ranking Member Risch, I mentioned you. It is wonderful to 
see you here in person. Thank you.
    [Prepared statement of Senator Udall follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Tom Udall

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee. It is an honor and a pleasure to meet with all of you again. 
As a former member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have 
great respect for the important work you are doing to consider the 
diplomatic nominations before you.
    Today, I have exchanged my seat on the dais to sit as President 
Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to New Zealand 
and to the Independent State of Samoa. After a career of public service 
in the state of New Mexico, including two terms as New Mexico's 
Attorney General, five terms as United States Representative, and two 
terms as United States Senator, I am grateful for the trust the 
President and Secretary Blinken have in me to represent the United 
States overseas.
    The advice and consent role of the United States Senate is one of 
the most important roles granted to Congress by the Constitution--and I 
am honored by this committee's consideration of my nomination.
    Chairman Menendez, with your permission, I would like to take a 
moment to introduce my wife Jill Cooper. She has been my partner and 
chief advisor during my 30 years of public service. She is an 
accomplished lawyer in her own right, and a strong advocate for the 
arts, having served as a member of the President's Committee on the 
Arts and Humanities. While they are not here with me today in these 
chambers, I'd also like to recognize my daughter Amanda and son-in-law 
Judge Jim Noel.
    In January I marked the conclusion of serving New Mexico in the 
U.S. Senate. New Mexico is a mountainous and rural state strong in its 
multiculturalism-- including a vibrant indigenous culture. New Mexico 
is also rich in natural resources, and growing tech, space, and 
cinematic sectors, complete with a vital national security sector. In 
all these respects, New Mexico is very much like New Zealand.
    Both are aiming for the stars. Both continue to invest in new space 
sectors advancing science, human progress and cinematic storytelling 
set in their unique geographies.
    While there are numerous positive comparisons, it is no secret that 
New Zealand and Samoa, like New Mexico, face enormous threats from 
climate change.
    As a Senator I made protection of the environment a priority, from 
championing the Thirty-by-Thirty proposal to conserve 30 percent of our 
lands and waters by 2030, to passing the landmark bipartisan Frank 
Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act. The President has made it clear ``that 
climate considerations shall be an essential element of United States 
foreign policy and national security.'' As Ambassador, I look forward 
to working with New Zealand, a country that shares my passion for the 
protection of our natural environment.
    I also look forward to maintaining the strong political, military, 
and intelligence relationship we share with New Zealand: from World War 
II when tens of thousands of Americans were stationed in New Zealand, 
through the post-war Five Eyes intelligence alliance formed by the 
United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; and 
from support for our forces in Afghanistan in 2001 as well as other 
peace-keeping missions, to formalizing our strengthened defense 
cooperation in the 2012 Washington Declaration.
    Just last week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern affirmed that recent 
developments in the Indo-Pacific do not change the security and 
intelligence ties of New Zealand to the Five Eyes alliance.
    Members of this committee have been clear that the United States 
cannot challenge all the threats in the region alone. We need allies 
like New Zealand and we need to help them thrive despite those regional 
challenges.
    We should not allow outside influences to drive a wedge in that 
relationship. As Ambassador, I will work to protect and grow the mutual 
goodwill between our nations.
    Countering and competing with the People's Republic of China (PRC) 
requires strong partnerships with countries throughout the region. 
Beijing continues to pressure countries that stand up to its human 
rights violations, to threaten freedom of navigation, and to violate 
international rules and norms.
    To ensure stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region as a 
whole, it is important to note that our relations do not begin and end 
with security. As an island nation, New Zealand is not unique in its 
dependence on international trade.
    It is also one of many countries that has felt the pressure of 
Beijing's attempts to coerce through punitive trade decisions.
    The United States is one of New Zealand's top trading partners. And 
I know from experience that during Senate visits overseas many of us 
looked for ways to increase trade ties between many nations and our 
respective states. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our trade 
relations continue to grow and that you or the companies you represent 
are welcome in New Zealand.
    As Pacific nations with advanced economies, the United States and 
New Zealand have both an opportunity and responsibility to support the 
island nations in the Pacific. All of them are increasingly threatened 
by the immediate threat of COVID-19, but also the growing influence of 
the PRC, and the threats from climate change. The Independent State of 
Samoa, a small island country rich in Polynesian culture is not immune 
to these challenges. We need to continue to reinforce Samoa's 
independence with our Peace Corps and Fulbright initiatives.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee, 
it was one of my great honors to serve on this committee and to serve 
the nation and the people of New Mexico. After a career in public 
service, I am honored by the President's nomination to represent the 
United States in New Zealand and Samoa.
    Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. I am happy 
to answer any of your questions during this hearing or for the record.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Udall.
    As I announced, I would recognize the ranking member at 
this time.
    Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to 
speak briefly on both nominees and then, of course, questions.
    First of all, it will come probably as no surprise to many 
that the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, the nominee is going to be 
a very difficult and a heavy lift for me to support.
    The nominee has made some deeply troubling public 
statements related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict 
including on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement--
BDS movement--against Israel, and funding to the biased 
organizations in Gaza, which I am going to ask some questions 
on.
    The nominee also told my staff, surprisingly, that she 
feels both the current and prior administrations--both the 
current Biden administration and the Trump administration's--
airstrikes against Iranian proxy targets were illegal.
    This view is against those of the Department of State, the 
Department of Defense, and legal advice spanning both 
administrations. If this is the kind of advice that she is 
going to give to the Secretary, it is going to be very 
difficult to support her.
    Further, the nominee publicly congratulated a private 
company for participating in the BDS movement against Israel 
and urged other companies to do likewise. She also tweeted in 
support of a July 20 New York Times op-ed entitled, ``I no 
longer believe in a Jewish state.'' We will talk about that 
when we get to questions.
    On the nomination for the ambassador to New Zealand and 
Samoa, it is good to see you, Senator Udall, and your lovely 
wife. I talked to Senator Brown this morning and he feels that 
you have won the lottery and have been sentenced to paradise. 
He is high on this.
    If confirmed, you would be charged with stewardship of our 
relationships with these two nations where we have seen malign 
influence from the People's Republic of China and where there 
is room for our partnerships to grow. I look forward to hearing 
your priorities on these issues.
    China recently submitted information to New Zealand to join 
the comprehensive progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership trade 
agreement.
    Yet, we have seen the PRC use its economic might to coerce 
and bully its neighbors in the region. I am, therefore, 
skeptical of PRC's ability to be a good trade partner.
    This development also reminds us of the importance of a 
strong U.S. economic and trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific 
region, a key element of the Strategic Competition Act passed 
by the Senate earlier this year. I will be interested in 
hearing your thoughts on that.
    Again, good to see you.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    With that, I will turn to Ms. Margon now.

    STATEMENT OF SARAH MARGON OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE 
 ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND 
                             LABOR

    Ms. Margon. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, and distinguished members of the committee.
    I am honored to be here today as the nominee for Assistant 
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and 
deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for the 
trust they have placed in me.
    It is an honor to have Senator Feingold introduce me. 
Working for him was a master class in principled integrity. As 
a result of his leadership, I saw how standing up for what is 
right can be central to effective policymaking and that 
reaching across the aisle usually makes for better and stronger 
policy.
    Indeed, America in the world should represent all 
Americans. I come from a long line of New Yorkers, many of whom 
rarely left the state but all of whom believed in the promise 
of a better life through hard work and a little bit of luck.
    It is that gritty mindset that enabled my grandfathers, 
Albert Simon, born Abraham Simonofsky, and Solomon Mogiliwsky, 
changed to Margon, to flourish. One owned a pharmacy In Queens. 
The other became a dentist in Brooklyn.
    That same grit could be found in their wives as well. 
Gertrude Simon labored at her family's light and lampshade 
business in Brooklyn's Pitkin Avenue and raised two girls, 
while Florence Margon became a secretary, carrying her family 
through the Depression and, in later years, raising my father, 
all at the same time.
    I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents, Arthur 
and Marilyn Margon, my brother, Andrew Margon, and sister-in-
law, Zoe Stopak-Behr, my husband, Sam Chaltain, who is here, 
whose big dreams and generosity are all the cushion one could 
need, and my two sons, who are also here, 8-year-old Izzy and 
12-year-old Leo, both of whom give me hope for the curiosity, 
decency, and empathy of future generations.
    I am also indebted to the women of national security and 
their guidance, wisdom, and community.
    Today's chaotic and complicated world requires us to be 
more firmly tethered to core democratic principles. Rising 
repression and autocracy require us to be bold in adhering to 
these values, which, as the President has said, are inseparable 
from our national interests and are the foundation of our 
diplomatic strength.
    The global assault on basic freedoms also requires us to be 
intentional about who we support and why we fight for rights 
and dignity. This means considering not just policy choices but 
also how we engage in countries where those in power are using 
state institutions, the media, elections, corrupt individuals 
and entities, and even the pandemic to centralize power 
undemocratically and to repress their people.
    If confirmed, I will apply these insights to focus on three 
priorities.
    First, I will ensure DRL carries forward an agenda that 
affirms the United States as a leader and a partner in the 
struggle for democracy, pluralism, and rights.
    Our priority must be protecting these foundational values 
and making sure governments like China, Russia, and Cuba do not 
succeed in their efforts to undermine international human 
rights norms and the rules-based order.
    I will pay special attention to China, whose pernicious 
attacks on dissent and the rule of law are both on the rise 
domestically and fast becoming a common export.
    Second, I believe we must focus on countering technological 
and digital threats as a human rights issue. For example, as we 
have seen too often, the promotion of disinformation from 
Russia, to China, to Ethiopia can have life and death 
implications.
    Without U.S. leadership and push back, malign actors will 
continue abusing technology to enable mass atrocities, 
undermine democracy and human rights, and harm U.S. interests.
    Congress has been on the front lines of this fight and, if 
confirmed, I look forward to navigating the path together.
    Third, I will focus on ensuring human rights as considered 
as part of U.S. arms sales and security assistance. Advancing 
democracy and protecting human rights are national security 
interests, as the President has made clear.
    If confirmed, I will make sure DRL provides strong analysis 
to help ensure our decisions on these issues align with our 
democratic values and our commitments on human rights.
    If confirmed, I look forward to a strong working 
partnership with Congress so that together we can promote and 
protect our shared American values and interests around the 
world.
    I will endeavor to make good use of the bipartisan tools 
you have already developed, from the Global Magnitsky sanctions 
to the Uighur Human Rights Policy Act to the Corporate 
Transparency Act, and I will engage allies, the private sector, 
and civil society to help realize the Biden-Harris 
administration's goal of centering human rights within U.S. 
foreign policy.
    Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look 
forward to your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Margon follows:]


                   Prepared Statement of Sarah Margon

    Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and 
distinguished members of this committee. I am honored to be here today 
as the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor--and deeply grateful to the President and Secretary 
Blinken for the trust they've placed in me.
    It's a special honor to have Senator Feingold introduce me. Working 
for him was a master class in principled integrity. As a result of his 
leadership, I saw how standing up for what's right can be central to 
effective policy making--and that reaching across the aisle usually 
makes for better and stronger policy. Indeed, America in the world 
should represent all Americans.
    I come from a long line of New Yorkers, many of whom rarely left 
the state, but all of whom believed in the promise of a better life 
through hard work and a little bit of luck. It is that gritty mindset 
that enabled my grandfathers, Albert Simon--born Abraham Simonofsky--
and Solomon Mogiliwsky--changed to Margon--to flourish. One owned a 
pharmacy in Queens. The other became a dentist in Brooklyn.
    That same grit could be found in their wives as well. Gertrude 
Simon labored at her family's light and lampshade business on 
Brooklyn's Pitkin Avenue and raised two girls, while Florence Margon 
became a secretary, carrying her family through the Depression, and, in 
later years, raising my father--all at the same time.
    I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents, Arthur and 
Marilyn Margon; my brother Andrew Margon, and sister-in-law Zoe Stopak-
Behr; my husband Sam Chaltain, whose big dreams and generosity are all 
the cushion one could need; and my sons--8.5-year-old Izzy and 12-year-
old Leo, both of whom give me hope for the curiosity, decency, and 
empathy of future generations. I am indebted to the women of national 
security and their wisdom, guidance and community.
    Today's chaotic and complicated world requires us to be more firmly 
tethered to core democratic principles. Rising repression and autocracy 
require us to be bold in adhering to these values, which as the 
President has said are inseparable from our national interests and are 
the foundation of our diplomatic strength. The global assault on basic 
freedoms also requires us to be intentional about who we support--and 
why we fight for rights and dignity. This means considering not just 
policy choices, but also how we engage in countries where those in 
power are using state institutions, the media, elections, corrupt 
individuals and entities, and even the pandemic to centralize power 
undemocratically and to repress their own people.
    If confirmed, I will apply these insights to focus on three 
priorities.
    First, I will ensure DRL carries forward an agenda that affirms the 
United States as a leader and a partner in the struggle for democracy, 
pluralism, and human rights. Our priority must be protecting these 
foundational values--and making sure governments such as China, Russia, 
and Cuba--do not succeed in their efforts to undermine international 
human rights norms and the rules-based order. I will pay special 
attention to China, whose pernicious attacks on dissent and the rule of 
law are both on the rise domestically and fast becoming a common 
export.
    Second, I believe we must focus on countering technological and 
digital threats as a human rights issue. For example, as we have seen 
too often, the promotion of disinformation--from Russia to China to 
Ethiopia--can have life-and-death implications. Without U.S. leadership 
and pushback, malign actors will continue abusing technology to enable 
mass atrocities, undermine democracies and human rights, and harm U.S. 
interests. Congress has been on the frontlines of this fight, and if 
confirmed, I look forward to navigating the path together.
    Third, I will focus on ensuring human rights is considered as part 
of U.S. arms sales and security assistance. Advancing democracy and 
protecting human rights are national security interests, as the 
President has made clear. If confirmed, I will make sure DRL provides 
strong analysis to help ensure our decisions on these issues align with 
our democratic values and our commitments to human rights.
    If confirmed, I look forward to a strong working partnership with 
Congress, so that together we can promote and protect our shared 
American values and interests around the world. I will endeavor to make 
good use of the tools you have already developed, from Global Magnitsky 
sanctions to The Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act to The Corporate 
Transparency Act. And I will engage allies, the private sector, and 
civil society to help realize the Biden-Harris administration's goal of 
centering human rights within U.S. foreign policy.
    Thank you for the consideration of my nomination. I look forward to 
your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you very much.
    Before I turn to Senator Risch, I have some questions that 
are for the committee as a whole and they require a simple yes 
or no answer.
    These questions speak to the importance that the committee 
places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive 
branch and that we expect and will be seeking from you. I would 
ask each of you to provide verbally a yes or no answer.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff when invited?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Udall. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and 
currently informed about the activities under your purview?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Udall. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
simply providing notification after the fact?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Udall. Yes.
    The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to questions for briefings and information requested 
by this committee and its designated staff?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Udall. Yes.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Both witnesses said yes to all 
questions. The chair will reserve his time and I will turn to 
the ranking member for his questions.
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Margon, were you here when Mr. Nides testified?
    Ms. Margon. I was in the anteroom, Senator. Yes.
    Senator Risch. Did you hear his testimony and questions?
    Ms. Margon. I did.
    Senator Risch. I assume you do not share his enthusiasm for 
the despicable anti-Semitic movement called BDS--Boycott, 
Divestment, and Sanctions?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement.
    Senator Risch. I am looking here at a tweet that you wrote 
on November 19th, 2018. It says, ``Airbnb to remove listings in 
the Israeli settlements of occupied West Bank. Thanks, Airbnb, 
for showing some good leadership here. Other companies should 
follow suit.''
    Did you write that?
    Ms. Margon. Yes, Senator.
    Senator Risch. And you do not consider that part of the BDS 
movement?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement. I do 
believe that the private sector has an important role to play 
in not pursuing discriminatory practices.
    Senator Risch. I do not understand that.
    Ms. Margon. Senator, I am not and have never been a 
supporter of the BDS movement. I oppose it.
    Senator Risch. How do you square that statement with the 
text that you put out November 19th, 2018?
    Ms. Margon. That tweet was in response to a Human Rights 
Watch report. And again, just to be very clear, I believe the 
private sector across the board has an important role to play 
in not promoting or pursuing discriminatory policies.
    Senator Risch. You support any company that would 
participate in the BDS movement?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement, and 
if I am confirmed to be Assistant Secretary of DRL, I will 
continue to do so just as the Biden administration does.
    Senator Risch. That does not square with what you said here 
on November. You can say it over and over and over again. It 
just does not make it true and it does not square with what you 
said in 2018. Have you changed your mind since 2018?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, that tweet was related to a very 
specific report.
    Senator Risch. It was in respect to a very specific action 
by Airbnb supporting the BDS movement.
    Ms. Margon. That was actually a report relating to their 
renting apartments, and as I have said and will continue--just 
like the Biden administration does, I am firmly opposed to the 
BDS movement.
    Senator Risch. With all due respect, ma'am, I do not 
believe it, not with what you put out here. Saying it over and 
over again just does not square with your actions.
    Ms. Margon. I am sorry, Senator, that you do not believe 
it. That is my firm belief, and if I am confirmed, going 
forward, I think you will see, as a member of the Biden 
administration, that that is the policy that I will implement.
    Senator Risch. When you met with my staff, you made the 
statement that you believed that the air strike against 
Soleimani was illegal. Do you still stand by that statement?
    Ms. Margon. That was from a tweet you are referring to?
    Senator Risch. No. That was in a meeting with my staff when 
you were preparing for this.
    Ms. Margon. That conversation, Senator, was in relation to 
a tweet that I had put out. I think that is probably a 
conversation best had with the Legal Adviser's Office at the 
State Department, for which I am not nominated.
    Senator Risch. Maybe, but you stated that you thought that 
that air strike was illegal. Is that true or not true?
    Ms. Margon. I did write that tweet at the time. But, again, 
I am looking at a position that is not for the Legal Adviser's 
Office.
    Senator Risch. I get that. What I am looking for is your 
view of these things. Obviously, the position you are in is not 
a legal position. But it, certainly, is very important in 
developing policy.
    They also tell me that you said that the strikes that the 
past administration and even the current administration were 
illegal. Is that your position?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, I think, to be fair, there are wide 
discussions over the legality of some of these strikes. I am 
not a lawyer right now. I have never been a lawyer. I did work 
for an organization that engaged on these questions.
    But if I am confirmed, I would consult with the legal 
advisers at the State Department to come to a determination.
    Senator Risch. I get that, and everybody here has to 
consult with the lawyers. Nonetheless, our policy decisions are 
based by our personal beliefs in that regard, and I am really, 
really troubled by these.
    Have they straightened you out? My staff tells me that your 
Sherpa almost fainted when you said that the strikes by the 
current administration were illegal. Have they straightened you 
out on that? Are you willing to go along with the 
administration's view?
    Ms. Margon. Of course, I am willing to go along. President 
Biden and Secretary Blinken have nominated me to do a job and I 
will uphold administration policy.
    Senator Risch. In July of 2020, you retweeted an article 
from the New York Times op-ed entitled, ``I no longer believe 
in a Jewish state.'' You retweeted that with approval. Do you 
still subscribe to that?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, sometimes when we tweet or say things 
in the heat of the moment we do not necessarily think of the 
broader impact of them. When I retweeted that article, what I 
was really focused on was the importance of ensuring Israelis 
and Palestinians could have equal protection under the law, 
access to democratic processes, security, and prosperity. That 
was the thrust of my tweet and what I intended with that.
    I firmly believe in a two-state solution so that Israelis 
and Palestinians can live side by side in peace and security.
    Senator Risch. Thank you for your answers. I am not going 
to support your nomination, obviously. You have not persuaded 
me at all. In fact, I might have been persuaded if you would 
have owned up to these things and confessed there.
    I am sorry I do not have any time for you, Senator Udall. 
But it is nice to see you. I know you will do a good job there 
and I will help you every way I can to get there.
    Thank you very much, and thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member 
Risch, and thanks to our nominees. Congratulations to both of 
you, particularly to Senator Udall and Jill.
    I am such huge fans of both of you as wonderful public 
servants, and it is exciting that you have had a lot of 
wonderful chapters in the past, both in New Mexico government 
and in the United States Senate, and in the House. And this 
next chapter is one I know you will do every bit as well. I am 
so proud to support you.
    Ms. Margon, I want to ask you a question about the part of 
the world that I care most about outside the United States and 
that is the Americas.
    I have been really troubled. I lived in Honduras when it 
was a military dictatorship. It is no longer a military 
dictatorship but, arguably, it is worse, and that is painful. A 
country that has gone from a military dictatorship in 1981 to 
a, quote, ``democracy'' is rife with corruption, the murder of 
journalists, the murder of environmental activists.
    The current president was reelected in a widely disputed 
election. The OAS said it was so marked by fraud that the 
election should be rerun. For some reason, the United States 
discarded the OAS opinion and supported the current government, 
and then what has happened this president has been implicated 
in a variety of drug trafficking cases currently being brought 
in courts in the United States.
    The good news is there is elections this weekend in 
Honduras. He is term limited and cannot run again. But I could 
give you the same story in El Salvador where there is currently 
massive backsliding of a government the people had a lot of 
hope in but it is behaving more and more authoritarian every 
day.
    In Guatemala, serious issues with corruption. In Nicaragua, 
brutal repression of political dissidents. Costa Rica is a bit 
of a bright spot. We heard from Dr. Telles earlier.
    I think the United States does not pay enough attention in 
the Americas. Just because we are not paying attention does not 
mean China is not paying attention. They are. Russia is paying 
attention. Cuba is paying attention. Iran is paying attention.
    And so I would hope this administration could really 
embrace a more robust and continuous engagement with the 
Americas and show other nations because we are all Americans--
North, Central, or South Americans--show other nations that our 
concern is continuous and not just episodic, quickly to be 
forgotten as we turn our attention elsewhere.
    But if we are going to have an Americas policy we are going 
to have to really grapple with issues of human rights and 
democracy.
    Should you be confirmed, what might your thoughts be about, 
as you say, centering human rights and pro-democracy within 
some of the nations that are the nearest to us?
    Ms. Margon. Thank you, Senator, for that question, and 
thanks for your long-standing work and interest in this region. 
It has been really notable, and you have been a real leader 
along with other members on this committee.
    I think the Biden administration has taken the right 
approach in looking at a root driver strategy and allocating $4 
billion dollars to the region. I think those two tranches are 
really important to start getting at what is at the foundation.
    It is not going to be something that can change overnight. 
But you mentioned many of the issues that we need to be looking 
at--not just assistance and development, but also anti-
corruption, looking to build an independent judiciary, helping 
to work so that the Security Forces are actually viable 
entities that can protect the people, looking at criminal 
networks.
    There is very much a punitive approach and a carrot and 
stick incentivizing approach and I think they go hand in hand. 
I think even before my confirmation, if that happens, there is 
good groundwork for which DRL will be able to work on.
    I see DRL's role--and if I am confirmed, I will hope to 
amplify this--is to bring the analysis of the human rights 
organizations and civil society into the policymaking, to work 
with the regional bureau closely, but also to work with other 
agencies and, of course, with this body to make sure that there 
is a consistent steadfast approach, that the finances are 
sufficient and, frankly, that we bring in some of the other 
regional actors.
    I spoke yesterday with the Chairman a little bit about 
Latin America and the importance of engaging broadly on 
democratic decline and governance deficits, and I think this is 
the perfect opportunity for DRL to really center its work not 
just on election by election, as you say, but actually building 
and supporting with other partners the context in which those 
elections occur.
    I have never been to Central America myself and I would 
really like to travel there as one of my first trips. I think 
that would send a very important message, not just about our 
commitment as a bureau but our commitment as the United States.
    Senator Kaine. I thank you for that answer. There are two 
opportunities coming up that are really important, the Summit 
for Democracy that President Biden has indicated he wants to 
hold likely next year, and also the U.S. chairmanship of the 
Summit for the Americas, which we have not chaired in 25 years, 
and these are opportunities where these issues of democracy and 
human rights should be front and center. I appreciate your 
answers.
    Mr. Chair, I yield back.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Barrasso?
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Congratulations to both of you. Senator Udall, great to see 
you again. Jill, nice to see you. As you know, when you gave 
your final speech on the floor, I made a number of comments 
about our service together and working in a bipartisan way, and 
congratulations on this nomination. I think you will be 
magnificent ambassador. Thank you, Senator.
    Ms. Margon, on April 27th of this year, the Human Rights 
Watch published a report accusing Israel of being an apartheid 
state. Do you believe Israel is an apartheid state?
    Ms. Margon. No, Senator, I do not.
    Senator Barrasso. Do you believe Israel commits war crimes 
when it acts to defend itself from rocket and other terror 
attacks from Gaza?
    Ms. Margon. No, Senator. I strongly support Israel's right 
to defend itself and to protect its people.
    Senator Barrasso. The Biden administration has announced 
its intention to rejoin the United Nations Human Rights 
Council. Do you believe the Human Rights Council has a bias 
against Israel?
    Ms. Margon. That pesky Item 7, Senator, on the agenda at 
the Human Rights Council needs to be addressed. If I am 
confirmed, one of the things I would like to do if the U.S. 
rejoins the Human Rights Council is work with the International 
Organizations Bureau, the ambassador to Geneva, and this 
committee to help reform the Human Rights Council so it is more 
effective, so it does not have a disproportionate bias against 
Israel, including that agenda item.
    I have seen in the past that when the U.S. is a member of 
that Council that there are less anti-Israel resolutions and 
there is a decrease in anti-Israel attacks. That would be one 
of my priorities.
    Senator Barrasso. When I think about the Human Rights 
Council and the membership, do you know how many members of 
them are serious human rights abusers?
    Ms. Margon. There are a number of them that are very 
problematic, Senator. I do not know the exact number.
    Senator Barrasso. Russia?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Barrasso. China?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Barrasso. Pakistan?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Barrasso. Cuba? I could go on.
    It is to point out to me as I look at this, it says--do you 
know of any of these that have actually had a resolution passed 
condemning their own actions while on the Council?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, your concern is well placed and I 
think this would be part of the reform agenda. I will also say 
that the Human Rights Council has put out some extraordinary 
reports in the past that this body, I think, has found very 
useful.
    I would draw your attention specifically to the Commission 
of Inquiry on North Korea. I think it was published in 2014. 
That was an extraordinary documentation of the horrific abuses 
in DPRK.
    And my goal would be not only to help reform the 
membership, which I understand is a priority also of the Biden 
administration, but also to work with the Council so that it 
has stronger, better membership, and they can produce more 
reports like that DPRK report.
    Senator Barrasso. Because it does seem to me that a number 
of these keep themselves on the Council specifically so they 
can avoid accountability.
    In terms of the blacklist the Human Rights Council has come 
up with, the Human Rights Council has published a blacklist of 
companies doing business in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. 
Many of them are American companies. It is viewed by many as 
laying the groundwork for sanctions against these companies.
    If confirmed, will you work to encourage the Council to 
retract this database and discourage our allies from 
associating with this in any way?
    Ms. Margon. Yes.
    Senator Barrasso. Okay. And what can the U.S. do to limit 
the continuation of this dangerous exercise by this group?
    Ms. Margon. This is part of why I think U.S. membership on 
the Human Rights Council is so important. It gives us a seat at 
the table. It allows us to help influence decisions, it allows 
us to engage, and it allows us to ensure there is not a strong 
anti-Israel bias, but that the Human Rights Council is looking 
broadly and globally at human rights abuses.
    Senator Barrasso. On January 4th of 2020, you tweeted this, 
``The Iranian Government is replete with nasty characters. 
Soleimani himself was horrifically brutal. But normalizing 
selective ally engagement to conduct an illegal action that not 
only normalizes assassinations but also escalates dramatically 
has taken us to a whole new scary level.''
    Do you believe that the U.S. attack on General Soleimani 
was illegal?
    Ms. Margon. Senator, this is a tweet. I think if I were 
going forward, looking at this from my position should I be 
confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I would need to review all of 
the evidence and the intelligence to make that assessment and 
consult with the Legal Adviser's Office.
    Senator Barrasso. What is your view of the Biden 
administration's botched drone attack that killed 10 civilians 
outside of Afghanistan in the last couple of weeks?
    Ms. Margon. Thank you for that question. I was really 
pleased to see the Pentagon and its press--excuse me, at its 
press conference admit to the attack, to talk about what had 
been happening, to talk about the investigation that was going 
to be underway.
    I think this is a very important step that the Pentagon has 
taken, and I understand that there is going to be an 
investigation, and from there we will see where it goes.
    Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Okay.
    Ms. Margon, let me just get some things clear for the 
record. Did you ever advocate on behalf of the BDS movement?
    Ms. Margon. No, Senator.
    The Chairman. And regarding the allegation that has been 
flown around there characterizing Israel's actions as apartheid 
and attributed to you, to clarify, that refers to a report 
released by Human Rights Watch long after you departed the 
organization. Is that the case?
    Ms. Margon. That is correct. It was nearly two years later.
    The Chairman. Okay. When we look at the question of human 
rights, especially when one is not in an administration, one 
has the ability to look at it from the vantage--from the 
perspective uniquely about what is it that we seek to uphold in 
terms of the fundamental Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
    Is that not fair to say?
    Ms. Margon. That would be fair to say, yes.
    The Chairman. And the organization that you once worked 
with, Human Rights Watch, which has been quoted by many members 
of Congress when they find it appropriate and of value to do 
so, looked at the world in terms of human rights violations in 
that context. Would that be fair to say?
    Ms. Margon. That is right.
    The Chairman. Okay. The question is about participating at 
the United Nations Human Rights Council. The reality is when we 
are not there, then we cede to the world's worst actors the 
ability to take on allies like the State of Israel.
    Is that a fair statement?
    Ms. Margon. I would say yes, that is.
    The Chairman. While we do not like, and I, certainly, do 
not like--I find it appalling that Cuba can be on the Human 
Rights Council, but in the absence of the United States being 
there, I cannot push back on them and others, at the end of the 
day.
    And so I think that one has to think about the perspective. 
Joining the Human Rights Council is not an acceptance of its 
actions. It is in defiance of its actions. Is that the way you 
would take the view if you were the assistant secretary?
    Ms. Margon. Yes, I think I would.
    I would also say, Senator that it provides an exceptional 
opportunity for the United States to lead and to partner in 
pushing back against a number of those very abusive countries.
    I would also say that the Biden administration has said it 
not only wants to rejoin but reform the Council, and there are 
plenty of opportunities to further that effort.
    The Chairman. Israel remains our only democratic ally in 
the Middle East, and our bilateral relationship is rooted on 
shared democratic values. As in the United States or any 
country with a democratic process, we may not always agree with 
every policy that every government pursues.
    International organizations, however, routinely unfairly 
target Israel for alleged human rights abuses while in the same 
breath actively ignoring the gravely serious human rights 
abuses of the leaders of some of its neighbors.
    Would you commit to pushing back on unfair bias against 
Israel from international human rights organizations?
    Ms. Margon. Yes, absolutely.
    The Chairman. And then, finally, because the world is--as 
much as Israel is incredibly important, the world that you will 
be encountering--there are so many different parts of the world 
so I could spend a lot of time talking to you about arms sales, 
which I will in the near future, about China and Belarus and 
Russia and many other places, about Turkey under Erdogan.
    Even though they are a NATO ally, there are more 
journalists and lawyers in Turkish jails than in any other part 
of the world. That is saying something, considering some of the 
nasty parts of the world. Ethiopia and what is happening there 
in terms of human rights violations.
    I look forward to having a more in-depth discussion with 
you. But I do want to just talk about one--something I broached 
with you when you came to visit me and I appreciated our visit, 
and it is about Cuba.
    You noted that, quote, ``Cuba offers more opportunities 
than dead ends when it comes to human rights, including by 
easing relations with other countries and encouraging them to 
pressure Cuba to, quote, ``tolerate more dissent.''
    I am of the view that dissent should not be tolerated but 
embraced as a fundamental human right. Would you agree with 
that?
    Ms. Margon. I think that is a much better word, Senator.
    The Chairman. Okay. And these statements were made before 
the July 11th protests in Cuba this year, which--where the 
regime unleashed a brutal wave of repression in response to 
average people, mostly led by Afro-Cubans in terms of protests.
    If you are confirmed as the Assistant Secretary for DRL, 
what are some of the specific steps you would take to advance 
democracy and human rights in Cuba?
    Ms. Margon. The protests in July, I think, reminded us very 
clearly, not just us here in the U.S. but globally, that what 
the Cubans need and are looking for--the Cuban people--are 
basic services and basic rights, and they go hand in hand.
    And so there really is an opportunity for the United 
States, working closely with partners in the region and more 
globally, to support civil society more extensively, to ensure 
they have access and are able to be amplified on larger 
platforms to share their experiences with such a brutal and 
horrific government.
    Because it is those experiences, it is those stories, and 
it is their fight for those basic rights that we need to be 
supporting. There are questions about what we can support 
internet wise. There are questions about what we can support 
media wise.
    And I think the review that is underway, Senator, if I am 
confirmed, is something that I will want to be actively 
participating in. But even if that review is done before I am 
confirmed, I look forward to working with you to figure out the 
best ways in which we can support civil society, amplify those 
voices, and make sure that there is an increase in support 
globally for the movement.
    The Chairman. All right. Thank you.
    Senator Udall, you and I had a very good and in-depth 
conversation yesterday about economic opportunities, about how 
AUKUS is going to affect us with New Zealand on security, 
bilateral relationship, about New Zealand vis-a-vis China.
    And so we had such a good in-depth conversation I do not 
feel compelled to explore it again here with you today. But I 
do not want you to think you are not the object of my 
affection.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Udall. Thank you. Thank you.
    The Chairman. With knowing everything that you and I spoke 
about, and I am very pleased with the answers you gave me, I 
will reserve at this time.
    Seeing no other member before the committee, the record for 
this hearing will remain open until the close of business 
tomorrow, Thursday, September 23rd. Please ensure that 
questions for the record are submitted no later than then.
    I urge the nominees to answer those questions fully and 
expeditiously so that you can be considered for a business 
meeting.
    And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is 
adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 1:18 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              


              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Robert Menendez

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes. There is nothing I take more seriously than the health 
and security of the people who will be working with me. The 
administration is actively examining a range of hypotheses but has made 
no determination about the cause of the AHIs or whether they can be 
attributed to a foreign actor. I understand that AHIs have been a top 
priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health 
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the 
cause of these AHIs.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed there is nothing I take more seriously 
than the health and security of the people who will be working with me.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator James E. Risch

State Oversight
    Question. Currently, there are three public diplomacy outposts 
serving primarily a Palestinian audience, America Houses in East 
Jerusalem and Ramallah as well as an American Corner in Hebron.

   Do you support keeping these facilities outside of the U.S. embassy 
        compound?

    Answer. While I am not in a position to speak to the specific 
facilities of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, if confirmed I am 
committed to ensuring that the U.S. Embassy in Israel's capital, 
Jerusalem, enables our Government to carry out a full range of 
diplomatic activities, including public diplomacy engagement with local 
communities.

    Question. What value do public diplomacy sites focused on the 
Palestinian audience provide to U.S. foreign policy?

    Answer. I believe public diplomacy programs are valuable to U.S. 
national interests, as they allow the U.S. Government to communicate 
with local communities on our Government's strategic objectives. I 
understand that these are critical tools in our engagements with 
Palestinian communities as they encourage common values, such as the 
promotion of human rights, economic growth, freedom of speech, and 
upholding the rule of law.

    Question. Do you support completing the renovation of the America 
House in Ramallah?

    Answer. While I am not in a position to speak to the specific 
facilities of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, if confirmed I am 
committed to ensuring that our diplomatic presence enables our 
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, 
including engagement with local communities.

    Question. Mission Israel has been under enormous stress over the 
past five years with the move of the embassy to Jerusalem, changes to 
the Palestinian Affairs Unit, and COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Israel?

    Answer. Mission Israel is full of dedicated personnel committed to 
their jobs and carrying out U.S. foreign policy objectives. If 
confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative and inclusive 
work environment, and placing a priority on morale.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Israel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build a collaborative and 
inclusive work environment. I am committed to placing a priority on 
embassy morale.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Israel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to underscore my commitment to an 
inclusive and representative working environment in support of U.S. 
national interests and strengthening the U.S.-Israel partnership.

Management Is A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My management style is one that focuses on promoting a 
collaborative, inclusive, and representative environment that is 
focused on promoting U.S. national interests.

    Question. How do you believe this management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where processes and resources aren't as readily 
available as they may be at Main State?

    Answer. This style of management has served me well throughout my 
career and will translate well to an embassy setting. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working in partnership with the Embassy Jerusalem team 
to support an inclusive and collaborative environment that promotes 
U.S. national interests.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on the new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. I believe that it is important for us all, as 
representatives of the United States of America, to work towards 
serving our country to the best of our ability. If confirmed, I intend 
to fully integrate myself with the embassy team and look forward to 
supporting an inclusive and collaborative environment. We can't succeed 
any other way.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, this type of behavior is never acceptable.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with the 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. The deputy chief of mission is a key part of the embassy 
community and if confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative, 
inclusive, and constructive partnership with him or her.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to the deputy chief of mission 
being involved in all facets of embassy leadership and working in 
partnership with him or her to strengthen the U.S.-Israel relationship.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   Given your previous tenure as the Deputy Secretary of State for 
        Management and Resources, how do you assess the Department's 
        current risk balance?

    Answer. Advancement of U.S. foreign policy objectives inherently 
involves diverse types of risk, and it is the Department's policy that 
employees and leaders engage in risk management for the decisions and 
activities within the scope of their duties. All Department employees 
are expected to identify, evaluate, and mitigate any substantial risks 
to their objectives or to the enterprise in which they are engaged. 
Department leaders, including Chiefs of Mission, require the best 
possible assessment of risk, identification of mitigation measures, and 
evaluations of any remaining residual risk before making decisions. 
Department leaders ensure risk management is a continuous process that 
is adjusted as conditions change, and incorporated into planning and 
decision-making in a systematic, appropriate, timely and transparent 
manner by taking into account uncertainty and the impact on our 
capabilities to protect people, property, information and other assets.

    Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. The mission of a U.S. diplomat is to promote peace, support 
prosperity, and protect American citizens while advancing the interests 
of the United States abroad. U.S. diplomats are dedicated to public 
service and, even in dire situations, are committed to accomplishing 
their mission and advancing U.S. objectives.

    Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. I believe that it is important for U.S. diplomats to have 
access to, and engage with, a wide range of local populations if the 
security environment permits. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring 
that Embassy Jerusalem's diplomatic presence enables our Government to 
carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, including engagement 
with the local communities and government leaders.

    Question. Do you agree that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, 
should remain undivided, and should be the permanent place of the U.S. 
embassy to Israel?

    Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a 
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between 
Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the national 
visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will handle 
all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they 
deserve. The administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. 
Embassy in Jerusalem.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work diligently to see a 
new U.S. embassy constructed in Jerusalem?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working diligently to see a new 
U.S. embassy constructed in Jerusalem.

    Question. The administration has made clear its desire to open a 
consulate in Jerusalem for the Palestinians. It is my understanding 
that Israel would have to agree with the opening of a U.S. diplomatic 
facility in Jerusalem or anywhere else in Israel. Is that the case?

    Answer. Secretary Blinken has publicly announced the 
administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I 
understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement 
with the Palestinian people and leadership. While I cannot attest to 
all requirements necessary for opening a diplomatic facility, if 
confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem 
enables our Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic 
activities, including engagement with local communities and government 
leaders.

    Question. The Israeli Government has come out against a Palestinian 
consulate in Jerusalem. FM Yair Lapid said that the proposed reopening 
by the U.S. Government of its Jerusalem consulate would be a ``bad 
idea'' and would send the ``wrong message'' not only to the region and 
to the Palestinians, but to other countries as well, who might view 
this as a green light to establish their own embassies in what they 
perceive to be a Palestinian part of Jerusalem. In addition, such a 
move might destabilize the ``interesting, yet delicate'' coalition 
government. Will you pressure Israelis to reverse their opinion? Will 
you establish a consulate over Israeli objections?

    Answer. Secretary Blinken has publicly announced the 
administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I 
understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement 
with the Palestinian people and leadership. The United States has not 
recognized a ``State of Palestine.'' Reopening the Consulate General in 
Jerusalem would not affect that policy or walk back or change our 
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
    While I am not privy to internal U.S. Government conversations with 
the Government of Israel, if confirmed, I will handle all issues 
related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. Another legal obstacle to a Palestinian consulate is the 
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995, passed overwhelmingly by the U.S. House 
and Senate, which recognized united Jerusalem as the capital of Israel 
and states that ``Jerusalem should remain an undivided city.'' Does the 
Jerusalem Embassy Act prevent the United States from reopening a 
consulate for the Palestinians? What location for a Palestinian 
consulate would the 1995 law allow?

    Answer. I understand that Secretary Pompeo determined and reported 
to Congress in 2019 that the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem had officially 
opened, consistent with the requirements of the Jerusalem Embassy Act. 
I also understand the administration is committed, as am I, to keeping 
the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in 
Jerusalem will not affect that policy or walk back or change our 
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
    If confirmed, I will always work to ensure that all our policies 
are consistent with U.S. interests and applicable U.S. law.

    Question. If President Biden decided against (or Congress 
prohibited in law) the opening of a separate Consulate General to serve 
the Palestinian Authority, would you be prepared to carry out your 
duties as Ambassador to Israel with oversight of consular affairs in 
Palestinian-controlled territories?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy to Israel, which the U.S. Government has 
been clear will remain in Jerusalem, provides consular services to U.S. 
citizens and lawful permanent residents, as well as communities 
residing in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. The President and 
Secretary Blinken have reaffirmed the administration's intent as well 
to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem, to support renewed 
engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If confirmed, I 
will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem enables our 
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, 
including providing necessary consular services, and engaging with 
local communities.

    Question. The Biden administration is reportedly conducting a 
review with the goal to open a Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) 
office in the United States, despite the legal prohibitions under the 
1987 Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) and the 2019 Promoting Security and 
Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act (PSJVTA). Is the opening of a PLO 
office in the United States permissible under U.S. law? Can you commit 
to using your position as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, if confirmed, to 
advocating against any move to re-open the PLO office in the U.S., in 
contravention of U.S. law?

    Answer. I understand that the issue of the Palestinian presence in 
Washington is a complicated one, with a number of legal implications. 
If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that any possible reopening of 
a PLO office in Washington is consistent with U.S. interests in 
advancing peace and applicable U.S. law.

    Question. In 2019, the Trump administration officially recognized 
Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. In your view, what is the 
strategic benefit of Israel's sovereignty of the Golan Heights? Under 
what conditions would Israeli sovereignty not apply?

    Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I 
understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security. 
As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present 
in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with 
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides 
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. My 
understanding is that this administration has not changed U.S. policy 
on this important issue.
Foreign Assistance
    Question. There are promising reports about the effectiveness of 
the BriLife vaccine for COVID-19, which the American-Israeli company 
NRx Pharmaceuticals has brought to trial. If approved, this new vaccine 
could prove to be a game-changer in expanding access to safe and 
reliable COVID-19 vaccines across the developing world, while also 
providing a suitable alternative to less reliable vaccines from China.

   If confirmed, will you commit to working with Israel to make its 
        World Health Organization (WHO) and Federal Drug Administration 
        (FDA) approved COVID-19 vaccines available to low- and lower-
        middle income countries, including as in-kind contributions to 
        COVAX, as appropriate?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to working with Israel to make 
doses of its COVID-19 vaccines, authorized by the World Health 
Organization (WHO) and Federal Drug Administration (FDA), available to 
low- and lower-middle income countries, including as in-kind 
contributions distributed through COVAX.

    Question. Institutions in Israel annually request, and routinely 
secure, funding through the American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA 
program). Notably, ASHA is not a development program. Instead, it 
provides funds for infrastructure and equipment for overseas schools, 
libraries, and hospitals ``to highlight American ideas and practices, 
to provide concrete illustrations of the generosity of the American 
people, to further U.S. Government public diplomacy, and to catalyze 
collaborations between U.S. citizens and citizens of other countries''.

   Do you agree that the purpose of U.S. foreign assistance is to end 
        the need for its existence?

    Answer. U.S. foreign assistance serves important U.S. national 
security interests, including supporting our enduring partnership with 
Israel and priorities such as helping our allies and partners maintain 
stability and prosperity.

    Question. Noting that Israel is a High Income Country that already 
shares U.S. values, should institutions in Israel continue to be 
eligible for assistance through the ASHA program?

    Answer. While Israel is indeed a high-income country, I continue to 
value the importance of American Schools and Hospitals Abroad, and if 
confirmed, I commit to working to deepen the already existing 
partnerships in Israel.

    Question. If so, why? If not, how do you intend to graduate Israeli 
institutions from dependence upon ASHA funding for basic infrastructure 
and equipment?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the U.S. Agency for 
International Development, which administers the ASHA program, on this 
matter. ASHA programs serve as an important link between American 
institutions and our partners overseas.

    Question. Under what conditions, if any, would you support 
conditioning United States assistance to the West Bank and Gaza?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring U.S. assistance is 
well-calibrated to advance U.S. foreign policy interests. I understand 
that U.S. assistance provides critical relief to those in great need, 
fosters economic development, and supports Israeli-Palestinian 
understanding, security coordination, and stability. It also aligns 
with the values and interests of the United States and our allies and 
partners.

    Question. Would you support conditioning assistance upon measurable 
progress in rolling-back the Palestinian Authority's support for the 
heinous ``pay for slay'' program? If confirmed, would you make this a 
priority?

    Answer. The Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr payments is 
abhorrent. This administration and I are absolutely committed to 
working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr'' 
payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and international 
concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work done thus far through 
sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring that part of 
resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing reform of this 
heinous practice.

    Question. What forms of U.S. foreign assistance, if any, should be 
continued in the West Bank and Gaza, notwithstanding the PA's continued 
support for the ``pay for slay'' program?

    Answer. I understand the administration is committed to providing 
assistance in a manner that is consistent with U.S. law. U.S. foreign 
assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves important U.S. interests, 
including providing critical relief to those in great need, fostering 
economic development, and supporting Israeli-Palestinian security 
coordination. Economic and humanitarian assistance programs improve the 
lives of millions of Palestinians by providing immediate relief and 
advancing development across sectors such as health, infrastructure, 
economic growth, and civil society, while security sector programs 
support Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation to enhance the 
stability of the West Bank.

    Question. How would you define ``humanitarian assistance'' in the 
West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.

    Answer. U.S. humanitarian assistance for the West Bank and Gaza 
includes support to U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, other international 
organizations like the World Food Programme, and non-governmental 
organizations with the aim of providing immediate relief to the most 
vulnerable populations, including through support to needy households 
with food, clean water, and healthcare. Addressing immediate 
humanitarian needs, in combination with efforts to strengthen the 
Palestinian economy, civil society, and targeted infrastructure, helps 
eliminate a core source of social tension in the West Bank and Gaza and 
advances freedom, security, and prosperity for the Palestinian and 
Israeli people alike.

    Question. How would you define ``non-humanitarian assistance'' in 
the West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.

    Answer. U.S. foreign assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves 
important U.S. interests, including providing critical support to those 
in great need, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
Palestinian security coordination through economic, development, and 
security sector assistance. Economic and development programs for the 
West Bank and Gaza support critical issues that further progress toward 
peace such as our support for the development of the Palestinian 
economy, civil society, and other institutions to improve the lives of 
Palestinians and ensure the viability of a future Palestinian state. 
Assistance also supports youth engagement and employment activities, so 
that at-risk youth have access to positive forms of empowerment and are 
not lured by extremist groups. Further, U.S. assistance programs help 
small- and medium-sized enterprises to access financial and technical 
assistance to resume operations, build connections with traditional and 
new markets, and increase profitability. U.S.-funded security sector 
programs support Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation to enhance 
the stability of the West Bank, and advance efforts to uphold the rule 
of law and the protection of human rights and are a priority for both 
the United States and the Government of Israel.

    Question. The Taylor Force Act prohibits assistance that ``directly 
benefits'' the Palestinian Authority. What is your interpretation of 
``directly benefit''?

    Answer. I understand that, consistent with a report transmitted to 
Congress by the Department of State on May 3, 2018, the U.S. Government 
takes a number of criteria into account in assessing whether assistance 
``directly benefits'' the PA in this context, such as the intended 
primary beneficiary or end user of the assistance; whether the 
Palestinian Authority is the direct recipient of the assistance; 
whether the assistance involves the payment of Palestinian Authority 
creditors; the extent of ownership or control the Palestinian Authority 
exerts over an entity or individual that is the primary beneficiary or 
end user of the assistance; and whether the assistance or services 
provided directly replace assistance or services provided by the 
Palestinian Authority.

    Question. Despite compliance with the Taylor Force Act, opponents 
of continued assistance to the Palestinians argue that all money is 
fungible and that ESF to the Palestinian people relieves the 
Palestinian Authority of a burden and thus frees up additional funding 
for the pay to slay and martyr's program. Do you believe this to be 
true? Please provide a detailed response to this argument.

    Answer. The administration provides assistance in a manner 
consistent with U.S. law and through experienced, vetted, and trusted 
independent partners, who distribute directly to people in need. 
Further, I understand the administration goes to great lengths to 
provide assistance based on need and to advance important U.S. 
interests.

    Question. The Nita Lowey Partnerships for Peace Act (PPA) 
authorized $250 million annually for five years to support 
peacebuilding initiatives between Israelis and Palestinians, including 
through a ``People-to-People Partnership for Peace Fund'' at the U.S. 
Agency for International Development and a ``Joint Investment for Peace 
Initiative'' at the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation 
(DFC).

   If confirmed, how would you measure progress of these initiatives?

    Answer. I fully support the Nita M. Lowey Middle East Partnership 
for Peace Act (MEPPA). This legislation and the programs it would 
support are critical to strengthening civil society peacebuilding 
projects that build economic cooperation and people-to-people 
engagement between the Israeli and Palestinian people. If confirmed, I 
am committed to ensuring MEPPA is a vital tool of advancing U.S. 
foreign policy and supporting Israeli and Palestinian communities and 
cooperation. If confirmed, I plan to work with my colleagues at the 
DFC, USAID, and the Department of State to develop tools to measure the 
progress of this initiative.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that all 
partners and activities undertaken pursuant to the PPA--including at 
the sub-award level--are fully vetted and transparently reported to 
Congress?

    Answer. I understand the administration will provide assistance in 
the West Bank and Gaza through experienced and trusted independent 
partners, who distribute directly to people in need. The Department and 
the U.S. Agency for International Development have a robust vetting 
process to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources could 
inadvertently support Hamas or other terrorist groups. In addition, 
development and humanitarian partners in the West Bank and Gaza have 
aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at ensuring U.S. 
taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching those for whom we intend it to 
benefit. U.S. assistance is also closely coordinated with Israeli 
authorities.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage co-investment in PPA 
activities by Israelis and Palestinians, in addition to generating 
support by other donors?

    Answer. I believe the PPA and the programs it would support are 
critical to strengthening civil society peacebuilding projects that 
build economic cooperation and people-to-people engagement between the 
Israeli and Palestinian people. I appreciate your and Congress' broad 
support for MEPPA and, if confirmed, I am committed to ensuring MEPPA 
is a vital tool of advancing U.S. foreign policy and supporting Israeli 
and Palestinian communities and generating support with other donors.

    Question. Do you agree that all investments through a Joint 
Investment for Peace Initiative at the DFC must have a nexus to 
development, as envisioned by the BUILD Act which created the DFC?

    Answer. Yes, I agree that all investments through a Joint 
Investment for Peace Initiative at the DFC must have a nexus to 
development.

    Question. The Palestinian Authority recently passed a decree to 
``nationalize'' NGOs working in the West Bank and Gaza, ostensibly 
giving the PA access to their funding. What concerns does this raise 
for continued assistance to the West Bank and Gaza? What safeguards are 
in place to prevent the PA from syphoning funding from ``nationalized'' 
NGOs?

    Answer. I understand the administration is encouraging the 
Palestinian Authority to ensure that civil society organizations are 
free and empowered to engage fully in their activities, which support 
democratic, social, and economic development and are vital to a free 
and democratic Palestinian society and a viable future Palestinian 
state. I also understand the Department is closely following the 
conversation Palestinian civil society is having with the Palestinian 
Authority regarding this law and have engaged the Palestinian Authority 
on this issue. If confirmed, I plan to continue to monitor these 
efforts to ensure that U.S. assistance and civil society activities are 
not adversely affected and remain consistent with U.S. law.

    Question. Despite the cancellation of elections for Palestinian 
leadership, there are concerns that Hamas, a foreign terrorist 
organization, will play a greater role in the Palestinian political 
environment. Should Hamas play a broader role in Palestinian politics 
and hand Fatah a defeat at the polls, how you do reconcile Palestinian 
policy and counterterrorism policy? What are the implications for 
continued assistance to the Palestinian people and expenditures on 
Palestinian Security Forces?

    Answer. U.S. assistance for the Palestinians is provided consistent 
with U.S. law. I understand the Department routinely assesses its 
foreign assistance programming and would do so as necessary following 
Palestinian elections or any other significant change related to the 
Palestinian Authority.

Security Cooperation
    Question. The U.S. Israel Security Assistance Authorization Act, 
which was enacted into law in 2020, mandates not less than $ 1.3 
billion in security assistance to Israel. What is your position with 
respect to conditioning security assistance to Israel?

    Answer. I do not believe that conditioning security assistance to 
Israel furthers U.S. interests. The President has been clear that the 
administration does not support placing conditions on military aid to 
Israel.

    Question. Do you support fulfilling U.S. funding commitments 
outlined in the current 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)?

    Answer. I fully support the 10-year, $38 billion Memorandum of 
Understanding between the United States and Israel.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to opposing any efforts to 
impose new restrictions on security assistance to Israel, which is an 
important show of the United States' commitment to the security of our 
allies?

    Answer. The President has been clear that he does not support 
placing conditions on military aid to Israel. If confirmed, I commit to 
opposing any efforts to impose new restrictions on security assistance 
to Israel, consistent with the President's policy.

    Question. In light of recent violence between Israel and militants 
in the Gaza Strip, do you support emergency funding for the Iron Dome?

    Answer. Yes, I support emergency funding for the Iron Dome.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to expand U.S.-
Israel cooperation on the Iron Dome and other similar defense programs?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working to expand U.S.-Israel 
cooperation on the Iron Dome and other similar defense programs, 
consistent with the President's policy.

    Question. The 11 day war demonstrated that Israel's Iron Dome 
struggled to meet the demands of a one-front war with Hamas. A two-
front war with both Hamas and Hezbollah would present a much more 
significant threat. Is Israel's current number of Iron Dome batteries, 
radars and munitions sufficient to meet the threat of a two-front war? 
What are the associated capability gaps you will address as the 
Ambassador to Israel?

    Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The 
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and 
security, including its qualitative military edge in the region, 
consistent with U.S. law and policy. On May 20, President Biden assured 
Prime Minister Netanyahu of his ``full support to replenish Israel's 
Iron Dome system to ensure [Israel's] defense and security in the 
future.''
    I understand the administration is prepared to support President 
Biden's commitment to ensure Israel's right to defend itself from 
indiscriminate rocket attacks by assisting Israel in replenishing its 
Iron Dome Air Defense Missile System. If confirmed, I will work with 
Departments of State and Defense colleagues to see what can be done to 
assist Israel in replenishing its Iron Dome systems.

    Question. Israeli vessels have been subject to an increasing number 
of Iranian attacks, which threaten freedom of navigation in the Red Sea 
and beyond. As a result, Israel has increased its deployments in the 
Red Sea region. How can the U.S. better support Israeli efforts to 
protect freedom of navigation?

    Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The 
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and 
security, including its qualitative military edge in the region, 
consistent with U.S. law and policy, which is the best way the United 
States can support Israeli efforts to protect freedom of navigation.

    Question. One of Israel's top cyber security firms, NSO Group, is 
responsible for developing advanced cyber hacking technology, including 
Pegasus. NSO insists the software is used exclusively for the purposes 
of combatting terrorism and monitoring serious crime, underscoring the 
fact that the Israeli Government is responsible for vetting the 
company's sales. However, in recent years, numerous countries have been 
accused of using the software to spy civil society activists, 
journalists, and political dissidents among others.

   Do you feel the appropriate oversight checks are in place to 
        prevent Pegasus, and other cyber surveillance software like it, 
        from being used to commit human rights abuses?

    Answer. The U.S. Government has undertaken a number of steps over 
the last year to avoid tools or products from U.S.-based cyber-
surveillance companies being used abroad to undermine human rights. I 
understand that in October 2020, the Department of State released the 
first-of-its-kind ``human rights due diligence'' guidance to help 
businesses conduct a human rights impact assessment on relevant 
products or services and the Department of Commerce issued a Final Rule 
that revised the licensing policy for crime-control items in connection 
with human rights concerns, as well as expanded its consideration of 
human rights beyond crime controlled items. If confirmed, I will work 
with our bilateral partners to promote respect for and protect human 
rights.

    Question. To what extent do you feel NSO's licensing of the Pegasus 
spyware is done in a manner that complies with U.S. values and upholds 
U.S. national security interests?

    Answer. The United States condemns the harassment or extrajudicial 
surveillance of journalists, human rights activists, or other perceived 
regime critics. Just as states have the duty to protect human rights, 
businesses have a responsibility, too. Thus, they should work to avoid 
their products or services being used to abuse human rights. President 
Biden has affirmed that ``American leadership must meet this new moment 
of advancing authoritarianism.'' This commitment includes working to 
help U.S. companies avoid fueling authoritarian practices, stemming the 
use of new technological tools for repression, and giving citizens 
tools to improve their digital security. If confirmed, I will uphold 
this commitment and work with our bilateral partners to promote respect 
for and protect human rights.

    Question. The U.S.-Israel Security Assistance Cooperation Act 
passed in the FY21 NDAA allows the United States to waive statutory 
caps on the annual transfer of precision-guided munitions to Israel 
under section 514(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 
2321h(b)) under emergency circumstances. Would you consider a one front 
war with Hamas an emergency circumstance? A two front war with Hamas 
and Hezbollah? How do we balance U.S. PGM requirements and Israel's 
requirements?

    Answer. The President has made clear that the United States 
supports Israel's legitimate right to defend itself and I understand 
the administration is prepared to support President Biden's commitment 
to ensure this. While any escalation that risks war is not in our 
interests, I cannot speak to hypothetical questions.

United Nations
    Question. In 2012, you sent a letter to the Senate Appropriations 
Committee arguing against efforts to distinguish between Palestinian 
displaced by the conflict that led to the creation of Israel in 1948 
and their descendants, who the U.N. currently classifies as refugees. 
This distinction would reduce the number of UNRWA registered refugees 
from 5 million to 30,000.

   Do you still maintain that efforts to limit those who can claim 
        UNRWA refugee status would undermine U.S. interests in 
        advancing discussions between Israel and the Palestinian 
        Authority?

    Answer. Yes. My understanding is that the status of Palestinian 
refugees remains a highly sensitive issue among Palestinians and their 
supporters, including U.S. regional allies such as Jordan.

    Question. Who, in your view, should classify as an UNRWA refugee?

    Answer. My understanding is that the United States recognizes 
UNRWA's definition of Palestinian refugees for the purposes of UNRWA's 
operations. UNRWA's definition of ``Palestine refugees'' is: 
``[P]ersons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the 
period of June 1, 1946 to May 15, 1948, and who lost both home and 
means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict.'' Descendants of 
eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are eligible for registration with 
UNRWA for the purpose of accessing services. I understand this approach 
to including descendants is similar to that used by UNHCR in other 
protracted refugee situations, such as Afghanistan and Somalia.

    Question. Why does UNWRA require 10,000 more staff to advocate its 
regional mission than UNHCR to advance its global mission?

    Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is 
to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the 
five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which delivers most services to 
refugees through sub-partners, UNRWA employees include schoolteachers 
and health care workers who provide the services directly to 
beneficiaries.

    Question. Do you believe UNWRA should be absorbed by UNHCR, given 
UNHCR's efficiency and infrastructure?

    Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is 
to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the 
five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which works to deliver most 
services to refugees through sub-partners, UNRWA employees include 
schoolteachers and health care workers who provide services directly to 
beneficiaries. UNHCR's mandate focuses on seeking durable solutions 
(such as resettlement, repatriation, and local integration) for 
refugees, which cannot be adequately applied in the Palestinian context 
as these matters are final status issues to be negotiated directly 
between Israel and the Palestinians.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the 
appropriate Congressional committees prior to any consultations related 
to new U.S. contributions to UNRWA?

    Answer. The President and the Secretary have been clear that the 
administration is committed to working with Congress. I understand the 
Department has regularly engaged with Congressional committees since 
resuming humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people. If 
confirmed, I am committed to supporting the continuation of this 
approach.

    Question. How do you plan to work with UNRWA to advance reform, 
particularly as relates to anti-Semitic educational content of text 
books?

    Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any 
form. U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own 
curriculum, but use the curriculum of host governments. When concepts 
contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host governments' 
education materials, UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary 
materials for its staff to address the issue. If confirmed, I will 
emphasize the importance of following humanitarian principles, 
including neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.

    Question. In 1997, the Palestinian Authority signed an agreement to 
allow the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization (UNESCO) to establish a Liaison officer in Ramallah, and 
subsequently upgraded relations admitting the PA as a full member state 
in 2011. In response, both the U.S. and Israel withdrew their member 
status.

   The Biden administration is requesting a waiver to allow the U.S. 
        to re-join the body. In your view, should the United States be 
        a member of UNESCO?

    Answer. The President has stated he believes firmly that more can 
be accomplished by working within U.N. organizations than outside. 
However, I cannot speak to the administration's review of U.S. policy 
on UNESCO.

    Question. Section 410, Title IV of the FY 94-95 Foreign Relations 
Authorization Act (P.L. 103-236) prohibits the U.S. from making any 
voluntary or assessed contribution to the U.N. or any affiliated 
organization which grants full membership to an entity which lacks 
``the internationally attributes of statehood'' like the Palestinian 
Authority. If confirmed, can you commit to ensuring no U.S. funds are 
used to make a contribution to UNESCO or any other U.N. body that 
grants the PA full membership status?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all our policies, 
including with respect to U.N. contributions, are consistent with U.S. 
interests and applicable U.S. law.

    Question. How, in your view, should the United States address 
concerns around the body's politicization and alleged anti-democratic 
leanings? What specific reforms should UNESCO pursue before the United 
States rejoins the body?

    Answer. I understand the administration has been reviewing various 
aspects of its multilateral engagement. UNESCO leadership has made 
progress in helping member states avoid politicized debate on Middle 
East questions and should continue its efforts to counter any anti-
Israel bias in UNESCO decisions and resolutions. UNESCO should continue 
to build on its efforts to promote transparency and accountability in 
its personnel and financial management practices.

    Question. Recently, the Palestinian Authority threatened action to 
circumvent ascension protocols and seek a change in their status at the 
U.N.

   Do you believe this action promotes the Middle East peace process 
        and serves the needs of the Palestinian people?

    Answer. As a matter of principle, there are no shortcuts to 
Palestinian statehood outside of direct negotiations between the 
parties. This includes counterproductive unilateral steps to gain 
membership as a state in U.N. specialized agencies and other 
international organizations.

    Question. In your view, what consequences should the Palestinians 
face if they continue to attempt to gain membership in U.N. agencies?

    Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I will 
underscore to the Palestinians that unproductive, unilateral steps are 
not a shortcut to Palestinian statehood.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to prevent the 
Palestinian Authorities' pursuit of full membership in U.N. entities?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will underscore to the Palestinian 
leadership that unproductive, unilateral steps are not a shortcut to 
Palestinian statehood.

    Question. In 2018, the Trump administration withdrew from the 
United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) citing ``chronic anti-
Israel bias.'' Since, the Biden administration has re-engaged with the 
body, claiming U.S. absence did nothing to address its disproportionate 
focus on Israel. Do you share the Trump administration's assessment 
regarding the UNHRC's reported anti-Israel bias? What steps should the 
U.S. take to improve the UNHRC's impartiality?

    Answer. If confirmed, consistent with administration policy, I will 
oppose efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through 
one-sided resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United 
Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly, the 
Human Rights Council, and other bodies. When we have had a seat at the 
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have 
seen changes like a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting 
Israel.

    Question. What are your views on the U.N. Human Right Council's 
decision to open a commission of inquiry the wake of the 11 day Israel-
Gaza conflict in May?

    Answer. I understand that the United States strongly opposed the 
special session of the U.N. Human Rights Council following the 
escalation in Gaza in May. It exemplifies the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel. I believe the establishment of an 
open-ended Commission of Inquiry distracts from the diplomatic work 
necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and prosperity for 
Israelis and Palestinians, and ensure that terrorist organizations, 
including Hamas, do not exploit the situation, including by 
indiscriminate firing of rockets, to further their own destructive 
aims. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded 
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part 
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human 
Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states.

    Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will oppose, as I understand the 
administration does already, efforts to unfairly single out or 
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other 
actions across the United Nations, including the Security Council, the 
General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and other bodies. Equally, 
I will firmly oppose any unilateral provocative actions that risk 
sparking more violence and that undermine prospects for a just, durable 
resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, which 
ultimately requires two states. I will work to preserve the path to a 
two-state solution as the best way to ensure Israel's future as a 
Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state they 
seek. I will also continue and sustain diplomatic engagement on the 
issue of settlements.

    Question.  In March, the International Criminal Court (ICC) 
prosecutor opened an investigation into possible war crimes allegedly 
committed in the West Bank and Gaza. Do you believe that the ICC should 
be investigating a case involving alleged Israeli actions in the 
Palestinian territories? If yes, please explain.

    Answer. The United States shares the goals of the International 
Criminal Court (ICC) in promoting accountability for the worst crimes 
known to humanity. Further, the United States has always taken the 
position that the ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries 
that consent to it, or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council. 
I understand the administration continues to disagree strongly with the 
ICC's actions relating to the Palestinian situation.

    Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to 
investigate or bring to trial Israeli service members, officials, or 
other Israeli citizens? If yes, please explain.

    Answer. The United States has always taken the position that the 
ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries that consent to it, 
or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.

    Question. Do you believe the ICC's reputation has been diminished 
by recent attempts to prosecute United States and Israeli nationals? If 
no, please explain.

    Answer. The United States has always taken the position that the 
ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries that consent to it, 
or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.

Abraham Accords
    Question. What is your opinion on the Abraham Accords? What, if 
anything, has hampered additional normalization agreements?

    Answer. I welcome and strongly support the Abraham Accords and 
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and 
Muslim world. While identifying new opportunities and negotiating 
agreements takes time, if confirmed I am committed to working with 
countries across the region to build on existing relationships and 
develop new ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of 
relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools 
at our disposal. I also look forward to learning from Israel's new 
partners in the region to better understand how we can work together to 
advance new normalization agreements and strengthen existing ones.

    Question. How do you plan to operationalizing and expanding the 
existing Abraham Accords to ensure all parties reap tangible economic 
and security benefits?

    Answer. The Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between 
Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world have already made an 
important contribution to regional security and economic development, 
yet even more is possible. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and 
neighboring Arab countries that have normalized relations with Israel 
to identify and capitalize on the many new opportunities that these 
agreements have unlocked.

    Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been 
made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and 
Sudan.

    Answer. While the Israel-Sudan normalization agreement is yet to be 
finalized, I understand the two governments have made significant 
progress towards improving their relations since announcing their 
intention to normalize their relations on October 23, 2020. On January 
6, 2020, Sudan signed the Abraham Accords declaration of principles in 
a ceremony in Khartoum. On April 19, 2021, Sudan officially repealed 
its 1958 law boycotting Israel. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
with the Government of Israel to support the full implementation of the 
normalization agreement.

    Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been 
made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and 
Morocco.

    Answer. Since announcing their intention to normalize their 
relations on December 10, 2020, I understand Israel and Morocco have 
made significant progress in deepening their relations. On January 16, 
Israel reopened its Liaison Office in Morocco and Israel's Charge 
d'Affaires to Morocco, Dr. David Govrin, arrived in Rabat four days 
later. On February 9, Moroccan envoy Abderrahim Beyyoudh arrived in Tel 
Aviv to reopen Morocco's liaison office. In August 2021, the countries 
agreed to open embassies in the future. This diplomatic progress has 
been matched by similar progress in improving economic and social ties. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of Israel 
to ensure the strength of the Israeli-Moroccan partnership continues to 
grow.

    Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been 
made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and the 
United Arab Emirates (UAE). Which sectors do you feel should be 
targeted moving forward as we continue to build upon the historic 
normalization agreement between Israel and UAE?

    Answer. Since normalizing relations, I understand Israel and the 
UAE have enjoyed robust cooperation across a range of areas. Israel 
opened its embassy in the UAE on January 25, 2021 and officially 
inaugurated it on June 29 during Israeli Foreign Minister Lapid's visit 
to Abu Dhabi, the first official visit by an Israeli foreign minister 
since the announcement of the Abraham Accords. On February 26, the 
UAE's first ambassador to the State of Israel, Mohammad Mahmoud Al 
Khajah, was sworn in and he arrived in Israel on March 1. On March 12, 
the UAE announced it was setting up a $10 billion investment fund aimed 
at ``strategic sectors'' in Israel. On May 31, Israel and the UAE 
announced an agreement on a tax treaty. If confirmed I look forward to 
identifying new ways to deepen Israel-Emirati cooperation, including 
increasing trade and investment, building new vehicles to support 
academic and people-to-people exchanges, and expanding security 
cooperation.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of the progress that's 
been made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel 
and Bahrain?

    Answer. Since normalizing relations, I understand Israel and 
Bahrain have signed over a dozen Memoranda of Understanding covering 
cooperative initiatives in sectors ranging from healthcare to 
education. On March 30, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa of Bahrain issued 
a Royal Decree appointing Ambassador Khalid Yusuf Al-Jalahma as head of 
Bahrain's diplomatic mission to Israel, the first Bahraini envoy to the 
country. On September 3, Eitan Na'eh was nominated as Israel's first 
ambassador to Bahrain, the same day that Bahrain's Khalid Yusuf Al-
Jalahma presented his credentials to Foreign Minister Yair Lapid. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of Israel to 
nurture and grow this important new partnership.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to leverage the existing 
normalization agreements between Israel and its Gulf Arab neighbors, as 
well as Morocco and Sudan, to advocate for other countries to reach 
similar agreements with Israel?

    Answer. I welcome and strongly support the Abraham Accords and 
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and 
Muslim world. If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries 
across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new 
ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with 
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our 
disposal. I also look forward to learning from Israel's new partners in 
the region to better understand how we can work together to advance new 
normalization agreements and strengthen existing ones.

    Question. In your view, what tangible benefits does normalizing 
relations with Israel offer to Muslim Majority countries in the Middle 
East and beyond?

    Answer. The Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between 
Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world have made an 
important contribution to regional security and economic development 
and support U.S. national security interests. The Abraham Accords have 
empowered our partners in the region to work together on their shared 
security interests, created new channels for peaceful dialogue and 
exchange, and fostered a broader culture of tolerance across the 
region. They are also an engine of economic growth, having spurred new 
trade and investment deals that previously would have been impossible. 
Over time, these new economic initiatives will create opportunities for 
the young and marginalized communities across the region. As more 
countries in the Middle East and beyond normalize their relations with 
Israel, more opportunities for cooperation and economic development 
will emerge.

    Question. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, you will have 
the opportunity to interact with both the UAE and Bahraini Ambassadors 
to Israel--in addition to potentially hosting delegations or meeting 
with diplomats from other countries normalizing or considering 
normalization with Israel. Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
your Abraham Accords counterparts?

    Answer. I believe it is important to foster and promote the Abraham 
Accords and normalization agreements by identifying ways to strengthen 
and expand them. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, I look 
forward to meeting regularly with my counterparts from Abraham Accords 
countries to capitalize on these opportunities.

    Question. Some argue that the Trump administration's exit from the 
nuclear deal and maximum pressure against Iran coupled with its clear 
pro-Israel policies set the conditions for normalization under the 
Abraham Accords. Please provide your perspectives on this argument.

    Answer. The Abraham Accords have empowered our partners in the 
region to work together on their shared security interests, created new 
channels for peaceful dialogue and exchange, and fostered a broader 
culture of tolerance across the region. They are also an engine of 
economic growth, having spurred new trade and investment deals that 
previously would have been impossible. I believe these shared 
interests, including an interest in working together preserve stability 
in the region in the face of malign actors, were the core drivers 
behind the Abraham Accords and will continue to drive new normalization 
agreements in the future.

    Question. Some have argued that the Abraham Accords may set the 
conditions for a new multilateral security construct in the Middle East 
focused on the shared threat from Iran, countering violent extremist 
organizations, and transnational organized crime. What are your 
thoughts on the potential for new security constructs stemming from the 
Accords and what shape might these take? What do you see as your role 
as the Ambassador to Israel in driving these new constructs?

    Answer. I am committed to helping Israel build partnerships that 
further integrate Israel into the region. Any sustainable regional 
economic and security dialogue will need to include Israel, and 
normalization efforts have opened that door. If confirmed, I will work 
with Israel to identify ways to advance a structured regional dialogue 
that explores ways to reduce tensions, create pathways to de-
escalation, and manage mistrust.

Egypt/Jordan
    Question. Please provide your assessment of the Egyptian-Israeli 
relations? What are some of the key frictions points in your view? What 
steps should the United States take to resolve these issues?

    Answer. Peace between Egypt and Israel has lasted for more than 40 
years and both countries have extensive areas of cooperation, including 
security, intelligence sharing, economic and energy. I understand the 
Biden-Harris administration is eager to explore ways to support 
development of a warmer peace between Egypt and Israel, including 
through greater people-to-people and civil society ties. If confirmed, 
I look forward to working with my Egyptian counterpart and Israeli 
officials to strengthen all parts of this partnership.

    Question. In your view, what role does the Multilateral Forces 
Observer Mission (MFO) play in maintaining regional stability? Should 
the U.S. maintain existing levels of support?

    Answer. The Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) remains 
essential to both the treaty relationship between Israel and Egypt and 
the enduring peace and security within the region. The MFO continues to 
work as an intermediary between the treaty parties, enabling open and 
frequent communication between them to maintain strong mutual trust and 
cooperation. The MFO promotes confidence in the treaty, maintains 
dialogue between the parties, and assists them during a period when 
both face security challenges. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. 
support for the MFO and its critical mission.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of the Jordanian-Israeli 
relations? What are some of the key friction points in your view? What 
steps should the United States take to resolve these issues?

    Answer. Israel's relationship with Jordan is both vital and 
complex. Over the 30 years since they signed a peace agreement, they 
have forged strategic ties and developed cross-border business ties 
that employ thousands of Jordanians, signed valuable contracts 
exporting Israeli natural gas to Jordan, and have collaborated on the 
allocation of scarce water resources. While domestic considerations 
tied to Jordan's large Palestinian population have made it difficult 
for Jordan to fully embrace and grow its relationship with Israel, both 
appreciate the need for deeper ties. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with my Jordanian and Israeli counterparts as I work towards 
strengthening all parts of this partnership. I will also work to 
improve coordination between the two countries at the Haram Al-Sharif/
Temple Mount.

    Question. Since 1967, Jordan's custodial role over Temple Mount has 
helped maintain peace at one of the region's most contentious and 
divisive religious sites. For decades, religious worship at Temple 
Mount has been restricted to Muslims but in recent weeks the Israeli 
Government has authorized a growing number of Jewish worshippers to 
practice there.

   To what extent do you feel this shift if policy threatens to 
        trigger further instability in East Jerusalem?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the U.S. 
recognition of the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple 
Mount and to handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and 
sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. What specific steps would you propose the U.S. takes to 
address concerns over worship at Temple Mount? What role should Jordan 
play in these discussions?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration made clear that it 
recognizes the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, 
and it continues to respect the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, which 
recognizes the special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 
Muslim holy shrines in Jerusalem.
    While I am not privy to diplomatic discussions between the U.S. 
Government and its foreign counterparts, I understand that the U.S. 
Government hopes to partner with its counterparts to express the 
importance of maintaining calm and keeping flashpoints like the 
situation in Jerusalem-be it in the Old City, on the Temple Mount, or 
elsewhere-from igniting the situation.
    If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the U.S. recognition of 
the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount and to 
handling all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity 
that they deserve.

Lebanon
    Question. To what extent do you feel UNIFIL's current mandate is 
sufficient to oversee safety and security along the so-called Blue 
Line? Are there specific reforms to the mandate you feel the U.S. 
should pursue to help address Israel's ongoing security concerns?

    Answer. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) plays 
a critical role in ensuring security and stability along the Blue Line, 
limiting Hizballah's operations in southern Lebanon, and preventing 
escalation between Lebanon and Israel. I was glad to see that the 
United States worked with France and other partners to amend the 
mandate to allow UNIFIL to provide food, fuel, and medicine to the 
Lebanese Armed Forces, a key partner that provides an important 
counterweight to Hizballah's argument that it is the legitimate 
defender of Lebanon. Despite the success that UNIFIL has had in 
implementing its mandate to date, Hizballah continues to impede 
UNIFIL's access to key points along the Blue Line and openly flouts the 
arms embargo established under UNSCR 1701. If confirmed, I will work 
with UNIFIL and international partners to strengthen the mandate and 
enable UNIFIL to fully implement all aspects of that mandate.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to advance efforts to 
resume U.S.-mediated maritime talks between Israel and Lebanon? How do 
you feel the change in administration in both Israel and Lebanon 
impacts the likelihood of negotiations making tangible progress towards 
a viable resolution?

    Answer. The maritime boundary is a decision for both Israel and 
Lebanon to make. The administration remains committed to working with 
the parties toward an agreement benefiting both countries.

    Question. Hezbollah threatens Israel with precision-guided 
munitions often stored in densely packed urban areas. Should the United 
States sanction Hezbollah under the Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless 
Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Why or why not? How do you address 
the PGM threat to Israel?

    Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel is ironclad and, if 
confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States uses all the tools 
at our disposal to confront security threats to Israel, including from 
Hizballah. The U.S. Government remains committed to imposing sanctions 
on Hizballah and its financial supporters and enablers, and the 
Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control's 
designations on September 17, 2021 of members of a major financing 
network of Hizballah demonstrate this administration's commitment to 
continuing to target Hizballah's financial networks around the world. 
If confirmed, I also commit to consult with Congress about the range of 
U.S. efforts to counter Hizballah and support Israel's right to self-
defense.

The West Bank and the Palestinian Authority
    Question. In 2016, John Kerry argued there would be no ``separate 
peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the issue of 
Palestinian statehood.

   What are your views on Palestinian statehood and its ties to 
        additional normalization agreements?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels 
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab 
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to 
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis 
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state 
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will 
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create 
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between 
Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. Doesn't re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the 
peace process hinder prospects of further normalizations with Israel?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries 
across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new 
ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with 
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our 
disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in 
the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and 
Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
state solution.

    Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its 
ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of 
statehood and support for terrorism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian 
Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keep flash 
point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good 
governance and accountability that affect the standing of the 
Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that 
lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps 
that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the 
PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent 
upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the 
conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the 
Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic 
opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible 
eventual direct negotiations toward a two-state solution.

    Question. In your view, how do Israeli-Arab normalization 
agreements affect the prospects for Israel-Palestinian peace 
negotiations?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels 
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab 
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to 
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis 
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state 
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will 
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create 
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between 
Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. In 2012, you claimed ``final status issues can and must 
only be resolved between Israelis and Palestinians in direct 
negotiations.'' Do you still feel this is the case? If so, how would 
you support efforts to facilitate direct talks between the Israeli and 
Palestinians?

    Answer. I believe that final status issues can and must only be 
resolved between Israelis and Palestinians in direct negotiations. If 
confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance 
peaceful co-existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as 
help create the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state 
solution between Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. What do you view as the proper role for the U.S. to play 
in assisting the parties' efforts to reach an agreement?

    Answer. I believe the United States is in a position to help create 
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between 
Israelis and Palestinians, which is the best way to ensure equal 
measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for both people.

    Question. Do you agree that the only way to reach a lasting two-
state resolution to this conflict is through direct, bilateral 
negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians rather than one imposed 
by outside actors?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution achieved through 
direct, bilateral negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians is the 
best way to ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity 
for both people.

    Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its 
ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of 
statehood and terrorism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian 
Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza, and keep flash 
point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good 
governance and accountability that affect the standing of the 
Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that 
lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps 
that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the 
PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent 
upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the 
conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the 
Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic 
opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible 
eventual direct negotiations toward a two-state solution.

    Question. In August 2021, Israel rolled out several measures 
designed to strengthen the Palestinian Authority, including the 
extension of a $150 million dollar loan to the occupied West Bank. How 
can the U.S. work with the Israeli Government to ensure none of these 
funds are used to support the abhorrent pay for slay program?

    Answer. Both the United States and Israel are likeminded in their 
opposition towards this abhorrent practice. If confirmed, I am 
committed to working with the Israeli Government to ensure funds are 
not misused to support this heinous practice.

    Question. The Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Palestinian 
Liberation Organization (PLO) continue to incentivize and celebrate the 
use of violence against Israel through the egregious ``pay to slay'' 
program. In 2019 alone, the Palestinians spent $151 million dollars to 
support imprisoned terrorists and their families. In addition, to these 
prisoner payments, the PA and PLO maintain a ``martyrs' fund'' to help 
support the families of terrorist killed while carrying out violent 
acts against the Israeli state. There is concern the Biden 
administration's decision to re-establish relations with the 
Palestinians in a manner that failed to extract concessions with 
respect to their pay to slay program was a missed opportunity. How has 
the Biden administration's outreach set conditions for any reforms on 
pay to slay?

    Answer. While I am not in a position to comment on private 
diplomatic discussions, this administration and I, are absolutely 
committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and 
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and 
international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus 
far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring 
that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing 
reform of this heinous practice.

    Question. Despite opening the aperture of ESF and INCLE to the 
Palestinians, the State Department has achieved no progress on the pay-
to-slay policy. Please provide your roadmap for addressing this 
egregious practice.

    Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr 
payments is abhorrent. This administration and I are absolutely 
committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and 
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and 
international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus 
far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring 
that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing 
reform of this heinous practice.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to making efforts to address 
the Palestinian Authority's pay for slay program a priority?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, pursuing reform of this heinous practice 
is a priority for me.

    Question. What is your position on the viability of a two-State 
solution? Is it your sense that the tenure between the Israeli 
Government and the Palestinian authority has changed under the new 
administration led by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians alike. The administration has been clear that Israelis 
and Palestinians alike equally deserve to live in freedom, security, 
and prosperity. As such, the United States is strongly encouraging both 
the Palestinians and the Israelis to avoid unilateral actions including 
settlement activity, annexation, and demolitions, as well as incitement 
to violence and providing compensation for individuals imprisoned for 
acts of terrorism. If confirmed, I am committed to taking an 
affirmative and practical approach that encourages constructive, 
positive steps to keep the possibility of a negotiated two-state 
solution alive.

    Question. Please provide your views on the relative benefits and 
risks of ESF and INCLE expenditures targeted towards the Palestinian 
people and security forces.

    Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms 
advances our national security. Our most valued, dependable, and 
effective partner governments and security forces around the world 
uphold democratic values, respect human rights and fundamental 
freedoms, and hold those who violate human rights accountable. I 
believe that we must continue to create and maintain strong security 
relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured 
assistance, and frequent cooperation. Institutional reforms supported 
by U.S. security sector assistance are critical in building the 
capabilities necessary to maintain stability in the West Bank and 
improve the Palestinian Authority security forces. If confirmed, I am 
committed to ensuring that our security sector assistance further 
supports efforts to uphold the rule of law and the protection of human 
rights.

Gaza Strip and Hamas
    Question. In your view, does Hamas' targeting of civilian 
infrastructure in Israel constitute war crimes?

    Answer. Hamas's heinous rocket attacks on Israel in May only 
reinforced the Biden administration's ironclad resolve on Israel's 
security. I unequivocally condemn all rocket fire into Israel by 
terrorist groups Hamas and PIJ, and human rights abuses being committed 
in Gaza where Hamas, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization, 
exercises de facto authority. The U.S. Government supports Israel's 
inherent right of self-defense, including against rocket attacks from 
Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will be 
committed to stabilizing Gaza to prevent further conflict and loss of 
civilian life.

    Question. Hamas fighters reportedly position military tunnels and 
deploy rocket launches in close proximity to civilian infrastructure, 
like hospitals, schools, and mosques to limit the likelihood of an 
Israeli counterstrike. Is Hamas responsible for using Palestinian 
civilians as human shields to protect its military assets from Israeli 
counter strikes?

    Answer. I unequivocally condemn all rocket fire into Israel by 
terrorist groups Hamas and PIJ, and human rights abuses being committed 
in Gaza where Hamas, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization, 
exercises de facto authority. The President has made clear that the 
U.S. Government supports Israel's inherent right of self-defense, 
including against rocket attacks from Hamas and other Gaza-based 
terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will be committed to stabilizing Gaza 
to prevent further conflict and loss of civilian life.

    Question. The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields Act of 
2018 (P.L. 115-348) mandates sanctions on any member of Hezbollah or 
Hamas who ``knowingly orders, controls, or otherwise directs the use of 
civilians protected as such by the law of war to shield military 
objectives from attack.'' Under the law, the President is required to 
submit to Congress a list of, and impose financial sanctions on, each 
foreign person involved in the use of human shields by Hamas or 
Hezbollah ``on or after the date of enactment.'' Despite widespread 
reporting on Hamas's use of human shields, as of September 21, 2021, no 
action has been pursued under this act. If confirmed, can you commit to 
advocating for the imposition of sanctions under The Sanctioning the 
Use of Defenseless Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Please provide 
your assessment of Qatar's role with respect to Gaza. To what extent do 
you see it as a stabilizing influence?

    Answer. The President has made clear that the United States 
supports Israel's inherent right of self-defense, including against 
rocket attacks from Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups, and 
unequivocally condemns Hamas's human rights abuses in Gaza. If 
confirmed, I will support efforts by across the Government to use the 
tools at our disposal, including sanctions authorities, in countering 
terrorist actors like Hamas. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent 
future conflict. We can do this by working with partners, such as 
Qatar, through meeting humanitarian needs, including increasing access 
to water, sanitation, and hygiene services, and increasing levels of 
electricity and freedom of movement, while facilitating political and 
physical reintegration in the West Bank. Qatar has played a stabilizing 
role in Gaza, and I believe their strong partnership with the 
Government of Israel will continue to help stabilize the situation.

    Question. What is your position on Qatari assistance to the Gaza 
Strip? Can you commit to working with the U.N. and the Government of 
Israel to ensure it IS delivered in a manner that's consistent with 
Israeli and U.S. national security interests?

    Answer. I understand the United States is committed to working with 
the international donor community to support the Palestinian people. If 
confirmed, I am committed to working with the United Nations and 
Government of Israel to ensure assistance to Gaza is delivered a manner 
that is consistent with U.S. and Israeli national security interests.

    Question. To what extent is assistance to Gaza subject to diversion 
by Hamas?

    Answer. I understand the U.S. Government provides assistance in a 
manner consistent with U.S. law and does not direct assistance to 
Hamas. The Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development 
have a robust vetting process to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government 
resources could inadvertently support Hamas or other terrorist groups. 
In addition, our development and humanitarian partners in the West Bank 
and Gaza have aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at 
ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance reaches its intended 
recipients.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of Egypt's role in Gaza 
and its relationship with Hamas.

    Answer. I believe that Egypt plays an important stabilizing role in 
Gaza, exhibited by Egypt's critical efforts to achieve a cessation of 
hostilities during the conflict in May.

    Question. In August 2021, Egypt reportedly closed its main border 
point with the Gaza Strip, Rafah crossing, over ``differences'' between 
Cairo and Hamas with respect to the latest Egypt brokered ceasefire. 
Specifically, officials have cited concerns over the lack of progress 
in indirect talks with Israel following the 11 day war in May and 
efforts to reconcile the militant Palestinian factions that dominate 
Gaza Strip. Do you share these concerns?

    Answer. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future conflict. 
We can do this through meeting humanitarian needs, including increasing 
access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and increasing levels 
of electricity and freedom of movement, while facilitating political 
and physical reintegration in the West Bank. An effective humanitarian 
response requires adequate access to Gaza to allow reputable, vetted 
organizations to meet emergency needs; continued and regular opening of 
border crossings; fast-track processing of humanitarian convoys; and 
the unimpeded movement of relief and recovery supplies, including 
critical goods required to meet the needs of Palestinian families.

    Question. What is your position on the blockade over Gaza that 
Egypt and Israel imposed following Hamas's ascension to power in 2007? 
In your view, should this blockade be lifted? If so, on what basis?

    Answer. I believe we must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future 
conflict. We can do this through meeting humanitarian needs, including 
increasing access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and 
increasing levels of electricity and freedom of movement, while 
facilitating political and physical reintegration with the West Bank. 
If confirmed, I am committed to working with the international 
community and Government of Israel to support these humanitarian 
efforts.

    Question. Given Hamas' continued control over Gaza, what are some 
of the obstacles to post-conflict recovery?

    Answer. Hamas is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 
accordance with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act 
(INA) and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive 
Order 13224. I understand U.S. engagement in the West Bank and Gaza and 
with the Palestinians is consistent with U.S. law. Given Hamas's role, 
many partners have similar restrictions on operating in Gaza.

    Question. Do you agree that there are significant challenges to 
assisting with long-term reconstruction in the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip? 
In your view, what impact would reconstruction efforts have on Hamas' 
credibility and legitimacy?

    Answer. Yes, I agree there are significant challenges to assisting 
with long-term reconstruction in Gaza and I understand U.S. engagement 
in the West Bank and Gaza and with the Palestinians is consistent with 
U.S. law. I also understand relief and recovery efforts are done in 
coordination with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and 
international donors in a manner that does not permit Hamas to restock 
its arsenal or achieve any legitimacy.

    Question. Please address concerns that long-term reconstruction 
projects in Gaza would merely serve to bolster Hamas' rule much to the 
detriment of the Palestinian people?

    Answer. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future conflict. 
I believe relief and recovery efforts should be done in coordination 
with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and international 
donors in a manner that does not permit Hamas to restock its arsenal.

Iran and Its Proxies
    Question. Please provide an assessment of the threat Iran poses to 
the security of Israel, including a detailed assessment of the extent 
of support it provides to its proxies, like Hezbollah and Palestinian 
Islamic Jihad (PIJ) which pose similar dangers to Israeli sovereignty 
and the safety of its citizens.

    Answer. Israel believes Iran is the greatest threat to its 
security. As Secretary Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have 
said, the United States is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a 
nuclear weapon, and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies 
and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. An Iran 
with a nuclear weapon is likely to act even more provocatively when it 
comes to these issues. The administration has fundamental problems with 
Iran's actions across a series of issues, including its support for 
terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its support to armed militant 
groups, and its destabilizing actions in the region. Our partners in 
the region share a similar concern.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of the threat Hezbollah 
poses to Israeli security.

    Answer. Israel's top national security priorities are forestalling 
Iran's nuclear ambitions, preventing the proliferation of advanced 
weaponry across the region, and ending support to terrorist 
organizations, particularly Hizballah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic 
Jihad. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to 
Israel's security. The President and the Secretary have been clear that 
this administration has fundamental problems with Iran's behavior 
throughout the region, including acts committed by Iranian-backed 
militia groups. If confirmed, I commit to working with my Israeli 
counterparts to strengthen all facets of the U.S.-Israel partnership.

Iran
    Question. In your view, should the United States make addressing 
Iran's support to its proxies like Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) a 
priority? If so, how should efforts to limit Iran's regional aggression 
fit into the Biden administration's efforts to pursue a mutual U.S.-
Iranian return to the 2015 Iran Nuclear Agreement, otherwise known as 
the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA.)

    Answer. Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and other Iranian-backed 
terrorist and militant groups pose a serious threat to the security of 
Israel and to that of the Middle East. The United States is fully 
committed to working with Israel and our other partners in the region 
to deter and defend against these threats, using the full spectrum of 
tools available. Regarding Iran's nuclear program, the administration's 
goal is first to return to mutual compliance with the JCPOA, and then 
to build on that to address other areas of concern, including Iran's 
ballistic missile development and proliferation, and support for 
terrorism. I support using a variety of policy tools to strengthen the 
constraints on Iran's nuclear program and address other issues of 
concern.

    Question. Israel faces constant threats from terrorist 
organizations including Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) in 
Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and various Iran backed militia groups in 
Syria. If confirmed, how do you plan to work with the Government of 
Israel to address the threat Iran and its proxies pose to Israel's 
security?

    Answer. The President has made clear that the United States remains 
unwavering in its commitment to Israel's security. The President and 
the Secretary have also been clear that this administration has 
fundamental problems with Iran's behavior throughout the region, 
including acts committed by Iran backed militia groups. If confirmed, I 
commit to working with my Israeli counterparts to strengthen all parts 
of the U.S.-Israel partnership.

    Question. Do you support Israel's right to defend itself from 
terrorist attacks?

    Answer. Yes. The United States has a long-standing, unshakable 
commitment to Israel's security.

    Question. What role should the U.S. play in safeguarding Israeli 
sovereignty and security?

    Answer. The United States should maintain its unwavering commitment 
to Israel's security and work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-
Israel partnership.

    Question. Since taking office, President Biden has made 
facilitating a U.S. return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action 
(JCPOA) a priority for his administration, and, in February, appointed 
Rob Malley as Special Envoy for Iran to oversee such efforts. Since, 
Special Envoy Malley has engaged in several rounds of indirect talks in 
Vienna, Austria aimed at facilitating a mutual U.S.-Iran return to 
JCPOA.

   After the 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal was signed, the Israeli 
        Government, as with our Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 
        partners, made clear, both publicly and privately, their 
        discontent over the lack of consultations prior to the U.S. 
        entry into the agreement. If confirmed, can you commit to 
        ensuring the U.S. consults Israel prior to any U.S. re-entry 
        into the JCPOA?

    Answer. Yes. I understand that the Department, and in particular 
Special Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, has been in close contact with 
our Israeli partners and will continue consulting closely with them 
throughout this process. I also understand that former U.S. ambassador 
to Israel Dan Shapiro has also recently joined the State Department and 
remains in close consultation with Israel over Iran.

    Question. In your view, how extensive should these consultations 
be? To what extent should the U.S. be responsive to Israeli concerns 
over Iranian proxy activity in the context of talks with Iran?

    Answer. I understand that the Department, and in particular Special 
Envoy Malley and senior advisor Ambassador Dan Shapiro, have been in 
close contact with, and updated, our Israeli counterparts extensively 
throughout the negotiations. If confirmed, I will continue to consult 
deeply and continuously with our Israeli partners on all dimensions of 
Iran policy.

    Question. Further, many have characterized Special Envoy Malley's 
consultations as ``one-way'' and not responsive to their concerns. Do 
you commit to extensive consultations with Israel prior to making 
concessions to Iran?

    Answer. I understand that the Department, and in particular Special 
Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, and senior advisor Ambassador Dan Shapiro 
have been in close contact with partners in Israel and among the Gulf 
Arab states, and will continue consulting closely with these key 
partners as this process proceeds. Every one of us shares a common 
interest: seeing to it that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

    Question. Can you commit to seeking Israel's concurrence before the 
U.S. and Iran finalize any arrangement or agreement related to Iran's 
nuclear program?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to consult deeply and 
continuously with our Israeli partners on the nuclear negotiations and 
on preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you manage disagreements with 
Israel over Iran policy?

    Answer. I believe the Biden-Harris administration has conducted 
itself with a great deal of transparency, knowing that the United 
States and Israel share a common interest: seeing to it that Iran never 
acquires a nuclear weapon. I believe diplomacy, in coordination with 
our allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that 
goal.

    Question. How do you address criticisms that the Biden 
administration's decision to re-engage with Iran merely served to 
isolate Israel and our Gulf partners?

    Answer. The Biden--Harris administration has made clear that the 
United States has an ironclad commitment to Israel's security. 
Alongside that commitment, the administration is focused on de-
escalating tensions, putting out the fires of conflict in Yemen, Libya, 
and Syria, and enhancing stability throughout the Middle East. The 
Department has updated Israeli and Gulf counterparts regularly before 
and after negotiation rounds, and is regularly engaged in discussions 
on its work to constrain and contain Iran's destabilizing regional 
activities. In fact, the administration's sustained diplomatic 
engagement with allies and partners has ensured a more united, better 
coordinated, and more consistent approach in countering the Iranian 
threat and advancing our shared goals in the region.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working with the Special 
Envoy for Iran, Rob Malley, to ensure Israeli concerns are addressed in 
the context of talks aimed at facilitating a U.S.-Iran re-entry into 
JCPOA? How would you do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Malley and 
other colleagues in the administration to continue to consult deeply 
and continuously with our Israeli allies on the nuclear negotiations 
and on preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon.

    Question. The Biden administration has indicated that it will 
address Iran's ballistic missile program and regional terrorism in 
follow-on agreements. Should the United States and Iran rejoin the 
JCPOA, what leverage does the United States possess to encourage follow 
on agreements? Iran's leadership has refused to address regional 
terrorism. How likely is Iran to engage in discussions on its ballistic 
missile program and support for regional terrorism?

    Answer. As the President has said, the goal is first to return to 
mutual compliance with the JCPOA, and then to build on that to address 
other areas of concern, including Iran's ballistic missile development, 
proliferation, and support for terrorism using a variety of policy 
tools to strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program and 
address other issues of concern. The administration will consult 
closely with our allies and partners in the region on ways to address 
this moving forward.

    Question. Should the Iranian regime refuse to rejoin the JCPOA, 
what is ``Plan B'' to address Iran's nuclear program, ballistic missile 
program, and support to terror proxies?

    Answer. The administration has made clear that it believes that 
diplomacy is the best path forward on the nuclear challenge at this 
time. In the event Iran refuses to return to mutual compliance with the 
JCPOA, the administration is prepared to leverage all applicable 
authorities, including sanctions against Iran, as well as the support 
of allies and partners around the world, to prevent Iran from ever 
acquiring a nuclear weapon and to defend U.S. vital interests.

    Question. Do you support Israel's freedom to take unilateral 
military action against Iran's nuclear program, its terror proxies, and 
ballistic missile program? Under what conditions would you constrain 
Israel's freedom of action?

    Answer. The President has made clear that the U.S. commitment to 
Israel's security is ironclad. I support Israel's freedom of action to 
counter Iran's destabilizing activities and the United States will not 
take any action that jeopardizes Israel's security.

Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) Movement
    Question. Please provide your assessment of the boycott, divest, 
sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel.

    Answer. This administration and I firmly reject the BDS movement, 
which unfairly singles out Israel. While the administration will fully 
and always respect the right to freedom of expression, the United 
States will be a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize 
Israel. We will continue to support Israel's further integration into 
the international community.???

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to prioritizing efforts to 
fight boycott, divest, and sanctions (BDS) Israel globally? If so, how 
would you use your position to do so?

    Answer. If confirmed, while respecting the rights of all Americans 
to free speech, I will continue the tireless work of this 
administration to firmly reject the BDS movement and boycott laws that 
unfairly single out Israel and I will continue to support Israel's 
further integration into the international community.???

    Question. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has publicly 
stated that he will not annex West Bank territory, nor permit it to be 
incorporated into a Palestinian state, though he does intended to 
pursue additional construction in the settlements. Do you believe 
Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal? If so, on what 
grounds?

    Answer. The two-state solution is the best way to ensure Israel's 
future as a Jewish and democratic state, and to give the Palestinians 
the state they seek. I firmly oppose any unilateral provocative actions 
that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects for a 
just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and 
Israelis, which ultimately requires two states. I will continue to 
oppose any unilateral action that undermines the prospects for genuine 
progress and peace, whether that is settlement activity, home 
demolitions, annexation of territory, incitement to violence, or 
compensation for individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism. I am not 
in a position to speak to the administration's legal views. If 
confirmed, I will work to preserve the path to a two-state solution, as 
the best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and democratic state 
and to give the Palestinians the state they seek.

China
    Question. In recent years, commercial ties between Israel and China 
have grown significantly, as reflected in the Israeli decision to award 
numerous infrastructure projects to Chinese building conglomerates.

   Please provide your assessment of bilateral relations between 
        Israel and China.

    Answer. Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China 
is a defining feature of the 21st century. As Israel is a world leader 
in developing innovative technology with military, civilian, and dual-
use applications, I understand the administration remains deeply 
concerned by PRC attempts to extend influence and acquire dual-use 
technology through acquisition and investment in Israel.

    Question.  Specifically, what, if any, concerns do you have about 
Israeli cooperation with China and the impact on core U.S. national 
security interests?

    Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by 
the People's Republic of China to extend influence and acquire critical 
and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in Israel. 
The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance 
investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such 
an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory 
structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a 
responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that 
benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national 
security.

    Question. In your view, to what extent should Israeli-Chinese 
relations shape and inform Israel's relationship with the U.S.?

    Answer. Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China 
is a defining feature of the 21st century. While the administration 
remains deeply concerned with attempts by the People's Republic of 
China to extend influence and acquire critical and dual-use technology 
through acquisitions and investment in Israel, the United States views 
close cooperation with Israel as important to our security and 
intelligence partnership.

    Question. In 2019, in response to U.S. concerns over growing 
Chinese investment, Israel announced the establishment of an advisory 
committee, led by the Finance Ministry, to oversee and evaluate foreign 
investments in Israel. Right now, that committee is an inadequate 
mechanism and lacks a broad enough scope to protect high technology 
firms. Only foreign investments in the Israeli financial, 
communications, infrastructure, transportation, and energy sectors are 
subject to regulatory approval. Israel is a world-leader in high 
technology industries. Without a mechanism empowered to review in high 
technology firms, Israel will lack the ability to ensure controlling 
and non-controlling investments in these companies do not disadvantage 
Israel's national security. If confirmed, can you pledge to work with 
the Government of Israel to improve oversight of foreign commercial 
investment in Israel, particularly as relates to dual use technology 
and infrastructure?

    Answer. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory 
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are 
concerns as to its effectiveness, especially its lack of coverage for 
the high-tech sector. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of 
Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to 
identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment, 
including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data, 
and critical infrastructure.

    Question. From your perspective, what specific reforms should the 
U.S. seek from Israel to help improve its existing foreign investments 
oversight regime?

    Answer. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory 
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are 
concerns as to its effectiveness, especially its lack of coverage for 
the high-tech sector. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of 
Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to 
identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment, 
including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data, 
and critical infrastructure.

    Question. Can you commit to working with the Government of Israel 
to ensure its investment oversight regime covers high tech industries?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to 
strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to identify and 
mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment, including 
investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data, and 
critical infrastructure.

    Question. The United States has growing concerns with China's 
economic relationship with Israel. Given the relative weakness on 
Israel's committee on foreign investment and issues highlighted by the 
China's involvement in Haifa port, how do you effectively decouple 
China from Israel?

    Answer. The United States views close cooperation with Israel on a 
variety of national security topics including foreign investment risk 
management as important to our security and intelligence partnership. 
If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen 
its foreign investment advisory committee to identify and mitigate 
risks associated with foreign direct investment, including investments 
involving critical technologies, sensitive data, and critical 
infrastructure.

Russia
    Question. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett is scheduled to 
travel to Moscow for a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in 
the coming weeks. This will form the basis for joint Israeli-Russian 
cooperation on a number of issues, including Iran's role in Syria which 
remains a top priority concern. Please provide your perspective on the 
Israeli Russian relationship.

    Answer. Russia views its military intervention in Syria as helping 
to solidify a dominant influence in the Middle East and is responsible 
for enabling numerous atrocities on the ground. While we routinely 
condemn Russia's brutal military intervention in Syria on behalf of the 
Assad regime, we recognize Russia has influence on the ground and that 
Israel wishes to test that influence with regards to curbing Iran's 
presence in Syria. The U.S. Government has found narrow areas in which 
to engage with Russia in Syria, for example to extend cross-border 
humanitarian access into Syria through Security Council Resolution 
2585, and we will continue to explore additional avenues for discussion 
if they are to the benefit the Syrian people and stability in the 
region.

    Question. How does the U.S.'s failure to mitigate the threat Iran 
and its proxies pose to Israeli security impact Israel's relationship 
with Russia? In your view, does it make Israel more reliant on Russia 
given the former's active ties with destabilizing actors like Iran and 
its proxy, Hezbollah?

    Answer. Israel's security posture is independent of Russia's 
presence due to Iran's destabilizing tactics through Hizballah and 
other proxies allowing it to focus on subversive activities by those 
responsible.

VISA Waiver Program
    Question. President Biden in his recent meeting with Prime Minister 
Bennett committed to advance a process to see Israel join the visa 
waiver program. If confirmed, can you commit to making it a priority to 
advance the President's commitment?

    Answer. The administration is fully supportive of Israel joining 
the Visa Waiver Program once it meets all the requirements for 
participation in the program. If confirmed, it is a priority for me to 
advance the President's commitment.

    Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure an efficient visa 
process that allows eligible Israelis to travel to the United States?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to ensure an efficient visa 
process that allows eligible Israelis to travel to the United States.

    Question. Will you work with the Israelis to help bring down the 
refusal rate for Israelis applying for visas?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel 
toward meeting all requirements for participation in the Visa Waiver 
Program.

Non-Defense Cooperation
    Question. If confirmed, how will you work to expand trade and 
deepen the economic cooperation with Israel?

    Answer. Advancing the depth and breadth of the bonds between our 
people, including our ever-expanding economic relationship, remains a 
top priority for me. Israel is a world leader in innovation, research 
and development, and its start-up economy is safe and welcoming for 
U.S. businesses, with American companies establishing two-thirds of the 
more than 300 foreign-invested research and development centers in 
Israel. If confirmed, I will build on these robust relationships to 
expand trade and deepen economic cooperation with Israel.

    Question. If confirmed, what areas of the U.S.-Israel relationship 
will be priorities for you?

    Answer. The U.S.-Israeli relationship has long been based on both 
common values and strategic interests. We remain united in our shared 
commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security. 
Should I have the honor of being confirmed, maintaining the U.S. 
Government's ironclad commitment to Israel's security, advancing the 
depth and breadth of the bonds between our people, including our ever-
expanding economic relationship, working with a fellow democracy to 
oppose international institutional bias and promote human rights at 
home and abroad, and supporting the Abraham Accords and exploring new 
opportunities to advance normalization efforts are some of my top 
priorities.

    Question. What areas of the relationship do you think can be 
strengthened?

    Answer. Upholding Israel's security serves America's national 
security interests and ensures that we will always have a strong, 
reliable, and secure partner. If confirmed, I will work closely with 
Israeli partners to address critical threats from Iran and Iranian-
backed militias and will work to strengthen Israel's foreign investment 
advisory committee to identify and mitigate risks associated with 
foreign direct investment, including investments involving critical 
technologies, sensitive data, and critical infrastructure. By making 
Israel more secure and opening new channels for constructive dialogue 
and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab world, normalization 
agreements also bring with them the potential to create new 
opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis and 
Palestinians. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all 
opportunities to advance peaceful co-existence between Israel and its 
Arab neighbors, as well as help create the conditions for direct 
negotiations of a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. In July, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) announced 
a permanent, three person commission to investigate alleged Israeli war 
crimes during the conflict in Gaza earlier this year. Recent reporting 
indicates that all three members--Navi Pillay, Miloon Kothai, and Chris 
Sidoti--hold anti-Israel views. I'm concerned that the composition of 
this commission makes it all too likely that this is just another anti-
Israel attack by a commission that should be focusing on the ongoing 
genocide of Uyghurs and Muslims in China, or on Cuba's human rights 
violations of peaceful protesters, or at least a dozen other countries.

   If confirmed, what steps would you take to cooperate with the 
        Israeli Government to counter this blatant anti-Israel 
        sentiment at the U.N.?

    Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of 
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the escalation in Gaza in May. 
It exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on Israel. The 
establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry distracts from the 
diplomatic work necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and 
prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians, and ensure that terrorist 
organizations, including Hamas, do not exploit the situation, including 
by indiscriminate firing of rockets, to advance their own destructive 
aims. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded 
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part 
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human 
Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states.

    Question. In May of this year, Hamas and other Palestinian 
terrorists launched more than 4,000 rockets that targeted Israeli 
civilians. As you know, shortly after this, the Biden administration 
announced that it would re-open the consulate general in Jerusalem. 
U.S. law is clear that Jerusalem is the undivided capital of Israel. 
Re-opening this consulate sends the wrong message.

   Do you support re-opening the consulate in Eastern Jerusalem?

    Answer. In May, Secretary Blinken publicly announced the 
administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I 
understand that this is a component of the administration's renewed 
engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If confirmed, I 
will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem enables our 
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, 
including engagement with the local communities and government leaders.

    Question. In your opinion, how does re-opening the Consulate comply 
with the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?

    Answer. I understand that the Jerusalem Embassy Act restricted 
certain funding for the Department of State until the Secretary 
determined and reported to Congress that the U.S. Embassy to Israel had 
officially opened in Jerusalem. During the Trump administration, 
Secretary Pompeo determined and reported to Congress in 2019 that the 
U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem had officially opened, consistent with the 
requirements of the Jerusalem Embassy Act. I understand the 
administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in 
Jerusalem as called for by the Act. Reopening the Consulate General in 
Jerusalem would not affect that policy or walk back or change our 
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
    If confirmed, I will always work to ensure that all our policies 
are consistent with U.S. interests and applicable U.S. law.

    Answer. Are you aware of other cases where the U.S. operates both a 
consulate and an embassy in the same city?

    Answer. I cannot speak to the global U.S. diplomatic presence, 
however I understand that the Department uses a variety of diplomatic 
and consular platforms to best serve U.S. interests around the world 
and maintained a Consulate General and Embassy in Jerusalem 
simultaneously from May 2018 to March 2019. The Biden-Harris 
administration has made clear that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel 
and the U.S. Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Jerusalem itself is a 
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between 
Israel and the Palestinians.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Do you believe, as is the policy of the United States, 
that we must assist the Government of Israel with its ongoing efforts 
to forge a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian 
conflict that results in two states living side-by-side in pace and 
security and to encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's 
right to exist as a Jewish state?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels 
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab 
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to 
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis 
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state 
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will 
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create 
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between 
Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. As the President's nominee, do you agree that our 
diplomatic presence in Jerusalem through our Embassy is sufficient to 
meet the consular needs of Palestinians?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy to Israel, which the United States 
Government has been clear will remain in Jerusalem, provides consular 
services to U.S. citizens and permanent residents, as well as local 
communities residing in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. The 
President and Secretary Blinken have reaffirmed the administration's 
intent as well to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem, to support 
renewed engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem 
enables our government to carry out a full range of diplomatic 
activities, including engagement with the local communities and 
government leaderships.

    Question. While the opportunities for partnership are significant, 
there are also those who worry about China's growing relationship with 
Israel and needed proper guardrails in place when seeking to work on 
technology together. If confirmed, how would you seek to deepen the 
U.S.-Israel partnerships in emerging tech while seeking to deter the 
Israelis from taking steps closer to China?

    Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by 
the People's Republic of China (PRC) to extend influence and acquire 
critical and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in 
Israel. The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance 
investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such 
an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory 
structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a 
responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that 
benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national 
security. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory 
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are 
concerns as to its effectiveness, given the voluntary nature of its 
coverage and its lack of coverage for the high-tech sector. If 
confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen its 
foreign investment advisory committee to minimize exposure to national 
security risks, including the acquisitions of critical technologies, 
sensitive data, and critical infrastructure.

    Question. What untapped opportunities exist for mutual exchanges to 
deepen our bilateral research and innovation relationship?

    Answer. Advancing the depth and breadth of the bonds between our 
people, including our ever-expanding economic relationship remains a 
top priority for me. Israel is a world leader in innovation, research 
and development and Israel's start up economy is safe and welcoming for 
U.S. businesses, with U.S. companies establishing two-thirds of the 
more than 300 foreign-invested research and development centers in 
Israel. Three U.S.-Israel bi-national foundations have provided over 
$1.2 billion for joint science and technology projects and both sides 
signed a new Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement that entered 
into force in December 2020. If confirmed, I plan to build on these 
already robust relationships to promote further cooperation in 
bilateral research and innovation, including working with Israel to 
strengthen foreign investment risk management which is a key investment 
in the innovation relationship between the United States and Israel.
    In addition, collaboration made possible because of the Abraham 
Accords and in the Eastern Mediterranean, including with the Eastern 
Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) and 3+1 mechanism, presents new 
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. These 
efforts can help promote Israel's regional integration and greater 
cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity throughout the 
region. If confirmed, I look forward to expanding these efforts.

    Question. A developing story from September 21 is that progressive 
Democrats in the House of Representatives have stripped funding for 
Iron Dome--Israel's primary tool for defending civilians from Hamas' 
terrorist rocket attacks--out from the upcoming funding bill. If 
confirmed, would you commit to advocating for the Congress to provide 
Israel with all the tools necessary to defend itself?

    Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The 
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and 
security, including Israel's ability to maintain its qualitative 
military edge in the region, consistent with U.S. law and policy. The 
President was clear when President Bennett visited Washington at the 
end of August that the administration fully supports replenishing 
Israel's Iron Dome System.
    This administration is committed to ensuring Israel's right to 
defend itself from indiscriminate rocket attacks by assisting Israel in 
replenishing its Iron Dome Air Defense Missile System. If confirmed, I 
will work with relevant State and DoD colleagues to see what can be 
done in this regard.

    Question. In carrying out the Memorandum of Understanding on U.S. 
Foreign Defense Aid to Israel, the funding for which Congress 
authorized last year, what are the most pressing threats that Congress 
must consider when we set aside annual funding for security assistance 
to Israel?

    Answer. The commitment to Israel's security is a cornerstone of 
U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East, supported by the 10-year, $38 
billion Memorandum of Understanding with Israel. This commitment 
includes $3.3 billion in annual Foreign Military Financing. As I shared 
in my opening statement, Israel is one of our closest security partners 
in countering a broad spectrum of threats ranging from climate change 
to cyber-attacks to nuclear proliferation. Chief among these is the 
critical threat that Iran and Iranian-backed militias pose. While 
President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that Iran never 
develops a nuclear weapon, upholding Israel's security serves America's 
national security interests and ensures that we will always have a 
strong, reliable, and secure partner.
    The best way we can do this is by continuing robust levels of 
bilateral U.S. security assistance including through the Foreign 
Military Financing program, which will help to maintain Israel's 
Qualitative Military Edge; and acknowledge strong bilateral ties; and 
enable cutting-edge cooperation on missile defense. U.S. funding also 
supports Israel's continued defense modernization and provides for the 
acquisition of U.S.-origin defense equipment ranging from ammunition to 
advanced weapons systems and training.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Ted Cruz

Congressional Determinations and Policies
    Question. In 1987, Congress passed The Anti-Terrorism Act, in which 
Congress determined that ``the PLO and its affiliates are a terrorist 
organization and a threat to the interests of the United States, its 
allies, and to international law'' (22 USC Sec. 5201). In 2012, 
Congress passed The United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation 
Act, which established that it is ``the policy of the United States. To 
assist the Government of Israel with its ongoing efforts to forge a 
peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict 
that results in two states living side-by-side in peace and security, 
and to encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's right to 
exist as a Jewish state'' (22 USC Sec. 8602). In 2014, Congress passed 
The United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act, which reaffirmed 
that it is ``the policy of the United States. to support the Government 
of Israel in its ongoing efforts to reach a negotiated political 
settlement with the Palestinian people that results in two states 
living side-by-side in peace and security'' (22 USC Sec. 8602 Statutory 
Notes).

   Do you agree with Congress's determination that ``the PLO and its 
        affiliates are a terrorist organization and a threat to the 
        interests of the United States, its allies, and to 
        international law?''

    Answer. My understanding is that subsequent to the 1987 passage of 
the Anti-Terrorism Act, in 1993, in connection with the Oslo Accords, 
the PLO renounced terrorism and recognized Israel's right to exist, and 
Israel recognized the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian 
people for purposes of negotiations for permanent status and peace. 
Subsequently, across administrations, Congress and the executive branch 
have worked together to press the PLO to continue to comply with those 
commitments, and to support its engagement with Israel, and with the 
United States in support of negotiations and its commitments including 
those disavowing terrorism.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our engagement with the 
Palestinians advances Israeli-Palestinian cooperation, understanding, 
peace, security coordination, and stability. To that end, I will work 
with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and international 
community to consider ways in which we can strengthen the position of 
the Palestinian Authority and to recommend that all sides adopt an 
affirmative and practical approach to the conflict that encourages 
constructive, positive steps-like condemning incitement to violence and 
terrorism- to keep the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution 
alive.

    Question. Do you commit to ``assist'' and ``support'' the 
Government of Israel in its negotiations with the Palestinians?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians alike. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all 
opportunities to advance peaceful co-existence between Israel and its 
Arab neighbors, as well as to help create the conditions for direct 
negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.

    Question. Do you believe that the United States should be neutral 
between the Governments of Israel and the Palestinians?

    Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to 
ensure equal measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for Israelis 
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels 
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab 
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to 
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis 
and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all 
opportunities to advance existing coordination between Israelis and 
Palestinians to help create the conditions for direct negotiations 
between the two parties.

Sovereignty
    Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional 
relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader 
Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration 
implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish 
communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That 
approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration 
maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334, 
which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan 
Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish 
Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out 
and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by 
recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing 
Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by 
seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and 
for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli 
communities, and by taking several other steps.

   Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?

    Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I 
understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security. 
As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present 
in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with 
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides 
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. I 
understand the administration has not changed U.S. policy on this 
important issue.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over 
Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

    Answer. I understand the administration has not altered U.S. policy 
on this important issue. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem 
itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct 
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central 
to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If 
confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care 
and sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of 
any part of the Golan Heights?

    Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I 
understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security. 
As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present 
in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with 
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides 
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. The 
administration has not changed U.S. policy on this important issue.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of 
any part of Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

    Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a 
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between 
Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the national 
visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will handle 
all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they 
deserve.

Abraham Accords
    Question. In your testimony you indicated that you are supportive 
of the Abraham Accords. In early 2021 the State Department distributed 
internal guidance through emails about how to refer to the 
normalization between Israel and other countries. In the emails, 
staffers were instructed that the State Dept. would no longer refer to 
the normalization as the ``Abraham Accords,'' and the use of 
``normalization agreements'' instead was indicated, according to a June 
4 report by the Washington Free Beacon.

   Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington Free Beacon 
        reviewed at least two of them.

    Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in 
a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its 
records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional 
oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward to working with 
you to respond to your concerns.

    Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance issued by 
State Department staffers--including emails, memos, cables, notes, 
decision memos, briefing papers, instructions, etc.--regarding the use 
of the phrase ``Abraham Accords,'' from December 2020 through September 
2021.

    Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in 
a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its 
records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional 
oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward to working with 
you to respond to your concerns.

    Question. Can you commit to ensuring that any guidelines or 
policies prohibiting using the phrase ``Abraham Accords'' are revised 
and reversed?

    Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration 
refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I 
certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.

Palestinian Consulate
    Question. The Biden administration has indicated and recently 
reiterated its intention to open a Palestinian-facing consulate in 
Israel's capital Jerusalem.

   Please describe your assessment of whether the Israeli Government 
        supports such a plan?

    Answer. Secretary Blinken publicly announced the administration's 
intent to reopen the Consulate General. I understand that this is part 
of the administration's renewed engagement with the Palestinian people 
and leadership. I am not in a position to comment further on diplomatic 
discussions related to this process. If confirmed, I look forward to 
ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to 
carry out the full range of diplomatic activities, including engagement 
with the local communities and government leaders. My understanding is 
that reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not change our 
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and the U.S. Embassy to 
Israel will remain in Jerusalem.

    Question. Do you believe that opening a Palestinian-facing 
consulate in Jerusalem in the absence of affirmative permission from 
the Israeli Government would constitute an erosion of their sovereignty 
over Jerusalem? If not, why not?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the U.S. 
presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to carry out the full 
range of diplomatic activities, including engagement with the local 
communities and government leadership. The U.S. Government has been 
clear that our Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. The administration is 
committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. My 
understanding is that reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will 
not change our recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.

    Question. Do you believe that the opening of a Palestinian-facing 
consulate in Jerusalem would prejudice final status negotiations 
between the Israelis and the Palestinians? If not, why not?

    Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to 
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is 
the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be 
resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the 
Palestinians. The administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the 
U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem 
will not change our recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital. If 
confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care 
and sensitivity that they deserve.

Energy
    Question. In January 2019, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Greece, Italy, 
Cyprus, and the Palestinian Authority established the East 
Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) headquartered in Cairo. The EMGF, an 
intergovernmental energy forum, knits together Eastern Mediterranean 
and Gulf countries, including through an Israeli-Cypriot-Greek 
pipeline. The forum members agree to work to formulate a common policy 
for the regional energy market.

   Do you support the efforts and objectives of the EMGF?

    Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new 
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum 
can help promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic 
prosperity throughout the region. If confirmed, I would build on the 
work between colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy 
Resources, and European Affairs to coordinate our engagement and am 
eager to learn more about the EMGF's announcement earlier this year 
that it plans to work with specialists to discuss and promote gas 
decarbonization. I would also take steps to align our other regional 
embassies to support this effort in the field so that we can advance 
cooperation, energy security and U.S. national interests.

    Question. Do you support the United States continued involvement 
within the EMFG?

    Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new 
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. If 
confirmed, I hope to continue U.S. involvement with the Eastern 
Mediterranean Gas Forum.

    Question. Do you support efforts by Israel and other regional 
partners to develop a sustainable natural gas infrastructure including 
through bilateral negotiations?

    Answer. I support the development of sustainable, secure, energy 
sources by Israel and other regional partners, including through 
bilateral negotiations. Natural gas discoveries have helped redefine 
relationships and increase energy security in the Eastern 
Mediterranean, and our partners building up capacity in renewable 
energy sources will further transform the energy landscape in this 
region.

    Question. Can you evaluate the impacts of the EMFG on advancing 
peace and cooperation between Israel and regional partners?

    Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new 
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum 
promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity 
and supports Israel's greater integration in the region.

    Question. Can you evaluate the impact that completing the EastMed 
pipeline would have on providing Europe with an alternative to Russian 
supplied gas?

    Answer. If completed, the EastMed Pipeline project could increase 
regional energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean, diversify 
Europe's energy supply, and aid in ensuring a more stable energy 
transition.

    Question. Do you support the continued development of the EastMed 
Pipeline?

    Answer. As I understand it, there are a number of regional energy 
projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under consideration, including 
the EastMed Pipeline. If confirmed, I would advocate for regional 
energy and electrical interconnections that have the potential to 
increase our partners' and allies' energy security, diversify energy 
supplies, and aid in ensuring more stable and sustainable energy 
transitions.

    Question. What impact do you think this energy forum has on 
regional dynamics, including those related to diplomatic, economic, and 
security?

    Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new 
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners and 
promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity 
in the region, which would help advance stability in the Eastern 
Mediterranean.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. After the United States implemented the Jerusalem Embassy 
Act of 1995 (Public Law 104-45)--including by formally recognizing 
Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel on December 6, 2017, 
and by relocating and opening the U.S. Embassy to Israel in Israel's 
capital city of Jerusalem on May 14, 2018--it also closed the U.S. 
Consulate General for the Palestinians and merged this Consulate 
General's functions into Embassy Jerusalem under the U.S. Ambassador to 
Israel's Chief of Mission authority. Do you agree that opening/
reopening a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in 
particular, after the fact of U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's 
capital on December 6, 2017--would constitute a diminution of U.S. 
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital?

    Answer. During the Trump administration, Secretary Pompeo 
determined and reported to Congress in 2019 that the U.S. Embassy in 
Jerusalem had officially opened, consistent with the requirements of 
the Jerusalem Embassy Act. I understand the administration is 
committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem as called 
for by the Act. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not 
affect that policy or walk back or change U.S. recognition of Jerusalem 
as Israel's capital.

    Question. Do you also agree that opening/reopening a U.S. consulate 
for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in particular, after the fact of 
U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017--
would constitute a diminution of Israeli sovereignty? Please begin your 
answer with a yes or no.

    Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a 
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between 
Israel and the Palestinians. I understand the administration is 
committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening 
the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not change U.S. recognition of 
Jerusalem as Israel's capital. If confirmed, I will handle all issues 
related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. The Government of Israel--under then-Prime Minister 
Benjamin Netanyahu and now under Prime Minister Naftali Bennett--has 
consistently opposed the opening/reopening of a U.S. consulate for the 
Palestinians in Jerusalem after the United States recognized Jerusalem 
as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017, and relocated the U.S. Embassy 
to Jerusalem on May 14, 2018. Do you agree that the United States 
should not open/reopen a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in 
Jerusalem if the Government of Israel continues to oppose it? Please 
begin your response with a yes or no.

    Answer. The administration has also been clear, as am I, that our 
Embassy to Israel will remain in Jerusalem. If confirmed, I look 
forward to ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our 
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, 
including engagement with the local communities and government 
leadership. In May, Secretary Blinken stated ``the United States will 
be moving forward with the process to reopen our consulate in 
Jerusalem. That's an important way for our country to engage with and 
provide support for the Palestinian people.'' I understand that this is 
part of the administration's renewed engagement with the Palestinian 
people and leadership.

    Question. Since the change in presidential administrations, some 
U.S. Government officials at times have publicly resisted using the 
term ``Abraham Accords'' and instead insisted on only using the term 
``normalization agreements.'' If confirmed, do you commit that you will 
refer to the historic agreements that normalized Israel's relations 
with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco by their 
name-the ``Abraham Accords?''

    Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration 
refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I 
certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.

    Question. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, you will have 
the opportunity to interact with both the UAE and Bahraini Ambassadors 
to Israel-in addition to potentially hosting delegations or meeting 
with diplomats from other countries normalizing or considering 
normalization with Israel. Will you commit to meet regularly with your 
Abraham Accords counterparts? What other steps will you take to 
continue Arab-Israeli normalization from your position?

    Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, the 
administration welcomes and strongly supports the Abraham Accords and 
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and 
Muslim world. I understand the Department is leading the U.S. 
Government's efforts, working with interagency partners, to deepen 
existing agreements and urge other countries to normalize relations 
with Israel.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with diplomatic colleagues 
in Israel, including those from countries that have recently 
established ties with Israel. I am committed to working with countries 
across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new 
ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with 
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our 
disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in 
the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and 
Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
state solution.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Robert Menendez

Canada & China:
    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to deepen 
coordination with our Canadian allies and ensure that our two countries 
formulate a joint response to the challenges posed by China's coercive 
diplomacy? What would success look like to you two years from now?

    Answer. Consistent with the longstanding, strong bilateral 
relationship between Canada and the United States, I have observed that 
the United States and Canada have undertaken significant efforts in 
recent years to coordinate our engagement with the People's Republic of 
China (``PRC''). If confirmed, I would maintain regular contact with 
Canadian leadership to build on this progress and explore new avenues 
in our response to this significant challenge. Success in two years 
would see us having engaged in continued dialogue with Canada to 
identify and act on opportunities to develop a joint approach to the 
PRC that reflects our shared values and effectively pushes back on the 
PRC's problematic activities.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, I agree that these incidents are serious and pose a 
threat to the health of U.S. personnel.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that any such reported incident 
would be treated seriously and reported quickly through appropriate 
channels, and that affected individuals would receive prompt access to 
medical care.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that I would meet with medical 
staff and RSO at post to discuss any past incidents to ensure protocols 
are being followed.

Canada and Refugees
    Question. Canadians are among our most reliable partners on refugee 
resettlement, implementing innovative government and privately 
sponsored resettlement programs that enable the world's most vulnerable 
to find safety quickly. The Canadian Government has committed to accept 
20,000 refugees from Afghanistan, adding to the tens of thousands they 
accepted from Syria, and the upwards of one million they've accepted 
since 1980. As conflicts become increasingly protracted and global 
challenges abound, the numbers of people in need of international 
protection will grow exponentially. Our partnership with Canada in 
anticipating and responding to new displacement-related needs will be 
critical.

   If confirmed, how would you seek to leverage Canada's experiences 
        and deepen our collaboration with our Canadian partners on 
        migration and protection issues?

    Answer. As one of our closest allies, we have worked with Canada 
hand-in-hand on many issues, including migration and refugees. If 
confirmed, I would maintain the robust work our countries have done in 
conjunction with President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau's Roadmap 
for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership on addressing the global 
migration crisis. Our countries share a commitment to providing safe 
haven to refugees, including through refugee resettlement. These 
commitments have been spotlighted recently with Afghan refugees. I 
applaud Canada's commitment to receive 20,000 Afghan refugees, 5,000 of 
whom are to be referred by the United States.
    Additionally, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with 
our Canadian partners as they chair the MIRPS (Comprehensive Regional 
Protection and Solutions Framework) Support Platform under the theme of 
``protection and empowerment of women and girls on the move'' to draw 
attention and support solutions to forced displacement in Mexico and 
Central America.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator James E. Risch

                           western hemisphere
Canada-China Relations
    Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Canada-
China relations?

    Answer. Canada-China relations reached their lowest point in 50 
years following both the PRC's arbitrary detention of Canadians Michael 
Kovrig and Michael Spavor in December 2018 and PRC bans on some 
Canadian agricultural exports in response to Canada's arrest of Meng 
Wanzhou on a U.S. extradition request in December 2018. Canada's 
relations with the PRC remain strained.

    Question. Please explain how you would recommend the United States 
work to address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and 
security influence in the Western Hemisphere and the world at large.

    Answer. If confirmed, taking advantage of the historically strong 
bilateral relationship between Canada and the United States, I would 
continue to explore ways to work with Canada to more closely align our 
approaches to Beijing, including to address the challenges the PRC 
presents to our collective interest and to the international rules-
based order in our hemisphere and around the world. I would work to 
coordinate our policies pursuant to the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-
Canada Partnership, including when dealing with the PRC's coercive and 
unfair economic practices, national security challenges, and human 
rights abuses, while cooperating on areas where it is in our interest, 
such as on the climate crisis.

    Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the 
Canadian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of 
China to international norms.

    Answer. The Canadian people appear to have a clear understanding of 
the challenges posed by the PRC, from its arbitrary detention of 
Canadian citizens to its use of economic coercion in trade to its 
intimidation of ethnic Chinese, Uyghur, and Tibetan communities in 
Canada. If confirmed, I plan to have significant interactions with 
Canadians and I would have frank conversations with Canadians about how 
the United States and Canada could work even more closely, bilaterally 
and multilaterally, to face the challenges the PRC poses to 
international norms.

    Question. Please explain how the United States and Canada could 
enhance cooperation to counter Chinese disinformation, influence 
operations, academic espionage, and propaganda efforts.

    Answer. These PRC efforts impact the United States, Canada, and 
many of our like-minded allies and partners. If confirmed, building on 
the historically strong bilateral relationship between Canada and the 
United States, I would work to increase cooperation with Canada and 
other likeminded countries to counter these PRC campaigns through joint 
actions, exchange of best practices, and multilateral initiatives.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize collaborative 
initiatives to implement the January 9, 2020 U.S.-Canada Joint Action 
Plan on Critical Minerals Development Collaboration?

    Answer. As part of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada 
Partnership, President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau agreed to 
strengthen the U.S.-Canada Critical Minerals Action Plan to target a 
net-zero industrial transformation, batteries for zero-emissions 
vehicles, and renewable energy storage. If confirmed, I would look to 
the Roadmap to guide my priorities as Ambassador, including efforts to 
strengthen the U.S.-Canada Critical Minerals Action Plan, as well as 
related efforts to build the necessary supply chains to make the United 
States and Canada global leaders in all aspects of battery development 
and production.

    Question. Canada is the only member of the Five Eyes that has not 
formally barred or restricted use of equipment from Huawei in its 
telecommunication networks. Please explain what impact the presence of 
untrustworthy technologies, such as those from Huawei would have to our 
bilateral cooperation with Canada.

    Answer. The United States understands the promise of 5G wireless 
networks, and governments and telecom operators need to prioritize 
security when building their 5G infrastructure. United States technical 
experts assess that the risk of allowing untrustworthy suppliers' 
equipment anywhere in 5G networks cannot be sufficiently mitigated; the 
United States is, therefore, removing untrustworthy equipment from its 
own government and private sector communications networks. Other 
governments, including the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand 
have come to the same conclusion. If confirmed, I would help carry out 
the U.S. Government commitment to ensure that U.S. telecommunications 
networks do not use equipment from untrusted vendors.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about 
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Canada?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would convey the need for governments and 
telecom operators to prioritize security when building 5G 
infrastructure. Through conversations with the Canadian Government, 
public, and business community, I would stress that allowing untrusted 
telecommunications suppliers to participate in or control any part of a 
5G network creates unacceptable risks to national security, the 
integrity of critical infrastructure, privacy, and human rights.

    Question. Please describe the impact on privacy, censorship, and 
human rights from the inclusion of communication networks and supply 
chains with equipment and services from companies with close ties to or 
susceptible to pressure from governments or security services without 
reliable legal checks on governmental powers.

    Answer. Countries and citizens need to be able to trust that 5G 
equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national 
security, privacy, or human rights. Trust cannot exist where 
information and communications technology and services vendors are 
subject to control by authoritarian governments, like the PRC, which 
lacks an independent judiciary or democratic checks and balances to 
protect companies and consumers and has a long track record of using 
access to data to surveil, harass, and otherwise crack down on its 
dissidents and to enabling other authoritarian governments to do the 
same. Like-minded countries, companies, and civil society groups can 
and must work together to address these threats.

U.S.-Canada Border Closures
    Question. In August, Canada lifted its travel restrictions on 
Americans that are vaccinated or have a negative COVID-19 test result. 
On September 20, the Biden administration extended restrictions on land 
travel from Canada for at least another month, while lifting air travel 
restrictions for travelers from around the world who have been 
vaccinated or tested negative for COVID-19.

    Answer. Acknowledged, and noted as context for the question that 
follows.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of the reasons behind 
the different approaches to U.S. restrictions on land travel versus air 
travel from Canada.

    Answer. I understand the difficult impacts on United States border 
communities and their residents of COVID-based travel restrictions. I 
also understand the health-based justifications for those restrictions. 
I also understand that decisions regarding travel restrictions are made 
with advice from public health and medical experts, who consult 
regularly with their Canadian counterparts. These decisions are made to 
decrease the spread of COVID-19, especially emergent variants. If 
confirmed, I would coordinate closely with the White House, relevant 
U.S. agencies, and Congress on our policies to protect our borders and 
citizens, and to facilitate cross-border traffic and commercial 
activities to the extent possible.

    Question. In your opinion, does the divergent approach to air and 
land travel with Canada constitutes sound policy?

    Answer. I believe that decisions regarding the health, safety, and 
welfare of the United States and its citizens are best left to our 
public health and medical experts.

    Question. What is your understanding of the economic and emotional 
hardship northern border closures are placing on American border 
communities?

    Answer. I empathize with those who face challenges as a result of 
the ongoing border restrictions. I understand that some U.S. citizens, 
their families, and businesses do not fall under the essential travel 
exemptions and may have experienced social and economic challenges. I 
want to emphasize that I share the desire of many fellow Americans to 
resume normal cross-border travel as soon as possible, once public 
health and medical professionals deem it safe to do so.

    Question. Do you agree that the Biden administration should pursue 
a more consistent approach to air and land travel from Canada?

    Answer. I believe we should resume normal cross-border travel as 
soon as U.S. public health professionals conclude it is safe to do so. 
I trust their recommendations and know that decisions regarding travel 
are made with our safety in mind. If confirmed, I would prioritize the 
safety and security of U.S. citizens in all aspects of my duties.

Arctic
    Question. Please explain how the United States and Canada can 
revitalize cooperation on continental defense and in the Arctic, 
including the modernization of the North American Aerospace Defense 
Command (NORAD) to effectively defend the Northern Hemisphere against 
the range of threats by peer competitors.

    Answer. As a close and strategically located ally, Canada plays an 
indispensable role in promoting our common defense, especially in the 
Arctic. If confirmed, I would underscore in interactions with Canadian 
officials the strategic importance of NORAD to our mutual continental 
defense and emphasize the urgent need to bolster our aerospace defense 
through modernization efforts - efforts which Canada has embraced. 
Regarding Canada's Future Fighter Capabilities Project, I would 
continue U.S. efforts to advocate for a U.S. solution that would 
provide Canada with world-class defense technology at the best value 
while also supporting continued interoperability in our collective 
defense of Northern America.

    Question. Please explain your views on the growing Chinese and 
Russian presence in the Arctic region.

    Answer. Both Russia and the PRC have increased their activities in 
the Arctic in recent years, the latter going so far as to declare 
itself a ``near Arctic state'' and publicizing its objective of 
extending its Belt and Road Initiative into the Arctic. While 
investment in the Arctic is expected as climate change makes the region 
more accessible, such investment must be transparent, adhere to 
existing international law and practice, and support the needs of the 
peoples of the region. Neither Russia nor the PRC has been transparent 
about its operations in the Arctic, and both are eager to advance their 
interests. At the same time, Russia has indicated willingness to engage 
in discussions on our concerns, agreeing at the June Presidential 
Summit in Geneva to further discuss the Northern Sea Route and improved 
coordination between our respective Coast Guards. If confirmed, I would 
work to strengthen our ability to deter attempts by Russia and the PRC 
to constrain the United States and our allies, including in the Arctic.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate the need to 
heighten deterrence capabilities in the Arctic?

    Answer. The Arctic is a strategic space in which U.S. and Canadian 
capabilities may be put to the test and in which our need to 
communicate credible deterrence is critical. This is another space 
where joint communication and action by the United States and Canada 
will send a more powerful signal. If confirmed, I would consult closely 
with the Department of Defense and others among the interagency to 
ensure we are conveying the full spectrum of our concerns, with 
supporting information, to our Canadian allies.

U.S.-Canada Border Security
    Question. Last year, the CBP seizures of illicit narcotics along 
the Canadian border were up 1,000 percent. CBP seized nearly 40,000 
pounds of marijuana across 16 ports of entry worth between $100 million 
and $120 million. There are concerns about increases in illicit 
trafficking of drugs through the border between the U.S. and Canada. 
How should the U.S. and Canada work together to better address these 
threats to prevent transnational criminal activity?

    Answer. The U.S.-Canada Joint Action Plan on Opioids was launched 
in Washington on January 31, 2020. On February 23, 2021, President 
Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau recommitted to the U.S.-Canada Joint 
Action Plan on Opioids as part of the larger Roadmap for a U.S.-Canada 
Renewed Partnership jointly issued by both leaders.
    If confirmed, I would build on close bilateral relationship between 
Canada and the United States and the good progress our countries have 
made on the joint action plan to combat opioids, and I would work 
closely with our Canadian counterparts to address the issue of the flow 
of illicit drugs over the border.
    While the COVID-19 pandemic has presented numerous challenges, 
project sub-groups focused on law enforcement, border security, and 
health meet regularly. The Working Group meets quarterly, and the 
Steering Committee meets bi-annually. I applaud the great work our 
respective countries have made to address this important issue, and I 
would support this action plan at every appropriate opportunity.

NATO
    Question. Canada plans to increase its defense spending by 73 
percent over ten years to reach C$32.7 billion ($25.2b) in 2026-2027. 
If implemented, Canada's total defense spending as a percentage of GDP 
would reach 1.4 percent in 2024-2025, which would fall well short of 
NATO's recommended 2 percent of GDP level. How do you see your role as 
Ambassador, if confirmed, to encourage Canada to adhere to its 2 
percent commitment at NATO?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would engage Canada's leadership to clarify 
the intent behind our security priorities, the underlying concerns that 
drive those priorities, and our position regarding equitable and 
sufficient contributions to NATO.

    Question. Do you agree with Canada's counterargument that the 
countries' contributions to the alliance should be measured more by 
capabilities and the troops they provide over their defense expenditure 
as a percentage of GDP? How would you react to this if confirmed as 
Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would express appreciation for Canada's 
notable contributions to security in the hemisphere and globally 
(including through NATO), I would note how both our countries' 
interests have been undermined by the actions of third parties, and I 
would underscore that a robust and concerted response to these threats 
and challenges is required. Such a response must necessarily include 
funding as well as capabilities and troops.

    Question. In what ways can the U.S. and Canada work better together 
in NATO engagements?

    Answer. Our defense cooperation with Canada is one of the most 
comprehensive security relationships globally and comprises both 
bilateral and multilateral arrangements. If confirmed, I would ensure 
U.S. security interests concerning NATO are conveyed and advanced as 
part of the U.S. Mission's bilateral engagement plan. Additionally, I 
would engage Canada's leadership to clarify the intent behind U.S. 
security decisions, and I would regularly solicit Canada's input for 
how best to further strengthen the NATO alliance.

USMCA (United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement)
    Question. What's your assessment of Canada's implementation of 
USMCA? What challenges do you foresee in USMCA implementation and how 
would you use your role as Ambassador to encourage Canada to rectify 
these issues?

    Answer. Canada continues to work toward meeting its obligations 
under the USMCA, though challenges remain. If confirmed, I will work to 
further Canada's compliance with USMCA issues impacting dairy quotas, 
automotive trade, and digital services, among other topics. We will put 
the interests of American workers and businesses at the forefront of 
our foreign policy.

Trade Disputes
    Question. The United States has longstanding disputes with Canada 
over softwood lumber imports. U.S. industry contends that Canada 
unfairly subsidizes its lumber by providing cheap access to public 
land. Softwood lumber is now in its fifth iteration of litigation. If 
confirmed as Ambassador, how would you work to ensure U.S. industry 
interests are represented?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the United States 
interagency and industry to ensure fair treatment for U.S. softwood 
lumber producers. Because this remains an active litigation matter, I 
am unable to comment further.

Energy
    Question. The Biden administration cancelled the Keystone XL 
pipeline's border crossing presidential permit in January 2021, which 
would have moved up to 830,000 barrels of crude daily. Canadian 
Government officials have expressed disappointment with President 
Biden's decision. Do you agree with President Biden's decision to 
revoke the permit?

    Answer. Canada remains the top energy partner of the United States. 
I understand we have a robust trading relationship and shared energy 
infrastructure. Tackling the existential threat of the climate crisis 
requires, as the President's Executive Order of January 20 stated, 
action on a scale and at a speed commensurate with the need to avoid 
setting the world on a dangerous and potentially catastrophic climate 
trajectory. The world must be put on a sustainable climate pathway to 
protect Americans and the domestic economy from harmful climate 
impacts, and to create well-paying jobs as part of the climate 
solution. If confirmed, I would support President Biden's efforts to 
restore American leadership in the fight against climate change and to 
help position our nation to be the global leader in clean energy and 
jobs, while continuing to respect the strong energy partnership between 
Canada and the United States.

    Question. What negative implications does the cancelation of the 
Keystone XL pipeline have on the bilateral U.S.-Canada energy 
relationship? What about the broader bilateral relationship?

    Answer. President Biden spoke with Canadian Prime Minister Justin 
Trudeau in his first call to a foreign leader as President of the 
United States only two days after the cancelation of the permit for the 
Keystone XL pipeline. While President Biden acknowledged Prime Minister 
Trudeau's disappointment regarding the decision to rescind the permit, 
he reaffirmed his commitment to maintain an active bilateral dialogue 
and to further deepen cooperation with Canada. During the call, both 
leaders highlighted the strategic importance of the U.S.-Canada 
relationship and the desire to reinvigorate bilateral cooperation on an 
ambitious and wide-ranging agenda, including combating the COVID-19 
pandemic, strengthening economic ties, defense, and global leadership 
to address the pressing challenge of climate change. The continuing 
strength of our relationship was further demonstrated with the issuance 
of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership in February.

    Question. Do you think this decision has casted doubt among 
Canadians of the U.S. as a long-term reliable energy partner?

    Answer. No. Following President Biden's decision to rescind the 
permit for the Keystone XL pipeline, Prime Minister Trudeau welcomed 
the President's decisions to rejoin the Paris Agreement and to place a 
temporary moratorium on all oil and natural gas leasing activities in 
the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, noting, ``I look forward to 
working with President Biden to reduce pollution, combat climate 
change, fight COVID-19, create middle class jobs, and build back better 
by supporting a sustainable economic recovery for everyone.'' The 
United States and Canada are working together to increase the scale and 
speed of action to address the climate crisis and support the 
transition to a net-zero clean energy future. If confirmed, I would 
support these goals in the course of my duties.

    Question. If confirmed, where does North American energy security 
would fall on your list of priorities as U.S. Ambassador to Canada?

    Answer. Energy security is an important priority. President Biden 
and Prime Minister Trudeau recognized the important energy security 
benefits of our bilateral energy relationship and its highly integrated 
infrastructure as part of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada 
Partnership. President Biden's Build Back Better agenda also highlights 
the importance of creating clean energy jobs as part of our economic 
recovery. If confirmed, I would focus on President Biden's priorities 
for the bilateral relationship as highlighted in the Roadmap, including 
the importance of energy security in the bilateral energy relationship.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you work to promote American and 
North American energy security?

    Answer. President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau have pledged to 
work together to build on the countries' strong energy security 
partnership, including in the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S. Canada 
Partnership and to strengthen action towards a net-zero clean energy 
future. If confirmed, I would work to support this vision by 
communicating often and openly with Canadian counterparts on their 
energy plans, by identifying areas for deeper collaboration between our 
respective governments, and by looking for investment opportunities for 
U.S. companies.

Foreign Assistance
    Question. In what areas do you see the greatest opportunity for 
U.S-Canadian cooperation in foreign assistance?

    Answer. A top priority of the United States and Canada is to end 
the COVID-19 pandemic and support global health security by working 
together to support global affordable access to and delivery of COVID-
19 vaccines, including through the COVAX Facility. The United States 
and Canada cooperate closely in multilateral groups to raise global 
climate ambition, including through increased pledges of climate-
related assistance to developing countries. Consistent with our shared 
values, the United States and Canada promote diversity and inclusion in 
our foreign assistance, particularly in support of gender equality 
through equal rights for women and girls.

    Question. Canada is considered to be a ``strong supporter'' of the 
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and even hosted 
the Fund's fifth replenishment conference in 2016. Still, Canada has 
provided roughly $2.5 in contributions to the Fund since 2002, while 
the United States has provided over $17.6 billion. Similarly, Canada is 
considered to be an ``anchor'' donor to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, as 
well as to the Gavi-led COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access initiative 
(COVAX). Canada has provided $842 million in contributions for Gavi 
since 2002 and $545 million for COVAX, while the United States has 
provided over $4.4 billion and $3.5 billion, respectively. If 
confirmed, how will you encourage Canada to take on a larger proportion 
of contributions for the Global Fund, Gavi, and COVAX? Do you consider 
this a priority?

    Answer. If confirmed, I intend to prioritize the issues highlighted 
in the bilateral Roadmap, of which fighting COVID-19 is first and 
foremost. Efforts to support global health security remain a top 
priority for both the United States and Canada, as demonstrated by 
Prime Minister Trudeau's participation at the Global COVID-19 Summit, 
hosted by President Biden on September 22, 2021. Both the United States 
and Canada have agreed to strengthen existing pandemic preparedness 
platforms and arrangements and to work to improve international 
institutions, including the World Health Organization and the Pan 
American Health Organization.

    Question. How will you encourage the Canadian Government to help 
finance international pandemic preparedness and response more broadly? 
What levers does the United States have? Are you willing to use them?

    Answer. Through the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership, 
Canada has committed to strengthening international pandemic 
preparedness as a top priority. If confirmed, I would work closely with 
Canadian counterparts to drive progress on our shared priorities, 
including efforts to support increased global health security.

Venezuela
    Question. Canada has taken a series of multilateral and bilateral 
actions in support of the Venezuelan people and to weaken the 
illegitimate Maduro regime.

   If confirmed, in what ways would you encourage Canada to take 
        heightened action against the corrupt and illegitimate Maduro 
        regime?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Canada to continue to 
coordinate with the United States and other international partners to 
maintain and increase pressure on the Maduro regime, as appropriate. I 
would do this by seeking avenues to further isolate Maduro 
internationally, call attention to the regime's human rights abuses, 
and through the application of additional targeted sanctions, if 
warranted.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Canadian 
Government to maintain support for the Guaido-led democratic forces as 
legitimate representative of Venezuela at the Organization of American 
States?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the Canadian Government to 
maintain support for the Guaido-led democratic forces as the legitimate 
representatives of Venezuela at the Organization of American States.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Canadian 
Government to maintain sanctions on the Maduro regime until there is a 
credible transition to democratic order in Venezuela?

    Answer. Canada has implemented significant sanctions against the 
regime to date. If confirmed, I would seek continued support from 
Canada to maintain coordinated pressure against Maduro -including 
through sanctions- until there is a credible process underway to 
restore democracy, rule of law, and human rights in Venezuela.

Nicaragua
    Question. Canada has issued sanctions related to Nicaragua in 
response to the gross and systematic human rights violations that have 
been committed by the Ortega regime against Nicaraguan people. In what 
ways would you encourage Canada to put further pressure on the Ortega 
regime?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Canada to remain linked up 
with international efforts to further pressure the Ortega regime. I 
would also encourage Canada to continue to take a leadership role in 
the Organization of American States, where it has been instrumental in 
crafting previous joint statements denouncing the Ortega-Murillo 
regime.

            state department management and public diplomacy
Mission Canada
    Question. Mission Canada has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years with management issuesand COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Canada?

    Answer. Based on the experience of this nomination process, I 
understand our mission in Canada to be staffed by hard-working civil 
servants, foreign service officers and specialists, uniformed military 
personnel, and locally employed staff. Respecting the limitations of my 
role as a nominee, I have not had any personal contact with Mission 
Canada. If confirmed, one of my first priorities would be to assess the 
morale of these dedicated staff members at the embassy and at our 
constituent posts.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission 
Canada?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would consult at the start of my tenure 
with key managers at U.S. Embassy Ottawa and at all our constituent 
posts to determine where the strengths and weaknesses of the mission 
are in terms of morale. I would make the maintenance of strong morale a 
priority in my role as Ambassador.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Canada?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would consult closely with the Canada 
country desk, with others at State and across the interagency, and with 
Congress on priorities for our relationship with Canada. In Canada, I 
would consult with embassy and constituent post staff to solicit a full 
range of inputs and opinions, and I would encourage all to speak 
frankly. I would refer to the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada 
Partnership to inform my vision for Mission Canada, and I would build 
on priorities and lines of effort in Mission Canada's current 
Integrated Country Strategy.
Management
    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I would describe my management style as collaborative and 
respectful. I consider myself to be an accessible and communicative 
leader. I believe in communicating expectations clearly and in 
providing constructive feedback as required.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As noted above, I understand our mission in Canada to be 
staffed by dedicated civil servants, foreign service officers and 
specialists, uniformed military personnel, and locally employed staff. 
I have the utmost respect for their work and for what they do every day 
on behalf of the American people. If confirmed, this respect would be 
the foundation for my management of the complex operations of Mission 
Canada. I have had the experience of working with similarly well 
motivated career (civil service) employees when I served as Chief of 
Staff in the Philadelphia City government. In order to accomplish the 
Mission's goals, I would prioritize securing appropriate resources for 
the Mission, commensurate with the importance of the U.S.-Canada 
relationship.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. I agree with this approach. No leader can be successful if 
he or she lacks understanding of the organization's operations or 
workplace culture. If confirmed, I would commit to understand the 
Mission's operations and culture across the full spectrum of employees 
in Ottawa and at the constituent posts. As a manager and leader, I 
believe strongly in meeting and interacting with a wide swath of the 
employees in the Embassy and in being accessible and communicative.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. Respect for subordinates is an essential leadership 
trait.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. The deputy chief of mission (DCM) plays a key role in 
ensuring that the Mission's priorities are pursued properly and that 
the Mission's functions are carried out smoothly. The DCM is also a 
wealth of institutional knowledge about the bilateral relationship and 
the workings of the State Department and the interagency. If confirmed, 
I would seek to complement the DCM's experience with my leadership of 
the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek the advice of the DCM on how 
best to engage with Canada to pursue U.S. interests, how to solicit 
required resources so that the Mission may fully pursue these 
interests, and how best to support Mission staff in the completion of 
their duties.

Local Interaction
    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. Diplomats are most successful when they are able to allot 
ample time and are sufficiently resourced to engage directly and 
regularly with host country and host government contacts. If confirmed, 
I would support and prioritize my own engagement and staff engagement 
with their contacts to the maximum extent possible, consistent with 
Canada's current public health advice.

    Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would assess if the Mission had adequate 
resources to pursue U.S. interests and accomplish its goals, including 
the ability of our diplomats to access a sufficiently representative 
cross section of the local population. If these resources were lacking, 
I would work with my DCM and others to determine how best to fulfill 
our needs.

Public Diplomacy
    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Canada? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. The bilateral relationship between Canada and the United 
States is strong and productive, with deep, historic ties. Although 
Canadians see the bilateral relationship as vitally important, public 
opinion polling in 2021 showed Canadians perceived the state of 
relations between Canada and the United States with mixed feelings. To 
address this challenge, Mission Canada works to reinforce our shared 
values and goals, including our commitment to combat the COVID-19 
pandemic, building back our economies in environmentally sustainable 
and socially inclusive ways, accelerating climate ambitions, advancing 
diversity and inclusion, bolstering security and defense, and building 
global alliances. Continuing to pursue these objectives, and to 
communicate our commitment and work on these issues would be a top 
priority if I am confirmed.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The U.S. Mission in Canada conducts public diplomacy 
activities through its eight posts across Canada. Main State, through 
bureaus like Global Public Affairs, Western Hemisphere Affairs, and the 
Global Engagement Center, provides overall policy guidance and general 
messaging. Each post tailors messaging to its audience based on daily 
interactions with the Canadian public.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

Canada's Participation in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly
    Question. As Ambassador to Canada, how would you lead the U.S. 
Embassy to work with the newly-elected Canadian members of the 
Parliamentary Assembly to become active in the OSCE PA?

    Answer. Our shared democratic heritage, including the regular 
election of legislative bodies to represent our populations, is a 
foundational aspect of the bilateral relationship between Canada and 
the United States. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to 
build strong connections with members of Canada's Parliament, in 
particular those newly elected on September 20. Canada participated in 
its 29th Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA) on June 
30 to July 6. If confirmed, I would encourage further inter-
parliamentary dialogue through vigorous engagement with 
parliamentarians. I would also encourage active Canadian participation 
in OSCE PA meetings, committees, and election observation activities to 
advance our shared goals of promoting security, prosperity, and 
democracy in the OSCE region.

    Question. I also authored a law directing the State Department to 
seek to build out a parliamentary assembly in the OAS. How would you 
propose that Canada help to support this initiative?

    Answer. The United States and Canada both have a long history of 
supporting parliamentary exchanges. The Canadian Section of 
ParlAmericas is one of the 35 members of ParlAmericas, an institution 
that promotes Parliamentary Diplomacy in the Inter-American System. The 
international Secretariat of ParlAmericas is incorporated in Canada and 
remains the only interparliamentary forum to have its headquarters 
located in Ottawa.
    If confirmed, I would cite past successes and promote the value of 
parliamentary exchanges, and I would encourage counterparts and 
legislators in Canada to continue to support a parliamentary assembly 
in the OAS comprising elected legislators.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Todd Young

    Question. The Trudeau Government has stated it supports upgrading 
its equipment to strengthen NORAD, including purchasing more than 80 
fighter aircraft. Yet the procurement process has been delayed for more 
than a decade, raising questions about Canada's political commitment to 
NORAD. What message would you communicate to the Government of Canada 
regarding NORAD and our shared aerospace defense?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would build on our robust relationship and 
our frank engagement with Canada to underscore the strategic importance 
of the role NORAD plays in our continental defense, and the urgency 
with which Canada should bolster its contribution to our shared 
aerospace defense. In my engagement with Canada, I would further 
highlight the indispensable role we need Canada to play in promoting 
our common defense due to its position as a close ally and a 
strategically located neighbor. Regarding Canada's Future Fighter 
Capabilities Project, I would continue U.S efforts to advocate for a 
U.S. solution to offer world-class defense technology at the best value 
in support of continued interoperability in defense of Northern 
America.

    Question. How do you view our defense cooperation with Canada? 
Given our recent diplomatic tension with France and other allies over 
questions of defense cooperation, what steps will you take if confirmed 
to reassure Canada about our enduring commitment?

    Answer. Our defense cooperation with Canada is one of the most 
comprehensive security relationships in the world and comprises both 
bilateral and multilateral arrangements. If confirmed, I would ensure 
U.S. security interests are fully represented in the U.S. Mission's 
engagement. Additionally, I would engage Canada's leadership to clarify 
the intent behind our security decisions, and I would regularly solicit 
Canada's input for how best to strengthen our alliance even further.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator Robert Menendez

Economic Stability
    Question. Costa Rica's remarkable economic growth over the past 
quarter of a century has been made possible through the strength of its 
democratic institutions, its openness to foreign investment, and 
steadfast adherence to environmental and humanitarian principles. 
Although Costa Rica still has one of the lowest poverty rates in the 
region, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a severe impact on the country's 
tourism-dependent economy.
   Given these setbacks, if confirmed as our ambassador in Costa Rica 
        what would be your top priorities over the next year to help 
        the country recover from the pandemic and build resiliency 
        against future potential economic shocks?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our economic 
partnership, which supports prosperity in both Costa Rica and the 
United States. In the short term, I will support Costa Rica's efforts 
to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, which has created a significant 
retraction of the economy, as it has in the region. Additionally, with 
respect to economic resiliency, I will strongly support efforts to 
expand bilateral trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). I will 
encourage Costa Rica to follow through on commitments for governmental 
and economic reforms, which will lead to a more sustainable path toward 
prosperity. I will also urge Costa Rica to leverage its recent 
accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 
to align itself even more closely with standards that will help it 
attract investment from U.S. firms and create quality employment. 
Lastly, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to ensure that post-
pandemic growth is inclusive, creating opportunities in tourism and 
other key sectors for all its citizens.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Absolutely. There is nothing I take more seriously than the 
health and security of the people who will be working with me. The 
interagency community is actively examining a range of hypotheses but 
has not yet made a determination about the cause of the AHIs or whether 
they can be attributed to a foreign actor. AHIs have been a top 
priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health 
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's 
communication with its workforce, provide care for affected employees 
and family members, and better protect against these events in the 
future.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that 
employees, who report a possible AHI, receive immediate and appropriate 
attention and care and that the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, there is nothing I will take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working at U.S. Embassy San Jose.
Migration
    Question. Costa Rica has a long tradition of welcoming asylum 
seekers. As of the end of 2020, Costa Rica hosted nearly 122,000 people 
of concern to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 
Already in 2021, nearly 23,000 people have applied for asylum in the 
country, mainly citizens fleeing oppression in Nicaragua.

   Dr. Telles, in your view, how important is it for the United States 
        to support Costa Rica's humanitarian efforts and what will you 
        do as our ambassador to further these efforts?

    Answer. Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing access to 
international protection for refugees and asylum seekers and welcoming 
vulnerable migrants and guest workers from Nicaragua, Venezuela, 
Colombia, and elsewhere. We anticipate Costa Rica will continue to 
support Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers, which are likely to 
increase as a function of upcoming elections. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with Costa Rica to further our cooperation on migration and to 
assess the need to increase capacity to welcome refugees and asylum 
seekers.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Please describe the evolving Chinese presence in Costa 
Rica since President Solis switched diplomatic relations from Taiwan to 
the People's Republic of China in 2007.

    Answer. Costa Rica was the first Central American country to 
recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2007. The countries 
signed a free trade agreement in 2011 and a bilateral investment treaty 
in 2016, but the economic relationship remains very limited. Foreign 
direct investment (FDI) from the PRC in Costa Rica is small, topping 
$10 million only once in the last decade and never exceeding one 
percent of total FDI inflows. Large PRC-backed infrastructure projects 
have been marred by delays or outright cancelations. Nonetheless, there 
are efforts to increase public diplomacy and to expand the PRC's 
economic presence in specific areas, including telecommunications.

    Question. Please describe any efforts by the PRC to build relations 
with legislators and local government officials in Costa Rica.

    Answer. My understanding is that the PRC has actively built 
relations with legislators and local government officials in Costa Rica 
to build support for PRC-backed infrastructure projects, which have 
been marred by delays or outright cancelations. The PRC has also 
attempted to make inroads with local officials through offers of 
monitoring and communications technology for municipalities.

    Question. Please describe what would be your approach to countering 
Chinese influence in Costa Rica, if confirmed.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously promote the United States 
as Costa Rica's steadfast partner, emphasizing our common democratic 
values and strong track record of success. I will communicate to the 
Costa Rican Government the security risks to Costa Rica's 
telecommunications infrastructure of allowing PRC-backed vendors to 
participate in or control its networks. I will also call attention to 
the poor-quality and costly infrastructure projects financed by the PRC 
and promote high-standard and transparent investment by the United 
States and our partners. I would also continue to support ongoing 
Embassy efforts to build strong relations and security programs with 
local governments, which have already served as effective counterpoints 
to the PRC's efforts to increase its influence in Costa Rican 
municipalities.

    Question. Do you agree that the presence of Huawei in Costa Rica is 
concerning, especially as Costa Rica transitions to 5G?

    Answer. The presence of equipment from untrustworthy vendors, such 
as Huawei, in any country's telecommunications networks is concerning. 
Allowing high-risk suppliers like Huawei to participate in or control 
any part of a 5G network, or nationwide broadband networks, creates 
risks to national security, critical infrastructure, and privacy. If 
confirmed, I will lead Embassy San Jose's ongoing efforts to engage 
with Costa Rica on the risks posed by PRC-backed 5G network providers 
and to encourage the use of only trustworthy vendors in the information 
and communications technology ecosystem.

    Question. Costa Rica participates in China's Belt and Road 
Initiative (BRI) with the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) 
undertaking upgrades and widening works for is primary national route 
(Route 32), costing US$465 million. Please describe U.S. concerns with 
the Belt and Road Initiative, including in Costa Rica.

    Answer. The United States remains concerned about infrastructure 
projects built under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), including its 
efforts in Costa Rica. In many countries, the PRC uses investment under 
the BRI and diplomatic engagement to create dependency on PRC 
resources. In Costa Rica, efforts include the PRC's donation of a $100 
million national soccer stadium (2011) and subsequent donation of $11 
million to modernize the stadium (2018), as well as a multimillion-
dollar contribution towards the construction of a police academy. Other 
large public investments in Costa Rica have not been successful. The 
financing and construction of the Route 32 highway expansion has been 
marred by delays, poor planning, and poor budgeting. If confirmed, I 
will work to maintain the United States' position as Costa Rica's 
economic partner of choice and trusted ally by emphasizing our 
geographic proximity, common democratic values, and strong track record 
of success.
    According to the U.N. Refugee Agency, more than 108,000 Nicaraguans 
have fled the repression of the Ortega-Murillo regime in Nicaragua 
since 2018, mainly to the United States and Costa Rica. Nearly 23,000 
Nicaraguans have sought asylum in Costa Rica in 2021 alone.

    Question. Do you agree that the Ortega/Murillo regime in Nicaragua 
has become a source of significant instability in Central America, and 
for Costa Rica specifically?

    Answer. Yes. The Ortega-Murillo Government's repression has 
contributed to instability in Central America and a dramatic increase 
in Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers. The Ortega-Murillo regime 
has taken actions that undermine respect for human rights and 
exacerbate fear and insecurity, thus, fueling surges in migration. 
Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing protection to asylum 
seekers, refugees, and vulnerable migrants, including a great number of 
Nicaraguans. If confirmed, I will work with Costa Rica and our 
international organization partners to increase their capacity to 
process asylum seekers and refugees and to provide protection to 
vulnerable Nicaraguans.

    Question. The Ortega-Murillo regime of Nicaragua continues to 
receive international financing by the Central American Bank for 
Economic Integration (CABEI), despite the instability it generates in 
Central America.

    Answer. I understand that the amount of CABEI financing that 
benefits the Ortega-Murillo Government is disproportionate, 
particularly given the many challenges we are addressing in Central 
America. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to encourage 
Costa Rica to oppose any funding from CABEI that would go toward 
sustaining the Nicaraguan Government while it represses its people and 
undermines democracy and human rights.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with Costa Rica to 
ensure that any loan or assistance provided by CABEI to Nicaragua is 
administered through entities with full technical, administrative, and 
financial independence from the Ortega-Murillo regime?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to 
encourage CABEI members to halt financing that directly benefits the 
Ortega-Murillo Government. If confirmed, I will encourage CABEI 
members, particularly Costa Rica, to explore ways to structure projects 
and work through non-governmental organizations and implementers, in 
order to ensure that financing more directly benefits the Nicaraguan 
people rather than the repressive Ortega-Murillo Government.
    In March 2020, the U.S. indicted Nicolas Maduro and 14 current and 
former Venezuelan officials for allegedly partnering with the FARC to 
use cocaine as a weapon to ``flood'' the United States.

    Question. Do the actions by the Maduro regime related to 
transnational criminal activities undermine U.S. counternarcotic and 
law enforcement cooperation with Costa Rica?

    Answer. We are concerned about the Maduro regime's transnational 
criminal activities and their impacts across the region. Costa Rica has 
become a major transshipment hub for South American cocaine headed to 
the United States, and it is used by transnational criminal 
organizations for trafficking both narcotics and people through Central 
America and Mexico. Therefore, sustaining support of Costa Rica's 
security forces with training, equipment, and infrastructure will be 
key to ensuring their continued success in combating transnational 
crime. If confirmed, I will continue the strong U.S. support to bolster 
Costa Rica's capacity to be our partner in these efforts.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between 
transnational criminal organizations and human smuggling/trafficking 
across Central America and Mexico.

    Answer. Transnational criminal organizations fund their activities 
by engaging in drug trafficking, human smuggling, and human trafficking 
through Central America and Mexico. Irregular migrants pay smugglers to 
guide them through Central America to the United States and then later 
fall prey to human traffickers, who force them into committing crimes, 
such as transporting drugs to the United States. Irregular migrants are 
particularly vulnerable to exploitation and human rights abuses by 
transnational criminal organizations that engage in human trafficking 
crimes, such as commercial sex, forced labor, forced criminality, and 
forced recruitment. Irregular migrants who embark on a journey to the 
United States unwittingly put themselves at greater risk of financial 
hardship and human trafficking abuses.

    Question. What financial benefits would you estimate drug 
trafficking groups are reaping from the increased flows of illegal 
migrants transiting through Costa Rica towards our Southwest border?

    Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) are reaping 
significant profit from smuggling migrants northward through Central 
America. Costa Rican and Panamanian authorities, assisted by a U.S. 
Department of Homeland Security investigative unit, are pursuing a 
cross-border human smuggling ring. Costa Rican media outlets widely 
reported smugglers are charging migrants from $11,000 to $22,000 per 
person.
    In 2020, Guatemala and Honduras declared Hizballah a foreign 
terrorist organization.

    Question. In your opinion, would it be in the interest of the 
United States for Costa Rica to make a similar determination?

    Answer. Yes, it would be in the U.S. interest for Costa Rica to 
make a similar determination.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to seek Costa Rica's 
designation of Hizballah as a foreign terrorist organization?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to seeking Costa Rica's designation 
of Hizballah as a foreign terrorist organization.

    Question. Costa Rica is a reliable partner in the fight against 
illicit narcotics. Please explain how an increase in coca cultivation 
in South America impacts the ability of the Costa Rican Government to 
effectively reduce the flow of illicit narcotics through its territory 
and into the United States.

    Answer. Certainly, increased coca cultivation in South America 
impacts Costa Rica's efforts to reduce the flow of narcotics bound for 
the United States. Costa Rica is the number one transshipment point for 
Colombian cocaine moving towards the United States. Nonetheless, it is 
a strong partner in the fight against drug trafficking as exemplified 
by its interdiction of a record 71 tons of narcotics in 2020. Increased 
coca cultivation leads to a higher volume of cocaine flowing through 
Costa Rica. The Embassy works closely with multiple partners in Costa 
Rica, including their Coast Guard, Border Police, Air Surveillance 
Service, and national police to increase interdictions and to build law 
enforcement capacity. In order to ensure that Costa Rica continues to 
be successful in combating transnational crime, it is critical for the 
United States to maintain its support of Costa Rica's security forces 
with training, equipment, and infrastructure. If confirmed, I will 
continue the strong U.S. support to bolster Costa Rica's capacity to be 
our partner in these efforts.
    There is currently a case of a minor American Citizen who was 
abducted by her mother to Costa Rica. Costa Rica, a signatory to the 
Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, 
is in direct violation of their agreements under the Convention and has 
not returned the child to her parent here in the U.S.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to engage on this 
matter with Costa Rican authorities?

    Answer. I understand the Embassy maintains regular contact with 
PANI (Costa Rican child protective services, the central authority for 
Hague Abduction Convention cases) and often communicates with the 
parents, in addition to conducting welfare checks on the child when 
possible. If confirmed, I will ensure that compliance with the Hague 
Convention agreements continues to be a top priority for the U.S. 
Embassy.

    Question. How will you work to ensure Costa Rica becomes compliant 
with the obligations under the Convention?

    Answer. Costa Rica was cited for demonstrating a pattern of 
noncompliance in the Department's 2020 and 2021 Annual Reports on 
International Child Abduction due to judicial delays and decisions that 
were noncompliant with the Hague Abduction Convention. To address these 
concerns, the Department of State's Consular Affairs Bureau engages 
with Costa Rican authorities and international partners. As part of 
these efforts, the State Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs helped 
organize a series of judicial seminars focused on the Convention hosted 
by the Costa Ricans in November 2020 and February 2021. If confirmed, I 
will be committed to supporting these and other efforts of the U.S. 
Embassy to help ensure that Costa Rica complies with its obligations 
under the Convention.

    Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons report, Costa Rica was again placed on Tier 2, indicating they 
do not meet the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking but are 
making significant efforts to do so.
    If confirmed, how will you engage with the host government on this 
issue to provide additional support to victims, increase prosecutions, 
and continue prevention efforts?

    Answer. The Costa Rican Government demonstrated increasing efforts 
overall to combat human trafficking compared to the previous reporting 
period, considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-
trafficking capacity. The Costa Rican Government's anti-trafficking 
efforts included employing new investigative techniques in trafficking 
cases, identifying more victims, and converting planned training and 
interagency coordination to virtual delivery amidst the pandemic. 
However, authorities decreased funding for anti-trafficking efforts and 
closed a trafficking-specific emergency shelter. If confirmed, I will 
encourage the Costa Rican Government to strengthen anti-trafficking 
efforts and to continue providing support for ongoing projects that 
improve prosecution efforts, protective services, and prevention 
campaigns.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator Todd Young

    Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with Nicaraguan 
activists and refugees in Costa Rica fleeing the persecution of Daniel 
Ortega's regime?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned about the Nicaraguan refugees fleeing 
the Ortega-Murillo Government's repression. If confirmed, I will 
support Costa Rica as it continues to serve as a safe haven for those 
Nicaraguans. I also commit to engage with those courageous individuals 
who are advocating for democracy and human rights in their home 
country.

    Question. What steps is the administration taking to support Costa 
Rica in its efforts to welcome and care for the Nicaraguan refugees 
streaming into the country?

    Answer. Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing protection to 
asylum seekers and vulnerable migrants and has a tradition of welcoming 
vulnerable migrants from Nicaragua. This summer, Costa Rica has seen a 
rise of Nicaraguan asylum seekers and migrants in the wake of political 
violence in Nicaragua. If confirmed, I will work with Costa Rica to 
continue to increase their capacity to process asylum seekers and 
provide protection. Costa Rica is concerned that is does not have the 
resources to continue to care for Nicaraguan asylum seekers and 
vulnerable migrants. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with 
our international organization partners on the ground and the Costa 
Rican Government to build capacity and provide protection.

    Question. The Trump administration's donation of three former Coast 
Guard cutters to Costa Rica in 2018 gave the country its first blue 
water interdiction capability. Since then, seizures of illegal drugs 
has dramatically increased in the country. I applaud this creative use 
of former Coast Guard cutters to support our allies in defense of U.S. 
national security interests. Looking forward, what are the current gaps 
in Costa Rica's capability to disrupt the flow of illegal drugs from 
South America through the country? What is the Biden administration 
doing to address these gaps in cooperation with the Government of Costa 
Rica?

    Answer. Costa Rica remains a strong partner in the fight against 
drug trafficking, interdicting a record 71 tons of narcotics in 2020. 
The Embassy works closely with multiple partners in Costa Rica, 
including their Coast Guard, Border Police, Air Surveillance Service, 
and national police, on increasing interdictions and building law 
enforcement capacity. Costa Rica has become a major transit point for 
South American cocaine heading to the United States. Continuing to 
support Costa Rica's security forces with training, equipment, and 
infrastructure will help ensure it can effectively combat transnational 
crime. If confirmed, I will assess the U.S. support needed to bolster 
Costa Rica's capacity to be our strong partner in these efforts.

    Question. How has U.S. security assistance and cooperation been 
utilized by Costa Rica? If confirmed, what steps would you take to 
oversee and strengthen our cooperation?

    Answer. The U.S. Government works with Costa Rica closely on a 
number of shared security concerns, including narcotics trafficking. 
U.S. security assistance to Costa Rica focuses on four areas: 
counternarcotics; curbing transnational threats and crime; improving 
citizen security and law enforcement capacity; and strengthening rule 
of law. If confirmed, I will continue the strong U.S. support for 
bilateral security cooperation with Costa Rica and assess the need for 
enhancing this partnership.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. What steps should the United States take to work more 
closely with New Zealand on economic and trade matters?

    Answer. Robust economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific is a key 
part of the Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better. 
The United States will continue working with New Zealand and other 
partners in the Indo-Pacific region to address specific economic issues 
such as infrastructure, the digital economy, and energy.

    Question. How do you anticipate this agreement will affect the 
U.S.-New Zealand bilateral relationship?

    Answer. AUKUS will increase peace and stability in the Indo-
Pacific, which will have a positive impact on the bilateral 
relationship with New Zealand. PM Ardern has said that she welcomes 
``the increased engagement of the UK and US in the region and reiterate 
our collective objective needs to be the delivery of peace and 
stability and the preservation of the international rules based 
system.''

    Question. In what ways can we bolster our security partnership with 
New Zealand and work towards stability in the South Pacific?

    Answer. Our military-to-military relationship has reached new 
heights since the signing of the Wellington and Washington declarations 
in 2010 and 2012, respectively. Combined naval patrols and exercises 
have become routine, the New Zealand Army holds one of the Deputy 
Commander positions with the 25th Infantry Division, and the Royal New 
Zealand Air Force has been instrumental in providing critical 
intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support in the 
Pacific.
    The United States and New Zealand defense forces continue to 
explore additional ways to cooperate beyond our current work in the 
areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief and peacekeeping 
support operations.

    Question. What is your assessment of how New Zealand's thinking on 
China has evolved in recent years? And what should the United States be 
doing to influence New Zealand's approach towards confronting and 
competing with China?

    Answer. New Zealand is increasingly concerned about growing PRC 
influence in the Pacific, an indelible part of its own identity and 
backyard. Mission New Zealand in turn has deepened government, 
parliamentary, and academic engagement with the United States. Mission 
New Zealand's Public Affairs section has collaborated with speakers and 
exchanges to promote our shared understanding on issues related to the 
PRC.

    Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and 
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed. There is nothing I take more seriously 
than the health and security of the people who will be working with me. 
There is an extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into the cause 
of these incidents and how we can best protect our people.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure 
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and 
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through 
appropriate channels

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed. Again, there is nothing I take more 
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be 
working with me.

    Question. If confirmed, what opportunities and priorities will you 
pursue to grow U.S.-New Zealand climate cooperation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to continue strong U.S.-New 
Zealand climate cooperation, for instance on the Global Methane Pledge 
and USDA's AIM4C. The United States is committed to working with New 
Zealand to raise global ambition on climate change.

    Question. What are the U.S.-New Zealand shared security interests 
in building resilience and climate change adaptation capacities in 
Oceania--especially the countries facing existential crises due to 
climate change?

    Answer. Climate change is considered an existential crisis by many 
Pacific Island countries. The United States and New Zealand share 
similar concerns about the security of Pacific Islands that may be 
forced to take on financial debt from other countries, such as the PRC, 
to fund adaptation programs like climate-resilient infrastructure.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What are the key interests underpinning U.S. strategy in 
the Indo-Pacific region, and what should our objectives and goals be in 
the region?

    Answer. Strong diplomatic, military, and economic relationships 
with like-minded allies and partners can help ensure a safe, prosperous 
United States. To that end, I support a peaceful and prosperous Indo-
Pacific region where democracies can thrive, with strong institutions, 
responsible actors, and close security, economic, and people-to-people 
ties.

    Question. The 2018 National Defense Strategy states that ``great 
power competition, not terrorism, is now the primary focus of U.S. 
national security.'' Do you agree with the Defense Department's 
assessment?

    Answer. Counterterrorism remains a deep concern to the United 
States and our partners, as recent acts of terrorism in New Zealand 
have demonstrated. As Secretary Blinken has said, China is the only 
country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological 
power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system. 
I support that statement and, if confirmed, will work closely with our 
New Zealand partners to advance U.S. interests and support a free, 
open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

    Question. Do you agree that the objectives and policies of the 
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the greatest foreign policy challenge 
facing the United States today? If not, why not? What do you think 
instead is our greatest foreign policy challenge?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is the only competitor 
potentially capable of combining its economic, diplomatic, military, 
and technological power to mount a sustained challenge to a stable and 
open international system. However, the United States can still 
cooperate with China on issues of mutual interest. If confirmed, I will 
work with New Zealand under the premise that the U.S. relationship with 
China will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can 
be, and adversarial when it must be.

    Question. If confirmed, what will your top 3-5 policy priorities be 
as U.S. Ambassador?

    Answer. I look forward to working with our partners to advance U.S. 
and common interests in a variety of issues. My top three priorities 
would be strengthening our Pacific and Antarctic cooperation, advancing 
security ties, and expanding economic cooperation and commercial 
opportunities. The United States would like to be the Pacific's 
``partner of choice.''

    Question. How would you characterize the current U.S.-New Zealand 
relationship? What are our main challenges? Where do we have 
opportunities for growth?

    Answer. The United States and New Zealand have a very close 
relationship, with strong political, economic, intelligence sharing, 
security, and people-to-people ties. We cooperate on a range of 
international issues from upholding the rules-based international order 
and defending against threats to shared democratic values. We also work 
together to counter foreign influence and debt diplomacy in the region. 
Our space and cyber cooperation are vibrant and growing. Challenge 
areas include COVID-19 recovery, climate change, and ensuring a free 
and open Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our 
Pacific and Antarctic cooperation, advance U.S.-New Zealand security 
ties, and expand economic and commercial opportunities.

    Question. What role do you see New Zealand playing in the Indo-
Pacific region in light of the growing challenges from China?

    Answer. China is New Zealand's most important goods trading partner 
and second most important overall trading partner after Australia. 
Recent New Zealand Governments have made tough public statements about 
the PRC's influence in the Pacific and its human rights record and 
sharpened the country's stance on the South China Sea. If confirmed, I 
would continue to work with New Zealand as a likeminded democratic 
partner. In addition to diplomatic responses in the South China Sea, 
New Zealand has funded repairs to identified substandard projects 
completed by Chinese construction companies in the Cook Islands.

    Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security 
relationship with New Zealand in the short-term?

    Answer. New Zealand officials have previously stressed the 
importance of their Government's commitment to increased intelligence 
and defense interoperability, prevention of the movement of foreign 
terrorist fighters, and stoppage of terrorist financing. If confirmed, 
I would continue to expand these efforts and work with the New Zealand 
defense forces to explore additional ways to cooperate beyond our 
current work in the areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster 
relief and peacekeeping support operations.

    Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security 
relationship with New Zealand in the medium- to long-term?

    Answer. U.S. defense engagement with New Zealand is strong but 
limited by the small size of the New Zealand Defense Force. However, 
New Zealand has recently taken steps to increase interoperability with 
the United States by purchasing P-8s and C-130Js and conducting 
combined patrols in the South China Sea with the United States and 
other Five Eye partner nations. If confirmed, I would continue to 
encourage New Zealand to work with the United States as the security 
partner of choice, including by enhancing our cooperation in the fields 
of space and cybersecurity.

    Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our economic 
relationship with New Zealand in the short-term? What about the longer-
term?

    Answer. Partnerships in innovation, like the technology sector, 
film industry, and the space sector, are helping to drive trade and 
investment in both New Zealand and the United States. New Zealand has a 
small but developed economy that is highly trade dependent, so New 
Zealand's trade dependency on the PRC has a distorting effect on its 
foreign policy. If confirmed, I will explore whether regulatory reforms 
or a digital services/trade agreement could provide interim steps that 
signal U.S. support to New Zealand on trade.

    Question. How would you characterize the current U.S.-Samoa 
relationship?

    Answer. The United States and Samoa enjoy strong bilateral 
relations based on shared values and mutual trust. Cultural and 
historical linkages, including shared connections to the U.S. territory 
of American Samoa, translate into strong people to people ties. The 
United States and Samoa also share close economic ties on multiple 
levels and cooperate on security and policing matters.

    Question. What are our main challenges?

    Answer. China is seeking to grow its influence among the Pacific 
Islands, including Samoa. Samoa is particularly vulnerable to the 
effects of climate change. Additionally, unreported, unregulated and 
illegal fishing threatens the livelihoods of Samoan fisherman. If 
confirmed, I look forward to discussing how to best address these 
challenges with the Government of Samoa.

    Question. Where do we have opportunities for growth?

    Answer. Our engagement with Samoa is vital for a peaceful and 
prosperous Indo-Pacific region where democracies can thrive, with 
strong institutions, responsible actors, and close security, economic, 
and people-to-people ties that benefit the U.S. economy and our people. 
The PRC is engaged in Samoa, as it is throughout the Pacific, and the 
United States needs to be present to maintain and expand its influence. 
If confirmed, I look forward to establishing strong ties with the new 
Government of Samoa and identifying what more we can do together as 
Pacific nations.

    Question. What role does Samoa and the Pacific Islands play in 
broader U.S. strategy goals in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Samoa is an active member of regional and international 
organizations, including the United Nations, the World Trade 
Organization, the Pacific Islands Forum, and the Polynesian Leaders 
Group. Samoa regularly sides with the United States on key votes in 
international fora. Samoa is particularly vulnerable to climate change, 
and I understand the Government will be a willing partner on U.S. or 
global initiatives to mitigate the ongoing effects of climate change or 
expand the use of new climate-friendly technologies. If confirmed, I 
will reassure Samoa that the Pacific region remains an enduring foreign 
policy priority for the United States.

    Question. In your assessment, what are the implications for U.S. 
interests of more pronounced presence and influence by China in the 
Pacific Islands?

    Answer. The PRC's goals for the Indo-Pacific include reducing U.S. 
influence and that of like-minded partners, growing its own influence, 
and reducing Taiwan's international space.

    Question. What forms of influence are we seeing from China that 
could have a negative impact on U.S. interests in the Pacific Islands 
region?

    Answer. The Pacific Island Countries are susceptible to 
questionable loans and infrastructure projects that can threaten their 
sovereignty and the stability and security of the region. China has 
made significant inroads in Samoa over the last decade by providing 
extensive development assistance, primarily in the form of large 
infrastructure projects, including the airport, the national hospital, 
and government buildings. In September 2019, the Solomon Islands and 
Kiribati established diplomatic ties with Beijing, leaving Taiwan with 
just four diplomatic partners in the region (Marshall Islands, Nauru, 
Palau, and Tuvalu). Some Pacific Islands Countries no longer accept PRC 
loans, but grants remain on the table, and there is high demand from 
the region for development and infrastructure assistance.

    Question. How can the U.S. better collaborate with Indo-Pacific 
countries, including New Zealand and Samoa, to deal with the negative 
effects of China's economic coercion and malign political influence?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with New Zealand and 
Samoa where our mutual interests are being undermined by PRC actions. 
Like the United States, New Zealand has areas of cooperation and areas 
of disagreement with China. I welcome New Zealand's public comments on 
regional security and the South China Sea, including that all 
countries, big and small, need to follow the rules of international 
conduct. I also welcome New Zealand's public comments regarding human 
rights in Hong Kong and Xinjiang.

    Question. Do you support pursuing a robust trade agenda in the 
Indo-Pacific region?

    Answer. Robust economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific is a key 
part of the Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better. 
If confirmed, I would support an Indo-Pacific trade agenda focused on 
supporting American working families, defending our values, and 
protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States. 
As President Biden has said, the United States is focused on making 
investments in U.S. workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs 
new trade agreements, including in the Indo-Pacific.

    Question. What are your views on the United States joining the 
Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership agreed to by 11 
other nations in 2019?

    Answer. As White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said, ``The 
President has been clear that he would not rejoin the TPP as it was 
initially put forward.'' Much has changed in the world since the 
original TPP was signed in 2016. The administration is reviewing the 
CPTPP to evaluate its consistency with the Build Back Better agenda. If 
confirmed, I would work with the White House, other agencies, and 
Congress to negotiate and develop trade policies that advance the 
interests of all Americans, support American innovation, and enhance 
our competitiveness.

    Question. What areas can the U.S. expand its trade and investment 
footprint in the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would look for ways to work with New 
Zealand to build the capacity of countries in the Pacific to 
participate in comprehensive, high standard bilateral or multilateral 
trade agreements that remove barriers and unfair practices. I would 
also explore securing, diversifying, and strengthening resilient U.S. 
supply chains to ensure we are prepared not only to defeat COVID-19, 
but to reduce the likelihood that future crises or global challenges 
can impede our supply chains and economic growth.

    Question. Do you support exploring opportunities for expanding 
digital trade in the region specifically? Why or why not?

    Answer. Barriers to digital trade threaten the ability of all 
firms--including small businesses--to benefit from the advantages of 
the digital economy. Our test for trade policies--including in the area 
of digital trade--is whether they deliver for the American worker and 
the middle class. If confirmed, I would apply that metric to any new 
trade deal. For further questions, I refer you to USTR.

    Question. On September 17th, Chinese Commerce Minister submitted 
China's application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement 
for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) to New Zealand's trade minister. 
What should the future of the trade structure in the Indo-Pacific look 
like?

    Answer. I understand that China has submitted a formal request to 
join CPTPP. The United States is not a party to the CPTPP; therefore, 
it defers to CPTPP parties regarding views on China's potential 
accession. That said, if confirmed, I would engage with New Zealand and 
other partners who are members of the CPTPP to remind them that China's 
non-market trade practices and use of economic coercion against other 
countries should factor into CPTPP parties' evaluation of China as a 
potential candidate for accession. For further questions, I refer you 
to USTR.

    Question. The U.S. has been engaged with the Pacific Islands on 
multiple energy projects. What would your priorities be with respect to 
cooperation on energy, should you be confirmed?

    Answer. New Zealand is an important partner for assisting the Indo-
Pacific region with its clean energy transition. If confirmed, I will 
work to strengthen our energy cooperation with New Zealand to increase 
energy security, expand access to energy, and accelerate the region's 
decarbonization. One project I would like to continue pursuing with New 
Zealand and other like-minded partners is the Papua New Guinea 
Electrification Partnership (PEP), which will help 70 percent of Papua 
New Guinea's population have reliable access to energy by 2030.

    Question. Should the Development Finance Corporation be restricted 
from financing energy projects in Samoa and other qualifying Pacific 
Island nations if those projects are related to oil, natural gas, or 
other fossil fuels?

    Answer. The Development Finance Corporation and other U.S. 
development financing tools will be important to accelerating the 
Pacific's transition to clean energy economies. Assisting the Pacific 
in its deployment of renewable energy can best advance the region's 
energy security, energy access, and decarbonization goals in most 
instances.

    Question. Does New Zealand's nuclear free policy present challenges 
to the U.S.-New Zealand security relationship?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with New Zealand to 
advance our security relationship. Despite its history, New Zealand 
invited the U.S. Navy to send a ship to celebrate the 75th anniversary 
of the Royal New Zealand Navy in 2016. New Zealand has again invited 
the Navy to make a port visit in New Zealand as soon as is practical 
with COVID-19.

    Question. How can we mitigate the negative effects of these 
challenges?

    Answer. U.S.-New Zealand relations have warmed significantly over 
the past decade, which has resulted in several Royal New Zealand Navy 
ship visits to U.S. military ports. The bilateral relationship has 
grown significantly over the past few years and is stronger than it has 
been in decades. If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen our 
partnership.

    Question. Do you commit to messaging these negative effects to New 
Zealand?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the frequent, candid, and 
constructive conversations on issues across the board and at the 
highest levels of government.

    Question. Do you agree that extended deterrence is fundamental to 
our alliance network in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. I believe the United States should remain committed to 
maintaining a strong, credible deterrent to defend the United States 
and our allies, while also taking steps to reduce the role of nuclear 
weapons. If confirmed, I will uphold the policy that extended 
deterrence in the Indo-Pacific region plays a critical role in 
advancing U.S. national security interests, including providing 
assurance to allies and promoting nonproliferation.

    Question. China has a history of breaking its promises, and its 
words on climate change often do not match its actions. Will you commit 
to the following: not to advise or support entrance into an agreement 
with the People's Republic of China (PRC) that trades key U.S. 
interests away for cooperation or future promises by Beijing on climate 
change;

    Answer. I believe the United States must judge Beijing by its 
actions, not its words. If confirmed, I will work with allies and 
partners to impose costs on China when it violates international norms 
and agreements. If confirmed, I will also work with New Zealand and 
other partners to press Beijing to raise its climate ambition 
significantly during this critical decade.

    Question. not to recommend any the following policies to either 
secure or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC:


   Decreasing freedom of navigation exercises in the South China;

   Making changes in our defense relationships with any U.S. ally, or 
        our overall defense posture in the Indo-Pacific region;

   Delaying arms sales to Taiwan, or pulling back from any form of 
        U.S.-Taiwan cooperation;

   Deciding not to pursue policies that safeguard the U.S. economy 
        from Beijing's anti-competitive trading practices;

   Terminating sanctions against individuals or entities of the PRC, 
        or removing a PRC company from the Entity List;

   Dropping U.S. policies that hold CCP officials and companies 
        accountable for egregious human rights abuses, including those 
        conducted in Xinjiang?


    Answer. Prime Minister Ardern's Government has spoken out about 
human rights abuses by China, condemned malicious cyber activity by 
Chinese state-sponsored actors, and reaffirmed its support for the 
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the face of 
expansive Chinese claims in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will 
continue to work with the Government, businesses, and people of New 
Zealand to promote our shared interests on issues related to China. If 
confirmed, I will engage with New Zealand and other partners on climate 
change, while continuing to protect our national security interests and 
working to maintain a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific.

    Question. What is your view on the challenges presented by greater 
presence of Huawei Marine in constructing undersea cables?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would urge our partners to consider the 
potential risks to national and economic security, critical 
infrastructure, and privacy of selecting untrusted vendors to build and 
maintain undersea cable systems. Undersea cables are vital lines of 
communication, but there are national security risks associated with 
network equipment that can be manipulated, disrupted, or controlled by 
authoritarian regimes, like the People's Republic of China, which have 
no regard for human rights or privacy, or where the equipment is 
susceptible to potential unethical, unlawful, and otherwise 
inappropriate behavior, including intellectual property theft.

    Question. Do you commit to prioritizing this issue should it come 
up for either of the two countries where you are credentialed, should 
you be confirmed? How would you use diplomacy and other tools to 
address this issue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would urge our partners to consider the 
potential risks to national and economic security, critical 
infrastructure, and privacy of selecting untrusted vendors to build and 
maintain undersea cables or choosing to land and interconnect with such 
cable systems.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
New Zealand?

    Answer. I understand Mission New Zealand is, unsurprisingly, a very 
sought after posting with high morale. As an outsider, I do not yet 
know specifics, but I know that Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa, 
like much of the world, have faced quarantine requirements, occasional 
lock-downs, and travel disruptions due to COVID-19 restrictions.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across Mission New 
Zealand?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the 
teams at Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa to understand and 
address any issues affecting morale.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission New Zealand?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in 
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa. I will also clearly communicate 
my priorities and those of the Biden-Harris administration.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe in being an inclusive manager and encouraging 
everyone to perform to the best of their abilities.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As a collaborative and inclusive manager, if confirmed, I 
hope to listen closely and to seek ideas and opinions widely throughout 
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa. Many of the best ideas come from 
those closest to the issues.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. New Chiefs of Mission must integrate themselves into the 
mission community and culture. A lot can be learned from career State 
Department Personnel.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I don't believe in berating mission employees in public or 
private. If confirmed, I would work to supply constructive criticism 
without belittling, if and when required. When State Department 
performance reviews are required, I would conduct these with the goal 
of recognizing strong performance and improving weaker performance.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy 
chief of mission?

    Answer. As an inclusive manager, if confirmed, I will work to 
empower my deputy chief of mission (DCM) to do his or her best work by 
being trusted and having my full confidence.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my DCM's career-knowledge of 
Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth functioning of 
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa.

    Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. My experience overseas has taught me that State Department 
employees are out in the community and trying hard to learn about the 
country they are serving in.

    Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the public affairs teams in 
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa to ensure we are reaching all of 
the local populations to the best of our ability.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in New 
Zealand? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

    Answer. I understand there is a vibrant and active public diplomacy 
environment in New Zealand. If confirmed, I would work to expand and 
strengthen the relationship between the people and Government of the 
United States and the citizens of New Zealand and Samoa. Some of the 
successful programs Mission New Zealand has done include cultural and 
sports programming, academic grants, educational exchanges, and 
international visitor programs. I hope to continue science and 
technology-related public diplomacy programs which focus on encouraging 
youth, particularly women, to explore STEM fields, including space 
industries. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for public 
diplomacy programming, although many initiatives have continued by 
shifting online or by changing logistics.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission New 
Zealand to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in 
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of 
Americans, New Zealanders, and Samoans based at the Embassy in 
Wellington, the Consulate General in Auckland, and the Embassy in Apia, 
Samoa, all provide expertise and local insight. If confirmed, I will 
draw on that local expertise to ensure our public diplomacy messages 
are appropriate for the local audience.



                               __________


           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record 
           Submitted to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator Todd Young

    Question. How do you assess New Zealand's relationship with China?

    Answer. New Zealand is increasingly concerned about growing PRC 
influence in the Pacific and has made clear that it will follow an 
independent foreign policy that supports the rules-based international 
order in the face of challenges to democracy, human rights, governance, 
free markets, and the global common good. New Zealand's trade 
relationship with China has not stopped its Government from speaking 
out on matters of security and human rights.

    Question. What are the implications for U.S. security and defense 
cooperation from a growing relationship between New Zealand and China?

    Answer. The United States and New Zealand are both committed to the 
security, stability and prosperity of our shared neighborhood, as well 
as strengthening democracy and democratic resilience across the Pacific 
region. We continue to draw on New Zealand's depth of knowledge and 
unique perspective on the South Pacific and look forward to greater 
partnership in the North Pacific.
    Both the United States and New Zealand have a clear national 
interest in ensuring freedom of navigation and overflight, respect for 
international law, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful 
resolution of disputes. New Zealand's relationship with China, like 
ours, can be expected to have aspects of competition and cooperation.

    Question. If confirmed, what would be your message to the 
Government of New Zealand regarding strategic competition with China?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with New Zealand where 
our mutual interests are being undermined by PRC actions, while 
recognizing areas where cooperation with China is still possible. I 
welcome New Zealand's public comments on regional security and the 
South China Sea, including that all countries, big and small, need to 
follow the rules of international conduct. I also welcome New Zealand's 
public comments regarding human rights in the PRC including in Hong 
Kong and Xinjiang.



                               __________


           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record 
        Submitted to Ms. Sarah Margon by Senator Robert Menendez

Cuba
    Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor, what are some of the specific steps you would take 
to advance democracy and human rights in Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Government continues 
its steadfast support and engagement with Cuban human rights defenders, 
activists, and other civil society members to bolster their important 
work; promote human rights, fundamental freedoms, and democracy; and 
facilitate the free flow of information to the Cuban people, including 
access to the internet. I will also support continued use of targeted 
sanctions and other punitive measures that respond to human rights 
violations. In addition, I will work closely with partners and allies--
in the region and beyond--to develop a coordinated, comprehensive, and 
expanded approach to this support.

    Question. What are the redlines, in your view, for the steps that 
the D!az Canel regime must take before there should be any sort of 
normalization with Cuba?

    Answer. Before any sort of normalization with Cuba takes place, 
there must be signs that the Diaz-Canel regime is adhering to long-
established benchmarks for democratic governance, respect for human 
rights, and fundamental freedoms. This includes the release of 
political prisoners, the freedom of movement, speech, and expression, 
and an end to arbitrary detention.

    Question. Will you commit to pushing back on unfair bias against 
Israel from international human rights organizations?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to pushing back against unfair 
and disproportionate bias against Israel across the international 
system.

    Question. There have been extensive efforts by many countries 
including China, Saudi Arabia, Belarus and Russia, to engage in 
assassinations, abductions, and other forms of violence against 
nationals abroad, including human rights activists, dissidents, and 
members of diaspora communities. Freedom House recently documented 608 
cases of direct, physical transnational repression since 2014, 
including assassinations, abductions, assaults, detentions, and 
unlawful deportations. How should the United States respond to and 
deter these activities?

    Answer. Human rights abuses through transnational repression 
activities are disturbing and must be taken seriously, and I understand 
that the Biden administration is focusing additional attention and 
resources to combatting the growing scourge of transnational 
repression. If confirmed, this will be a top priority for me, 
especially given the potential implications transnational repression 
has here at home. I will endeavor to ensure that human rights 
activists, journalists, political dissidents, former insiders, and 
members of minority groups are able to exercise their human rights and 
fundamental freedoms without fear of retribution, retaliation, 
punishment, or harm from the governments of their home state and that 
if they flee their home state they are adequately protected. To promote 
accountability for government officials who engage in transnational 
repression, I will ensure that combatting transnational repression 
remains a high priority for DRL, and will work closely with interagency 
partners, as well as congressional allies, to consider all available 
tools to deter perpetrators, including financial sanctions and visa 
restriction authorities such as the Khashoggi Ban, which the Department 
announced in February to promote accountability for governments that 
threaten and attack journalists and perceived dissidents overseas.

    Question. In what ways should we work together with our partners 
and allies to combat this sort of authoritarian reach and protect 
threatened communities?

    Answer. I take very seriously the growing threat of transnational 
repression, as I understand the Biden administration does. If 
confirmed, I will support and lead diplomatic engagement with like-
minded partners to deter, counter, and hold accountable perpetrators of 
transnational repression. I support information-sharing between like-
minded partners to identify and build evidence against those 
responsible for these attacks, to prevent transnational repression from 
occurring, and to protect the individuals who are targeted. I will 
coordinate diplomacy, messaging, and action such as sanctions, with our 
partners and allies, to strengthen their impact and deterrent effect. 
Publicly denouncing individuals involved in transnational repression, 
as with other human rights abuses, can help deter them and others from 
committing subsequent attacks.

    Question. Please describe the Department's efforts to address 
abuses and violations of the rights of people with disabilities.

    Answer. I understand that the Department's disability rights 
programs promote the rule of law and good governance by strengthening 
the capacity of Disabled Persons Organizations (DPOs) to effectively 
promote implementation and enforcement of national and local disability 
rights laws. Currently, the Department's disability rights programming 
is in 46 countries including: 7 countries in Africa, 11 countries in 
East Asia and the Pacific, 4 countries in Europe and Eurasia, 8 
countries in Near East Asia, 4 countries in South Central Asia, and 12 
countries in the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will be happy to 
consult on these programs.

    Question. How much funding does the Department provide to foreign 
governments, foreign NGOs, and U.S. NGOs to promote and advance the 
rights of people with disabilities?

    Answer. I understand that DRL has approximately $15,500,000 in 
active programming dollars focused on disability rights programming in 
46 countries.

    Question. How does the DRL bureau engage with other parts of the 
Department and the broader interagency to prioritize support for people 
with disabilities in U.S. foreign policy, including in bilateral 
engagements?

    Answer. I understand that DRL promotes the full inclusion of 
persons with disabilities by providing capacity building training, 
resources, and technical assistance to Department personnel and 
collaborating with regional and functional bureaus and the interagency 
to achieve policy objectives that promote inclusion and expand 
disability rights. Further, I understand that DRL works with federal 
agencies to support bilateral policy engagements on employment, 
inclusive education, accessibility, and independent living.

    Question. Describe the Department's efforts to support human rights 
defenders, both in terms of support to their work and support to 
provide them with safety and protection when threatened. Please be 
specific. How does the Department currently define a human rights 
defender?

    Answer. I understand the Department defines a human rights defender 
(HRD) as an individual, working alone or in groups, who non-violently 
advocates for the promotion and protection of universally recognized 
human rights and fundamental freedoms. I understand the Department 
supports HRDs through a variety of diplomatic tools, including by 
engaging with the U.N. and its special rapporteurs to address specific 
threats against human rights defenders; developing policies to reduce 
violence against human rights defenders; working across the interagency 
to strengthen policies and practices related to protecting human rights 
defenders; and conducting foreign assistance programs. More 
specifically, I understand DRL has developed programming to provide 
HRDs with flexible, short-term, emergency financial support that gives 
them the real-time assistance they need to increase their safety and 
continue their critical work. I understand short-term emergency grants 
include support for: medical expenses, legal representation, prison 
visits, trial monitoring, temporary relocation, security, equipment 
replacement, daily living necessities, and dependent support. Since the 
inception of impact reporting, I understand 97 percent of respondents 
stated that the assistance received has had a positive impact on their 
safety or reduced the threat they faced and 80 percent of respondents 
have been able to continue their human rights work in some way.

    Question. Please describe the role played by the DRL bureau in the 
planning for the December Summit for Democracy.

    Answer. The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor serves as 
the subject matter experts within the Department. Given the scope of 
the Summit shared to date, I am confident that DRL has been involved in 
providing technical expertise in anti-corruption, human rights, 
countering authoritarianism, supporting marginalized populations, and 
engaging international organizations and civil society. DRL is also 
skilled in planning and hosting large events including the Community of 
Democracies Governing Council Ministerial in 2017. If confirmed, I will 
also engage in Summit planning and implementation.

    Question. What influence does the DRL bureau have on the invitees 
to and the agenda of the Summit?

    Answer. I understand that both established and emerging democracies 
will be invited to participate in the Summit. I have not seen the 
invitation list nor the agenda and am not involved in internal 
administration deliberations. Therefore, I cannot provide specifics 
about them, but believe DRL has played an important role in providing 
input and more generally that this is an important opportunity for the 
Biden administration to shore up not only its support for global 
democracy but its own commitments to democracy as well. If confirmed, I 
will engage on both the agenda and the proposed invitees.

    Question. What criteria or process is being used to determine which 
countries which will receive invites, and which countries will not?

    Answer. It is my understanding that since this is a Presidential 
Summit, the White House will make the final determination on which 
countries will receive an invitation. I understand the Summit will 
include both established and emerging democracies and presume 
geographic diversity and country context may have also been factors in 
the invitation list. In my view, the Summit would benefit from the 
diversity of perspectives and voices discussing both democratic 
achievements and challenges and hearing directly from organizations and 
individuals who work on democracy and understand how best to secure 
some of the core institutional components of a democracy in today's 
world.

    Question. How do you think the U.S. arms transfer process should 
change to better incorporate human rights and civilian harm concerns, 
and what changes would you advocate for as Assistant Secretary?

    Answer. I understand the administration is already working to 
develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms 
transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign policy 
priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at the 
center of foreign policy. While I understand human rights and civilian 
harm concerns are one of several factors taken into account in the arms 
transfer process, together with the implications of such sales for U.S. 
and regional security, bilateral relations, and U.S. commercial 
interests, if confirmed I will make sure DRL is at the right decision-
making tables to ensure human rights concerns are incorporated into the 
process early on and given adequate weight. In addition, I will 
coordinate closely with the Political-Military (P/M) and regional 
bureaus to ensure they are seeing the same information and analysis 
that we see. If confirmed, I will ensure that the arms sales process 
gives appropriate weight to any human rights and civilian harm 
concerns.

    Question. Do you agree that the U.S. Government should refrain from 
exporting arms to fragile states or countries at risk of atrocities?

    Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms 
advances our national security interests. Our most valued, dependable, 
and effective partner governments and security forces around the world 
uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold 
human rights violators accountable. The United States must continue to 
create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners 
through diplomacy, measured assistance, frequent and ongoing 
cooperation, and carefully considered arms exports. If confirmed, I 
will work to ensure our arms export policies uphold and support U.S. 
laws on global fragility and atrocity prevention.

    Question. Under Erdogan, Turkey is neither a reliable NATO ally nor 
a democracy. Turkey is among the top jailers of journalists and lawyers 
in the world, which is unacceptable for a NATO member. The Government 
of Turkey has slapped arbitrary restrictions on the Orthodox Church and 
Orthodox community, Turkey's Kurds, and other minority groups. We must 
be clear-eyed about Erdogan and the autocratic path he is taking, and 
we must stand with the Turkish people as they work to change that. What 
is the best way to support civil society and counter Erdogan's 
aggressive push for power?

    Answer. I share your concerns about measures employed by the 
Government that negatively impact civil society and other voices 
critical of the Government in Turkey. I am deeply troubled by the 
pattern of punitive actions by Turkish officials targeting those whose 
views differ from those of the Government. Turkey has been an important 
NATO Ally for nearly 70 years and addressing democratic backsliding is 
critical to our alliance. If confirmed, I would call for the immediate 
release of Osman Kavala, who remains incarcerated on specious charges 
despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling calling for his 
immediate release, and will work to coordinate with U.S. allies, 
particularly in the EU, on this issue. I would also urge Department 
action to underscore for the Turkish Government the fundamental 
importance of the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and 
association in democracies. I would urge the Turkish Government to 
revise laws that restrict freedom of expression and other essential 
freedoms guaranteed by Turkey's constitution. I would also urge the 
Department and the embassy to regularly engage with Turkish civil 
society, hear their concerns, and amplify their voices.

    Question. The situation in Tigray and across Ethiopia is bleak. 
U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, released a 
statement, in which she deplored ``multiple and severe reports of 
alleged gross violations of human rights, humanitarian and refugee 
law'' committed by all parties to the conflict in Tigray. Violations 
included extrajudicial killings, torture, sexual violence, rape, and 
racially-targeted killings. President Biden recently signed an 
executive order threatening sweeping new sanctions against all parties 
if serious negotiations do not start, attacks on civilians continue, 
and if humanitarian access remains blocked.
    While this is a welcome step, what more can the United States do to 
ensure that gross human rights violations cease in Ethiopia and that 
all parties are held accountable for mass atrocities committed over 
these past eleven months?

    Answer. It is imperative that the United States continue to use 
every available tool to urge all parties to end the conflict in 
northern Ethiopia and cease all gross violations of human rights. These 
tools include the newly-signed Executive Order; a visa restriction 
policy targeting those responsible for, or complicit in, undermining 
resolution of the crisis; foreign assistance restrictions; defense 
trade controls; multilateral development bank lending; and certain 
trade benefits.
    The United States must continue to marshal its diplomatic resources 
to press for a negotiated ceasefire; full and unhindered humanitarian 
access; protection of civilians; the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from 
Ethiopia; a withdrawal of the Tigray People's Liberation Front and 
Amhara regional forces to their home regions prior to the military 
conflict; and a political settlement of the crisis. The United States 
also must continue to press our concerns with like-minded partners, 
regional governments, the African Union, eminent African voices, and 
the U.N. Security Council and engage independent actors--including 
Ethiopian civil society--in the process. If confirmed as Assistant 
Secretary, I would work steadfastly to resolve the human rights crisis 
in Ethiopia through these and other means.
    I also believe that U.S. efforts must remain focused on ensuring 
that all those who are responsible for atrocities, violations of 
international humanitarian law, and human rights abuses in Ethiopia are 
held accountable in transparent processes. To that end, if confirmed as 
Assistant Secretary, I would make sure that DRL continues to support 
independent, international investigations of human rights violations 
and abuses and atrocities as part of a broader strategy to advance 
transitional justice efforts in Ethiopia.

    Question. During the 2020 Armenia-Azerbaijan war, according to 
human rights organizations, the Azeri military deliberately targeted 
civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh with cluster munitions and committed 
extrajudicial executions, including decapitations, as well as beatings 
of prisoners of war. The State Department's 2020 Country Report on 
Human Rights for Azerbaijan documented these and other gross human 
rights violations by the Azeri military. How will you lead State 
Department efforts to hold Azerbaijan accountable? Why does the 
administration continue to provide an exemption waiver for Section 907 
of the FREEDOM Support Act, further incentivizing this conduct?

    Answer. The 2020 Country Reports on Human Rights for Azerbaijan and 
Armenia both detail credible reports of unlawful killings involving 
summary executions of detained combatants and civilians, and civilian 
casualties during the 44 days of intensive fighting last fall. The 
Biden-Harris administration is deeply committed to fostering respect 
for human rights. I understand that the administration has been urging 
both sides to investigate any and all allegations of human rights 
abuses or violations of international humanitarian law and bring to 
justice those responsible, and, if confirmed, I would press for 
accountability for such abuses. I also understand that administration 
officials have been urging both sides to return all remaining 
detainees--an area of work I would also take up, if confirmed, should 
it remain unresolved.
    U.S. assistance to the Government of Azerbaijan is provided 
consistent with Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act and related 
provisions of U.S. law. Assistance provided to the Government of 
Azerbaijan that does not fall under a statutory exemption is contingent 
upon a presidential waiver certifying that such assistance is a) 
necessary to support U.S. efforts to counter international terrorism, 
or b) is necessary to support the operational readiness of U.S. Armed 
Forces or coalition partners to counter international terrorism, or c) 
is important to Azerbaijan's border security, and d) will not undermine 
or hamper ongoing efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement between 
Armenia and Azerbaijan or be used for offensive purposes against 
Armenia. The aforementioned waiver authority comes with reporting and 
consultation requirements to help ensure that Congress is fully 
informed with respect to assistance for the Government of Azerbaijan. 
Additionally, all units receiving U.S. security assistance continue to 
go through the Leahy vetting process. If confirmed, I would strongly 
support the Leahy vetting process, which DRL is responsible for 
managing.

    Question. In the past year, the Lukashenka regime has detained 
thousands of protesters, torturing hundreds, jailed political 
opponents, banned and shut down media organizations, and persecuted its 
people both at home and abroad. The regime is weaponizing migrants by 
forcing them at gunpoint to cross illegally into Poland, Latvia, and 
Lithuania. How can the United States partner with countries like 
Lithuania and others on the front lines of democracy to support the 
democratic opposition in Belarus?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen U.S. support for 
the pro-democracy movement in Belarus and promote accountability for 
the regime's abuses. As such, I will press for additional sanctions to 
promote accountability for those responsible for human rights abuses, 
undermining democracy in Belarus, and for supporting the Lukashenka 
regime. Similarly, I hope to continue U.S. support for international 
mechanisms designed to document the regime's abuses, including the 
International Accountability Platform for Belarus (IAPB) and U.N. fact-
finding mission. If confirmed, I seek to increase U.S. support for 
Belarusian civil society, independent media, and exiles fleeing 
repression. Lastly, I hope to increase cooperation with likeminded 
countries in the context of the Summit for Democracy, including 
Lithuania, which has done remarkable work to provide a safe haven for 
the Belarusian opposition, civil society, journalists, and ordinary 
citizens fleeing the Lukashenka regime's repression. Lithuania 
continues to demonstrate its strong commitment to democratic values, 
and we look forward to collaborating with them and others to safeguard 
and advance democracy globally.

    Question. Earlier this month, Russian occupation authorities in 
Crimea detained more than 50 Crimean Tatars, reportedly beating them 
and questioning them without lawyers present. Arbitrary arrests, forced 
disappearances, and torture of Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians 
have been a recurring feature of Russian occupation, with many 
residents being persecuted on religious grounds. An estimated 30,000 
Tatars have fled from the region. How can the State Department work 
with the international community to hold Russian authorities 
accountable for their crimes in occupied Crimea?

    Answer. I am appalled by the egregious abuses Russia carries out in 
occupied Crimea and its targeting of Crimean Tatars, ethnic Ukrainians, 
and other religious and ethnic minorities for intimidation, harassment, 
and repression. Such abuses must cease immediately and perpetrators 
must be held to account. If confirmed, I will lead the U.S. Government 
in playing an active role in the newly launched Crimea Platform to 
increase the spotlight on Russia's occupation of Crimea, hold Russian 
occupation authorities to account for their human rights abuses on the 
peninsula, and implement policy that increases the costs to Russia for 
their continued occupation. Crimea is Ukraine. I would also focus on 
securing releases for political prisoners and documenting human rights 
abuses so that perpetrators can be held to account.

    Question. Hungary, Poland, and other nominal democracies in Europe 
continue to backslide on democracy and human rights. These countries 
have undermined the independence of their judiciaries. In addition, 
Hungary has outlawed gender transition and gay adoption, and banned 
LGBTQ content from television and in schools. Poland has created `LGBT-
free'' zones in almost 100 Polish regions, town and cities. How can the 
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor work with NATO partners 
like Hungary and Poland to meet not only their defense commitments to 
the alliance, but their commitments on values like individual liberty, 
human rights, democracy, and the rule of law?

    Answer. I share the concerns expressed by the Biden-Harris 
administration and members of Congress regarding the undermining of 
democratic institutions in Poland and Hungary. Being a member of NATO 
includes commitments to Transatlantic values, not only security. If 
confirmed, I would engage with governments, civil society, the private 
sector, and core European allies to support strengthening Poland and 
Hungary's democratic institutions and urge transparency and respect for 
the rule of law. I would work with partners in the European Union to 
encourage the EU and member states to amplify U.S. messages through 
complementary statements and action. Additionally, I would look for 
opportunities to use available tools, including the Global Magnitsky 
sanctions passed by the Congress, when there is sufficient credible 
information that a particular politician has engaged in corruption or 
serious human rights abuses. I am troubled by the rise in anti-LGBTQI+ 
rhetoric and legislation in recent years in both countries. If 
confirmed, I would work with the Special Envoy to Advance the Rights of 
LGBTQI+ Persons to raise awareness of this challenge and determine the 
best way to respond to discriminatory laws and policies and intolerant 
rhetoric while engaging local communities and/or organizations and 
maintaining the safety and security of LGBTQI+ persons.

    Question. The UK's Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis 
introduced a proposal in July that would create a statute of 
limitations on all crimes committed during the Troubles prior to April 
1998. The proposal is not supported by a single political party in 
Northern Ireland, signaling cross-community opposition, and its 
incompatibility with the intent undergirding the Good Friday Agreement. 
1,000 civil cases seeking justice and resolution for crimes during the 
Troubles are currently pending in the High Court in Belfast, indicating 
a continued desire to address legacy issues in the courts. What 
leverage can the United States exert on the United Kingdom to ensure 
that it protects the Good Friday Agreement, and respects the 
intertwined questions of legacy and reconciliation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to protecting the gains of the 
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement as the bedrock of peace, stability, and 
prosperity in Northern Ireland. Constructive engagement with all 
affected parties is critical, and I will continue to urge the parties 
to negotiate within existing mechanisms when differences arise. I will 
encourage a focus on solutions that promote peace and stability in 
Northern Ireland and help victims move forward.

    Question. As of August, The Memorial Human Rights Center in Moscow 
recognized 329 Russian political prisoners that were imprisoned in 
connection with their right to freedom of religion. This list includes 
87 Jehovah's Witnesses. Memorial identifies another 81 political 
prisoners for non-religious reasons, including those on the front lines 
of democracy in Russia like opposition leader Alexey Navalny and his 
supporters. How will you use your role as Assistant Secretary to 
pressure the Russian Government to release those unjustly imprisoned by 
the Putin regime?

    Answer. I share your concern about the growing number of political 
prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Russia, one of the many 
manifestations of the Kremlin's deepening repression. If confirmed, I 
will ensure that the Department continues to call for the release of 
political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in public statements 
and in multilateral fora. I will work with likeminded governments and 
civil society organizations to raise awareness of their cases and 
demonstrate solidarity with their families, friends, and colleagues. I 
will also use all available tools to promote accountability for those 
officials responsible for their wrongful imprisonment and work with 
other allies to ensure they're doing the same.

    Question. In September, on the eve of the Russian elections, the 
Russian Government accused Google and Apple of supporting extremism 
under the Russian extremism law for hosting apps critical to informing 
Russians of candidates associated with Alexei Navalny's democracy 
movement. How will you work to address the increasing media repression 
in Russia, where the internet seems to be the last outpost for freedom 
of expression? How will you engage U.S. tech companies on their 
policies and practices with regard to authoritarian regimes like 
Putin's?

    Answer. I share your concern about the stark erosion of media 
freedom in Russia, including increasing restrictions on Internet 
Freedom. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Department continues to 
promote the courageous work of Russia's independent media, civil 
society organizations, and democratic elements of society, and call out 
and hold accountable the Russian Government for its repressive actions.
    More broadly, concerns around the use of technology to undergird 
authoritarian tendencies are only accelerating. While the United States 
needs to continue promote connectivity to an open, interoperable, 
reliable, and secure internet where the rights that all persons have 
offline are also protected online, including freedom of expression, 
there is also much work to be done engaging a wide range of 
stakeholders, including other governments and tech companies, to 
advocate for implementation of human rights principles in the tech 
space. But additionally, if confirmed, I will work across the 
Department to help build a collective and strategic approach to 
combatting digital authoritarianism that ensures public-private 
partnerships and any potential regulation are rooted in the promotion 
and protection of basic rights and the core principles of democratic 
governance.

    Question. Locally-employed U.S. Embassy and Consulate staff remain 
in prison following the Government's purges in 2016. In June 2020, one 
translator employed by the U.S. Consulate was sentenced to more than 8 
years in prison. Will you prioritize getting these staff out once 
confirmed?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing prosecutions of U.S 
locally employed staff in Turkey based on unsubstantiated charges 
related to their official duties. If confirmed, I would strongly 
support continued Department efforts to secure the immediate release of 
Metin Topuz from prison and press Turkey to terminate any judicial 
controls or prosecutions targeting Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay, 
including movement restrictions.

    Question. In June 2021, the Turkish Constitutional Court agreed to 
hear a case seeking to ban the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), the 
country's third largest political party and a strong proponent for 
ethnic Kurdish rights. The campaign follows years of replacing 
democratically-elected HDP mayors with so-called ``trustees'' appointed 
by the Government. The State Department reported in its 2020 Country 
Report on Human Rights for Turkey that ``the Government suspended 81 
percent of HDP mayors elected in the March 2019 municipal elections, 
suspending 16 mayors in 2020 alone.'' What do you intend to do about 
this democratic backslide in Turkey, especially ahead of potential snap 
elections? How will your bureau ensure ethnic minority rights and 
political representation are protected in Turkey?

    Answer. I share your concerns about democratic backsliding, erosion 
of rule of law, and the repressive tactics employed by the Turkish 
Government. If confirmed, I would urge Department action to make clear 
to the Turkish Government the importance of political pluralism. 
Banning the country's second largest opposition party would unduly 
subvert the will of Turkish voters, further undermine democracy in 
Turkey, and deny potentially millions of Turkish citizens their elected 
representation. If confirmed, I would urge the Government to abandon 
efforts to dissolve the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and impose 
political bans on hundreds of HDP members. I would also call upon the 
Turkish authorities to investigate and hold accountable perpetrators of 
violence against HDP members. I would also support efforts to ensure 
all parties in Turkey are able to campaign freely and on a level 
playing field. I would also seek to work closely with like-minded 
governments and consider engaging private sector companies that might 
also have an interest in advancing rule of law issues to the benefit of 
all Turkish citizens.

    Question. How is State measuring Bangladesh's progress on labor 
rights in the aftermath of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster? Is the 
administration considering restoration of Dhaka's access to the 
Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)? Under what circumstances or 
conditions would it do so?

    Answer. I understand that since the horrific building collapse at 
Rana Plaza in 2013, the United States Government has worked with 
partners across the international community, major industries, and 
Bangladeshi authorities to advocate for and enable improvements in 
factory safety, which included the establishment of new agreements by 
major international brands to enforce safety standards across 
factories. While these changes are encouraging, much more needs to be 
done to institutionalize safety standards across Bangladesh's major 
industries, as evidenced by the tragic fire at a juice factory in July 
2021. The Department of State works closely with the U.S. Trade 
Representative (USTR) and the Department of Labor to monitor 
Bangladesh's progress to meet internationally recognized labor rights, 
especially workplace safety, freedom of association, and collective 
bargaining. I commit, if confirmed, to upholding the USTR's position 
that if Congress reauthorizes GSP, restoring Bangladesh's GSP benefits 
must be contingent upon strengthening labor rights and workplace 
safety, as well as improving the overall business and civil society 
operational environment.

    Question. Extrajudicial killings by the Rapid Action Battalion 
(RAB) have reportedly spiked since the Government of Bangladesh began 
its `war on drugs' in the months ahead of the December 2018 elections. 
Do you support imposing sanctions on senior commanders of Bangladesh's 
Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which has reportedly conducted more than 
400 extrajudicial killings since 2015?

    Answer. I share the Biden-Harris administration's deep concern 
regarding reports of extrajudicial killings in Bangladesh and urge the 
Government to thoroughly and transparently investigate and hold 
perpetrators accountable. I believe the United States Government must 
continue to press the Bangladeshi Government to uphold its commitments 
to human rights and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will seek to 
utilize available tools to promote accountability, including, as 
applicable, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the 
Department of the Treasury to consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions 
program, in a targeted manner, to advance our human rights goals.

    Question. There have been nearly 600 forced disappearances of 
activists, opposition members, and government critics since Prime 
Minister Hasina took office in 2009, as documented in Human Rights 
Watch's August 2021 report. How will you address this issue?

    Answer. I understand the Department of State has repeatedly 
emphasized its concern over reports of enforced disappearances and have 
urged the Government to hold perpetrators accountable. If confirmed, I 
will maintain this approach in bilateral meetings, multilateral 
exchanges, and coordinate with like-minded partners to stop these 
abusive practices and protect human rights in Bangladesh. If confirmed, 
I will explore the use of available tools to promote accountability and 
deter further violations and abuses.

    Question. Rights groups have detailed increased abuse of Tamil 
political prisoners--including beatings, burnings, suffocations, sexual 
assaults--since Gotabaya Rajapaksa became president in 2019. What 
consequences should there be to hold those responsible accountable?

    Answer. Such allegations of abuse and gross violations of human 
rights are disturbing and must be taken seriously. If confirmed, I will 
work to promote the protection of human rights for all in Sri Lanka, 
including, but not limited to, members of ethnic and religious minority 
groups, women and girls, LGBTQI+ persons, and persons with 
disabilities. For reconciliation to take place, members of the Tamil 
and other ethnic communities can no longer suffer from systematic 
discrimination and targeted treatment such as monitoring, harassment, 
and abuse by security forces. If confirmed, I will utilize all 
available tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable, 
Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the Department of the 
Treasury to consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions program, in a 
targeted manner, to advance our human rights goals. I will also 
advocate that Sri Lanka amend its Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)--
legislation that denies due process and is used disproportionately to 
crack down on members of Tamil and Muslim minority communities. If 
confirmed, I will continue the Department's commitment to promote 
justice, accountability, and reconciliation measures in support of all 
people in Sri Lanka.

    Question. In January 2021, Michelle Bachelet pushed for targeted 
sanctions on Sri Lankan military commanders implicated in war crimes 
committed during the civil war, including the current army chief and in 
March, the Human Rights Council passed resolution 46/1 promoting 
accountability in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, recently policies and actions 
indicate that the Government's commitment rule of law, judicial 
processes, and democracy are weak. How will you work to hold 
accountable those who perpetrated atrocities during the war and since, 
including current Sri Lankan officials and, if possible, forestall 
further deterioration in Sri Lankan democracy?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the backsliding of democratic 
governance and human rights in Sri Lanka, especially pertaining to 
justice for victims, civil society, rule of law, human rights 
defenders, and religious freedom. The United States' co-sponsorship of 
Human Rights Council resolution 46/1 is a testament to our Government's 
commitment to promoting democratic values, human rights for all, and 
accountability measures. If confirmed, I will utilize all available 
tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable, Section 
7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the Department of the Treasury to 
consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions program, in a targeted manner, 
to advance our human rights goals. I will also urge my Sri Lankan 
counterparts, at the highest levels, to follow through on 
recommendations of the United Nations and Sri Lanka's robust civil 
society to make progress on justice, accountability, and reconciliation 
objectives. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's commitment 
to promote democratic values, respect for human rights, justice, and 
accountability measures in support of the people of Sri Lanka.

    Question. The five countries of Central Asia--despite progress in 
some--regularly confine human rights defenders, political opposition 
figures, outspoken minority members, and others to lengthy detention 
without trial or following conviction for trumped-up charges. What will 
you do to ensure that our diplomacy with these countries continues to 
advocate for these unlawfully detained prisoners?

    Answer. Countries are stronger when they enshrine and respect the 
rights to peaceful protest and freedom of expression. Despite 
advancement in some Central Asian countries, many challenges remain on 
these issues, including meaningful democratic reform. If confirmed, I 
will urge these issues be a priority for our diplomacy in Central Asia. 
I will stress the long-term benefit in strengthening protection of 
human rights. I am particularly concerned about the criminalization of 
non-violent political speech and the detention of political prisoners, 
but also concerned by an uptick in restrictions on freedom of 
expression and politically motivated detentions in the run up to 
upcoming elections in the region. If confirmed, I will directly engage 
on specific cases, broader systematic concerns regarding political 
prisoners, and the need to protect dissenting voices.

    Question. Democratic progress in Central Asia is always uncertain. 
Some countries may be trending in the right direction now, but we know 
that this could change. What can the U.S. do to shore up human rights 
in the region amidst our competing priorities with regard to China, 
Russia, and Afghanistan?

    Answer. Thirty years after their independence, some Central Asian 
countries have made considerable progress in human rights reforms; 
however, significant challenges in the region remain. Addressing these 
shortcomings by promoting democracy and human rights in Central Asia is 
central to our regional efforts to reassert core values and advance 
respect for human rights, especially for women, girls, and minority 
groups, as a cornerstone of our foreign policy. If confirmed, I will 
support and reinforce ongoing reforms while pressing governments to 
take necessary steps to create genuinely pluralistic political systems 
that uphold human rights for all, including women, members of religious 
and ethnic minority groups, LGBTQI+ persons, persons with disabilities, 
and opposition members. I will press governments to secure fundamental 
freedoms and expand space for civil society--including organizations 
that work on resource transparency and accountability--by amending 
problematic laws, easing excessive and burdensome administrative 
requirements, and enhancing trust between the Government and 
independent civil society. U.S. support is vital for democratic 
progress to continue in Central Asia.

    Question. Minority groups in Pakistan are under duress. Members of 
the Ahmadi Muslim community are frequently accused of, prosecuted for, 
and murdered on the basis of their identity or the belief that they 
have committed blasphemy or apostasy. Furthermore, the Pakistani 
Government has successfully pressured U.S. based technology companies 
to remove web-based content and apps provided by the Ahmadi community 
to its members. How will you lead State Department efforts to the State 
Department to address the dire human rights situation there for 
millions of minorities? What tactics will you employ to ensure that the 
internet in Pakistan remains free of malicious government control for 
these same persons?

    Answer. I am very concerned about Pakistan's continued enforcement 
of blasphemy laws, which are inconsistent with international human 
rights law. Several dozen people are currently serving life 
imprisonment or are on death row for blasphemy.
    I am also deeply concerned by the targeted killings of individuals 
accused of blasphemy and members of Pakistan's Ahmadiyya Muslim 
community, spurred in part by discriminatory anti-Ahmadi laws. A recent 
example of such violence was the assassination of Tahir Naseem, an 
Ahmadi and U.S. citizen who was murdered by a violent extremist in open 
court while on trial in Peshawar for blasphemy in July 2020.
    If confirmed, I will advocate for the human rights of all 
individuals irrespective of their religion or beliefs. I will advocate 
for everyone to have the opportunity to live freely from harassment or 
threat of violence and to practice the religion of their choice. I will 
work with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom 
and the Office of International Religious Freedom to engage technology 
companies, to highlight the human rights costs of enabling these abuses 
by governments, and to help empower civil society groups, including 
religious actors, advocating against the use and abuse of blasphemy 
laws. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues across the U.S. 
Government actively supporting freedom of expression online and offline 
and working to remove obstacles facing members of minority groups 
around the world.

    Question. I have concerns about the persecution of minorities in 
India, the re-categorization of Muslim citizens as stateless persons 
under the Citizenship Amendment Act. What will you do to ensure that 
Indian democracy and its diverse population remain a centerpiece of our 
diplomacy with India?

    Answer. I share your concerns and believe strongly in the 
importance of Indian democracy serving as a model for the region. If 
confirmed, I would advocate the United States Government continue to 
place human rights and democratic principles at the heart of our 
diplomacy with India, including an open, inclusive civil society, and 
respect for human rights, including the freedoms of religion or belief, 
expression, peaceful assembly, and association. If confirmed, I will 
urge Indian officials to protect and respect the right to practice 
one's religion or belief, the right to peaceful assembly, and freedom 
of expression for all, on and offline, in keeping with India's 
constitution and democratic values.

    Question. After a decade of work to establish a civilian-led 
democratic government, the Tatmadaw tragically overthrew Burma's 
Government. The same leaders now running the country are guilty of 
genocide against the Rohingya and of a sustained campaign of violence 
against Burma's ethnic minorities. While I welcome Secretary Blinken's 
decision to review the atrocities and make a determination on genocide, 
such determination is long overdue.
    How can the United States work to promote accountability for the 
military's gross abuses and atrocities? When will the administration 
announce whether the Tatmadaw and/or the Burmese regime committed 
genocide against the Rohingya people?

    Answer. I am appalled by the atrocities that the Burmese military 
continues to commit against the people of Burma, which underscores the 
urgency of promoting accountability for perpetrators of atrocities and 
other human rights violations and abuses. I understand that the 
administration is taking action, alongside our allies and partners, to 
promote justice for victims and accountability for those responsible, 
including by supporting the U.N. Independent Investigative Mechanism 
for Myanmar, providing assistance to Burmese civil society actors 
seeking justice, and implementing sanctions on those responsible for 
these horrific abuses. The Secretary has committed to reviewing whether 
the atrocities committed against Rohingya constitute specific atrocity 
crimes. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary in reaching a 
decision and to making sure our commitments on accountability are 
implemented with both the spirit and the letter of the law.

    Question. After a decade of work to establish a civilian-led 
democratic government, the Tatmadaw tragically overthrew Burma's 
Government. The same leaders now running the country are guilty of 
genocide against the Rohingya and of a sustained campaign of violence 
against Burma's ethnic minorities. While I welcome Secretary Blinken's 
decision to review the atrocities and make a determination on genocide, 
such determination is long overdue.
    How can the United States continue to support democracy and human 
rights in Burma and halt the horrific reversal of progress there?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing our longstanding 
support for democracy and promotion of respect for human rights in 
Burma, which is vital in the face of the military coup d'etat and 
continued deterioration of civilian security and human rights across 
the country. I would continue to support Burma's pro-democracy movement 
and provide humanitarian assistance on the basis of need, including to 
ethnic and religious minority communities as appropriate, and to 
regularly meet with members of Burma's civil society. Ensuring their 
voices are heard as part of the roadmap for Burma's democracy is an 
essential part of its legitimacy and so if confirmed I would urge that 
the U.S. remain steadfast in our support for the people of Burma. 
Additionally, I would encourage strong diplomatic engagement and 
cooperation with our likeminded and regional partners, including in 
international organizations, to deny the military regime international 
credibility and press the regime to reverse course. If confirmed, I 
will support continued efforts to pursue targeted sanctions and other 
actions to deny the military financial resources and promote 
accountability for perpetrators of human rights abuses.



                               __________


           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record 
        Submitted to Ms. Sarah Margon by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What would you do to bolster and reiterate the U.S. 
Government's commitment to protect and advocate for those on the 
frontlines, including civil society organizations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to bolster protections for the 
human rights and fundamental freedoms of all people--including women, 
youth, and members of historically marginalized groups--so that they 
may shape the laws, policies, and political processes that affect their 
lives. To do so, I will support the utilization of a wide array of 
tools to achieve this goal, including bilateral and multilateral 
diplomacy; public messaging; accountability tools; and foreign 
assistance to civil society, including rapid response programs to 
support journalists, activists, and human rights defenders under threat 
for their work. I will also make sure to seek out the views of civil 
society groups and activists, meet them when I travel, help ensure they 
are able to participate in multilateral fora, and take all steps to 
ensure their concerns are central to our consideration on larger U.S. 
policy decisions.

    Question. How would you direct the State Department to enhance the 
protections globally governing freedom of expression and press?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Bureau of Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor to work with other parts of the Department, executive 
branch agencies, and Congress to bolster efforts to promote the ability 
of people everywhere to exercise their right to freedom of expression--
online and offline--free from harassment, intimidation, and violence. 
This includes through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy; public 
messaging; accountability tools; multi-stakeholder initiatives such as 
the Media Freedom Coalition, the Freedom Online Coalition, and the 
President's upcoming Summit for Democracy; and foreign assistance to 
civil society, including rapid response programs to support activists, 
human rights defenders, and journalists under threat.

    Question. How will you prioritize a ``whole-of-government'' 
approach to human rights policy and its application in regional and 
functional diplomatic relationships?

    Answer. The diplomatic work of the United States encompasses all 
the work of all applicable federal agencies and tools. If confirmed I 
will consult broadly with federal agencies and within the Department to 
ensure that U.S. policy on human rights and fundamental freedoms is a 
significant component of decision-making. If confirmed, my job will be 
to use resources and information to ensure policy making adequately 
reflects core human rights and democracy standards. It means ensuring 
DRL is at the table, participating actively in interagency debates and 
decision making. It also means making sure DRL is viewed across the 
foreign service as career enhancing and a net positive in career 
development so there is interest, engagement, and an understanding of 
why our work matters. This cross-Bureau and interagency work is a high 
priority and essential to effective diplomacy.

    Question. There is serious concern about the state of press freedom 
around the world. If confirmed, what actions will you take to curb 
suppression of press freedom and support independent journalists around 
the world?

    Answer. I share the concern that press freedom is threatened 
globally. If confirmed, I will direct the Bureau of Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor to work with other parts of the Department, executive 
branch agencies, and Congress to promote the ability of journalists 
everywhere to do their work--online and offline--free from harassment, 
intimidation, and violence. This includes through bilateral and 
multilateral diplomacy; public messaging; accountability tools; multi-
stakeholder initiatives such as the Media Freedom Coalition, the 
Freedom Online Coalition, and the President's upcoming Summit for 
Democracy; and foreign assistance to civil society, including rapid 
response programs to support journalists under threat and training and 
capacity building programs to bolster the safety of independent 
journalists globally. If confirmed I'll also look at new ways to 
partner in support of press freedom and to do so with allies around the 
globe--whether other governments, philanthropic groups, or the private 
sector.

    Question. Everyone should be able to practice their faith however 
they choose, including in places like China, India, and Uzbekistan. How 
does international religious freedom factor into your priorities?

    Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have made clear that 
the United States prioritizes respect for human rights, including 
freedom of religion or belief, as a key foreign policy objective. Human 
rights are universal--no matter where someone is born, what they 
believe, how they identify, or whom they love, they are entitled to the 
enjoyment of these rights. Human rights are also co-equal, 
interrelated, and interdependent. All people should be able to organize 
their lives in accordance with their conscience, free from violence, 
abuse, and discrimination. If confirmed, I intend to work alongside the 
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and with our 
embassies and consulates around the world, to deploy the full range of 
diplomatic tools--both positive and punitive--to encourage governments 
to respect their international obligations and commitments to protect 
freedom of religion or belief.

    Question. What do you believe is the U.S. Government role in 
advocating on behalf of religious minorities?

    Answer. I believe the U.S. Government must be committed to 
advancing religious freedom internationally, including the protection 
of members of religious minority groups, across the globe. As a part of 
those efforts, we must demonstrate solidarity with those struggling to 
secure their rights and provide foreign assistance to build the 
capacity of local organizations to effectively advocate for themselves. 
We must assist victims of abuses through direct advocacy with foreign 
governments and other forms of emergency assistance, including working 
to free individuals imprisoned for their beliefs. It is also imperative 
that we engage in bilateral diplomacy to encourage governments to bring 
their laws and policies into alignment with their obligations and 
commitments to promote respect religious freedom, including ensuring 
protection for members of religious minority groups. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with the Office of International Religious 
Freedom and its appointed Ambassador at Large on these issues.

    Question. Would you describe the U.N. Human Rights Council as a 
deeply flawed body? Why or why not?

    Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) does have flaws, 
including in particular the Council's problematic membership and its 
disproportionate focus on Israel. If confirmed, I am committed to 
ensuring with colleagues the HRC can be as effective and balanced as 
possible. When the United States has a seat at the table, it has been 
able to advocate on Israel's behalf, resulting in changes like a 
reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel, a clear 
benchmark for U.S. leadership, and has stood up to more problematic 
members with notable records of abuse. When the United States plays an 
active and constructive role on the Council, it has been able to engage 
with our allies and partners to keep some of the countries with the 
worst human rights records off the Council and encourage countries with 
better records to run for seats.

    Question. Can you please explain in detail how the Biden 
administration plans to reform the U.N. Human Rights Council?

    Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the 
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's 
disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic 
membership. When the U.S. has had a seat at the table, it has been able 
to advocate on Israel's behalf, and has seen changes like a reduction 
in the number of resolutions targeting Israel, one benchmark I will use 
for our leadership. I have not been part of these conversations, but I 
understand it is a priority for the administration--and certainly one 
for me, if confirmed. As part of that effort, I will prioritize working 
closely with U.S. friends, allies, and long-time HRC experts in civil 
society to address the Council's problematic membership record and its 
anti-Israel bias. I will engage regularly with the Office of the High 
Commissioner for Human Rights on a wide range of issues and also make 
clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
    When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the 
Council, it has been able to engage with our allies and partners to 
keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and 
to encourage and support countries with better records to run for 
seats.


    Question. Do you believe that human rights should be a permanent 
agenda item for the U.N. Security Council?

    Answer. Human rights are woven into the agenda items for the U.N. 
Security Council in its work to maintain international peace and 
security. Peace and security are intrinsically linked to respect for 
and support of human rights. The U.N. Human Rights Council, to which 
the United States is running for an elected seat, is the premier U.N. 
body focused on human rights issues. I look forward to utilizing that 
platform to advance human rights, if confirmed.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. That said, human rights are 
woven into the agenda items for the U.N. Security Council in its work 
to maintain international peace and security. Peace and security are 
completely linked to respect for human rights. The U.N. Human Rights 
Council, to which the United States secured an elected seat, is the 
premier U.N. body focused on human rights issues. If confirmed, I look 
forward to utilizing that as well as other multilateral platforms to 
advance human rights.


    Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?

    Answer. I am committed to achieving a comprehensive and lasting 
peace between the Israelis and Palestinians and to supporting dignity, 
equal protection under the law, and fundamental freedoms for all. For 
as long as Israel has been a member of the United Nations, Israel has 
been treated differently from other nations at the United Nations. Such 
unequal treatment not only unfairly singles out Israel, it undermines 
the legitimacy of the United Nations itself.
    If confirmed, I will uphold President Biden's strong commitment to 
Israel and its security. This includes opposing efforts to unfairly 
single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, 
reports, and other actions across the United Nations, including the 
Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and 
other bodies. I will also continue to oppose any unilateral provocative 
actions that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects 
for a just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and 
Israelis, which ultimately requires two states.
    I understand the United States will block any resolution that we 
believe may undermine Israel's security or seek to impose a resolution 
to the conflict.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will oppose, as 
I understand the administration does already, efforts to unfairly 
single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, 
reports, and other actions across the United Nations, including the 
Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and 
other bodies. Equally, I will firmly oppose any unilateral provocative 
actions that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects 
for a just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and 
Israelis, which ultimately requires two states. I will work to preserve 
the path to a two-state solution as the best way to ensure Israel's 
future as a Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians 
the state they seek. I will also continue and sustain diplomatic 
engagement on the issue of settlements.


    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee in a bipartisan manner, including by 
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on all relevant 
strategies, initiatives, programs, and assistance under the purview of 
DRL?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed I would welcome the opportunity to work 
closely with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in a bipartisan 
manner, and in coordination with the Bureau of Legislative Affairs.

Foreign Assistance
    Question. If confirmed, under what conditions, if any, would you 
support conditioning U.S. foreign assistance?

    Answer. Conditions that prohibit certain assistance to foreign 
security forces that are credibly implicated in gross violations of 
human rights, such as the Leahy Laws, support the U.S. foreign policy 
objective of promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental 
freedoms. U.S. national security is strengthened when partner 
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic 
values, promote, and protect human rights, hold human rights violators 
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental 
freedoms. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department of State's 
continued rigorous implementation of the Leahy Laws and similar 
conditions. Foreign assistance is an important part of how the U.S. 
engages globally--a way for us to engage local communities and support 
their goals for a more pluralistic society. I believe the principle of 
``do no harm'' is an important one for all donors to embrace. If 
confirmed, I would work closely with colleagues at USAID to consider 
whether restrictions on U.S. foreign assistance related to DRL equities 
are prudent.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe effective 
implementation of existing U.S. law provides helpful starting points to 
identify the conditions under which I would support appropriate 
conditioning or limitations on applicable U.S. assistance. For example, 
Section 502(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act precludes assistance to 
governments that engage in a consistent pattern of gross violations of 
internationally recognized human rights. Similarly, the Leahy laws 
prohibit the provision of applicable U.S. assistance to foreign 
security force units that are credibly implicated in gross violations 
of human rights. U.S. national security is strengthened when partner 
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic 
values, promote, and protect human rights, and hold those responsible 
for human rights violations accountable. In addition, if confirmed, I 
would carefully examine, on a case-by-case basis, other human rights 
factors that may impact decisions about foreign assistance, such as 
whether another government is engaged in acts that could constitute 
atrocities or gender-based violence.

    Question. Would you support conditioning assistance to the West 
Bank and Gaza upon the achievement of measurable progress in ending the 
Palestinian Authority's support for human rights atrocities through the 
heinous ``pay for slay'' program?

    Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr 
payments is abhorrent. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to 
working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr'' 
payments to address longstanding U.S. and international concerns. If 
confirmed, I will commit to closely tracking requirements under the 
Taylor Force Act and other similar legislation and ensuring that U.S. 
assistance is consistent with it. By providing critical humanitarian 
relief, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
Palestinian security coordination, we will help millions of vulnerable 
Palestinians and promote a stable environment that benefits both 
Israelis and Palestinians in a manner that is consistent with our 
values, with U.S. foreign policy priorities, and with U.S. law.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe the Palestinian 
practice of prisoner and martyr payments is abhorrent. The Biden-Harris 
administration is committed to working to end the practice of 
Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr'' payments to address longstanding 
U.S. and international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the 
work thus far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, 
underscoring that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship 
is seeing an end to this heinous practice.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with regional and 
functional bureaus, including the Bureau for Political-Military Affairs 
(PM) to ensure statutory restrictions on the provision of certain forms 
of U.S. foreign assistance to foreign security forces that commit human 
rights abuses are upheld on the one hand, while balancing U.S. national 
security interests and regional security imperatives on the other?

    Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms 
advances U.S. national security interests. Our most valued, dependable, 
and effective partner governments and security forces around the world 
uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold 
human rights violators accountable. Human rights is one of a number of 
national security interests that need to be considered as part of U.S. 
foreign assistance, but ensuring human rights is part of that 
conversation requires doubling down on both information-sharing and 
relationship-building. I understand DRL colleagues are engaged in 
building relationships with the various regional and functional 
bureaus; if I am confirmed, I will not only support such efforts but 
undertake them myself. If confirmed, I will work to support to the 
fullest extent partner governments' accountability mechanisms essential 
to the resumption of assistance to elements of foreign security forces 
critical to U.S. national security and regional security.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you work with regional and 
functional bureaus to ensure that statutory restrictions on assistance 
to foreign governments that engage in corruption and/or fail to uphold 
budget transparency requirements are upheld on the one hand, while 
balancing U.S. national interests and on the other?

    Answer. U.S. national interests are served through a wide array of 
tools and approaches, including bilateral and multilateral diplomatic 
engagement, public diplomacy, and foreign assistance. In countries that 
do not meet statutory restrictions on assistance to foreign 
governments, including those relating to corruption, I understand the 
Department elevates other forms of engagement, and can at times provide 
assistance to civil society organizations capable of advancing U.S. 
interests. Congress has passed important bipartisan legislation that 
enables U.S. Government efforts to better fight corruption and 
President Biden's Memorandum on the Fight Against Corruption as a Core 
United States National Security Interest will further enable the 
executive to assess corruption concerns by modernizing and resourcing 
our ability to elevate and effectively address this problem. If 
confirmed, I pledge to work closely and collaboratively with regional 
and functional bureaus and across the interagency to strategically 
leverage all foreign policy tools possible in each country context.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you measure the impact of DRL 
grants for building the capacity of civil society organizations, 
particularly in non-permissive environments? What is--or should be--the 
criteria for ``graduating'' civil society organizations from reliance 
upon U.S. foreign assistance?

    Answer. I understand that DRL is a leader in the Department of 
State for their monitoring and evaluation of programs and grants. I 
understand DRL measures outcomes and impact, including on capacity 
building, through a set of custom indicators and routine evaluation. If 
confirmed, I will continue to support this practice and closely examine 
what criteria and metrics are in place for measuring success over all 
programmatic goals, including capacity building for civil society 
organizations (CSOs), including in non-permissive environments. My 
understanding is that DRL does not provide core funding for CSOs, but 
instead provides technical assistance (which can be geared towards CSO 
sustainability) or assistance to conduct particular activities within a 
time-limited grant (usually 2-3 years in length). Furthermore, my 
understanding is that it is not a question of ``graduating'' from U.S. 
foreign assistance as the grants, by nature, are time-limited and end.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict DRL's grant-making 
with the work of the U.S. Agency for International Development--which 
has a far more significant budget and deep roots with civil society 
across all development sectors--to guard against duplication and waste?

    Answer. DRL adds unique value to U.S. democracy, governance, and 
human rights programming. DRL's close connection with activists and 
human rights defenders on the ground, especially in repressive 
environments, and programmatic flexibility allow it to address emerging 
opportunities and challenges. If confirmed, I pledge to ensure these 
programs are closely coordinated with the U.S. Agency for International 
Development. My understanding is that USAID and other relevant 
interagency representatives regularly participate in DRL's grant-making 
process, to include serving on panels and reviewing program proposals. 
I hope to continue and deepen this collaboration if confirmed.

    Question. In your view, should the U.S. Agency for International 
Development be directly engaging in democracy promotion, or would 
democracy promotion be best left to the Department of State and its 
diplomatic corps?

    Answer. I believe that the U.S. Agency for International 
Development should engage in democracy support, especially in the 
context of development and strengthening government institutions in 
permissive environments. Supporting and advancing democracy in all 
environments is vitally important and has important links to 
development and aid efforts. support , If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with my colleagues both at the Department of State and the U.S. 
Agency for International Development to use all tools at our collective 
disposal to promote democracy.

    Question. In your view, what is the difference between human rights 
defenders and climate activists?

    Answer. I understand the United States defines human rights 
defenders as individuals, working alone or in groups, who non-
violently, and consistent with the law, advocate for the promotion and 
protection of universally recognized human rights and fundamental 
freedoms. Human rights defenders can be of any ethnicity, gender, 
sexual orientation, religious denomination, disability status, or age. 
They can come from any part of the world, from any social class or 
background, and work on a wide range of issues. A climate activist is 
someone who actively campaigns to have issues of climate change 
recognized and addressed. In some countries, individuals who exercise 
their human rights to peacefully express views on land, climate, or 
environmental issues face abuses from corrupt actors and/or politically 
motivated repression or reprisal. In such cases, I believe the 
Department should continue to protect the universal human right of 
these individuals to express and advocate for their views non-
violently.

    Question. Do you agree with the Biden administration's recent 
efforts to prioritize U.S. foreign assistance specifically set aside 
for human rights defenders for climate activists, effectively placing 
them above other categories of activists that may be subject to 
security action?

    Answer. The Department works to ensure foreign assistance funds are 
programmed consistent with applicable directives, including those 
related to human rights defenders. Members of civil society should be 
heard and not silenced when exercising their rights to freedoms of 
expression, association, and peaceful assembly as they seek to 
participate in the governance of their country. U.S. diplomatic efforts 
and foreign assistance programs seek to protect and support civil 
society members and human rights defenders threatened and attacked for 
exercising their human rights, including those advocating on 
environmental issues. I also understand the Department has long 
included environmental activists as beneficiaries of support through a 
variety of foreign assistance programs. Activists exercising their 
human rights when seeking to protect the environment, including 
addressing climate change, are experiencing increasing repression and 
violence, including killings. I understand U.S. foreign assistance is 
provided to help address these threats. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with you and the committee on these and other U.S. foreign 
assistance matters.

Security Partnerships
    Question. How do you define a values-based security partnership?

    Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms 
advances U.S. national security. Our most valued, dependable, and 
effective partner governments and security forces around the world 
uphold democratic values, protect the human rights of their citizens 
and civilians they protect, hold human rights violators accountable, 
and do not unduly restrict the fundamental freedoms of their people. 
Partnerships should also allow partners to speak openly and honestly 
about all issues--ones where there is agreement and ones where there is 
disagreement. Waiting until a U.S. law is violated doesn't help the 
U.S. and doesn't help the partner be at its best and more effective. If 
confirmed, I will make every effort to ensure core DRL equities are 
part of all security cooperation discussions, with an eye towards 
enhancing behavior and strengthening the partnership. I believe that we 
must continue to create and maintain strong values-based security 
relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured 
assistance, and frequent and ongoing cooperation.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I define a values-based security 
partnership as one that promotes democracy, human rights, and 
accountability in partner security forces. This means supporting 
leaders and institutional safeguards in foreign security forces that 
seek to advance those values but also placing importance on 
transparency, both between governments and with the American public. It 
means having regular, respectful, and frank conversations with our 
foreign security partners through embassy personnel as well as in 
bilateral security meetings with more senior officials. Rights-
respecting, accountable security forces enjoy more support from their 
public, are better allies, and are more effective in promoting security 
in their own countries. It also means looking for opportunities to help 
with remediation so security forces can get back on track--or at least 
understand that doing so is a viable option. This ultimately improves 
U.S. security as well. If confirmed, I will work to build and maintain 
such values-based security partnerships.

    Question. Do you believe that the U.S. should only pursue security 
partnerships with liberal democracies? Why or why not?

    Answer. No. I believe that supporting democracy, human rights, and 
fundamental freedoms advances U.S. national security and that most 
valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security 
forces around the world uphold democratic values, protect the human 
rights of their citizens and civilians, hold human rights violators 
accountable, and do not unduly restrict the fundamental freedoms of 
their people. While these are not the only security partnerships that 
exist, it is important to centralize core democratic tenets within 
these efforts. In some cases, if the partner in question isn't a 
democracy, security assistance can be a valuable incentive to generate 
reform. If confirmed, I will work to realize President Biden's vision 
of a foreign policy, including with regards to security partnerships, 
that are centered around human rights and democratic values, which can 
certainly but not exclusively find expression in partnerships with 
other democracies.

    Question. How do you think a country's human rights environment 
will be affected if China replaces the U.S. as security partner of 
choice?

    Answer. The PRC's active campaign to reshape the rules-based order, 
and corrupt practices are often conducted under the guise of 
diplomatic, economic, and security cooperation and can threaten both 
the human rights situation in countries with which China partners, as 
well as the partner country's very sovereignty. America's commitment to 
democracy and human rights in our foreign policy is a competitive 
advantage, including with our security partners, and one we have seen 
demanded by local populations from Hong Kong to Belarus. If confirmed, 
I will work to ensure that American values continue to remain a 
centerpiece of U.S. security cooperation.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe the PRC's active 
campaign to reshape the rules-based order and other problematic 
practices are often conducted under the guise of diplomatic, economic, 
and security cooperation and threaten to degrade the human rights 
situation in countries with which China partners if China replaces the 
U.S. as a country's security partner of choice. America's commitment to 
promoting democracy and respect for human rights in our foreign policy 
is a competitive advantage, including with our security partners and 
has created important opportunities for strengthening bilateral 
relations. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that American values 
continue to remain a centerpiece of U.S. security cooperation.

    Question. Do you support imposing a new requirement for Leahy-like 
vetting for all U.S. arms sales? Why or why not?

    Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration is already 
working to develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to 
ensure arms transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign 
policy priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at 
the center of foreign policy; if confirmed, I will support and uphold 
that policy. In the meantime, I understand the Department--consistent 
with the Arms Export Control Act and other applicable laws--determines 
on a case-by-case basis whether arms transfers support U.S. interests, 
including human rights. If there is interest from Congress to move a 
new Leahy-like vetting for all U.S. arms sales, I would engage 
meaningfully in the discussion and consult closely with others in the 
Department--as well as outside experts. When appropriate, that review 
should include consultations with the U.S. Congress and input from DoD 
and other interagency partners--a process I intend to take very 
seriously, if confirmed.

    Question. Should the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 
have a veto over arms sales?

    Answer. No single bureau has or should have a veto over foreign 
arms sales; I understand human rights concerns are one of several 
factors taken into account in the arms sales process, together with the 
implications of such sales for U.S. and regional security, bilateral 
relations, and U.S. commercial interests. If confirmed, I will ensure 
that the arms sales process gives appropriate weight to human rights 
concerns raised by any bureau, and I will fully support the role of 
human rights considerations in arms transfer decisions, in line with 
the requirement for such considerations in statute and with President 
Biden's commitment to putting human rights at the center of foreign 
policy. I understand the Biden administration is already working to 
develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms 
transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign policy 
priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at the 
center of foreign policy

    Question. There are efforts in Congress to condition security 
assistance given to Israel. Yes or no, do you believe in conditioning 
Foreign Military Financing, International Military Education and 
Training, and other forms of assistance that the U.S. gives Israel? Why 
or why not?

    Answer. If confirmed I will fully support the administration's 
commitment not to condition U.S. assistance to Israel. President 
Biden's commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. I understand that 
the Leahy laws prohibit Foreign Military Financing, International 
Military Education and Training, and other forms of U.S. assistance to 
foreign security forces that are credibly implicated in gross 
violations of human rights, where no accountability is taking place. If 
confirmed, I will fully support the letter and spirit of the Leahy Laws 
and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the Department of State, and 
the Department of Defense.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will fully 
support the administration's commitment not to condition U.S. 
assistance to Israel. President Biden's commitment to Israel's security 
is ironclad. I understand that the Leahy laws prohibit Foreign Military 
Financing, International Military Education and Training, and other 
forms of U.S. assistance to foreign security forces that are credibly 
implicated in gross violations of human rights, where no accountability 
is taking place. If confirmed, I will fully support the letter and 
spirit of the Leahy Laws and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the 
Department of State, and the Department of Defense.

          Question. Can the nominee clarify whether she thinks Israel 
        is such a place where no accountability is taking place, as 
        referenced in her answer?

          Answer. I do not believe that Israel is a place where no 
        accountability is taking place.

    Question. The United States provides significant funding to the 
International Committee of the Red Cross. However, ICRC is now 
advocating for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a 
treaty that threatens the ability of the U.S. to defend itself and its 
allies, among other issues. Do you believe this advocacy is outside the 
ICRC's mandate? Should U.S. taxpayers fund it?

    Answer. I am aware the International Committee of the Red Cross 
(ICRC) has been addressing nuclear weapons since 1945 as part of its 
mission. I also understand that the PRM bureau at the State Department 
is authorized to provide funds to the ICRC to respond to emergencies, 
protect and assist civilians in situations of armed conflict, wounded 
members of armed forces, prisoners of war, and other vulnerable 
populations, and promote international humanitarian law. I understand 
that the United States does not support the TPNW and, if confirmed, I 
will commit to work with my State Department and interagency colleagues 
on tangible, verifiable measures to reduce strategic risk and enable 
progress on nuclear disarmament.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am aware that the 
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been addressing 
nuclear weapons since 1945 as part of its mission. The ICRC has an 
important role that includes promoting respect for international 
humanitarian law (IHL), helping to disseminate and teach it, and 
working with States in fulfilling their obligations under IHL, 
especially those of states parties to the Geneva Conventions. The 
United States does not support the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear 
Weapons, nor does the U.S. Government provide funds to support the 
ICRC's advocacy activities related to it. If confirmed, I commit to 
defending the ability of the United States to defend itself and our 
allies and will work with my State Department and interagency 
colleagues on tangible, verifiable measures to reduce strategic risk 
and enable progress on nuclear disarmament.

    Question. Since 2015, parties to the conflict in Yemen have carried 
out gross human rights violations with impunity. This includes the 
Iran-backed Houthis, who, both the U.N. and the Department of State, 
have implicated in abuses ranging from arbitrary arrest, forced 
disappearance, to gender-based violence and even torture.

   Please provide your assessment of the Houthi Movement's adherence 
        to international human rights and humanitarian law.

    Answer. The Houthis have committed egregious human rights abuses in 
Yemen; the United Nations Panel of Experts noted they may have also 
committed war crimes. The 2020 State Department Human Rights Report on 
Yemen notes many of these allegations, including arbitrary deprivation 
of life, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, gender-based 
violence, including sexual violence, torture, and the recruitment and 
use in hostilities of children. All parties to Yemen's armed conflict, 
including the Houthis, are responsible for compliance with 
international human law. Efforts to hold the Houthis responsible for 
grave crimes are just as important as those to hold government 
officials accountable. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Special 
Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to push all parties 
to the conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen 
Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions.

    Question. If confirmed, can you commit to using your position to 
bringing greater awareness to the human rights violations being 
actively perpetrated by the Houthis in Yemen, which poses a grave and 
long-term threat to regional stability?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Special Envoy Tim 
Lenderking and our international partners to push all parties to the 
conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Hans 
Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions. The United States 
continues to work with our international partners to apply pressure on 
the Houthis, including via domestic and U.N. sanctions, and, if 
confirmed, I would support that work. I would also work closely with 
the U.N. Human Rights Council to continue highlighting the importance 
of accountability for human rights abuses committed in Yemen.

    Question. To what extent do you feel the deliberate targeting of 
civilian infrastructure by the Houthis both in Yemen and in Saudi 
Arabia constitutes war crimes?

    Answer. The Houthis continue to impact Saudi civilians and 
infrastructure with missiles and unmanned aircraft systems launched 
from Yemen. I understand that the Department of State shares concerns 
over these actions and has continued to urge all parties to this 
conflict to respect their obligations under international humanitarian 
law, and to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The Houthis continue to mount 
egregious attacks against Saudi civilians and infrastructure with 
missiles and unmanned aircraft systems launched from Yemen. While I am 
not in a position to make a legal assessment of whether individual 
attacks constitute war crimes, credible NGOs such as Human Rights Watch 
have alleged that some of these attacks constituted war crimes. Houthi 
attacks on Marib have killed civilians, including small children, and 
have put over one million internally displaced Yemenis at grave risk, 
and Houthi attacks on Saudi civilian infrastructure have killed and 
wounded civilians. I understand that the Department of State shares 
concerns over these actions and has continued to urge all parties to 
this conflict to respect their obligations under international 
humanitarian law, and to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians.

    Question. How would the role of the Houthis in a future Government 
of Yemen impact this administration's ability to carry out its 
priorities with respect to human rights, religious freedom, and 
democracy promotion in Yemen?

    Answer. President Biden has committed to elevating the importance 
of human rights in our foreign policy. The Houthis have a record of 
egregious human rights abuses. Respect for human rights, accountability 
for human rights abuses and violations, and progress on the political 
track are all mutually reinforcing. If confirmed, I would work with 
U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to 
push all parties to the conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special 
Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions.

    Question. In a 2020 report, the U.N. panel of experts noted that 
their investigations ``confirmed rampant levels of serious violations 
of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, 
many of which may amount to war crimes.'' What role should DRL play in 
international efforts to pursue accountability and justice for crimes 
committed in Yemen?

    Answer. The United States continues to work with our international 
partners to promote accountability in Yemen, including via domestic and 
U.N. sanctions, public and private diplomatic engagement, and support 
for documentation of human rights violations and abuses by all parties 
to the conflict. If confirmed, I would support that work and also 
engage local civil society organizations on what types of justice would 
be most meaningful.

    Question. How does institutional capacity building at the local 
level fit into the overall peace process in Yemen?

    Answer. Years of war have degraded governmental and non-
governmental institutions throughout Yemen, and rebuilding key social, 
political, and economic institutions will be critical to reaching and 
maintaining a durable peace agreement. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking, the United 
Nations, the Government of Yemen, civil society leaders, including 
women and youth, and key regional and international partners to build 
on the unprecedented international consensus on the need to end the 
war.

    Question. How can local government structures be better used to 
advance efforts to find a political settlement to the conflict?

    Answer. Only a comprehensive peace agreement between Yemenis can 
begin to reverse the humanitarian crisis and bring sustainable relief. 
If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim 
Lenderking, the United Nations, the Government of Yemen, and key 
regional and international partners to build on the international 
consensus on the need to end the war and to engage civil society 
leaders, including women and youth at the local and national level. An 
inclusive political dialogue involving civil society is essential to 
ensuring all Yemenis are heard and represented in efforts to end the 
war.

    Question. Since anti-government protests broke out in October 2019, 
dozens of protestors have been killed by Iran backed militia groups in 
Iraq. These groups operate largely with impunity having successfully 
evaded the Government of Iraq's efforts to hold them to account for 
their crimes. What role should DRL play in ensuring the protests 
movement's voices are heard and their concerns addressed?

    Answer. The Government of Iraq has an obligation to respect and 
protect freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Peaceful 
demonstrators seeking democratic reforms should never be met with 
threats and violence. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting 
accountability for the ongoing violence against protesters, 
journalists, and activists in Iraq. I also will ensure DRL continues to 
work with other U.S. Government stakeholders and likeminded countries 
to pursue justice, accountability, and democratic reforms through 
increased diplomatic pressure on the Government of Iraq to investigate 
and hold accountable individuals responsible for violence against the 
media, protesters, voters, civil society activists and minority 
populations, as well as to continue to communicate the U.S. 
Government's strong support for the rights and dignity of all persons.

    Question. After months of stalled government formation efforts 
following the August 4, 2020 Beirut Port Blast, Lebanon's political 
elite finally reached an agreement to form a cabinet on September 20, 
2021. If confirmed, please outline your list of priorities with respect 
to Lebanon.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support efforts to urge the newly 
formed Lebanese Government to take action to address the dire economic 
situation facing those living in Lebanon and to address the legitimate 
demands of the Lebanese people, including concrete political and 
economic reforms which would combat corruption and protect the rights 
of Lebanese civil society, as well as accountability for the port 
blast. I would also support efforts to work to ensure Lebanon's 
parliamentary elections are held on-time and conducted in a free and 
fair manner.

    Question. How do you plan to work with Lebanon's newly formed 
cabinet and civil society to support efforts to pursue accountability 
for the Beirut Port Blast?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to push for the newly 
formed Lebanese Government to work closely with Lebanese civil society 
to ensure accountability for the Beirut Port Blast. I believe the 
Lebanese justice system must work without any political interference, 
and civil society plays an important role in promoting transparency.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of Russia's role in the 
Middle East and North Africa region with respect to human rights and 
democratic ideals.

    Answer. Russia's actions in the Middle East and North Africa 
largely serve to undermine the international order, including human 
rights and democracy, through its enabling of regimes committing human 
rights violations. Among the greatest concerns is Russia's military 
campaign in Syria in support of the Assad regime, which has led to 
massive destruction, the detainment and abuse of countless individuals, 
the displacement of millions, and the deaths of hundreds of thousands. 
If confirmed, I will push back on Russia's efforts to shield the Assad 
regime from accountability, including in multilateral fora.

    Question. Is it your view that closer partnership with Russia 
positively, or negatively, impacts U.S. interests in the region?

    Answer. In general, Russia's interests in the region are mostly 
geopolitical but there is an element of commercial interest as well--
which means there are multiple angles for the U.S. to consider 
engaging. If confirmed, I would support cooperation with Russia in the 
Middle East and North Africa region on issues where our interests 
align, such as on constraining Iran's nuclear ambitions. In Syria, the 
United States has always been open to dialogue with Russia as long as 
it contributes to the protection of civilians, enables steps toward a 
political resolution to the conflict, and promotes Syria's adherence to 
its international obligations. Where Russia acts to thwart U.S. 
objectives in the region, however, I believe the United States should 
respond with firm resolve. Calling out and holding Russia accountable 
for its malign actions is an important response tool.

    Question. According to the U.N., widespread human rights violations 
have been committed over the course of the conflict in Libya. What role 
should DRL play in efforts to pursue accountability for the victims?

    Answer. The United States shares the aspirations of the Libyan 
people: a sovereign, stable, unified, and secure Libya, free from 
foreign interference. Libyans should be able to feel that their rights 
will be respected. Ensuring accountability for human rights abuses is 
critical to the national reconciliation process.
    If confirmed, I will explore all tools available to promote 
accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and 
abuses in Libya, including sanctions and support for multilateral 
mechanisms like the U.N. International Fact-Finding Mission on Libya. I 
will continue ongoing diplomatic engagement with the Libyan Government 
and civil society, and will support civil society in their efforts to 
document human rights violations and abuses as part of broader 
accountability mechanisms.

    Question. What is the best recourse to purse action against the 
alleged perpetrators of such crimes?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with Libyan civil society and 
build on international best practices and the expertise of my 
colleagues in the Department to determine the most effective way to 
promote accountability in support of a sovereign, stable, secure, and 
unified Libya that protects the human rights of all individuals in the 
country.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of the exceptional 
measures taken by President Kais Saied in July through which he 
suspended parliament, lifted MP's immunity, and dismissed the prime 
minister.

    Answer. I share the Tunisian people's goal of a democratic 
government that is responsive to the country's needs, as it battles 
economic and health crises. I am concerned that President Saied's 
transitional measures are continuing without a clear end in sight. If 
confirmed, I would echo calls from the Tunisian public for the 
president to articulate a plan with a clear timeline for an inclusive 
reform process that includes civil society and diverse political voices 
and ensure that Tunisians' human rights are respected and protected.

    Question. To what extent do you feel President Saied's recent 
actions threaten the state of Tunisian democracy?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration continues to urge President 
Saied to swiftly end exceptional measures, appoint a prime minister to 
form a capable government that can respond to Tunisians' legitimate 
economic and political demands, and launch an inclusive reform process 
that incorporates civil society and diverse political perspectives. If 
confirmed, I would support and advance administration policy on these 
fronts, echo calls from the Tunisian public for the president to 
articulate a plan with a clear timeline for an inclusive reform process 
that includes civil society and diverse political voices and ensure 
that Tunisians' human rights are respected and protected.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to work with Tunisia to 
preserve hard won democratic gains?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has called on the Tunisian 
Government to continue its public commitment to respect Tunisians' 
fundamental freedoms and the rule of law. If confirmed, I would 
continue to make clear the United States' unwavering support for 
Tunisian democracy and work closely with a range of Tunisian 
interlocutors, including Tunisian civil society, to strengthen 
Tunisia's democracy, and ensure that Tunisians' human rights are 
respected and protected. I would also work closely with multilateral 
organizations and the international financial institutions to ensure 
Tunisia's democracy has wide support and adequate resources to succeed.

    Question. In 2016, the Obama administration signed a 10-year 
security assistance Memorandum of Understanding with Israel in which 
the U.S. pledged military assistance in the form of Foreign Military 
Financing and missile defense funding. Do you support providing Israel 
with defensive capabilities that include Iron Dome munitions?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains committed to 
Israel's defense and security, including its qualitative military edge 
in the region, consistent with U.S. law and policy. On May 20, 
President Biden assured Prime Minister Netanyahu of his ``full support 
to replenish Israel's Iron Dome system to ensure [Israel's] defense and 
security in the future.'' If confirmed, I will support transfers of 
defensive capabilities to Israel consistent with U.S. law and the 2016 
Memorandum of Understanding.

    Question. In May, President Biden confirmed his administration's 
support for Israel and said, ``Until the region says unequivocally they 
acknowledge the right of Israel to exist as an independent Jewish 
state, there will be no peace.'' If confirmed, will you support 
transfers of offensive capabilities to Israel so they can properly 
defend themselves?

    Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to 
Israel's security. If confirmed, I will support transfers of offensive 
capabilities to Israel consistent with U.S. law.

    Question. Should the International Criminal Court investigate U.S. 
or Israeli personnel? Why or why not?

    Answer. No. I support the administration's efforts to firmly oppose 
investigations by the International Criminal Court of U.S. or Israeli 
personnel. The United States and Israel are not parties to the ICC and 
have not consented to the Court's jurisdiction. I understand the U.S. 
Government has expressed serious concerns about the ICC's attempts to 
exercise its jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. The Palestinians do 
not qualify as a sovereign state and therefore, are not qualified to 
obtain membership as a state in, participate as a state in, or delegate 
jurisdiction to the ICC.
    I understand the United States Government remains deeply committed 
to ensuring justice and accountability for international atrocity 
crimes. I recognize the role that international tribunals such as the 
ICC can play-within their respective mandates-in the pursuit of those 
important objectives and believe a peaceful, secure, and more 
prosperous future for the people of the Middle East depends on building 
bridges and creating new avenues for dialogue and exchange, not 
unilateral judicial actions that can exacerbate tensions and undercut 
efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution.

    Question. What are your views on the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions 
(BDS) movement, which includes companies with whom the Department of 
State does business?

    Answer. I firmly oppose the BDS movement. While the United States 
will protect the constitutional rights of our citizens to free speech, 
the Biden-Harris administration has been clear that it resolutely 
opposes the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement because 
it unfairly and inappropriately singles out Israel.

    Question. Under what conditions would you advocate for the United 
States--and the Department of State, in particular--to join the boycott 
movement?

    Answer. Like the Biden-Harris administration, I firmly oppose the 
BDS movement.

    Question. Do you believe that Israeli settlements in West Bank and 
Gaza are illegal?

    Answer. I believe it is critical for both Israel and the 
Palestinian Authority to refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate 
tensions and undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state 
solution, including annexation of territory, settlement activity, 
demolitions, incitement to violence, and providing compensation for 
individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The two-state solution is the 
best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and democratic state, 
and to give the Palestinians the state they seek. I firmly oppose any 
unilateral provocative actions that risk sparking more violence and 
that undermine prospects for a just, durable resolution of the conflict 
between Palestinians and Israelis, which ultimately requires two 
states. I believe it is critical for both Israel and the Palestinian 
Authority to refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate tensions and 
undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution, including 
annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions, incitement 
to violence, and providing compensation for individuals imprisoned for 
acts of terrorism. I am not in a position to speak to the 
administration's legal views. If confirmed, I will work to preserve the 
path to a two-state solution, as the best way to ensure Israel's future 
as a Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state 
they seek.

    Question. The Egyptian Government has a less-than-stellar record on 
human rights, including recent arbitrary detentions of human rights 
activists, impunity for security services, deplorable detention 
conditions, suppression of fundamental freedoms, and more. It is 
important that the United States seek to bolster human rights and civil 
society in Egypt. What tools will you use to address these human rights 
abuses and end impunity for those committing them?

    Answer. It's clear that the United States has multiple priorities 
when it comes to policy toward Egypt, but I think it's important to 
recognize that the Secretary of State's recent decision neither to 
certify improvements in Egypt's human rights record nor to waive the 
Foreign Military Financing human rights conditions presents an 
opportunity for the administration to double down on its efforts to 
address Egypt's grave human rights crisis. If confirmed, I will 
consider all tools available to address human rights violations in 
Egypt and to end impunity for those violations, including through 
public and private diplomatic engagement, engagement with partners and 
at multilateral forums, and more punitive measures to address specific 
abuses, including restrictions on security assistance as appropriate. I 
also will support engagement with Egyptian civil society groups, 
including human rights defenders and work closely with the NEA bureau 
and Embassy Cairo to ensure those civil society voices are heard. 
Ultimately, the Egyptian people will be the most effective advocates 
for human rights and government accountability in Egypt, so if 
confirmed I will prioritize identifying how to best push back on 
Egyptian restrictions on civic space and how to secure adequate space 
for independent civil society groups working to address these issues in 
Egypt.

    Question. If confirmed, what would you change about current 
programming in Syria?

    Answer. I understand that since before the 2011 uprisings, DRL 
programs have been actively supporting Syrian civil society, 
independent journalists, civic groups, and women and youth activists, 
to advance the cause of democracy and human rights. I believe DRL's 
programs protect civic space for Syrian civil society groups to 
advocate for the needs of their communities; play an active role in the 
political process; promote reconciliation and stabilization of areas 
recently liberated; hold local governance institutions accountable; 
contribute to accountability and transitional justice efforts; and 
provide support to survivors of torture and sexual and gender-based 
violence. While other donors have ceased or limited their support for 
these Syrian civil society actors, DRL has provided continuous 
assistance to help protect civil society's role as positive change 
agents within Syria, in neighboring countries, and in the diaspora. If 
confirmed, I will look closely at DRL's programmatic efforts in Syria 
to determine if any changes are needed to ensure the continued success 
and impact of these efforts, to ensure our programs remain aligned with 
our policy, and to ensure our partners can continue to operate as 
safely as possible.

    Question. Do you agree that the United States should not be funding 
reconstruction efforts in Syria? Please explain your answer.

    Answer. If confirmed, I would not support reconstruction assistance 
to Syria until there is irreversible progress toward a political 
resolution to the conflict in line with United Nations Security Council 
Resolution 2254. I would support the United States continuing to 
provide humanitarian aid in Syria, including certain early recovery 
assistance, to build resilience and restore Syrian civilians' access to 
basic services, so long as these are delivered on the basis of need and 
conducted by independent and impartial humanitarian agencies.

    Question. What steps, if confirmed, will you take to bolster civil 
society in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure the United States continues 
its strong support for courageous Syrian civil society actors whose 
efforts are critical to advancing peace and stability in Syria. I 
understand DRL has provided continuous assistance to maintain civil 
society's role as positive change agents within Syria, including 
through efforts to protect and expand civic space and encourage 
meaningful citizen participation in public policy and governance; 
promote local reconciliation; support human rights and accountability 
efforts; and facilitate reintegration of returning IDPs, among other 
activities, as well as Syrians in neighboring countries and the 
diaspora. If confirmed, I will ensure DRL continues to work closely 
with interagency colleagues to ensure the continued success and impact 
of these efforts, and that our partners can continue to operate as 
safely as possible.

    Question. What steps, if confirmed, will you take to bolster human 
rights defenders in country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure DRL continues its strong 
support for courageous Syrian human rights defenders whose efforts are 
critical to advancing peace and stability in Syria. I understand DRL 
has provided continuous assistance to ensure human rights defenders' 
efforts to contribute to accountability and transitional justice 
efforts; provide support to survivors of torture and gender-based 
violence; play an active role in the political process; and promote 
stabilization in areas liberated from ISIS. If confirmed, I will ensure 
DRL continues to work closely with interagency colleagues to support 
and encourage the continued success and impact of these efforts, and 
that our partners can continue to operate as safely as possible.

    Question. Syrian-Russian forces continue to deliberately and openly 
attack civilian entities, community centers, and populations. How would 
you engage with the intra-Department and interagency to promote a 
political solution through United Nations Security Council Resolution 
(UNSCR) 2254?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the United States to remain 
engaged with the U.N., our allies, and our international partners to 
encourage all possible efforts to advance a political resolution to the 
conflict through a U.N.-facilitated, Syrian-led process as laid out in 
U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254, including a nationwide ceasefire 
and the release of arbitrarily detained Syrians. Peace and stability in 
Syria, and the greater region, can only be achieved through a political 
process that addresses the root causes of the conflict, including the 
Assad regime's ongoing campaign of arbitrary detention and violence 
against his own people, and promotes accountability for the innumerable 
atrocities the Assad regime and its allies have perpetrated against the 
Syrian people.

    Question. The use of arbitrary detention and torture by the Assad 
regime continues to shock the conscious. Please explain what tools are 
available to you, if confirmed, to hold the regime accountable for its 
crimes against civilians?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would use every tool at my disposal to 
promote an end to the Assad regime's vicious campaign of arbitrary 
detention and torture in Syria. I will consult with our DRL team and 
Department colleagues to assess which tools are most appropriate to 
achieving this objective, including continued support for human rights 
and documentation groups laying the groundwork for accountability 
efforts; support for former detainees, families of the missing, and 
other survivors of the regime's abuses; the continued use of targeted 
sanctions that promote accountability for perpetrators of human rights 
abuses and limit their access to resources; and ensuring our efforts to 
advance a political resolution also address the root causes of the 
conflict and promote accountability for the innumerable atrocities the 
Assad regime and its allies have perpetrated against the Syrian people.

    Question. The recent botched evacuation in Afghanistan highlights 
some serious gaps in the policy decisions made by this administration. 
What conditions would a Biden administration place on future assistance 
to Afghanistan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will monitor closely how any future 
Government of Afghanistan respects and protects human rights, 
especially for women, girls, and minority groups, and fundamental 
freedoms that have become an integral part of the life of all Afghan 
citizens, and actively engage our bilateral and multilateral partners 
to maintain unity in holding the Taliban accountable to their actions. 
If confirmed, I also commit to ensuring unhindered U.S. humanitarian 
assistance continues to safely flow to support the needs of Afghan 
people and that female aid workers are granted the ability to fully 
participate in the delivery of aid. I will work to increase support to 
human rights defenders, independent journalists, and civil society 
activists who remain in Afghanistan. The provision of humanitarian 
assistance is a demonstration of the U.S. commitment to the Afghan 
people, and an important part of ensuring they remain protected and 
supported. If confirmed, I will encourage the United States, to work 
with other governments, with financial institutions, and with NGOs to 
support humanitarian and emergency assistance to Afghans whose lives 
depend on it.

    Question. U.S. efforts in Afghanistan dramatically improved 
conditions for women, minority and youth but now are at great risk of 
violence and regression from the Taliban. How should the State 
Department safeguard the gains made for Afghan women, minority, and 
youth in the current security environment?

    Answer. The meaningful participation of women and members of 
minority groups in governance has a positive effect on the economic, 
political, and health aspects of a country and its people. If 
confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to hold the Taliban to its 
stated commitment to allow U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, 
and Afghans with the proper documentation who wish to leave the country 
to do so. I will also continue to support efforts to hold the Taliban 
to international expectations on respecting the fundamental human 
rights of all Afghans, including those of women, children, and members 
of minority and vulnerable groups. I will also work with the 
international community, including the United Nations, to hold the 
perpetrators of human rights abuses and violations accountable for 
those actions. Part of my job, if confirmed, will be to make sure the 
Department--as well as the interagency--is aware of the fragile 
situation for women, minorities, and youth and has all the updated 
information available so we can make decisions as U.S. Government that 
lessens the burdens--and threats--they face and increase protection and 
opportunities.

    Question. Do you feel that this administration failed women, girls, 
and youth in Afghanistan given the botched evacuation?

    Answer. Over 124,000 American citizens, lawful permanent residents 
(LPRs), locally employed staff, Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs), and 
Afghans at-risk, including women, children, journalists, persons with 
disabilities, members of the LGBTQI+ community, and members of minority 
groups were evacuated from Afghanistan prior to September 1. That said, 
many vulnerable Afghans remain in Afghanistan and will need support and 
protection. The administration will continue to hold the Taliban to 
their commitment to allowing the safe passage of American citizens, 
LPRs, and Afghans with the proper documentation, including women and 
children, who desire to leave. The meaningful participation of women 
and members of minority groups in governance has a positive effect on 
the economic, political, and security health of a country. If 
confirmed, I will work with the rest of the interagency to press the 
Taliban on the international community's expectations of their ability 
to uphold the rights of all Afghans, including women and children. I 
will engage our multilateral and bilateral partners on the same, to 
ensure they are pushing the same message of respect for human rights 
and fundamental freedoms and the need to form an inclusive government 
that includes women and members of minority groups. I will work with 
the international community, including the United Nations, to hold the 
perpetrators of human rights abuses and violations accountable for 
their actions.

    Question. How will you continue to support vulnerable populations 
in Afghanistan and the region?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promoting respect for human 
rights and fundamental freedoms, especially for Afghan human rights 
defenders, women, children, journalists, persons with disabilities, 
members of the LGBTQI+ community, members of minority groups, and other 
vulnerable persons. I will support U.S. efforts to hold the Taliban to 
its stated commitment to allow American citizens, Legal Permanent 
Residents, and Afghans with the proper documentation who wish to leave 
the country to do so, as well as press them to respect human rights, 
including those of women and children, in Afghanistan. I will also look 
for ways for the State Department to support multilateral initiatives 
that protect and support vulnerable populations, work with regional 
governments, multilateral organizations, international civil society 
organizations and USAID colleagues. I will seek to maintain our robust 
relationships with Afghan human rights defenders both inside and 
outside Afghanistan. If confirmed, my commitment to these relationships 
will remain unwavering as we work with academics, human rights 
defenders, women activists, and disability activists on these issues.

    Question. The U.S. recently killed 10 civilians, including seven 
children, via an over-the-horizon drone strike in Afghanistan. The U.S. 
has killed civilians in numerous other errant strikes. Would other 
countries be justified in boycotting, divesting, and sanctioning the 
United States? Why or why not?

    Answer. I share my deepest condolences with the families and 
friends of those who were killed by the strike. While the United 
States, like all other countries, has a right to defend itself and, if 
confirmed, I will defend that right, there has been tremendous work in 
the area of how best to respond to civilian casualties and a number of 
lessons learned that if implemented robustly can help generate both 
effectiveness towards national security goals and good will amongst 
local communities. General McKenzie stated on September 17, ``This 
strike was taken in the earnest belief that it would prevent an 
imminent threat to our forces and the evacuees at the airport. But it 
was a mistake and I offer my sincere apology.'' Secretary Austin said 
that ``We will endeavor to learn from this horrible mistake. To that 
end, I have directed a thorough review of the investigation just 
completed by U.S. Central Command. I have asked for this review to 
consider the degree to which the investigation considered all available 
context and information, the degree to which accountability measures 
need be taken and at what level, and the degree to which strike 
authorities, procedures and processes need to be altered in the 
future.'' I believe such a response is important not just to the 
immediate friends and family of those killed but also for us as a 
country and is morally responsible. If confirmed, I will support the 
approach described in these statements.

    Question. Is it your opinion that the policy and objectives being 
advanced by the Chinese Communist Party pose the greatest foreign 
policy challenge to the United States today and will continue to do so 
for the foreseeable future?

    Answer. There is no doubt that the PRC poses the most significant 
challenge of any nation to the United States in terms of our values and 
the interests of the American people. If confirmed, I will pay special 
attention to the PRC, whose pernicious attacks on human rights, 
dissent, and the rule of law are on the rise domestically and fast 
becoming a common export. Our priority must be making sure the PRC does 
not succeed in its efforts to undermine international human rights and 
the rules-based order.

    Question. If not, why not?

    Answer. There is no doubt that the PRC poses the most significant 
challenge of any nation to the United States in terms of our values and 
the interests of the American people.

    Question. What do you believe is our greatest foreign policy 
challenge?

    Answer. I believe there is not one issue that is our greatest 
foreign policy challenge but instead a number of interlocking ones that 
include digital and technological advancements, the climate crisis, 
rising authoritarianism, and an increasingly aggressive China. These 
transnational issues are already testing democracies worldwide and, 
left unchecked or ill-coordinated, have the potential to lead to frayed 
alliances, institutional vulnerabilities, massive, large scale and 
persistent migration, and a serious deterioration of basic, fundamental 
freedoms. If we don't rise to the occasion to respond to each of these 
developments in a coordinated way, the consequences to democracy, 
security, and human rights could be catastrophic.

    Question. Will the Biden administration continue public 
presidential meetings with, and support for, the Dalai Lama as 
conducted by the Trump administration?

    Answer. Yes. I understand administrations from both political 
parties have long welcomed engagement with, and support for, His 
Holiness the Dalai Lama as a globally renowned religious leader. If 
confirmed, I would support a continuation of that practice.

    Question. Will you commit that the Department of State will meet 
with the Dalai Lama's representatives, as the Assistant Secretary of 
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor did in 2020?

    Answer. Yes. I understand administrations from both political 
parties have long welcomed engagement with representatives of His 
Holiness the Dalai Lama. If confirmed, I would support a continuation 
of that practice.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to confront the Chinese 
Government on the human rights violations taking place in Xinjiang?

    Answer. The United States should continue to speak out consistently 
and jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities, and 
to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those 
responsible and deter future abuses. If confirmed, I will continue 
concrete U.S. Government action--in coordination with our allies and 
partners whenever possible--to promote accountability for ongoing 
atrocities and genocide in Xinjiang, including through the imposition 
of visa restrictions, tightening of export controls, enforcement of 
import restrictions, imposition of financial sanctions, and 
multilateral initiatives. We will continue to caution businesses about 
the economic, legal, and reputational risks of supply chain links to 
entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor in 
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China.

    Question. Due to the massive amounts of human rights abuses being 
committed by the Chinese Communist Party, do you believe they should be 
allowed to host the Olympics in 2022?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the human rights violations and 
abuses being committed by the PRC. If confirmed, I will ensure the 
Department of State continues to play a strong leadership role in 
global efforts to combat serious human rights abuses committed by the 
PRC, domestically and abroad, and consults closely with our allies and 
partners to establish a shared approach regarding the Olympics.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The International Olympic 
Committee (IOC) members select the Olympic host. If confirmed, I will 
engage with the IOC and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee to 
advocate for human rights to be considered in the selection of host 
cities consistent with the Olympic Charter, which highlights respect 
and human dignity as key values.
          I am deeply concerned by the human rights violations and 
        abuses being committed by the PRC Government and the PRC 
        Government's abhorrent genocide and crimes against humanity 
        against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other 
        ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. If confirmed, 
        I will ensure the Department of State continues to play a 
        strong leadership role in global efforts to end the genocide 
        and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, combat human rights 
        abuses committed by the PRC, domestically and abroad, and will 
        consult closely with our allies and partners to define our 
        common concerns and establish a shared approach.

    Question. Legislation currently under consideration proposes a 
human rights briefing for the Olympic athletes on Team USA. The 
briefing would help inform athletes about major human rights abuses 
committed by the government hosting the Olympics, and alert them to 
narratives that the government pushes to deflect or deny such abuses. 
Do you support such a proposal?

    Answer. I support raising awareness among athletes of the human 
rights abuses committed by the government hosting the Olympics. If 
confirmed, I will consult with key stakeholders, including the Centre 
for Sport and Human Rights, in developing an approach that does so.

    Question. Would you devote Department of State resources and 
personnel toward working with the International Olympic Committee and 
other relevant stakeholders to ensure such briefings are provided to as 
many American athletes as possible prior to the 2022 Olympics?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with key stakeholders, 
primarily the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee, in developing our 
approach to continue to conduct outreach on human rights issues to 
American athletes chosen or competing for a place on Team USA prior to 
the 2022 Olympics.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. If confirmed, I will work 
with the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee (USOPC) and relevant 
others in the Department to ensure that briefings, including about PRC 
human rights and atrocities, are provided to as many American athletes 
chosen or competing for a place on Team USA prior to the 2022 Olympics.

    Question. Do you support a diplomatic boycott of the Beijing 2022 
Olympics? Why or why not?

    Answer. I understand this is a strongly bipartisan issue that many 
in Congress are focused on and I understand why. If confirmed, I will 
closely consult with key stakeholders in developing our approach, 
ideally a shared approach with allies and partners, in advance of and 
during the 2022 Olympic Games. I will review this issue in light of the 
PRC's abhorrent human rights record, including genocide and crimes 
against humanity in Xinjiang.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The PRC has an abhorrent human 
rights record, including the commission of genocide and crimes against 
humanity in Xinjiang. I believe the United States should continue to 
speak out consistently and jointly with allies and partners to condemn 
these atrocities, and to consider all appropriate tools to promote 
accountability for those responsible and deter future abuses, including 
a potential diplomatic boycott of the Beijing 2022 Olympics. I 
personally support such a diplomatic boycott as a way of signaling U.S. 
disapproval of the PRC's behavior.

    Question. The CCP has cracked down on the most basic rights of the 
people of Hong Kong. How will you address the human rights abuses 
occurring in Hong Kong?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC and Hong Kong Governments' 
increased efforts to wield the National Security Law as a tool to 
curtail the exercise of human rights, dismantle civil society, and 
silence dissenting views. If confirmed, I will support the United 
States' continued efforts to press the PRC to abide by its 
international obligations and commitments; to cease its dismantlement 
of Hong Kong's democratic institutions, autonomy, and rule of law; to 
immediately release and drop all charges against individuals unjustly 
detained in Hong Kong; and to respect the human rights of the people of 
Hong Kong.

    Question. Do you believe that reaching a climate agreement should 
be the top priority in our dealings with China? If so, why?

    Answer. Addressing the climate crisis with urgency is a top 
priority for the administration, but without question, so is protecting 
human rights. I believe human rights should not be given a back seat 
even as other issues come to the fore. The administration has said 
rights are not a negotiating chip in engagements with the PRC or any 
other country for greater action on climate. If confirmed, I will seek 
to ensure that that approach continues.

    Question. If not, what should be our top priority instead?

    Answer. The administration's Interim National Security Strategy 
states that ``we will only succeed in advancing American interests and 
upholding our universal values by working in common cause with our 
closest allies and partners, and by renewing our own enduring sources 
of national strength.'' If confirmed, I will seek to ensure the 
promotion of our democratic values are at the center of U.S. foreign 
policy, including in our dealings with China.

    Question. The PRC Government and Chinese companies have been 
implicated in corruption at home and in its dealings with other 
countries around the world. If confirmed, will you commit to 
highlighting corrupt Chinese practices and prioritize assistance to 
help counter corruption, including corruption caused or exacerbated by 
the Chinese Government or Chinese companies?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Several countries have forcibly returned Uyghurs fleeing 
persecution and abhorrent human rights abuses by the Chinese Communist 
Party. How will you and interagency partners work with other nations to 
discourage, and eventually end, this practice?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to urge 
third countries to act to avoid complicity in the PRC's human rights 
violations and abuses committed against Uyghurs and other ethnic and 
religious minorities from Xinjiang, including by providing protection 
to and preventing the forcible return of individuals seeking to flee 
the PRC's repressive policies.

    Question. Do you consider the human rights abuses committed by the 
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) against the Uyghurs and other religious 
and ethnic minorities, including forced sterilization, to constitute a 
genocide? If not, please explain.

    Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, the PRC has committed 
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are 
predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious 
minority groups. These atrocities remain ongoing.

    Question. The Chinese Government continues to ``Sinicize'' 
religions, which the Congressional Executive Commission on China 
describes as ``a campaign that aims to bring religion in China under 
closer official control and into conformity with officially sanctioned 
interpretations of Chinese culture.'' These policies affect Christians, 
Muslims, Han Buddhists, Taoists, and many others. What can the Biden 
administration do to support freedom of religious practice for the 
people of China, free from interference and enforced conformity?

    Answer. I share your concerns regarding the ongoing deterioration 
of freedom of religion or belief in the PRC. The PRC demonstrates 
blatant disregard for freedom of religion or belief and exercises 
extreme hostility toward members of all religious and spiritual 
communities, including predominantly Muslim Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists, 
Protestants, Catholics, and Falun Gong. These communities have suffered 
unspeakable oppression at the hands of China's authoritarian 
government.
    The PRC is engaged in human rights abuses--and in the case of 
Xinjiang, genocide and crimes against humanity--that shock the 
conscience and must be met with serious consequences.
    If confirmed, I will speak out consistently with allies and 
partners to condemn these atrocities and abuses, and I will consider 
all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those responsible 
and to deter future abuses. I will also continue to urge the PRC to 
uphold its international commitments with respect to freedom of 
religion or belief for all individuals and call on the international 
community to condemn with a united voice the PRC's atrocities in 
Xinjiang.

    Question. The Vatican extended its agreement with the Chinese 
Government that establishes a process for appointing bishops in China. 
Under the Agreement, bishops in China are in communion with Rome but 
also approved by the Chinese Government. The details of this agreement 
have never been made public. Despite the agreement, Catholic bishops 
not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association continue 
to face persecution. Do you believe this Vatican-China agreement 
advanced human rights and religious freedom in China? If so, why? If 
not, why not?

    Answer. As I understand, despite the provisional agreement between 
the Holy See and Beijing, the PRC continues to repress Catholics, 
particularly clergy and laypersons who refuse state control of 
religion. In his book published late last year, Pope Francis 
characterized Uyghurs in the PRC alongside members of other religious 
and ethnic communities as persecuted due to their beliefs.
    If confirmed, I would encourage the Holy See to speak out publicly 
against the PRC's human rights violations and abuses of members of 
minority religious and ethnic communities. I would also encourage the 
Holy See to hold the PRC Government accountable to the terms of the 
provisional agreement and make the terms of the agreement public to 
promote accountability for the PRC's commitments.

    Question. If confirmed, will you prioritize religious freedom 
issues in China in your diplomatic engagements with Vatican officials? 
What will you emphasize to them in these engagements?

    Answer. The Holy See has a long history of promoting freedom of 
religion or belief, including through advocacy and interfaith dialogue, 
and, if confirmed, I look forward to working with the Vatican on this 
issue. If confirmed, I would encourage the Holy See to speak out 
publicly against the PRC's human rights violations and abuses of 
members of minority religious and ethnic communities. I would also 
encourage the Holy See to hold the PRC Government accountable to the 
terms of the provisional agreement and make the terms of the agreement 
public to promote accountability for the PRC's commitments.

    Question. Xi Jinping has emphasized the desire to ensure that 
Hollywood filmmakers use their position to ``tell China's story well''. 
This translates into Beijing's overreach into and censorship of 
Hollywood films through explicit censorship requirements for the 
Chinese market, boycotts and economic pressure, and acquisitions of 
industry corporations by Chinese companies. As Hollywood director Judd 
Apatow recently said, ``Instead of us doing business with China and 
that leading to China being more free, what has happened is that China 
has bought our silence with their money''.

   Will the Biden administration, including yourself and other senior 
        State Department officials, engage the film industry regarding 
        the pernicious impact of censorship by the Chinese Government 
        and other authoritarian governments on freedom of expression 
        and other principles that are fundamental to the political 
        system of United States?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. What are your views on the implications and consequences 
of Beijing's tactics in Hollywood for the PRC's overall strategy to 
exercise malign influence across various types of U.S. media? What 
other types of media in the United States are at risk of being 
subjected to tactics we are seeing used by Beijing to influence 
Hollywood?

    Answer. I am concerned by the PRC's campaign of disinformation and 
censorship, which extends well beyond its borders and directly impacts 
the information environment in the United States. The PRC's attempts to 
control freedom of expression are not limited to Hollywood or U.S. 
media but extend into cultural, academic, and social media spaces as 
well.
    If confirmed, I will engage with governments and nongovernmental 
actors, including media organizations and private institutions, to 
promote freedom of expression and support U.S. entities in resisting 
PRC malign influence and coercion. I will also work closely with 
partners and allies to build resilience to, and jointly confront, the 
PRC's efforts to control the global information environment.

    Question. China is starting to build extraterritoriality into its 
laws and regulations, not just the Hong Kong National Security Law but 
also numerous other laws and regulations. Please describe what you 
think the implications are for human rights abroad and for the United 
States in particular.

    Answer. The PRC continues its efforts to reshape the international 
rules-based order to advance its own interests, including by utilizing 
its laws and regulations to commit transnational repression. These 
actions threaten global peace and stability and threaten human rights 
and democratic institutions and actors in the United States and 
globally.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with our partners to address 
these challenges from a position of strength, reengage in international 
institutions, and resist attempts to rewrite the rules that govern 
these institutions. I will use all available diplomatic tools to 
promote accountability for these egregious abuses and support human 
rights defenders and civil society organizations seeking protection.

    Question. Will you commit not to advise or support entrance into an 
agreement with the People's Republic of China (PRC) that trades key 
U.S. interests away for cooperation or future promises by Beijing on 
climate change?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance 
U.S. values and interests. I believe this can be done in a manner 
consistent with the President's commitment to policies that address the 
climate crisis. I believe these two goals are complementary.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly 
support policies that advance U.S. values and interests and focus on 
what Beijing does--not what it says it will or won't do. I will not 
advise that the United States sacrifice vital U.S. interests or our 
values for PRC promises on climate change. We can speak the truth about 
the PRC's human rights abuses and atrocities and promote accountability 
for them while working to reverse the effects of climate change.

    Question. Will you commit not to recommend decreasing freedom of 
navigation exercises in the South China Sea to either secure or 
preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance 
U.S. values and interests, including a rules-based order in the Indo-
Pacific and South China Sea that ensures freedom of navigation. I 
believe this goal is consistent with and supportive of the President's 
goals on climate change.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly 
support policies that advance U.S. values and interests, including the 
continuation of activities that protect and promote the rules-based 
order in the South China Sea such as freedom of navigation exercises. I 
will not recommend decreasing freedom of navigation exercises in the 
South China Sea to either secure or preserve a climate change agreement 
with the PRC.

    Question. Will you commit not to recommend making changes in our 
defense relationship with any U.S. ally, or our overall defense posture 
in the Indo-Pacific region to either secure or preserve a climate 
change agreement with the PRC?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support President Biden's 
commitment to policies that address climate change while deepening and 
strengthening strategic alliances including in the Indo-Pacific region 
in line with U.S. interests, including the protection and promotion of 
human rights; I believe these goals are complementary.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly 
support President Biden's commitment to policies that address the 
climate crisis while deepening and strengthening strategic alliances 
including in the Indo-Pacific region in line with U.S. interests, which 
include the promotion of democracy and respect for human rights; I 
believe these goals are complementary. If confirmed, I will support 
cooperation with the PRC where it is in line with these objectives.

    Question. Will you commit not to recommend delaying arms sales to 
Taiwan, or pulling back from any form of U.S.-Taiwan cooperation to 
either secure or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support President Biden's 
commitment to policies that address climate change while deepening and 
strengthening strategic partnerships including with Taiwan in line with 
U.S. interests, including the protection and promotion of human rights; 
I believe these goals are complementary.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly 
support President Biden's commitment to policies that address climate 
change while deepening and strengthening strategic partnerships 
including with Taiwan in line with U.S. interests, including the 
protection and promotion of democracy and human rights; I believe these 
goals are complementary. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for 
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, I will seek to enhance the U.S 
relationship with Taiwan, including the defense relationship, as a way 
of implementing the President's vision of a foreign policy with 
democracy and human rights at the center.

    Question. Will you commit not to recommend deciding not to pursue 
policies that safeguard the U.S. economy from Beijing's anti-
competitive trading practices to either secure or preserve a climate 
change agreement with the PRC?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance 
U.S. values and interests. I believe this can be done in a manner 
consistent with the President's commitment to policies that address the 
climate crisis.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly 
support policies that advance U.S. values and interests and to work 
alongside U.S. allies and partners to confront the PRC's anti-
competitive, market distorting, and coercive behaviors. I will not 
recommend against pursuing policies that safeguard the U.S. economy 
from Beijing's anti-competitive trading practices to either secure or 
preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC.

    Question. Will you commit not to recommend terminating sanctions 
against individuals or entities of the PRC, or removing a PRC company 
from the Entity List to either secure or preserve a climate change 
agreement with the PRC?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance 
U.S. values and interests. I will make recommendations regarding 
sanctions and Entity List designations that promote and protect human 
rights and labor rights, including forced labor and I will recommend 
those not be lifted until there is progress on human and labor rights. 
I believe this can be done in a manner consistent with the President's 
commitment to policies that address the climate crisis.

    Question. Will you commit not to recommend dropping U.S. policies 
that hold CCP officials and companies accountable for egregious human 
rights abuses, including those conducted in Xinjiang to either secure 
or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to advocating for U.S. policies 
that protect and promote human rights and hold PRC and CCP officials 
accountable for egregious human rights abuses, including the ongoing 
atrocities in Xinjiang and campaign of repression targeting Tibetans, 
Hong Kongers, lawyers, and human rights defenders. I believe this can 
be done in a manner consistent with the President's commitment to 
policies that address the climate crisis.

    Question. Recently the Government of Bangladesh has forcibly moved 
Rohingya refugees from Cox's Bazaar to Bhasan Char, an island in the 
Bay of Bengal. This move was done without consultation with donor 
countries and international organizations. If confirmed, do you commit 
to discussing this move with Bangladeshi Government officials?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold the U.S. Government's 
long-standing commitment to ensure movements of displaced persons are 
informed and voluntary. I recognize and appreciate the generosity 
Bangladesh has shown in hosting nearly 900,000 Rohingya refugees since 
they fled horrific atrocities and abuses in Burma in 2017. I believe 
that the United States, as the leading contributor of humanitarian 
assistance in response to the Rohingya crisis, also has a 
responsibility to ensure Bangladesh respects these refugees' human 
rights, including freedom of movement. If confirmed, I will work with 
other donor countries and international organizations to message 
consistently to Bangladeshi authorities that any transfers must be in 
full coordination with humanitarian organizations and align with 
humanitarian principles.

    Question. Do you commit to pressing the Bangladeshi officials to 
ensure that no further moves before the United Nations conducts a 
thorough and independent technical and protection assessments to 
determine the safety, feasibility, and desirability of relocating 
refugees Bhasan Char?

    Answer. Yes. I understand the United States has consistently 
recognized and appreciated the challenges and responsibilities that the 
Rohingya humanitarian response has placed on the Government and people 
of Bangladesh. If confirmed, I will commit to supporting consistent, 
strong U.S. messaging to urge Bangladesh to permit the U.N. to conduct 
a comprehensive technical and protection assessment on Bhasan Char. I 
would also commit to working with Bangladesh and humanitarian groups to 
ensure that such relocations are voluntary and based on informed 
consent without pressure or coercion.

    Question. Do you support United States security alliances and 
partnerships in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Yes. U.S. national security benefits when partner 
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic 
values, promote and protect human rights, hold human rights violators 
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental 
freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we develop and maintain 
such important security alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, 
guided by President Biden's insistence that U.S. interests and values 
are inseparable.

    Question. Do you believe that U.S. security alliances and 
partnerships can contribute to improving human rights records in 
relevant countries?

    Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. security alliances and partnerships as 
important aspects of foreign policy can and should be used for positive 
effect on countries' human rights records. Promoting democracy, human 
rights, and fundamental freedoms advances U.S. national security. Our 
most valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security 
forces around the world uphold democratic values, respect and protect 
human rights, and hold human rights violators accountable. The United 
States must continue to create and maintain strong security 
relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured 
assistance, and frequent and ongoing cooperation.

    Question. Do you consider the Philippines to be a strategically 
important ally of the United States? Please explain your position.

    Answer. Yes. The U.S. alliance with the Philippines is one of the 
oldest and most strategically important in East Asia. Continued 
engagement with the Philippine Government is vital to regional 
security. At the same time, in that engagement, I believe it is crucial 
for the U.S. to emphasize the importance of shared values including 
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms to sustain a stable, 
bilateral partnership. If confirmed, I will raise human rights 
concerns--from arbitrary and unlawful killings to targeting the 
independent press--at every possible opportunity with the Government of 
the Philippines.

    Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.-Philippine 
relationship and its importance to U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific 
region more broadly?

    Answer. The United States' effort to build a network of allies and 
partners that can credibly and collectively respond to shared security 
threats has the benefit of strengthening the free, open, and inclusive 
regional order, which is in our national interest. If confirmed, I will 
continue to pursue that goal while helping to ensure that our 
engagement with those partners and allies includes promotion of human 
rights and accountability for abuse. I believe that respect for human 
rights is integral to maintaining strong and sustainable countries and 
partnerships.

    Question. Do you support continuing a robust security partnership 
with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through appropriate 
arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support continuing a robust security 
partnership with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through 
appropriate arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law and 
provisions that promote and protect human rights.

    Question. Do you support United States security alliances and 
partnerships in the Indo-Pacific?

    Answer. Yes. U.S. national security benefits when partner 
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic 
values, promote and protect human rights, hold human rights violators 
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental 
freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we develop and maintain 
security alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, guided by 
President Biden's insistence that U.S. interests and values are 
inseparable.

    Question. Do you believe that U.S. security alliances and 
partnerships can contribute to improving human rights records in 
relevant countries?

    Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. security alliances and partnerships as 
important aspects of foreign policy and can be used to positive effect 
on countries' human rights records. While security alliances have 
manifold reasons to exist, the important role they can also play as a 
joint investment in promoting democracy and human rights is central to 
also advancing U.S. national security. Our most valued, dependable, and 
effective partner governments and security forces around the world 
uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold 
human rights violators accountable. The United States must continue to 
create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners 
through diplomacy, measured assistance, and frequent and ongoing 
cooperation.

    Question. Will you ensure that the U.S. Department of State 
consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could 
jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our 
relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially 
those in Southeast Asia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging with Congress, as 
appropriate, on our actions and engagements with partners and allies in 
the Indo-Pacific region, including those partners and allies in 
Southeast Asia.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Our alliances and partnerships 
are a strategic advantage over our competitors and the strength of this 
network of defense relations cannot be taken for granted. If confirmed, 
I am committed to consulting with Congress, as appropriate, on our 
actions and engagements with all partners and allies in the Indo-
Pacific region, including those partners and allies in Southeast Asia.

    Question. How will you prioritize Internet Freedom within the 
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor bureau and across the Department?

    Answer. I strongly believe that the same human rights people have 
offline must be protected online, including the rights to freedoms of 
expression, association, and peaceful assembly. If confirmed, I will 
support DRL's efforts to promote internet freedom by raising our 
concerns bilaterally and building and participating in multilateral and 
multi-stakeholder coalitions such as the Freedom Online Coalition, 
where we play a leadership role. I will support investment in global 
internet freedom programming to support digital safety, policy 
advocacy, technology, and research to help global internet users 
overcome barriers to accessing the open internet.

    Question. Do you believe that internet shutdowns are a threat to 
human rights?

    Answer. Yes. In May, Secretary Blinken condemned the use of partial 
or complete government-imposed internet shutdowns, among other tactics, 
to prevent the exercise of freedom of expression online. I believe that 
in addition to restricting the exercise of human rights, including the 
right to expression and assembly, internet shutdowns disrupt access to 
essential services such as healthcare and emergency services, and 
negatively impact the economy. If confirmed, I will support DRL's 
efforts to address internet shutdowns by raising our concerns 
bilaterally, continuing our participation in multilateral fora that are 
working to raise awareness such as the G7, and supporting our efforts 
in multi-stakeholder coalitions such as the Freedom Online Coalition, 
where we play a leadership role.

    Question. The Department has been focused on the idea of ``internet 
freedom'' as a key programmatic effort to combat and counter malign 
influence and authoritarian governments. How will you bring more 
cohesion to the various internet freedom programs throughout the 
department?

    Answer. I will support DRL's continued leadership of the State 
Department's efforts to promote internet freedom globally through a 
variety of bilateral and multilateral engagements as well as through 
foreign assistance programming. I understand that DRL works to advance 
the U.S.-led vision of the open, interoperable, reliable, and secure 
internet, governed in a manner consistent with international human 
rights standards and democratic norms. I also believe growing concerns 
around digital authoritarianism or tech governance are tremendously 
important policies on which DRL needs to engage given how these tools 
are used to undermine democracy and restrict fundamental freedoms. If 
confirmed, I will ensure that DRL continues to coordinate throughout 
the Department on internet-related issues, such as cybersecurity, 
disinformation, and emerging technologies.

    Question. Do you believe that these programs are effective in 
providing training and tools to civil society?

    Answer. Yes, I believe that DRL's global internet freedom programs 
are effective in providing training and tools to civil society. My 
understanding is that since 2008, the State Department has invested 
over $320 million in global internet freedom programs, which support 
digital safety, policy advocacy, technology, and research to help 
global internet users overcome barriers to accessing the open internet. 
These programs support leading anti-censorship tools that allow 
millions of internet users worldwide to safely connect to the 
uncensored internet, which helps to advance U.S. business opportunities 
abroad, foster the free sharing of information across borders, and 
counter political repression around the world. They also help to 
protect journalists and activists operating in repressive environments 
from online censorship and cyber-attacks. I believe these efforts 
ensure that users have access to diverse information and perspectives, 
which play a critical role in combatting corruption, countering 
disinformation, undermining extremist narratives, strengthening 
democratic norms, and promoting accountability for violations of human 
rights.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you expand internet freedom 
programming to additional countries with shrinking civil societies and/
or space for free online expression?

    Question. If confirmed, I will prioritize this critical programming 
and apply DRL's deep expertise on regional and country-level threats to 
human rights online to direct resources to where they are most needed. 
I believe that the Department should apply available resources to 
innovative technical programs, including surging and sustaining support 
for critical anti-censorship platforms, in order to counter technical 
developments in censorship and surveillance by repressive governments, 
and further develop programs to provide protection against accelerating 
cyber threats to civil society and independent media. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with my colleagues--and Congress--to expand 
these vital programmatic efforts.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that 
information collected by the bureau of Conflict Stabilization 
Operations (CSO) and then used by the bureau of Democracy, Human 
Rights, and Labor are harmonized and used for the improvement of 
programmatic efforts?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to foster what I 
understand is a productive relationship between DRL and CSO. DRL will 
utilize all data sources available to maximize the efficiency and 
effectiveness of its programs.

    Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force 
(the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the 
relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil 
society working to identify and address the early warning signs of 
atrocities. How does the task force define success?

    Answer. I will work with the various interagency players in the 
task force, if confirmed, to refine and clearly articulate our 
successes, but ultimately the goal is to identify the various risk 
factors for atrocities and then address, mitigate, and ameliorate them, 
thereby reducing the likelihood of an atrocity occurring. This 
measurable reduction in risk is success.

    Question. How would you, if confirmed, use this data as the 
Assistant Secretary of DRL?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and 
information to make the soundest and most effective decisions possible 
including where to focus diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, 
allocation of resources, and where and when to partner with likeminded 
colleagues.

    Question. What efforts can the task force undertake to amplify 
public messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict 
indicators?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek out opportunities to encourage 
the Task Force to present atrocity prevention messaging in whatever 
fora are available, including multilateral and within the civil society 
and non-governmental space. If confirmed, I will also consult with 
interested Members of Congress.

    Question. What efforts can DRL undertake to amplify public 
messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict indicators?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will seek out opportunities to amplify 
atrocity prevention messaging in whatever fora are available: 
multilateral, with DRL's extensive networks in the civil society and 
non-governmental space, and with partners across the interagency. I 
also believe in some cases calling out human rights abuses and looking 
for ways to course correct and address impunity can be an important way 
to respond to signs of atrocities before they worsen If confirmed, I 
will also consult with interested Members of Congress. I understand the 
Secretary participated in the rollout out this year's Elie Wiesel 
annual report and I will further expand this high-level involvement and 
attention.

    Question. How would you use the tools available within the task 
force and within the department to provide assistance to Afghanistan?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the State Department 
and interagency to use all available sources of data and information to 
make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to utilize in the 
case of Afghanistan to support our goal goals and objectives. These 
tools include but are not limited to diplomatic efforts, sanctions 
regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and 
justice efforts, and potential to partnerships with likeminded 
colleagues, depending on the policy goals under consideration. I will 
also regularly engage civil society members that fled Afghanistan to 
better understand the situation on the ground and what the most viable 
pathways are to offer support in a way that does not create additional 
security risks.

    Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force 
(the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the 
relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil 
society working to identify and address the early warning signs of 
atrocities. How would you use the tools available within the task force 
and within the department to provide assistance to Tigray?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the atrocities underway in Tigray, 
the dehumanizing rhetoric, clear indications from the U.N. that the 
region is ``sliding into famine,'' and the government's recent decision 
to eject U.N. humanitarian officials from the country. I am grateful 
for this committee's activity on Ethiopia and its repeated efforts to 
draw attention to the Tigray crisis and Ethiopia's growing instability. 
If confirmed, addressing the crisis in northern Ethiopia would be one 
of my top priorities. I would use all appropriate tools available 
within the Task Force to ensure the USG's response to ongoing 
atrocities in northern Ethiopia continued to involve a whole-of-
government, coordinated response. And I would work through the Task 
Force to ensure that the United States continues to use every available 
tool to urge all parties to end the conflict in northern Ethiopia, 
cease all gross violations of human rights, hold those perpetrators 
accountable, and allow full and unhindered humanitarian access so that 
those in need receive urgently needed assistance.

    Question. How would you use the tools available within the task 
force and within the department to provide assistance to Burma?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and 
information to make the most informed decisions possible on what tools 
to utilize in Burma. These tools include but are not limited to 
diplomatic efforts, programmatic assistance, sanctions regimes, other 
forms of support for civil society, public messaging, accountability 
and justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded 
colleagues. I will also regularly engage civil society members that 
fled Burma to better understand the situation on the ground and what 
the most viable pathways are to offer support in a way that doesn't 
create additional security risks.

    Question. How would you use the tools available within the task 
force and within the department to provide assistance to Venezuela?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and 
information to make the most sound decisions possible in what tools to 
utilize in the case of Venezuela. These tools include but are not 
limited to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, 
sanctions regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability 
and justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded 
colleagues. I will also regularly engage civil society members that 
fled Venezuela to better understand the situation on the ground and 
what the most viable pathways are to offer support in a way that 
doesn't create additional security risks.

    Question. How would you use the tools available within the task 
force and within the department to provide assistance to Yemen?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and 
information to make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to 
utilize in the case of Yemen. These tools include but are not limited 
to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, sanctions 
regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and 
justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded 
colleagues. I will also regularly engage Yemeni civil society members, 
including individuals who have fled Yemen, to better understand the 
situation on the ground and what the most viable pathways are to offer 
support in a way that doesn't create additional security risks.

    Question. How would you use the tools available within the task 
force and within the department to provide assistance to Syria?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and 
information to make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to 
utilize in the case of Syria. These tools include but are not limited 
to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, sanctions 
regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and 
justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded 
colleagues. I will also regularly engage Syrian civil society members, 
including individuals who have fled Syria, to better understand the 
situation on the ground and what the most viable pathways are to offer 
support in a way that doesn't create additional security risks. I will 
also assess what is already funded by DRL and what additional support 
would be useful.

    Question. Do you commit to regular, quarterly briefings to Congress 
on the efforts of the Task Force as well as those within the 
Department?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing what I understand 
is a productive, ongoing, regular conversation between the Department 
and interested congressional members and committees about atrocity 
prevention efforts.

    Question. State Department employees have been under enormous 
stress over the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19 working 
from home, and Department management issues. What is your understanding 
of morale throughout the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 
(DRL)?

    Answer. As a nominee I have not discussed morale issues with anyone 
at DRL, but I understand that the bureau is full of passionate and 
experienced civil service and foreign service officers committed to 
advancing human rights and democracy around the world and pushing back 
against authoritarianism and democratic backsliding. The Biden 
administration's public commitment to putting human rights at the 
center of U.S. foreign policy, and its demonstrated pledge to advancing 
the human rights of all persons, are important validations of DRL's 
centrality to the mission of the State Department.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across DRL?

    Answer. If confirmed I would seek to hold regular meetings with 
each office within DRL to really get to know the bureau, the work, and 
the teams. I also would conduct ``deep dive'' reviews to understand 
each team's long-term vision, current priorities, and the challenges 
they face. If confirmed, I would be as accessible as possible to the 
entire bureau, keeping an ``open door'' policy and blocking off regular 
times on the schedule to meet with any DRL staff. If confirmed, I won't 
only be there to lead the bureau, but also to support the team, amplify 
and advance shared priorities, and reward hard work. Morale is in part 
about leadership, team strengthening, and seeing ``wins'' on the board, 
but it is also dependent on proactive recruitment and retention 
policies. To that end, if confirmed I would strive to continue to 
strengthen the bureau's reputation as one of career-enhancement and 
excellence. I would also support DRL staff's career development within 
the wider State and foreign affairs community. I would seek to rely on 
the expertise that already exists in the bureau to ensure staff feel 
empowered, are heard, and know that they are having impact. 
Responsibility and accountability for the A/S are essential, but I 
would be equally focused on encouraging problem-solving by staff while 
making sure they know I'm in their corner and ready to contribute as 
needed so that together we can tackle the challenges that come our way. 
That's what I've always done and it's what I'll do at DRL if confirmed.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across DRL?

    Answer. I am excited by the potential, if I am confirmed, to help 
guide DRL into a team that is even better unified to promote and 
support human rights and democracy around the globe in a genuine and 
principled manner. Foremost, I would seek to create opportunities for 
DRL's offices to collaborate more closely on functional issues like 
counter-authoritarianism, technology and human rights, and arms sales/
security assistance. Part of creating that unified mission and vision 
will mean defining goals with the staff, within the framework the 
President and the Secretary have set, and then empowering the experts 
to implement them with encouragement and top cover. Once our goals are 
set, if confirmed, I will encourage DRL colleagues to reinforce 
relationships with allies in and out of the building--including in 
Congress. Finally, I would want to make sure we're learning lessons 
whenever possible and course-correcting whenever necessary. Programs 
and policies need to be closely integrated and matched with the current 
moment, which means being flexible and open to changing direction as 
needed.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Assistant 
Secretaries of State. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe effective leaders need to surround themselves 
with an empowered team. My support of my team means they will support 
me; we all bring complementary skills to the table. At DRL, if 
confirmed, I would seek to encourage staff to think boldly and take 
risks to advance our shared goals, knowing that I will have their back. 
I want to empower problem-solving before elevating. I want to build 
trust through our mutual belief in the power of the United States to do 
good in the world, and through our shared work to overcome the 
challenges in seeing that belief fully realized. Good management also 
sometimes requires engaging more senior principals and responding to 
their needs while simultaneously providing direction to staff. If 
confirmed I will seek to balance both while helping staff value how 
their work fits into a larger picture. Humility and humor are key to 
me, balanced with clarity of purpose and a calm, steady approach.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to a Department setting, where resources may not be readily available 
and your workforce are career employees?

    Answer. My hope is that my style may be refreshing and invigorating 
for career employees, for whom I have great respect and admiration. 
They deserve someone who believes in them. I believe strongly in the 
talent and expertise of the bureau, so I want to elevate and support 
them in areas where I am able, even if resources are not readily 
available. Sometimes support is less about more money and bigger 
offices, and more about a leader who will listen and take action. I've 
spoken to a number of former DRL Assistant Secretaries who served in 
administrations of both parties, to hear their guidance on policy, 
vision, and management strategies. I believe there is a lot to learn 
from their experiences.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on the Department leaders to integrate 
themselves into Bureau operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. No matter one's appointment authority, I think any 
Assistant Secretary's goal is to maximize the contributions that every 
member of the team can make and understanding how the bureau operates 
is essential to good management and good policy making. If confirmed, I 
intend to take the time to understand how DRL has operated, what the 
culture has been, and what's worked, what needs to be fixed, and what 
disagreements, if any, need to be resolved so we can function as a 
united team. I am not afraid to make tough decisions if there's a need 
but will want to do so after a full review and adequate consultation.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No, it is never appropriate or constructive, and as a 
leader I have never and will never tolerate such behavior.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate performance reviews for both Foreign and Civil 
Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do you believe 
that it is important to provide employees with accurate, constructive 
feedback on their performance in order to encourage improvement and 
reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback is an important part of holding 
staff accountable for their work, holding supervisors accountable for 
their management, and ensuring strong work products. If confirmed, I 
will make sure all formal evaluations are completed on time and with a 
high degree of specificity. For those whom I may not directly oversee, 
I will put time on my calendar to ensure we are discussing their goals, 
concerns, and accomplishments.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage the 
managers in your bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback 
to employees in order to improve performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, I would, because such feedback is essential to helping 
high achievers continue to excel, helping other employees become high 
achievers, and retaining talent in a competitive environment.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the 
resources of the DRL Bureau to counter malign Russian Government 
behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to countering 
malign Russian Government influence around the world, including in the 
Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will take a comprehensive view of 
this complex problem and its effects on democracy and human rights in 
the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will advocate for the use of 
all of our tools to counter Russian malign influence in the hemisphere, 
including diplomatic engagement, technical exchanges, foreign 
assistance, and public diplomacy. DRL's existing policy and 
programmatic lines of effort focused on anti-corruption, civil society, 
and strengthening rule of law should continue, and undercut Russian 
malign influence and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms in 
the region.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the 
resources of the DRL Bureau to counter malign Chinese Government 
behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?

    Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) represents a serious 
challenge to U.S. interests and values in the region, with its growing 
security ties and infrastructure investments. If confirmed, I will lead 
our team to meet this challenge by advancing our positive agenda for 
the hemisphere and working with likeminded partners--whether aligned 
governments or regional organizations. We will build on our shared 
values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We will welcome 
our allies and partners' expertise and resources to support the 
region's COVID-19 response, entrepreneurship, and sustainable 
infrastructure. We will support high-standard investment in 
infrastructure and transparent economic development that creates jobs 
essential for regional pandemic recovery.

    Question. Are China's growing commercial ties and investments in 
Latin America a threat to human rights in the hemisphere? Please 
explain.

    Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) aggressive efforts 
to expand market share for state-affiliated firms, carrying out of 
infrastructure projects, implementation of disinformation campaigns, 
and export of surveillance and censorship tools play a direct and 
indirect role in human rights violations and abuses in Latin America. 
The lack of transparency in the PRC's transactions and its increase of 
the region's dependence on debt financing enables corruption. The PRC's 
infrastructure projects often ignore both labor and environmental laws, 
undermining individual workers' rights and labor standards more 
generally. The PRC's manipulation of media outlets silences 
investigative journalists who hold human rights abusers publicly 
accountable while suppressing negative stories of the PRC's activities 
in the region. The proliferation of untrusted vendors' surveillance and 
control equipment in the region also increases the risk to human rights 
defenders and those willing to expose human rights violators. The PRC's 
activities take place throughout the region and result in countries 
adopting policies inconsistent with democratic values.

    Question. Are Russia's activities in Latin America a threat to 
human rights in the region? Please explain.

    Answer. Russia's engagement in the region is marked by 
disinformation, military and equipment sales, and energy deals, all 
with implications for human rights in the region. The Biden 
administration is committed to countering disinformation and imposing 
costs on Russia for its aggression and malign activities across the 
globe. If confirmed, I will continue to monitor closely Russia's 
activities in the region, including its relationships with Cuba, the 
illegitimate Maduro regime in Venezuela, and the Ortega-Murillo 
Government in Nicaragua. I will work with colleagues and the 
interagency to promote and protect human rights, combat disinformation, 
and combat corruption and reduce impunity in Latin America.

    Question. According to the 2019 National Drug Threat Assessment, 
fentanyl and other highly potent synthetic opioids continue to be the 
most lethal category of illicit substances in the U.S. The 2020 DEA 
report on fentanyl flows to the United States indicates that Mexican 
transnational criminal organizations are producing increased quantities 
of fentanyl and cartels such as the Sinaloa and the New Generation 
Jalisco cartel are the primary trafficking groups responsible for 
smuggling fentanyl into the U.S. from Mexico.

   Please explain how illicit drug trade impacts human rights in 
        Mexico.

    Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) in Mexico are a 
threat to public health, safety, and human rights. Crime and violence 
are at record-high levels in Mexico, with as many of three-fourths of 
all homicides tied to organized crime. Mexico reported 34,515 homicides 
in 2020 and 34,648 in 2019, a rate of around 29 per 100,000 habitants.
    As to other human rights abuses, for example, indigenous persons in 
isolated regions reported incidents of forced labor, in which cartel 
members forced them to perform illicit activities or face death. Minors 
were recruited or forced by cartels to traffic persons, drugs, or other 
goods across the border. Migrants were also recruited by criminal 
organizations to conduct illicit activities. To enable their criminal 
activities, TCOs corrupt democratic institutions and put the safety and 
livelihoods of ordinary citizens at risk. If confirmed, I will continue 
the State Department's work with government partners in Mexico to build 
institutional capacity to dismantle TCOs and hold them accountable for 
their behavior.

    Question. The Ortega regime in Nicaragua has repeatedly failed to 
take action to pass meaningful electoral reforms--which the U.S., OAS, 
EU and U.N. have called for. The U.S. has leveraged sanctions and 
diplomatic tools, but what other options are on the table?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' ongoing 
efforts to rally international pressure on the Ortega-Murillo 
Government, through public statements by Secretary Blinken, regular 
media engagements by Department leadership, and bilateral and 
multilateral diplomacy with our partners, such as joint public 
condemnations that call out the Ortega-Murillo Government's attacks on 
democracy. If confirmed, I will support continued use of the diplomatic 
and economic tools available to the Department, such as sanctions and 
visa restrictions.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing and 
maintaining policies and programs to create acceptable conditions for 
free and fair elections in Nicaragua?

    Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken stated on August 7, the 
Nicaraguan electoral process, including its eventual results, has lost 
all credibility. The Ortega-Murillo Government has made no effort to 
honor its agreement with the opposition to begin electoral reforms 
ahead of the November election. To the contrary, it has changed the 
legal code and implemented new, vague laws based on Russian legislation 
that restrict human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I 
will support continuing U.S. policies and programs in support of the 
Nicaraguan people's desire for a return to democracy.

    Question. What strategies would you employ to improve the capacity 
of the democratic opposition to coalesce and become a credible 
challenge to Ortega?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to 
build the capacity of and strengthen civil society organizations that 
work to promote human rights protections, democratic governance, and 
transparency.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. President Ortega has ensured the 
rigged elections on November 7 will proclaim him victorious. If 
confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to hold the Ortega-
Murillo Government accountable. Through USAID and the Department of 
State, we will continue to support Nicaraguan civil society 
organizations, independent media, and human rights defenders as they 
fight to restore democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights. 
We will continue to work with democratic actors, inside and outside of 
Nicaragua, to promote consensus-building and unification around their 
efforts to challenge President Ortega and Vice President Murillo's 
authoritarian government. Our continued support will help to 
demonstrate to the Nicaraguan people that the international community 
has not forgotten them.

    Question. Please describe the long-term implications for Nicaragua 
and the region if Ortega fraudulently extends his time in office.

    Answer. The Ortega-Murillo Government will not have a democratic 
mandate following fraudulent elections in November. The June resolution 
of the Permanent Council of the OAS stated just this--that the measures 
adopted by the Government of Nicaragua do not meet the conditions for 
transparent, free and fair elections to which all member states have 
committed under the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Thus, it is 
foreseeable that a fraught election could further isolate the 
government internationally and rekindle domestic unrest. At the same 
time, a fraudulent election in Nicaragua could embolden other 
autocratic governments in the region. The consolidation of power under 
Ortega and Murillo will also have migration implications for the 
region, as an increasing number of Nicaraguans decide to leave their 
country due to continued repression. If confirmed, I will support 
consideration of all diplomatic tools to address the fraudulent 
elections in Nicaragua.

    Question. Should the U.S. support an internationally-accompanied 
negotiation between the Ortega regime and the Nicaraguan democratic 
forces, as the Biden administration is supporting in Venezuela? Please 
explain.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Nicaraguan people's 
expressed desire for democracy. I will collaborate with the embassy in 
Managua and Department staff in Washington to continue to work with 
civil society and the international community to support opposition 
voices in Nicaragua and within the Nicaraguan diaspora. It is past time 
for free and fair elections so the people of Nicaragua can turn the 
page on the corrupt and repressive Ortega-Murillo Government.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The United States continues to 
seek to increase bilateral and multilateral pressure on the Ortega-
Murillo Government. With President Ortega and Vice President Murillo 
throwing the leading opposition figures in jail and crushing all 
political dissent, the repressive conditions in Nicaragua do not 
support the prospect of negotiations. If confirmed, I will continue to 
support the unilateral and multilateral efforts to hold the Ortega-
Murillo Government accountable and explore with allies a coordinated 
path forward to address the electoral sham scheduled for November 7.

    Question. Should Cuba be removed from the list of state sponsors of 
terrorism (SST) while they continue to harbor U.S. fugitives?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's goals 
toward Cuba, and I look forward to consulting with Congress on this 
issue.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will support the 
administration's goals toward Cuba. In May, the administration 
certified Cuba as a Not Fully Cooperating Country with U.S. counter-
terrorism efforts, which I fully support. If confirmed, I will consult 
closely with my counter-terrorism and other colleagues in reviewing the 
facts and legal standards in determining my position on whether Cuba 
should be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism (SST).

    Question. Would you advise establishing diplomatic relations with 
Cuba while it continues to provide safe harbor to fugitives from the 
U.S. justice system?

    Answer. I am aware that Cuba harbors several U.S. fugitives from 
justice wanted on or convicted of charges of political violence, many 
of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. If confirmed, I will support 
the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to return fugitives from justice and 
would look forward to supporting the administration's review of Cuba 
policy.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am aware that Cuba harbors 
several U.S. fugitives from justice wanted on or convicted of charges 
of political violence, many of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. 
If confirmed, I will strongly support the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to 
return fugitives from justice and would not advocate for increased 
diplomatic engagement unless it would enhance respect for human rights 
and democracy in Cuba.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support Cuba's removal from the 
SST list without verifiable assurances that it would cease to foster a 
permissive environment for international terrorists in Venezuela?

    Answer. I have long believed that state sponsor of terrorism 
designations should be used for states that are terrorists, based on 
fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I believe a designation 
should not be lifted until there's full clarity that the government in 
question has taken all steps necessary to relieve themselves of the 
criteria needed for such a designation. Regardless of the state sponsor 
of terrorism designation, I do believe other corresponding punitive 
measures are an important tool to be used on repressive governments 
and/or officials. I will consult closely with the intelligence 
community and Congress on the way forward, including on the decision to 
designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am very concerned about the 
support Cuba has provided to the Maduro regime to engage in human 
rights abuses against the Venezuelan people. I have long believed that 
state sponsor of terrorism (SST) designations should be based on fact, 
law, and analysis. I believe an SST designation should not be lifted 
until the government in question has taken all steps necessary to meet 
the criteria needed for rescission. The administration has committed to 
carefully reviewing decisions made in the prior administration, 
including the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of 
Terrorism. If confirmed, I am committed to carefully reviewing the 
facts and the law in determining my views on whether Cuba should 
continue to be designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism and to 
consulting closely with Congress on the issue.

    Question. Please describe the trajectory of Cuban involvement in 
Venezuela.

    Answer. Cuba has long had deep engagement in Venezuela's military 
and intelligence services. Fidel Castro was a close confidant and 
advisor to Hugo Chavez. With Cuba's support, the Maduro regime, which 
the United States does not recognize as the Government of Venezuela, 
has ignored the Venezuelan people's calls for change and a return to 
democracy, and learned from Cuban advisors how to spy on its own 
citizens and suppress dissent. Venezuelan secret police have perfected 
the torture tactics, systems of social control, and mechanisms of 
repression that Cuban authorities have used against their own people 
for decades. If confirmed, I would seek to thwart such abuses.

    Question. Do you agree that Cuban military and intelligence support 
is the linchpin to Maduro's survival in Venezuela?

    Answer. Cuba shields the Maduro regime, which the United States 
does not recognize as the Government of Venezuela, from some of the 
effects of international economic and diplomatic pressure, while 
providing the intelligence and muscle that improves Maduro's ability to 
cling to power. I understand that Cuban military and intelligence 
advisors actively support Maduro through the provision of security 
forces, intelligence officers, and by providing direction to Venezuelan 
authorities. They equip the Maduro regime with the tools he needs to 
repress any domestic or internal dissent, including in his military. 
Cuba also provided thousands of medical professionals to Venezuela, 
before and during the COVID-19 crisis, allowing Maduro to avoid the 
domestic political consequences of his failed economic and health 
policies. Allegations of forced labor and using the mission to conduct 
political interference and intelligence collection on behalf of Maduro 
are widely reported by former participants. If confirmed, I would seek 
to stem these practices.

    Question. Please describe your views on the most effective approach 
to persuade the Cuban regime to play a more positive role in Venezuela.

    Answer. I understand the United States will continue to coordinate 
closely with likeminded nations, including within the EU and OAS, to 
promote a negotiated solution to the crisis in Venezuela. The aim is to 
counter interference and raise the costs to Cuba for supporting any 
anti-democratic actions or human rights abuses by the Maduro regime, 
which the United States does not recognize as the Government of 
Venezuela. I support this approach.

    Question. Please explain your views on how the international 
community can exert pressure on Cuba for its involvement in Venezuela.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' efforts to 
continue to exert pressure on Cuba through Secretary Blinken's public 
statements, regular media engagements by Department leadership, 
bilateral diplomacy with other countries in the region, and 
multilateral diplomacy. I would also continue U.S. efforts to protect 
and support the human rights of Cubans and to empower them to determine 
their own future.

    Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on 
human rights conditions in Cuba and Venezuela if the United States were 
to elevate its diplomatic relations with Cuba by nominating and 
confirming an Ambassador.

    Answer. I believe the protests that began on July 11 have 
demonstrated how important it is for U.S. diplomats to engage directly 
with the Cuban people. I understand the U.S. diplomatic corps will 
continue to engage directly with and support civil society, including 
human rights defenders and political dissidents, as part of an overall 
effort to empower the Cuban people and their desire for freedom. If 
confirmed, I would strongly support such continued engagement.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Our primary goal in Cuba and 
Venezuela is to promote democracy and respect for human rights and any 
potential change in our diplomatic relations must serve to further this 
goal. The United States must ensure that any changes to our diplomatic 
engagement do not negatively affect our ability to support the societal 
demands in Cuba and Venezuela for democratic reforms. If confirmed, I 
will closely evaluate the impact of potential changes to diplomatic 
engagement on the administration's ability to promote democracy and 
human rights.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of the role of 
military-controlled firms in the Cuban economy.

    Answer. The Cuban Government exercises significant control over 
most of Cuba's important economic sectors. For example, the Cuban 
Government benefits from remittance fees that are handled through its 
remittance processor, Financiera Cimex S.A. (FINCIMEX), which is a 
military-controlled entity. State-owned stores as well as the medical 
missions program are also an economic boon for the Cuban Government, 
which significantly marks up prices in the stores and keeps a large 
portion of medical workers' salaries. The Armed Forces Business 
Enterprise Group (GAESA), which is led by Raul Castro's son-in-law, is 
involved in all sectors of the economy. The Cuban military controls 
tourism, including through ownership of Gaviota Hotels.

    Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on 
human rights conditions in Cuba if U.S. policy were to facilitate or 
allow financial transactions that benefit military-controlled firms in 
Cuba.

    Answer. Democracy and human rights are at the core of the 
administration's efforts toward Cuba. If confirmed, I will support the 
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime 
accountable for its abuses through efforts that maximize benefits to 
the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefits to the Cuban 
Government and its military. I look forward to consulting with Congress 
on these efforts.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I share your concerns about 
Cuba's military, intelligence, and security services' role in serious 
human rights abuses against the Cuban people, and I recognize the 
military's role in the Cuban economy. If confirmed, I will support the 
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime 
accountable for its abuses, including by minimizing or eliminating any 
financial benefits to the Cuban Government and its military.

    Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on 
human rights conditions in Cuba if U.S. public and private engagement 
with Cuba were to disproportionately benefit the Cuban military, 
intelligence, or security services or personnel at the expense of the 
Cuban people?

    Answer. Democracy and human rights are at the core of the 
administration's efforts toward Cuba. If confirmed, I will support the 
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime 
accountable for its abuses, including efforts that maximize benefits 
for the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefit to the Cuban 
Government and its military. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting 
with Congress on these efforts.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I share your concerns about 
Cuba's military, intelligence, and security services' role in serious 
human rights abuses against the Cuban people, and I recognize their 
role in the Cuban economy. I would oppose any move that would 
disproportionately benefit the Cuban military, intelligence, or 
security services at the expense of our efforts to lift the Cuban 
people out of oppression. If confirmed, I will further the 
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime 
accountable for its abuses, including efforts that maximize benefits 
for the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefit to the Cuban 
Government and its military intelligence, or security services.

    Question. According to the State Department, in 2019, the 
Government of Cuba maintained an estimated 50,000 medical personnel in 
more than 60 countries under conditions that represent forced labor. 
The U.S., United Nations, independent media outlets and NGOs have 
documented and called out the Cuban regime's exploitative and coercive 
practices toward its doctors participating in its overseas medical 
programs.
    Can you describe your understanding of how Cuban doctors are forced 
into participating the program and sent to a foreign country, as well 
as the conditions by which they live while in this program?

    Answer. I understand that former participants in Cuba's overseas 
medical programs have stated that the Cuban Government coerced some 
participants to remain in the program, including by withholding their 
passports and medical credentials; restricting their movement; using 
``minders'' to conduct surveillance of participants outside of work; 
threatening to revoke their licenses to practice medicine in Cuba; 
retaliating against their family members in Cuba if participants left 
the program; or imposing criminal penalties, forced exile, and family 
separation if participants did not return to Cuba as directed by 
government supervisors.

    Question. Can you describe how these programs only go to serve the 
Cuban Government at the expense of the Cuban people?

    Answer. The export of professional services, including medical 
missions, remains Cuba's largest source of foreign exchange earnings. I 
understand that it is difficult to ascertain the exact amount of 
proceeds due to a lack of transparency in bilateral agreements with 
host countries. Contracts often involve direct payments to the Cuban 
Government with former participants reporting receiving roughly 10 to 
25 percent of the amount paid by the host governments to the Cuban 
Government for their services. In addition, there are reports of in-
kind transfers of medical equipment for medical professionals in South 
Africa and of oil for doctors in Venezuela and Algeria.

    Question. Do you consider the Cuban regime's overseas medical 
missions to be exploitative human trafficking efforts?

    Answer. I understand there are documented reports of widespread 
abuse and exploitation of medical professionals within the medical 
program, including allegations that the Cuban regime coerced some 
participants to remain in the program, including by withholding a large 
portion of their salaries; restricting their movements; using 
``minders'' to conduct surveillance of participants outside of work; 
threatening to revoke their medical licenses; retaliating against their 
families in Cuba if participants leave the program; or imposing 
criminal penalties, exile, and family separation if participants do not 
return to Cuba as directed by government supervisors. I agree with the 
Department of State's conclusion that these practices are ``clear 
indicators of human trafficking.'' If confirmed, I will urge countries 
to take the necessary measures to protect Cuban medical workers and to 
seek transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban 
Government and the medical professionals.

    Question. Do you commit to instructing our Embassies in countries 
that accept Cuban medical missions to communicate to host governments 
to inform them of the Cuban regime's forced labor practices?

    Answer. I am very concerned about the human and labor rights abuses 
within the Cuban medical missions program. If confirmed, I will 
highlight these issues with host governments and work with our officers 
in the field and foreign government officials, at the highest 
appropriate level, to urge them to take necessary measures to protect 
Cuban medical workers and to seek transparency on contractual 
agreements between the Cuban Government and medical professionals. I 
will encourage countries to put steps in place to prevent exploitation 
and forced labor, and to proactively monitor these programs, given 
persistent allegations that the Cuban Government are compelling medical 
professionals to work.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of the relationship 
between the Government of Cuba, the U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist 
Organization Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN), and the Maduro 
regime in Venezuela.

    Answer. I understand members of the Colombian-origin National 
Liberation Army (ELN), including senior leadership, traveled to Cuba in 
2018 for now-defunct peace negotiations with the Government of 
Colombia. When negotiations failed, Cuba continued to provide safe 
haven to ELN leadership. In January 2019, ELN claimed responsibility 
for a deadly bombing in Colombia. Citing peace protocols signed before 
the ELN negotiators traveled to Cuba, Cuba has refused to extradite ELN 
leaders to Colombia. With respect to Venezuela, Maduro and his 
associates use criminal activities to help maintain their hold on 
power, fostering a permissive environment for known terrorist groups, 
including the ELN and its sympathizers. The Cuban intelligence and 
security apparatus has infiltrated Venezuela's security and military 
forces, helping Nicholas Maduro to maintain his stranglehold over his 
people while allowing terrorist organizations to operate.
    If confirmed, I will commit to closely reviewing the status of ELN 
leadership in Cuba and consulting with Congress as the Biden-Harris 
administration reviews U.S. policy toward Cuba.

    Question. Considering the well-documented ties between the Maduro 
regime and the ELN, and Cuba's harboring of ELN terrorists, why should 
the Cuban regime not be included in the list of States Sponsors of 
Terrorism?

    Answer. I have long believed that state sponsor of terrorism 
designations should be used for states that are terrorists, based on 
fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I believe a designation 
should not be lifted until there's full clarity that the government in 
question has taken all steps necessary to relieve themselves of the 
criteria needed for such a designation. If confirmed, I will consult 
closely with the intelligence community and Congress on the way 
forward, including on the previous administration's decision to 
designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am very concerned about Cuba's 
harboring of members of the ELN. I have long believed that state 
sponsor of terrorism designations should be based on fact, law, and 
analysis. Similarly, I believe a designation should not be lifted until 
the government in question has taken all steps necessary to meet the 
criteria needed for rescission. If confirmed, I am committed to 
carefully reviewing the facts and the law in determining my views on 
whether Cuba should continue to be designated as a State Sponsor of 
Terrorism and to consulting closely with Congress on the issue.

    Question. Over the last three decades, Colombia has emerged as 
source of economic and stability in the region, in great part due to 
the success of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and Plan 
Colombia. Yet, policy decisions made during the negotiations of the 
2016 deal with the FARC created new challenges for Colombia and our 
relations. Coca production in Colombia steadily increased since 2013, 
reaching 212,000 hectares in 2019. In March 2020, the United States and 
Colombia announced a joint action plan to reduce coca cultivation and 
cocaine production by 50 percent by the end of 2023. The plan would 
make full use of all available tools, including rural development, 
interdiction, as well as manual and aerial eradication.

   Would you agree that achieving this goal by 2023 would deliver 
        significant health and security benefits for Americans here at 
        home?

    Answer. Yes. Significant and sustainable reductions in coca 
cultivation and cocaine production will deliver significant health and 
security benefits for Americans by reducing the amount of cocaine 
flowing to the United States. The U.S. Government's new 
counternarcotics strategy for Colombia pursues sustainability through 
an integrated, bilateral focus on integrated supply reduction, rural 
security and development, and environmental protection. Integrated 
implementation of these pillars will reduce cocaine-related overdoses 
and violence in the United States, and slow migration caused by 
narcotrafficking-related violence in drug-transit countries. If 
confirmed, I would support this approach.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between 
growing coca cultivation and violence against human rights defenders in 
Colombia.

    Answer. The enormous profit margins associated with the cocaine 
trade mean that narcotrafficking organizations will violently oppose 
any interference in their money-making activities, whether it be from 
the Colombian Government for prosecuting offenders; human rights 
defenders and social leaders for their efforts to support crop 
substitution and public advocacy on behalf of rural communities; or 
competition from rival criminal organizations. Narcotrafficking 
organizations will target anyone who interferes in their illicit 
business model.
    In areas with significant narcotics trafficking, coca cultivation, 
and where organized criminal groups exercise significant control, human 
rights challenges abound, including killings of social leaders, 
including human rights defenders. I understand that a review by the 
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) of social 
leader murders in 2020 found that 93 percent occurred in areas the 
Colombian National Police identify as being under the control of 
criminal organizations. The UNODC has found that in Cauca, the 
department with the highest level of social leader killings, the 
probability of a social leader being killed is 4.3 times higher in 
areas where coca is grown. I understand that Embassy Bogot 's 
integrated counternarcotics and rural security strategy aims to reduce 
coca cultivation while also expanding state and CNP presence to rural 
areas to reduce the influence of armed groups and curtail the violence 
they perpetrate against social leaders and the general public. If 
confirmed, I would support these efforts.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between 
community participation in Colombia's National Program for Integral 
Substitution and the rate of social leaders' killings.

    Answer. Narcotrafficking organizations' profits depend upon having 
farmers who either work directly for them or from whom they buy coca. 
The National Program for Integral Substitution (Programa Nacional 
Integral de Sustituci"n de Cultivos Il!citos--PNIS) seeks to convince 
farmers to switch to the cultivation of legal commodities. As the 
Government's authority is weaker in rural areas, the farmers are 
vulnerable to threats from the narcotrafficking organizations.
    I understand that INL invests an average $10 million annually to 
implement human rights programming that seeks to improve protections of 
human rights defenders (HRDs) and help Colombian authorities pursue 
accountability for crimes against HRDs. Since its creation, INL has 
assisted the unit of specialized human rights prosecutors in the 
Attorney General's Office with training, mentoring, and equipment and 
is now working with specialized human rights judges to provide similar 
assistance. If confirmed, I would support these efforts and look for 
ways to build on them.

    Question. Do you agree that the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela is 
the direct result of the political and security conditions imposed by 
the Maduro regime in that country?

    Answer. Yes. Since 2015, nearly 5.7 million Venezuelans have been 
forced to flee the economic, political, and humanitarian crisis caused 
by the Maduro regime's abuses, corruption, and mismanagement, making it 
the largest external displacement of persons in the Hemisphere's 
history. I understand the United States supports a wide range of life-
saving humanitarian programs for Venezuelans, such as food assistance; 
emergency shelter; access to health care, water, sanitation, and 
hygiene supplies; support for livelihoods; and protection for 
vulnerable groups including women, youth, LGBTQI+, and indigenous 
people. If confirmed, I would support the continuation of that 
assistance.

    Question. Can the humanitarian crisis be resolved on Maduro's 
watch?

    Answer. Maduro could resolve the underlying causes of the 
humanitarian crisis by restoring democracy and respect for human 
rights, as well as taking the necessary steps to rebuild the Venezuelan 
economy. Venezuelans are suffering from one of the worst economic and 
humanitarian crises outside of a war in modern history. Since 2017, 
more than 5.6 million Venezuelans have been forced to flee their 
country.
    The Maduro regime mismanages the economy, plunders public coffers, 
and impedes access to critical humanitarian assistance, including 
lifesaving food and nutrition aid. If confirmed, I will work to open 
more possibilities for humanitarian workers, organizations, and 
assistance to reach the Venezuelan people in Venezuela and beyond, to 
meet their most urgent needs. I am deeply committed to the Venezuelan 
people and strongly support their desire for free and fair presidential 
and parliamentary elections and the return to the rule of law and 
democracy, which can only have a positive impact the humanitarian 
crisis.
    Since 2017, the United States has provided more than $1.2 billion 
in humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance to help 
Venezuelans, including more than $1 billion in humanitarian assistance, 
both inside Venezuela and throughout the region. On September 22, the 
United States announced more than $336 million in additional 
humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance at the 76th 
Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Of this total, nearly 
$247 million is for humanitarian assistance and more than $89 million 
is for economic, development, and health assistance. The United States 
is the largest donor of foreign assistance for the Venezuela regional 
crisis, having provided over $1.9 billion in funding since Fiscal Year 
2017. If confirmed, I would support these efforts.

    Question. There has been more than a dozen failed attempts at 
negotiating with Maduro. They have occurred in an environment of 
engagement during the Obama administration, and under the pressure of 
punitive measures implemented by the Trump administration.

   Is the United States using all available tools to create the 
        appropriate conditions for a successful negotiation with the 
        Maduro regime to transition to democratic rule in Venezuela?

    Answer. I understand the United States continues to support a 
negotiated, Venezuelan-led solution to the Venezuelan crisis that leads 
to free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections and a return 
of the rule of law and democracy in Venezuela.
    I also understand the State Department continues to prioritize 
coordination with its closest regional partners, as well as its 
European partners, to improve the effectiveness of our sanctions, 
address growing humanitarian needs, and support a negotiated, political 
solution. I understand the United States remains steadfast in our 
support to the Venezuelan people in their struggle for the restoration 
of democracy and rule of law. If confirmed, I would support these 
efforts.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The United States supports a 
Venezuelan-led solution to the crisis, which the Venezuelans have 
decided must be a negotiated solution that leads to free and fair 
presidential and parliamentary elections and a return to rule of law 
and democracy in Venezuela. The United States will continue to advocate 
for pressure from regional and European partners to pursue this end. If 
confirmed, I would support these efforts.

    Question. Please explain how the United States could work with the 
European Union--and specifically Spain--to create the right conditions 
for a credible transition to democratic rule in Venezuela.

    Answer. I understand the Department regularly engages with the 
international community bilaterally and in multilateral fora to raise 
awareness of human rights violations and abuses in Venezuela and to get 
other countries and international bodies to join us in pressing the 
Maduro regime to uphold democracy and respect human rights. If 
confirmed, I would support these efforts and look for creative ways to 
double down on these efforts, including support for justice and 
accountability measures, programs that strengthen democratic 
institutions, transparency, rule of law, inclusion, empowerment, and 
access to information.

    Answer. Will you, if confirmed, advocate for the release of the 
nine American Citizens currently held on political charges and against 
their will in Venezuela? How will you work with the regional bureau and 
Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate for the release of all 
American citizens currently held on political charges and against their 
will in Venezuela. I will consult with all relevant Bureaus and 
Offices, including the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs, 
to resolve these cases.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The safe return of wrongfully 
detained U.S. nationals is a top priority for the Biden administration. 
Using wrongful detention as a bargaining chip represents a threat to 
the safety of everyone traveling, working, and living abroad. The U.S. 
opposes this practice everywhere. If confirmed, I will work closely 
with the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and WHA to 
identify how DRL can help ensure the safe return of the nine American 
Citizens currently held on political charges in Venezuela and any other 
American who is wrongfully detained.

    Question. In September 2020, the U.N. Independent International 
Fact Finding Mission on Venezuela cited evidence of unlawful 
executions, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture 
in the country since 2014, amounting to crimes against humanity. If 
confirmed, what tools will you use to ensure every person responsible 
is punished for their actions and brought to justice?

    Answer. I understand the United States will continue to hold the 
Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the 
Government of Venezuela, and regime-aligned individuals accountable for 
their human rights abuses by applying a wide array of diplomatic and 
economic tools, including employing sanctions and visa restrictions. If 
confirmed, I would support these efforts.

    Question. In December 2020, the General Secretariat of the 
Organization of American States (OAS) accused the chief prosecutor of 
the International Criminal Court (ICC) of failing to take swift action 
after allegations that Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro's Government 
committed crimes against humanity. Do you support the ICC opening a 
formal investigation into these allegations?

    Answer. I understand the United States is committed to promoting 
accountability for human rights violations and abuses in Venezuela, 
which is a party to the Rome Statute of the ICC. If confirmed, I will 
promote the importance of accountability for the horrific violations 
and abuses that continue to be committed in Venezuela. Where domestic 
systems are unable or unwilling to genuinely pursue the justice that 
victims deserve and that societies require to sustain peace, 
international courts such as the ICC can play a meaningful role in 
advancing accountability. I understand the United States is united with 
like-minded democracies in denouncing human rights violations and 
abuses that have occurred in Venezuela and in calling for 
accountability for the perpetrators and justice for the victims.
    I understand the United States is aware of the ICC Prosecutor's 
ongoing evaluation of whether to open an investigation into the 
situation in Venezuela.

    Question. Please explain your understanding of how the Maduro 
regime operates as a narco-terrorist regime.

    Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of 
Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior 
Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have 
facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999. 
Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC 
factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the 
Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the 
Government of Venezuela, to traffic narcotics. President Biden has been 
clear that he believes Maduro is a dictator and that his administration 
will stand with the Venezuelan people and their call for a restoration 
of democracy through free and fair elections. I agree with the ``VERDAD 
Act'' and the administration that there must be a negotiated solution 
to the problems in Venezuela.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies, such as 
Colombia, to combat drug trafficking in the Andean region in ways that 
are both meaningful and economically sustainable. I also will support 
U.S. Government efforts to increase multilateral pressure on Maduro, 
call for the release of political prisoners, and implement sanctions 
against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption and human 
rights abuses.

    Question. Please explain your views on the role of the Venezuelan 
military in narcotics trafficking.

    Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of 
Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior 
Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have 
facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999. 
Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC 
factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the 
Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the 
Government of Venezuela, to traffic narcotics. President Biden has been 
clear that his administration will stand with the Venezuelan people and 
their call for a restoration of democracy through free and fair 
elections. I agree with the ``VERDAD Act'' and the administration that 
there must be a negotiated solution to the problems in Venezuela.
    If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies, such as 
Colombia, to combat drug trafficking in the Andean region in ways that 
are both meaningful and economically sustainable. I also will support 
U.S. Government efforts to increase multilateral pressure on Maduro, 
call for the release of political prisoners, and implement sanctions 
against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption and human 
rights abuses.

    Question. Please explain your views on the relationship between the 
Maduro regime and U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations, FARC 
and ELN

    Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of 
Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior 
Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have 
facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999. 
Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC 
factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the 
illegitimate Maduro regime to traffic narcotics.

    Question. In Africa, DRL focuses its programs on non-presence 
countries or where limited democracy, rights and governance (DRG) 
investments are made by USAID. Do you agree with this approach? Why?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure DRL continues to consider many 
factors in determining where to support democracy and governance 
program goals, including those mentioned above. I believe it is 
important for DRL programming to continue to support U.S. policy 
objectives on the continent--while also maximizing effectiveness and 
avoiding duplication--through close coordination with other funders, 
including USAID. I understand that DRL's approach to programming, 
however, is different from other bureaus within the Department and 
other U.S. agencies due to its close connection with activists and 
human rights defenders on the ground and programmatic flexibility which 
allows it to address emerging opportunities and challenges. Recognizing 
this, I believe DRL should remain invested in certain countries with a 
USAID presence, such as Sudan and Nigeria, where DRL's programming can 
complement and amplify other programs and given long-standing and 
sensitive human rights concerns that could complicate aspects of the 
bilateral relations.

    Question. In your role as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human 
Rights and Labor, if confirmed, how will you follow through on 
administration statements that ``Africa is a priority for the Biden 
administration''? How will you demonstrate--through DRL's work and in 
your engagements within the Department--that the U.S. respects and 
values our African partners while being clear about our values and 
expectations, particularly as it relates to respect for democratic 
norms, human rights and rule of law?

    Answer. Promoting and advancing respect for human rights and 
fundamental freedoms is a top priority for the United States in Africa. 
If confirmed, I would seek ways to support democratic advancement on 
the part of governments and stand with citizens, civil society, and the 
private sector to hold their governments to be more responsive and 
accountable. I would also travel regularly to the continent and meet 
with a range of actors, including opposition leaders and members of the 
independent media. In diplomatic engagements, I would encourage close 
attention to free and fair elections and attempts to manipulate term 
limits, the context in which elections are held, respect for democratic 
norms, media freedom, and the health of civil society.

    Question. Across Africa, the USG has invested in a number of early 
warning early response (EWER) systems focused for conflict prevention 
and mitigation. What is your assessment of EWER systems as an effective 
conflict prevention tool in Africa?

    Answer. I understand EWER systems across Africa provide communities 
at risk for conflict and atrocities practical means to take a lead role 
in their own protection. I believe by creating low-cost, easy to use 
means of communicating with security providers and other communities at 
risk, these USG-supported programs have empowered previously 
unprotected or ignored communities and have evidently prevented 
escalations of conflict in the Central African Republic, Democratic 
Republic of Congo and Nigeria especially at the grassroots, community-
level.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. EWER systems across Africa 
enable vulnerable and remotely located communities at risk for conflict 
and atrocities practical means to take a lead role in their own 
protection. I believe that by creating low-cost, easy to use means of 
communicating with security providers and other communities at risk, 
these U.S. Government-supported programs have empowered previously 
unprotected or ignored communities and have evidently prevented 
escalations of conflict in the Central African Republic, Democratic 
Republic of Congo and Nigeria. I understand U.S. Government investments 
also seek to support EWER systems that can be easily adapted and 
managed by local actors, ensuring sustainability and ownership at both 
the government and community level.

    Question. Do you feel they are a good investment of U.S. resources 
given limited resources for conflict prevention and resolution in 
Africa?

    Answer. Yes. I understand these early warning systems use radio and 
SMS to communicate, and that the training required to use them is cost-
effective. Trained community members can in turn train others in their 
operation, and partnerships with telecom and security providers ensure 
that the communication channels remain available at a very low cost. I 
believe their sustainability and effectiveness make them a good 
investment of limited resources in this field.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes, especially when paired with 
training and capacity support for community members to identify 
violence trends and forecast risks to prevent attacks before the 
happen. Preventing violence and interrupting cycles of retaliatory 
intercommunal violence helps save lives and is a more impactful and 
cost-effective intervention than responding to conflict once it has 
broken out. Moreover, I understand that these early warning systems use 
radio and SMS to communicate, and the training required to use them is 
cost-effective. I understand trained community members can in turn 
train others in their operation, and partnerships with telecom and 
security providers ensure that the communication channels remain 
available at a very low cost. Their sustainability and effectiveness 
make them a good investment of limited resources in this field. While 
sophisticated defense systems have their place in protecting vulnerable 
populations in Africa, EWER systems that utilize technology already in 
regular use in at-risk locations can be much more effective in alerting 
populations in real time by being readily accessible, quick to stand 
up, and easy to use.

    Question. Are you supportive of DRL investing in EWER systems in 
Africa? If yes, in what circumstances are they appropriate?

    Answer. Yes. I believe EWER systems can be appropriately deployed 
in a number of situations where security providers are either slow or 
reluctant to provide quality protection for communities at risk for 
conflict due to ethnic, religious, resource, or other reasons. I 
understand due to the ease of use, DRL-supported EWER access is not 
limited to only a certain subset of users; indeed, we have seen 
tangible success when groups often overlooked for leadership roles-
youth and women-have been empowered to use these systems. DRL's EWER 
systems are also appropriate and effective even where the government is 
the primary perpetrator. I believe in those circumstances, the alerts 
can be directed to alternative sources for response, such as local 
civil society or regional or international actors.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. EWER systems can be 
appropriately deployed in any number of situations and locations where 
security providers are either slow or reluctant to provide quality 
protection for communities at risk for conflict due to ethnic, 
religious, resource, or other reasons. I understand that due to their 
ease of use, DRL-supported EWER access is not limited to a certain 
subset of users and has demonstrated success when groups often 
overlooked for leadership roles-youth and women-have been empowered to 
use these systems. I believe DRL's EWER systems are also appropriate 
and effective where the Government is the primary perpetrator of 
abuses. In those circumstances, the alerts can be directed to 
alternative sources for response, such as local civil society or 
regional or international actors. I understand DRL also seeks to deepen 
its programs' coordination with security actors active in locations of 
mutual priority to ensure that information sharing is maximized.

    Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under 
threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral 
processes to remain in power, while stifling dissent and limiting the 
activities of opposition parties and candidates. In 2020 alone, we saw 
ruling parties and incumbent leaders apply authoritarian tactics under 
the guise of democracy, including in Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe, and 
in the last year, four coups d'etat have occurred in Chad, Guinea and 
two in Mali:
    What is your perspective on balancing the sometimes competing U.S. 
priorities of security and democracy and human rights in Sub-Saharan 
Africa, especially when some of our top security partners--including 
Uganda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Chad and Mali--periodically or consistently 
engage in undemocratic practices or experience undemocratic and 
unconstitutional transitions of power?

    Answer. A 2019 Afrobarometer study encompassing survey data from 34 
African nations found that 68 percent of Africans believe democracy is 
the best form of government, while 78 percent reject strong-man rule 
and 72 percent oppose military rule. While it is in the U.S. interest 
to support African states facing security crises, we must make clear to 
African leaders who flout democratic norms that respect for human 
rights and democratic institutions is in their best interest, as well 
as that of their people, and their country. Without meaningful 
democratic governance, African states will not be well-positioned to 
expand peace and security and foster economic growth.

    Question. In your view, which should take priority in Africa?

    Answer. I firmly agree with President Biden's stated commitment to 
place respect for human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. I 
also believe considering the human rights and democracy components of 
U.S. security engagement is an important element of policy development 
and can help guide and strengthen how the administration engages in 
Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in countries with weak or nascent 
democracies. If confirmed, I look forward to participating in an 
interagency policy process as the Biden-Harris administration develops 
a fresh U.S. approach for Africa that addresses our national interests 
in Africa including respect for human rights and democratic norms, as 
well as security.

    Question. How can the U.S. better engage the African Union on 
issues related to democracy, human rights, corruption, and rule of law?

    Answer. I understand that democracy and governance is a core pillar 
of the U.S. High Level Dialogue with the African Union (AU), and one 
through which the U.S. Government works to advance the shared values of 
promoting democratic institutions and human rights on the continent 
throughout the year. If confirmed, I would work with the U.S. 
Ambassador to the AU as well as the AF bureau to seek policies that 
continue to counter corruption; promote constitutional reform 
undertaken in a democratic and transparent manner; mitigate conflict; 
protect civilians; support transitional justice; protect the 
independence of accountability mechanisms, such as the African 
Commission of Human and People's Rights; and promote political space 
for civil society. I also welcome the strategic use of U.S. foreign 
assistance resources to advance shared democracy, human rights, and 
good governance priorities through the AU, such as the ongoing 
technical assistance in support of the AU Assembly presidency in an 
effort to advance democracy and human rights, and training for youth 
experts on the AU's transitional justice policy.

    Question. In the last three years, Sudan and Ethiopia embarked on 
unexpected democratic transitions. While the U.S. was, and continues to 
be, eager to support these transitions, rapidly mobilizing adequate 
resources has been a challenge in both cases:

   As Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and 
        Labor, how will you work inside DRL and with the Africa Bureau 
        to be better prepared to contribute financial and diplomatic 
        resources to support democratic transitions and opportunities 
        that emerge unexpectedly in Africa?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to build on democratic openings 
across the Africa continent and in close coordination with the recently 
confirmed A/S for Africa to ensure we are coordinating closely and 
maximizing our resources and aligned in our policy approach. I would 
work to develop and coordinate strategic U.S. diplomatic engagement and 
assistance on democracy and human rights for countries in transition, 
working closely with the Africa Bureau, as well as colleagues from 
throughout the J Family, USAID and beyond.

    Question. What lessons have the challenges to the transitions in 
Sudan and Ethiopia taught us about how to best support unexpected 
democratic transitions in the medium and long term?

    Answer. The challenges in the transitions in Sudan and Ethiopia 
have taught us that the democratic transition process is extremely 
fragile and that success requires sustained medium and long term 
support but also that civil society--and women in particular--are 
important partners to understand alternative perspectives in 
transitioning countries.
    If confirmed, I would work to support democratic institutions, so 
that they're strong, accountable, able to govern capably, and have the 
capacity to support credible and inclusive elections, enabling a 
peaceful transition to a democratic state; promote the protection of 
human rights and fundamental freedoms including through legal reforms; 
and promote comprehensive transitional justice measures and credible, 
independent justice mechanisms.

    Question. Russian malign activity in Africa is of increasing 
concern, particularly given credible reports of election interference, 
the engagement of Russian mercenaries, including Wagner Group, in 
Northern Mozambique, and Russia's security sector support to the 
Touadera administration (which includes an exemption to the U.N. arms 
embargo) in the Central African Republic (CAR).

   In your opinion, what should the U.S. be doing in Africa to counter 
        malign Russian interference in elections, other democratic 
        processes, and to reduce its influence over elected leaders?

    Answer. I understand that the United States supports efforts by 
African nations to develop strong peace and security institutions to 
improve access to justice through capacity building and technical 
assistance. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen coordination within 
the Department of State, across the U.S. Government, and with 
likeminded partners such as the European Union and France to ensure our 
efforts are aligned and mutually supportive to strengthen African 
governments' abilities to mitigate conflict, stop human rights abuses 
and violations, hold those responsible for such actions accountable, 
and help countries achieve stable democracies that do not require the 
short-term security assistance of malign external actors. As has been 
demonstrated in multiple contexts, governments that partner with groups 
like Russian-supported Wagner become weaker, poorer, and less secure. 
As a practical matter, leaders in such countries lose control of their 
militaries and natural resources. Specifically, to counterbalance 
Russia's influence, if confirmed, I will pursue opportunities to stand 
up to Russian malign influence and reaffirm America's commitment to 
countries that uphold democracy and human rights. Additionally, I will 
work with partners to develop security alternatives for governments 
facing conflict and poverty.

    Question. The recent coups d'etat in Mali are recent examples of 
the fragility of the Malian state. What is your assessment of the 
status of the Algiers Accord and prospects for its implementation?

    Answer. The events in May of this year underscore just how 
important it is that Mali conducts free and fair elections on time in 
February 2022 and that the Head of the Transition and the Prime 
Minister of the Transition should not under any circumstances be 
candidates for the forthcoming presidential election. Without a 
legitimate government in place, it will be very difficult to make 
progress on the key provisions of the Algiers Accord.

    Question. In your opinion, should the Algiers Accord remain the 
primary framework for peacebuilding and governance in Mali? If so, why? 
The recent coups d'etat in Mali are recent examples of the fragility of 
the Malian state.

    Answer. In my opinion, the United States should continue to support 
the Algiers Accord, because, if implemented, it would play a 
substantial stabilizing role in Mali and the region. In particular, 
Accord provisions that concern decentralization and government services 
for marginalized populations will help respond to ongoing grievances 
that erode state legitimacy and fuel conflict.

    Question. In light of the recent coups d'etat in Mali and Chad, 
would you agree that Niger is the U.S.' most important democratic ally 
in the Sahel? If yes, do you feel that U.S. democracy and governance 
support to Niger is sufficient to reflect the importance of this 
strategic relationship? If no, why not?

    Answer. Niger is a democratic example for the region, especially 
for the transition governments in Mali and Chad. In February, the 
transition from former Nigerien President Issoufou, who voluntarily 
stepped down after two terms, to President Bazoum was Niger's first 
handover from one democratically elected president to another. 
Mauritania similarly achieved its first peaceful democratic transition 
of power in 2019. I understand Niger is a strong partner of the United 
States on matters of regional security through its participation in the 
G5-Sahel Joint Force, MINUSMA, the MNJTF, and D-ISIS Coalition. U.S. 
democracy and governance support to Niger totaled $1.78 million in FY 
2021. I believe greater U.S. democracy and governance support to Niger 
would further strengthen Nigerien democratic institutions and serve as 
a bulwark against growing regional anti-democratic trends.

    Question. Given the ongoing political and constitutional crisis in 
Somalia, do you feel U.S. policy toward Somalia requires a re-think? If 
no, why not? If yes, in what alternative ways should the U.S. support 
democracy and human rights in Somalia?

    Answer. I believe that it is always important for the United States 
to reflect upon its policies and seek to ensure that its approach will 
bring about the best possible outcome, and this is especially true when 
there is a crisis. I understand the administration recently completed a 
comprehensive policy review for Somalia, which identified addressing 
the political dynamics at the root of the current political situation 
as necessary for advancing long-term stabilization goals for the 
country.
    If confirmed, I would seek to ensure that implementation of U.S. 
policy toward Somalia helps resolve the political and constitutional 
crisis and supports long-term democracy and human rights objectives. If 
confirmed, I will welcome your engagement and make myself available to 
brief you on these efforts.

    Question. Immediately following the indirect selection of Mohamed 
Abdullahi Mohamed (aka Farmajo) as President of Somalia in 2017, the 
U.S. engaged with the Somali Government in Mogadishu on the premise 
that Somalia would hold one-person-one-vote direct elections in 2020.

   Was this a realistic expectation to set in 2016 or has U.S. policy 
        been based on a fundamentally-flawed assumption?

    Answer. I am not aware of the deliberations that followed the 
indirect selection of Farmaajo as President of Somalia in 2017, but I 
am aware that one-person-one-vote direct elections have not yet come 
about in Somalia.

    Question. How do you view the prospects of one-person-one-vote 
direct elections in Somalia in the future?

    Answer. Somalia is a deeply challenging context, but I am always 
hopeful about the prospects for democracy and the tenacity of people to 
pursue a governance system that truly affords them fundamental 
freedoms. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting efforts towards 
more inclusive, representative governance in Somalia, to include one-
person-one-vote elections when feasible.

    Question. Is it an appropriate approach to orient U.S. democracy 
and governance programs toward a specific electoral event in Somalia? 
If no, what is a more prudent approach for building democratic 
institutions and norms?

    Answer. I believe that democracy is an evolving process. While 
elections are seminal events that often serve as milestones for 
measuring democratic progress, they are insufficient markers for 
building or consolidating a democratic state. If confirmed, I would 
seek to ensure that U.S. democracy support continues to be holistic in 
its response to challenges and focuses on building institutions and 
support norms globally. I understand that while DRL does not currently 
have any programs in Somalia, any future investment should be 
strategically targeted in coordination with interagency efforts to 
further democratic priorities in country.

    Question. Is it your view that a coup d'etat occured in Guinea on 
September 5, 2021 to depose President Alpha Conde?

    Answer. On September 5, military officers led by Colonel Mamdy 
Doumbouya deposed duly elected President Alpha Conde and seized power. 
Doumbouya's dissolution of the constitution and government plunged 
Guinea into a political crisis. COL Doumbaya now exerts de facto 
control over the Guinean Government.

    Question. What is your assessment of the challenges to democracy 
and human rights in Liberia?

    Answer. Corruption is endemic in Liberia and affects nearly every 
facet of life. In 2019 and 2020, Liberia ranked 137 of 180 countries 
and territories on the Transparency International Corruption 
Perceptions Index, having fallen from 120 in 2018.
    Recent editions of the Department of State's annual Human Rights 
Report note that restrictions on freedom of expression are among the 
most significant human rights issues in Liberia. Journalists sometimes 
perceive the Government's approach to them as antagonistic and 
sometimes self-censor as a result. Individuals protesting against the 
Government must apply for a permit from the Ministry of Justice before 
organizing demonstrations, though the laws and regulations regarding 
permits remain unclear. Other significant human rights issues in 
Liberia include violence against women, including widespread female 
genital mutilation and other harmful practices against women and girls; 
ongoing impunity for serious human rights abuses and violations, and 
harsh prison conditions and lengthy pretrial detention; and 
discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and 
intersex (LGBTQI) persons.

    Question. Do you feel that issues of justice and reconciliation 
from Liberia's civil wars has been adequately addressed? If no, what 
options for justice and reconciliation in Liberia should be explored?

    Answer. Liberia's 2009 Truth and Reconciliation Commission report 
recommended a mix of criminal accountability and restorative measures 
to address the crimes committed during the country's civil wars to 
include prosecution of gross violations of human rights and violations 
of international humanitarian law and monetary reparations and 
memorialization of victims. To date, I understand the Liberian 
Government has not implemented the majority of the recommendations from 
the TRC report. Efforts to promote justice and reconciliation in 
Liberia must be Liberian-led. This is not to say that all Liberians 
feel their issues from that long war have been resolved, and questions 
about how the administration can continue to support those needs remain 
important. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States stands 
ready to be a partner to Liberia in justice and reconciliation efforts 
and will continue to encourage the Liberian Government and people to 
pursue such efforts.

    Question. In several Francophone African countries--Togo, Gabon, 
Democratic Republic of Congo, and recently Chad--dying and long-serving 
presidents have manipulated fragile constitutions to pave the way for 
their sons to replace them should they pass away while in office. Is 
such a scenario likely in Cameroon, and if so, what should be the U.S. 
position if this occurred?

    Answer. The trend of elected leaders seeking to change 
constitutions or laws in order to remain in office, or transfer power 
to members of their family, is deeply concerning and undermines 
critical governing institutions that bring stability. President Biya 
has been in power for nearly 40 years and is among the world's longest 
ruling leaders. If confirmed, I will seek to promote democracy, respect 
for human rights, and accountability in Cameroon and will use a range 
of tools to do so.

    [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am deeply concerned by the 
trend of unconstitutional changes in power in Africa and efforts to 
manipulate constitutions and laws in a manner that undermines 
democratic transfers of power, including in favor of successions within 
families. While Cameroon's constitution is clear regarding the 
presidential transition process, it has not been tested in more than 40 
years. It is important that the Government and people of Cameroon work 
to strengthen institutions to ensure a democratic transition should the 
President be unable to complete his term. An unconstitutional transfer 
of power to any would-be successor could exacerbate current challenges 
and lead to instability. If confirmed, I will work with our Embassy in 
Yaounde and like-minded partners to engage the Cameroonian Government 
and civil society actors interested in strengthening Cameroon's 
democratic institutions, respect for human rights, and accountability. 
I will also reaffirm the United States' strong support for countries to 
respect their constitutions during transitions in power and to oppose 
extra-constitutional changes or maneuvers to facilitate successions 
within families.

    Question. As Assistant Administrator for Democracy, Human Rights 
and Labor, if confirmed, how can DRL better support a resolution to the 
Anglophone Crisis and the significant and longstanding challenges to 
democratic elections and democratic governance in Cameroon?

    Answer. I share your concerns about the ongoing violence in 
Cameroon and the crisis in the Anglophone region. Secretary Blinken's 
decision to restrict the visas of individuals responsible for 
undermining peace in Cameroon is a concrete example of options the 
Department of State can exercise to push for peace and dialogue. If 
confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for human rights 
violations and abuses and ensure any Cameroonian security force unit 
that may be nominated for assistance is fully vetted for allegations of 
gross violations of human rights, consistent with the Leahy law.
    My focus would be to continue urging all parties to end violence 
and to engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. I would 
make clear U.S. support for the Swiss Government's effort to advance 
mediation between the Government and separatist armed group leaders and 
encourage the Cameroonian Government take concrete steps to move this 
effort forward. I would also continue to pursue engagement with African 
nations, France, other likeminded partners, and U.N. Security Council 
member states to find ways to promote a peaceful resolution of the 
ongoing violence.

    Question. DRL has led the USG's efforts to support electoral 
processes and a democratic transition in CAR since the lead up to CAR's 
2016 elections. In your opinion, what areas are most critical for U.S. 
democracy, governance and human rights support to focus on in CAR in 
the post-2020/21 election period?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with colleagues throughout the 
State Department and interagency and with likeminded governments to 
identify areas where interventions may advance democracy, governance, 
justice and accountability, and respect for human rights in the Central 
African Republic (CAR). I understand that the United States has 
historically supported CAR's efforts to develop strong institutions and 
strengthen rule of law through capacity building and technical 
assistance. I am deeply concerned by reports of human rights violations 
and abuses by the CAR Armed Forces and Russian-supported mercenaries, 
respectively, and reports of violence by armed groups against civilians 
and increased use of IEDs. I am equally concerned by credible reports 
of money laundering and a wide range of illicit trafficking and believe 
the U.S. has a role to play in further investigating these allegations 
and ensuring they do not undermine CAR's electoral process. The CAR 
Government's pending commission of inquiry will be critical to 
demonstrating its commitment to justice and accountability. If 
confirmed, I will seek to strengthen the CAR Government's ability to 
expand access to justice for more Central Africans, prevent human 
rights abuses and violations, promote accountability for those 
responsible, and help the country achieve stability and security 
without calling on malign actors for short-term security assistance.

    Question. What is your perspective on the performance of the 
Tshisekedi administration to date?

    Answer. Since President Tshisekedi took office in 2019, the DRC has 
released unjustly detained individuals; established an anti-trafficking 
agency; and realized the highest-level corruption conviction in DRC 
history. These were among the steps that merited the reinstatement of 
DRC's AGOA eligibility. I was pleased to see the first U.S.-DRC Human 
Rights Dialogue occur in June 2021 with the support of the Tshisekedi 
administration and if confirmed, I will aim to advance and deepen the 
commitments made during that dialogue.

    Question. Do you feel that the Tshisekedi administration is in a 
position to continue to advance reforms, including in the areas of 
anti-corruption, the security sector and the natural resources sector?

    Question. I understand that under the Tshisekedi administration, 
the DRC saw the highest-level corruption conviction in that country's 
history. If confirmed, I would work with the Bureau of International 
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs and partners in the DRC to help 
address corruption and encourage accountability for corrupt actors with 
all available tools. The DRC has a long history of corruption and abuse 
in the mining and security sectors so a core component of any strategy 
must be engaging on both issues in a meaningful way that can bring 
about a more professional and effective security sector and a mining 
sector that truly benefits all Congolese. Essential to doing this work 
will be close collaboration with local communities and civil society 
groups.
    I believe that the United States should support the Congolese 
Government's efforts to stabilize eastern DRC by addressing the drivers 
of escalating violence, including holding those in the military 
responsible for corruption and human rights abuses and violations to 
account.

    Question. In your view, how can the U.S. best continue to support 
democratic reforms in DRC, including prospects for free, fair and 
transparent elections in 2023?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early 
imperative of undertaking the legal, financial, and technical 
preparations necessary for free and fair elections in 2023, including 
reform of the Independent National Electoral Commission. To be 
credible, the 2023 elections must be inclusive, conducted transparently 
and impartially, and held in accordance with constitutional deadlines. 
If I am confirmed, I would work to ensure appropriate resources are in 
place to help our Congolese partners with this important task.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting the legitimate 
victor of a free and fair electoral process in 2023?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work diligently to support a free and 
fair electoral process and a constructive election environment in the 
run up to and including the 2023 elections. The declared winner of the 
presidential election should reflect the will of the Congolese people 
at the ballot box through a transparent, impartial, and inclusive 
electoral process.

    Question. What is your assessment of the current human rights 
situation in Burundi?

    Answer. Since the election of President Ndayishimiye, the Burundian 
Government has lifted bans on media outlets associated with the 
political opposition, freed imprisoned journalists and human rights 
defenders, increased efforts to address trafficking in persons, and 
taken steps to end abusive practices by the ruling party's youth 
militia. However, I am also aware of the recent report by the United 
Nations Commission of Inquiry on Burundi, which documents ongoing human 
rights violations, the absence of adequate democratic space, ongoing 
targeting of journalists, denial of freedom of association to civil 
society, and a lack of meaningful structural reform. If confirmed, I 
will engage with colleagues from across the State Department and the 
interagency to address the current human rights situation in Burundi.

    Question. Do you feel the democracy and human rights situation in 
Burundi has improved or declined in Burundi since President 
Nkurunziza's death and the inauguration of President Ndayishimiye? How?

    Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2020 elections took place in a 
markedly different atmosphere from that in 2015 and were characterized 
by a competitive process with relatively little violence. Since the 
election of President Ndayishimiye, the Burundian Government has lifted 
bans on media outlets associated with the political opposition, freed 
imprisoned journalists and human rights defenders, increased efforts to 
address trafficking in persons, and taken steps to end abusive 
practices by the ruling party's youth militia. However, I am also aware 
of the recent report by the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on 
Burundi, which notes the absence of any structural reform to ``durably 
improve the [human rights] situation'' and multiple ongoing human 
rights violations and other concerns. If confirmed, I will engage with 
colleagues across the State Department and the interagency to assess 
the approach of President Ndayishimiye's administration and review 
Burundi's progress on democracy and respect for human rights.

    Question. In your opinion, have the conditions in Burundi 
adequately changed for the Departments of State and Treasury to 
consider terminating the Burundi Sanctions Program?

    Answer. I understand the Burundi sanctions program has been a 
valuable tool to deter abuses and promote accountability among those 
connected with the 2015 violence and instability in the country. If 
confirmed, I will engage with the Bureau of Economic and Business 
Affairs, the Bureau of African Affairs, and the Department of the 
Treasury to assess whether Executive Order 13712 remains an effective 
tool to advance our foreign policy goals in Burundi, including improved 
respect for human rights. I will also consider the use of all available 
tools to respond to human rights violations and abuses in Burundi.

    Question. Do you feel that the upgrading of Burundi from Tier 3 to 
Tier 2 Watch List in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report was 
an objective reflection of the efforts of the Burundian Government, 
specifically its justice sector, to make good faith efforts to improve 
the TIP situation in Burundi?

    Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
Report tier ranking as Tier 2 Watch List was based on the Burundian 
Government's increased efforts, including by the Ministries of Justice, 
Foreign Affairs, and Interior, at the direction of the Office of the 
President, to counter trafficking in persons. These efforts included 
increasing investigations and prosecutions of suspected trafficking 
offenses, convicting traffickers, and referring victims to assistance. 
The Government also developed and implemented the country's first-ever 
national data collection system on law enforcement's efforts to combat 
human trafficking and trained officials on its use. If confirmed, I 
commit to working with Burundi to ensure it continues to prioritize 
countering trafficking in persons.

    Question. Kenya will have elections in 2022. In your opinion, are 
planned levels of USG support to Kenya's electoral process adequate?

    Answer. I understand that the United States has invested 
significant resources over the last two decades in support of free and 
fair elections and democratic reform in Kenya, covering a broad set of 
programming areas. If confirmed, I would assess the electoral climate 
and work with colleagues to determine whether planned levels of U.S. 
Government support are adequate for the 2022 general elections in Kenya 
and whether additional funding, if available, would be merited. I 
believe continued U.S. engagement and programs for the August 2022 
elections can help Kenya, one of four U.S. strategic partners in 
Africa, conduct credible elections and forestall the violence and 
instability that have too often plagued prior election cycles. I 
strongly support the ongoing efforts to enhance accountability and 
transparency of the election process, support anti-corruption efforts, 
promote initiatives to mitigate possible election-related violence and 
protect human rights, strengthen civic engagement and voter education, 
and improve the information and media environment.

    Question. While there was hope that the end of Mugabe's 37 year 
reign as president of Zimbabwe would usher in democratic and economic 
reforms that would enable the beleaguered country to cast off its 
pariah status, the three years of leadership under President Mnangagwa 
has demonstrated a continuation, if not worsening, of human rights 
abuses, economic mismanagement and kleptocratic behavior of the ZANU-PF 
regime. What tools does the U.S. have at its disposal that are 
underutilized to encourage democratic and economic reforms in Zimbabwe?

    Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe's authoritarian and corrupt 
practices, including the targeting of opposition political figures, 
journalists, and members of civil society through harassment, arrests, 
and detentions are matters of great concern. I greatly appreciate that 
this committee has publicly called out repressive actions taken by the 
Zimbabwe Government. The State Department and the U.S. Embassy in 
Harare also issue condemnations when appropriate and publicly voice 
support for the courageous Zimbabwean women and men who speak out 
against government corruption and abuses. I understand the U.S. 
supports governance programs that improve electoral processes, refine 
citizen advocacy strategies, and enhance public accountability 
measures. It provides support to those the Zimbabwean Government 
singles out for abuse, and imposes targeted sanctions to promote 
accountability for corrupt actors and those who abuse human rights and 
undermine democratic processes. If confirmed, I will work with this 
committee, civil society, regional neighbors, and likeminded partners 
to direct more attention to the situation in Zimbabwe so that, 
together, we can increase the pressure on the Government to respect 
democratic principles and human rights. If confirmed, I will also work 
with interagency partners to mobilize sanctions programs to promote 
accountability for those individuals who are currently active in 
corruption and human rights abuses.

    Question. An area of considerable debate has been the value of 
reincorporating political party programming into the U.S.' portfolio of 
democracy assistance to Zimbabwe. Do you commit to working with the 
Africa Bureau to review the Department of State's posture on political 
party support to Zimbabwe?

    Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe has systematically weakened the 
opposition through manipulated court rulings, harassment and 
incarceration of key figures, and thinly veiled actions to install 
pliant political figures in parliament since it took power after the 
2018 election.
    If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the Department of State's 
posture on political party support in Zimbabwe, as well as how to 
better engage civil society organizations, build confidence in the 
electoral commission, and encourage more regional engagement.

    Question. As Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human 
Rights and Labor, would you support the investment of DRL resources 
into programming that would support investigative journalism and 
research to better understand corruption and kleptocratic networks in 
Zimbabwe?

    Answer. It is important to look into all options available that 
would help counter the corrupt and authoritarian actions of the 
Government of Zimbabwe. If confirmed, I will explore new funding 
options for DRL interventions in Zimbabwe while factoring how such 
programs would complement existing USAID programs in country to ensure 
effectiveness and avoid duplication of efforts, as well as the 
availability of funds, the timing of appropriations, and procurement 
lead times.

    Question. Given the supermajority retained by the MPLA in the 
August 2017 legislative elections, has President Lourenco and his party 
used this legislative power to push through the necessary democracy and 
human rights reforms from the start of their current term in office as 
prioritized by the United States and the international community? If 
so, what are these specific democracy and human rights reforms? If not, 
what has the U.S. done to ensure that Angola's Government makes these 
necessary reforms?

    Answer. I understand the Government of Angola has made significant 
progress in its efforts to combat corruption, including investigations 
and prosecutions of current and former government officials and 
adopting a new penal code which increased penalties for corrupt 
officials. The Government has also taken steps to hold officials 
accountable for human rights abuses. Though challenges remain, the 
Government has noted that human rights are a matter of national 
security and acknowledged the need for oversight provided by civil 
society organizations across the country. Since the release of the 2020 
Trafficking in Persons Report, Angola has demonstrated further 
commitment to combat human trafficking by increasing the criminal 
penalties for human trafficking; convicting and sentencing traffickers 
to prison; and conducting a national awareness campaign on human 
trafficking. Angola also modified its religious registration law to 
reduce restrictions on Islam and other religions. I understand the 
United States looks forward to discussing ways to build upon Angola's 
progress at their fourth Bilateral Dialogue on Human Rights in the 
coming months. If confirmed, I intend to use that and other 
opportunities to strengthen bilateral cooperation to support Angola's 
anti-corruption efforts, enhance accountability mechanisms for human 
rights violations and abuses, advance democratic governance, and 
support protections for human rights and fundamental freedoms, 
including the rights to peaceful assembly and freedoms of expression, 
association, and religion or beliefs.

    Question. While Angola's constitutional court rejected the 
opposition parties' legal petitions in the last election for alleged 
irregularities, what specific electoral reforms are needed to address 
some of the concerns raised in those petitions as well as to improve 
the overall electoral process for the 2022 polls?

    Answer. The 2022 legislative elections will be an opportunity for 
Angola to demonstrate its commitment to democratic governance. A 
transparent planning process for the elections will aid in their 
success.
    If possible, I would also like to see local elections held in 
conjunction with the legislative elections, noting that they would be 
the first to be held in recent Angolan history.

    Question. The ruling MPLA under the leadership of President 
Lourenco introduced changes to the electoral law that would centralize 
the counting of votes instead of doing it at the level of each 
municipality and province. Given that centralized counting of votes is 
not a best practice in results management, particularly in terms of 
engendering confidence in the transparency and credibility of 
transmission of election results, how would the centralizing of vote 
counting be seen in your view? Given the concerns raised by opposition 
candidates in the 2017 elections through their legal petitions citing 
the lack of transparency by the electoral commission and alleged vote 
counting irregularities at the provincial level, would such a law 
engender greater confidence in the electoral process? If so, how so? If 
not, why not?

    Answer. President Lourenco has shown a willingness to take into 
account the concerns of minority parties as well as the public demand 
for free and fair elections. The draft law could present logistical 
challenges in registering voters in remote areas, and constraints in 
the prescribed electoral timeframe could lead to low voter registration 
and participation abroad. As the law is debated and refined, the U.S. 
Government should continue to advocate for transparency and adherence 
to international norms.
    I also note that on September 11, Angola saw its largest political 
demonstration since before the pandemic began in response to the draft 
election law, and that the peaceful nature of the march and the 
authorities' willingness to permit such a sizeable gathering, despite 
standing COVID restrictions, is a hopeful signal as Angola gears up for 
its 2022 legislative elections.



                               __________


           responses to additional questions for the record 
          submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator marco rubio
    Question. In 2016, the Washington Examiner quoted you as saying 
that the human rights situation in Cuba was improving. Specifically, 
you said that in ``Cuba we've seen more engagement on HR issues.'' In 
2021, you opposed the State Department's decision to designate Cuba as 
a State Sponsor of Terrorism:

   Do you believe that the human rights situation in Cuba is 
        improving? And if so, what specific indicators are you looking 
        at to make this determination?

    Answer. I do not believe that the human rights situation is 
improving. In response to peaceful protests in July, Cuban security 
forces violently repressed the protests, arresting hundreds of 
demonstrators simply for exercising their rights of freedom of 
expression and peaceful assembly, as well as numerous human rights 
activists. If confirmed, I pledge democracy and human rights in Cuba 
will remain at the core of our Cuba policy.

    Question. Can you explain why you oppose Cuba's designation as a 
state sponsor of terrorism?

    Answer. As a nominee I do not have access to information that would 
enable me to have an informed opinion as to whether Cuba should be 
designated as a state sponsor of terrorism. I have long believed that 
state sponsor of terrorism designations should be used for states that 
are terrorists, based on fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I 
believe a designation should not be lifted until there's full clarity 
that the government in question has taken all steps necessary to 
relieve themselves of the criteria needed for such a designation. 
Regardless of the state sponsor of terrorism designation, I do believe 
other corresponding punitive measures are an important tool to be used 
on repressive governments and/or officials. If confirmed, I will 
consult closely with the intelligence community and Congress on the way 
forward, including on the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor 
of Terrorism.

    Question. Are you aware that Cuba continues to provide safe haven 
to convicted criminals on the FBI's most wanted list, like Joanne 
Chesimard, who executed a New Jersey State Troop in 1973 and William 
Morales who was convicted in a U.S. District Court for possession of 
explosives and other crimes?

    Answer. Yes, I am aware that Cuba harbors several U.S. fugitives 
from justice wanted on or convicted of charges of political violence, 
many of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. If confirmed, I will 
support the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to return fugitives from 
justice.

    Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for Cuba to be de-listed 
as a state sponsor of terrorism?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the 
administration's review of Cuba policy, including the previous 
administration's decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of 
Terrorism. I will consult with the intelligence community and Congress 
on the way forward.

    Question. In July of this year, we witnessed the largest protests 
against the regime in 62 years. It's clear from the videos and messages 
shared, that these protests were clearly sparked by decades of 
mismanagement and human rights abuses by the regime. The unprecedented 
size and spread of these protests are directly related to ordinary 
Cubans' access to internet circumvention tools like VPNs. If confirmed, 
you will oversee the Bureau at State, which is responsible for U.S. 
assistance to promote democracy and human rights in Cuba.

   If confirmed, do you commit to support robust funding for the 
        democracy movement in Cuba?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will use all tools at my disposal to 
support independent civil society and democratic actors in Cuba, 
including through robust funding for democracy and human rights 
programs. I believe that these programs, including those that promote 
internet freedom, are central to empowering independent civil society 
organizations and ordinary citizens to promote democracy and human 
rights in Cuba.

    Question. If confirmed, will you support providing internet 
circumvention tools that allow Cubans unfettered and uncensored access 
to the internet?

    Answer. I understand the United States provides funding--over $70 
million globally on an annual basis--to support the development, 
deployment, and operation of the latest secure and reliable technical 
solutions to counter Internet censorship, content blocking, and 
shutdowns, and other violations of Internet Freedom. I also understand 
U.S.-supported programming makes secure circumvention and 
communications tools available to internet users everywhere, including 
in Cuba. If confirmed, and with the continued appropriations support 
for these activities, I will ensure DRL continues these critical 
programs.

    Question. In 2018, you tweeted in support for the anti-Semitic BDS 
movement, praising AirBnB for removing rental listings of homes located 
inside the West Bank.

   Do you still support this decision?

    Answer. I firmly reject the BDS movement, which unfairly singles 
out Israel. If confirmed, I will work with Israel to counter efforts to 
delegitimize it around the world, while respecting the First Amendment 
rights of Americans and supporting U.S. businesses.

    Question. Do you view the BDS movement as hateful and anti-Semitic?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has been clear that it 
resolutely opposes the BDS movement. I also have made clear that I 
firmly reject the BDS movement. The administration has stated it will 
always fully respect Americans' First Amendment rights, while also 
remaining a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize Israel. 
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to support Israel's further 
integration into the international community, and to oppose the BDS 
movement and any efforts to delegitimize Israel.

    Question. In July 2020, you praised an op-ed by Peter Beinert that 
argued for Israel to discard its identity as a Jewish State. This 
conflicts with longstanding U.S. support for Israel as a Jewish state.

   Can you clarify whether or not you fully endorse the views 
        expressed by Beinert in this op-ed? Specifically, like Beinert, 
        do you no longer believe in a Jewish state?

    Answer. I believe that Israel is a democratic and Jewish state. If 
confirmed, I will work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israel 
partnership.

    Question. Can you clarify, is it ``cruel'' to limit Tehran's 
support for groups that violate the human rights of ordinary people 
across the region?

    Answer. The Iranian Government has a deeply troubling record on 
human rights both at home and abroad. If confirmed, I am committed to 
working to disrupt Iran's efforts to repress, harass, harm, or 
otherwise violate the human rights of individuals in any part of the 
world, including via its support for violent partners and proxies, and 
to continuing to use a variety of tools, including sanctions, to 
counter Iran's support for violent partners and proxies in the region.

    Question. Has your opinion of the Iranian Government changed since 
Raisi's election as President?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's Iran policy is designed 
to advance U.S. interests, which include deterring and punishing human 
rights abuses, regardless of who is in power in Tehran. If confirmed, I 
will ensure that we deploy all available tools to promote 
accountability for human rights violators.

    Question. If the Iranian Government is still replete with nasty 
characters, do you believe that providing that regime with sanctions 
relief advances democracy and human rights in Iran?

    Answer. The Iranian Government regularly denies Iranians their 
human rights, including through severe restrictions on the freedoms of 
peaceful assembly, association, religion or belief, and expression. If 
confirmed, I will ensure we continue to call out and stand up to Iran's 
human rights abuses, and to maintain and impose sanctions on Iranian 
entities and individuals perpetrating human rights abuses.



                               __________


           responses to additional questions for the record 
          submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator todd young

    Question. Recently, the United States and the U.N. Relief and Works 
Agency agreed upon a framework for cooperation which includes a mutual 
commitment to abide by the Foreign Assistance Act's prohibition on 
assistance to UNRWA without adequate oversight of funding, specifically 
over funds which could end up in the hands of terrorist. But UNRWA has 
displayed an insufficient track record in exercising oversight of its 
funds, even after committing to our government to do so:

   At what point is it necessary to accept that the constant flow of 
        U.N. support is enabling corrupt entities in the region and not 
        actually helping bring about peace and security? What options 
        exist for alternative, U.S.-led and U.S.-facilitated 
        assistance?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports the work of UNRWA, 
which provides critical services to vulnerable Palestinian refugees. 
UNRWA is a lifeline for thousands of Palestinian refugees in the 
region. I understand the United States and UNRWA have reaffirmed a 
commitment to uphold the principles of accountability, neutrality, and 
transparency. I understand the Department is deeply engaged with UNRWA, 
including on key reforms related to efficiency, effectiveness, and 
importantly neutrality. I want to be clear--neutrality means 
antiracism, combatting antisemitism and tolerance.
    The Department is committed to ensuring U.S. Government funding 
does not end up in the hand of terrorists, including Hamas. The 
administration provides assistance to trusted international 
organizations and NGOs in a manner consistent with U.S. law and does 
not direct assistance to Hamas. The Department takes oversight of U.N. 
operations, including UNRWA, seriously to ensure U.S. taxpayer-funded 
assistance is reaching the intended recipients.

    Question. Do you agree with President Biden that further 
conditioning security aid to Israel would be ``outrageous''?

    Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris administration remains unwavering in 
its commitment to Israel's security and will work to strengthen all 
aspects of the U.S.-Israel partnership. If confirmed, I will support 
these efforts to strengthen our bilateral ties.

    Question. Do you acknowledge that Israel's security environment is 
unlike any other in the world, by means of its very existence?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Is the Human Rights Council serving the interests of the 
United States when it consistently displays bias against the state of 
Israel?

    Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) has flaws, including in 
particular the Council's problematic membership and its 
disproportionate focus on Israel. If confirmed, I am committed to 
ensuring with colleagues the HRC can be as effective and balanced as 
possible, and will continue to advocate that the HRC treats Israel in 
the same way as the HRC handles any other country. When the United 
States has a seat at the table, we are able to advocate on Israel's 
behalf. The U.S. is hopeful about moving resolutions out of Agenda Item 
7, which will be a step in the right direction. Advancing democracy and 
protecting human rights are vital to U.S. national security interests. 
U.S. leadership in multilateral venues, including the Human Rights 
Council helps focus international attention on the world's most 
egregious human rights situations such as Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, 
Ethiopia, Burma, and help direct U.N. assistance to countries in 
transition like Sudan.



                               __________


           responses to additional questions for the record 
           submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator ted cruz
Cuba
    Question. The Cuban regime annually proposes a resolution at the 
United Nations General Assembly condemning the U.S. for policies toward 
Cuba, and among other things calling for the embargo to be lifted. The 
U.S. has consistently voted against this measure, with the exception of 
2016, when the Obama-Biden administration instead abstained from the 
vote. Long-standing policy of the U.S. to use its voice and vote to 
oppose this measure was restored under the Trump administration. The 
Biden administration has extended this policy, and this year U.N. 
Ambassador Thomas Greenfield voted against the Cuban-sponsored 
resolution condemning the United States' congressionally mandated trade 
embargo at the United Nations General Assembly.
    Meanwhile, the United States Congress has been and remains 
committed to maintaining America's embargo on Cuba. The Cuban Liberty 
and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-114) 
codifies the U.S. embargo. The executive branch is prevented from 
lifting the embargo without congressional concurrence through 
legislation until certain democratic conditions set forth in the law 
are met.

   Do you agree with the Congressionally mandated policy mandating an 
        embargo?

    Answer. The LIBERTAD Act codifies the bulk of the embargo and the 
circumstances under which it can be ended. Unless it is repealed or 
amended by Congress, the embargo can only be ended if the President 
determines Cuba has entered a transition to democracy. The 
administration is committed to implementing U.S. law while ensuring its 
policies advance the right to self-determination for the Cuban people, 
greater freedom for the Cuban people, and expanded support for pro-
democracy, human rights, and independent media in Cuba. If confirmed, I 
look forward to supporting these goals as part of the administration's 
policy toward Cuba and consulting with Congress on ways to advance them 
that is consistent with U.S. law.

    Question. Do you agree with the decision to vote against U.N. 
resolutions condemning the U.S. embargo?

    Answer. Yes. Under LIBERTAD, the embargo is U.S. law. If confirmed, 
I commit to supporting the administration's policy approach to Cuba 
consistent with U.S. law.

    Question. Please describe what policies you would take to deepen 
Congress's policy mandating an embargo of Cuba?

    Answer. Democracy and human rights in Cuba are at the core of the 
administration's efforts to empower the Cuban people to determine their 
own future. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the 
administration's goals to support the Cuban people to further 
strengthen Cuban civil society, and to increase pressure on the regime 
for its repression and human rights violations, as the Biden 
administration did this past July following the Government's brutal 
response to protests. I look forward to consulting with Congress on the 
way forward and to ensuring our policy towards Cuba is rooted in broad 
support for fundamental values.

Israel/State Dept
    Question. On July 8, 2014 our Israeli allies launched Operation 
Protective Edge in response to a string of Hamas terrorist attacks and 
atrocities. The State Dept. among other things called on Israel to 
avoid civilian casualties and committed to resupplying them with 
military technology they required to defend themselves. On July 31 you 
criticized that stance as ``consistently inconsistent'' in a post on 
Twitter. Your view is particularly worrisome because, if confirmed, you 
would contribute to decision-making related to providing resources to 
allies in crisis conditions.

   Please clarify what you meant by the criticism that the State Dept. 
        being ``consistently inconsistent'' for urging Israel to avoid 
        civilian casualties while seeking to resupply Israel.

    Answer. I strongly support Israel's right to self-defense and the 
United States' continued commitment to Israel's security. I also 
believe that mitigation of civilian casualty risks, consistent with 
U.S. law, should be considered for all U.S. arms sales My tweet was an 
unnuanced expression of that objective. If confirmed, I will support 
the United States' continued commitment to Israel's security and will 
work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israel partnership. 
Secretary Blinken also has underscored the U.S. expectation that Israel 
should do everything it possibly can to mitigate the risk of civilian 
casualties, which I believe is in line with our shared values and 
common strategic interests.

    Question. Please describe human rights concerns that you believe 
are relevant to decisions related to supplying our Israeli allies with 
resources they need to defend themselves.

    Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The 
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and 
security, including its qualitative military edge in the region, 
consistent with U.S. law and policy. The President has also made it 
clear that the rule of law and respect for human rights are front and 
center in U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will join this 
administration in insisting on adherence to our agreements on the use 
of U.S.-origin defense equipment by our allies and partners, compliance 
with the laws of armed conflict, and respect for human rights.

    Question. n May 16, 2018 you criticized the United States 
Government on Twitter for being ``virtually silent'' on ``Israeli 
security forces' disproportionate attacks on Palestinians in Gaza.'' 
This assessment is not a legal assessment: it is an institutional 
judgment about the role of U.S. Government officials. These assessments 
and others like them would be significant if you are confirmed for role 
as Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
    Please list which Israeli actions in the context of your May 16, 
2018 post you believe the U.S. Government should have been more vocal 
about?

    Answer. I believe that the United States should continue to 
underscore the expectation that Israel, as a key democratic ally in the 
region, should do everything it possibly can to mitigate the risk of 
civilian casualties. It is critical for all parties to refrain from 
unilateral or disproportionate steps that exacerbate tensions and 
undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution, such as 
annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions, and 
incitement to violence.

Interbranch Cooperation
    Question. In January 2020 Sens. Cotton, Cruz, and Braun sent an 
oversight letter to then-Attorney General Barr requesting that he 
``review the activities of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC) 
and its sister organization NIAC Action for potential violations of the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).'' You criticized this request, 
and joined a letter saying that the Senators had used ``tactics [that] 
have no place in our political process or our national discourse, and 
risk turning our Justice Department into a political tool.''

   Do you believe that the Senators' letter asking for a review of 
        activities has no place in our political process?

    Answer. To the contrary, I believe Congress has a strong role to 
play in exercising vital oversight functions. In joining that letter, I 
was expressing concern about the potential for federal law enforcement 
power to be misused to intimidate or silence civil society 
organizations. If confirmed, I would seek to be in regular 
communication with Congress and meaningfully accommodate oversight 
requests.

    Question. Please describe your understanding of the role that 
elected officials play in overseeing agencies charged with 
investigating potential violations of statutory regulations such as 
FARA, in the context of your potential role as Assistant Secretary of 
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor?

    Answer. Elected officials have an important oversight function. I 
commit to working with Congress to accommodate its need for information 
to conduct oversight.

    Question. Do you agree with the assessment that the Chinese 
Government is engaged in a genocide against the Uyghurs and other 
minorities in the XUAR that is ongoing?

    Answer. Yes. I agree that the PRC has committed genocide and crimes 
against humanity against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and 
members of other ethnic and religious minority groups, and that these 
crimes are ongoing.

    Question. What role do you see for the State Department in 
countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights 
atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?

    Answer. The United States should continue to speak out consistently 
and jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities, and 
to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those 
responsible for those abuses. If confirmed, I will advocate to continue 
concrete U.S. Government actions--in coordination with allies and 
partners whenever possible--to promote accountability for ongoing 
atrocities and genocide in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China, including 
through the imposition of visa restrictions, tightening of export 
controls, enforcement of import restrictions, imposition of financial 
sanctions, and multilateral initiatives. I will also look to engage the 
private sector on questions related to digital authoritarianism and the 
economic, legal, and reputational risks of supply chain links to 
entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor in 
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. Finally, if confirmed I will work with 
DRL colleagues and other non-governmental entities to ensure civil 
society is adequately supported to monitor, document, and respond to 
China's abuses--wherever they may occur.

Israel/Sovereignty
    Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional 
relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader 
Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration 
implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish 
communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That 
approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration 
maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334, 
which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan 
Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish 
Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out 
and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by 
recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing 
Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by 
seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and 
for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli 
communities, and by taking several other steps.

   Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?

    Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration gives 
great weight to Israel's security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in 
control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to part with 
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides 
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. The 
Biden administration has not reversed U.S. policy on this important 
issue.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over 
Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

    Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration has not 
altered U.S. policy on this important issue. Jerusalem is the capital 
of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved 
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. The 
administration also recognizes that Jerusalem is central to the 
national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I 
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and 
sensitivity that they deserve.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of 
any part of the Golan Heights?

    Answer. I understand that U.S. policy regarding the Golan has not 
changed since the beginning of the Biden-Harris administration. As long 
as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to 
urge Israel to part with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic 
Golan Heights provides Israel an added measure of security from the 
turmoil next door.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of 
any part of Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

    Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both 
Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. 
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct 
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will 
handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity 
that they deserve.

    Question. Do you believe that Israel has engaged in discriminatory 
policies, in response to which the private sector has an important role 
to play in not promoting or pursing?

    Answer. I believe all governments, including the United States and 
Israel, should work to end discrimination of any kind. If confirmed, I 
will work with all partners, including the private sector, to address 
discrimination and help ensure all people are treated with the dignity 
and respect they deserve.

    Question. If so, please describe which discriminatory Israeli 
policies you believe the private sector has an important role to play 
in not promoting or pursing.

    Answer. If confirmed, I will review all available evidence and work 
with all partners to address discrimination--whether targeting Israelis 
or Palestinians--and ensure full compliance with existing U.S. policy 
and law, while also ensuring that all people are treated with the 
fundamental dignity and respect they deserve.

    Question. The Biden administration has repeatedly expressed 
commitments to providing assistance to Lebanon, including in the 
absence of any government or in the context of a government controlled 
or unduly influenced by Hezbollah. If confirmed, you would have a 
central role in evaluating the humanitarian situation in Lebanon and 
you would have significant equities in what a response would look like.

   Do you believe that it would be in America's national security 
        interest for resources to go to the Government of Lebanon even 
        if that government was controlled or unduly influenced by 
        Hezbollah?

    Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization, and the United 
States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. assistance from 
conferring benefits to Hezbollah or any other terrorist group, 
including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation 
practices. If confirmed, I would ensure the Department continues to 
support our vital interests in Lebanon through the ongoing but 
carefully allocated provision of U.S. assistance, including to Lebanese 
civil society, which helps to bolster Lebanon's resiliency, stability, 
and security.

    Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated 
Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi, 
Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three 
leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists 
(SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5, the Biden 
administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those 
sanctions. The issue of humanitarianism was central to the public 
explanation of the decision: officials at the State Department have 
justified the delisting of what they described as the ``broad'' 
designation of Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large 
parts of Yemen's population live under areas controlled by the group. 
Since then, the Houthis have escalated their violence across the 
region, bombarding civilians in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Yemen was 
already one of the worst humanitarian catastrophes in the world, in 
large part because the Houthis and their Iranian backers block aid, 
steal aid, and attack civilians.

   Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis in 
        deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

    Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain 
intransigent and focused on their military offensive against Marib. The 
offensive is the single biggest threat to peace efforts and is 
exacerbating an already-dire humanitarian crisis, placing at risk the 
approximately one million internally displaced persons who found refuge 
in Marib after escaping fighting in other parts of the country. The 
Houthis also exacerbate the humanitarian consequences of the fuel 
situation at Hudaydah port by stockpiling fuel and manipulating fuel 
prices, driving up the cost of fuel far beyond the reach of most 
Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis continue to interfere in the delivery 
of humanitarian aid.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

    Answer. The Biden administration revoked the terrorism designations 
of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, in recognition of 
the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen. I understand the 
administration listened to concerns voiced by the United Nations, 
humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others, 
regarding potential impacts the designations could have had on Yemenis' 
access to essential basic commodities. The short time that passed 
between the designations and their revocations limited the impact the 
designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and commercial 
imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian assistance 
items are moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates.

    Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden 
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the 
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide 
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

    Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and 
their revocations limited the impact that designations could have had 
on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports. The situation has 
been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation of hostilities 
has caused additional needs and secondary displacement. Critically, 
delivery has safely continued of life-saving food, emergency shelter, 
water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as essential non-
food items, such as blankets and water containers.

    Question. In May 2014, you criticized the United States Government 
for having done ``little to follow up'' on calls to create distance 
between the U.S. and Nigerian security forces, who you described as 
``barely more palatable'' than Boko Haram fighters who had kidnapped 
hundreds of girls. In contrast, many in Congress and across the federal 
government see the Nigerian Government as a critical national security 
partner.

   Do you continue to believe that the U.S. should limit security 
        cooperation with the Government of Nigeria?

    Answer. Nigeria faces numerous security threats, including 
terrorism, rural banditry, kidnapping for ransom, herder-farmer 
violence, separatist attacks, maritime piracy, and rampant criminality. 
I understand the U.S. Government's strategy takes a holistic approach 
to help Nigeria address insecurity by harnessing a range of security, 
governance, and development tools. Nigeria is an important national 
security partner and has taken some steps to investigate alleged abuses 
by both the police and the military, which are essential steps to 
addressing longstanding impunity. A central part of U.S. security 
cooperation is focused on helping Nigeria build capable, well-equipped, 
professional, accountable security forces that effectively respond to 
threats, protect civilians, and respect human rights. U.S. Government 
also supports rule of law capacity building efforts, community-based 
conflict prevention and peacebuilding programs, livelihoods programs, 
and provides humanitarian assistance to build resilience among 
conflict-affected populations.
    If confirmed, I will support the U.S. goal of a stable and secure 
Nigeria while ensuring the United States continues to use its 
engagements with the Nigerian Government to prioritize respect for 
human rights and accountability for past human rights violations and 
abuses

    Question. What specific steps do you envision pursuing in your role 
as Assistance Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and 
Labor, should you be confirmed, that would limit cooperation with 
either the Government of Nigeria or Nigerian security forces?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that the United States 
expects the Nigerian Government and security forces to demonstrate a 
strong commitment to respect for human rights and international 
humanitarian law, and to prioritize accountability for past human 
rights violations and abuses. Assessing credible information of gross 
violations of human rights, consistent with the Leahy Law, and 
consulting with the Africa bureau would be an essential part of 
assessing whether cooperation should be limited. If confirmed, I would 
support the thorough vetting of Nigerian security force units, 
consistent with U.S. law, to ensure that we are not providing 
assistance to those units where there is credible information that the 
unit has committed a gross violation of human rights.

    Question. How would you characterize the professionalism of 
Nigerian armed forces today?

    Answer. Nigeria has an estimated 120,000 active-duty personnel in 
the military with a 70,000-person army. I understand the Nigerian 
Police Force lacks appropriate staffing and resources with only 375,000 
police in a country of over 200 million citizens. The military is 
deployed on operations in 35 of the 36 states to support Nigeria's 
overstretched police force, but the reality is both are stretched.
    According to the State Department's Human Rights Report, there were 
reports that members of the Nigerian security forces committed human 
rights abuses in 2020 and impunity remained a significant problem. If 
confirmed, I will work with my counterparts across the U.S. Government 
as well as international partners to convey the consistent message that 
we need to see steady improvement toward more professional and 
accountable Nigerian security institutions.

    Question. How would you characterize the Buhari administration in 
the context of counter-terrorism operations?

    Answer. Defeating Boko Haram, ISIS-West Africa, and other violent 
extremist organizations is essential for the security and prosperity of 
Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad Basin. Violent extremist groups have 
caused at least 35,000 deaths in northeast Nigeria in the last decade, 
as well as displaced more than two million persons. In the Northeast, 
Nigeria is fighting insurgencies against ISIS-West Africa and Boko 
Haram with an increasingly overstretched and undermanned Nigerian Army. 
Lacking manpower, the armed forces desperately need an increase in 
resources. Additionally, support for non-military responses to 
countering terrorism--including increased development, good governance, 
and economic opportunities remain vital. Beyond being stretched, 
limited capability and uneven local government willingness to intervene 
present counter-terrorism challenges.

    Question. Which countries would you advocate to be added or removed 
from the State Department's Country of Particular Concern list?

    Answer. The law gives the Secretary of State the responsibility of 
making CPC designations, which provides important leverage to engage on 
religious intolerance, a central human rights concern. The 2020 
International Religious Freedom Report was released in May, and 
Secretary Blinken will now have his first opportunity to undertake the 
annual designations, and without prejudging Secretary Blinken's CPC 
designations, I am confident the Secretary will carefully review the 
religious freedom situation in all countries and make designations 
based on the criteria set forth in the IRF Act.
    These designations are one of a range of tools the Department has 
to promote accountability for governments and non-state entities that 
are religious freedom violators, and it is a very important tool. If 
confirmed, I will support the implementation of the full range of these 
tools, in partnership with the Ambassador at Large for International 
Religious Freedom.

    Question. In December 2020, the Department of State designated 
Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) in response to 
pervasive and egregious violations of religious freedom. Do you believe 
Nigeria should remain or be removed from the State Department's Country 
of Particular Concern list?

    Answer. There are serious human rights issues in Nigeria. Although 
I cannot forecast any decisions regarding potential designations, I 
share Congressional concern about religious freedom issues in Nigeria. 
Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority and I 
understand the Department continues to closely monitor human rights and 
the religious freedom situation in Nigeria. As with every region, the 
causes of conflict in Nigeria are complex. In addition to religious 
differences, ethnicity, politics, lack of accountability, access to 
justice, and competition over land resources are also drivers of the 
violence. Under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, as 
amended, the Secretary takes into consideration all relevant 
information available in his annual review of designations. If 
confirmed, I will make Nigeria a priority and I commit to work with the 
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to 
address religious freedom concerns in Nigeria.

    Question. Please describe the degree to which you consider anti-
blasphemy laws to be acute threats to global or regional human rights?

    Answer. I understand that the U.S. Government uniformly opposes 
apostasy, blasphemy, and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently 
used to oppress those whose religious beliefs differ from the majority. 
If confirmed, I will urge governments to eliminate such laws.
    Laws against blasphemy or apostasy are too often used and abused by 
governments, as a means of protecting or extending their powers, to 
target political dissenters or members of religious or ethnic minority 
groups. These laws are also too often used and abused by individuals as 
a pretext to justify violence against those whose religion or ethnicity 
differs from their own or to settle personal grievances. When 
governments actively or passively support such individuals, instead of 
protecting members of minority groups, those in society who want to 
take the law into their own hands are empowered to use violence against 
these victims.
    Therefore, I consider these laws to be acute threats to human 
rights, especially freedom of expression and freedom of religion or 
belief.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you orient the bureau to mitigate 
the effects or erode the scope of blasphemy laws?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador at 
Large for International Religious Freedom to urge governments to annul 
these laws and to oppose the enforcement and abuse of these laws, 
especially enforcement with criminal penalties.

    Question. Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information 
is not unnecessarily comingled with classified information in 
notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If not, why 
not?

    Answer. Yes. I recognize that there are times when unclassified 
information from various sources, taken together, can result in 
revealing classified information damaging to our national security. In 
those instances, that information must be secured. If confirmed, I 
commit to avoiding the over-classification of materials required by 
Congress for the oversight of the Department.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                      TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m., in 
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert 
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen, 
Coons, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Romney, and 
Young.
    Also Present: Senator Graham.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

    The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee will come to order.
    We are here to consider nominations for four important 
positions--Senator Jeff Flake to be Ambassador to Turkey, 
Ambassador Mark Gitenstein to be the U.S. Representative to the 
European Union, Ms. Cindy McCain to be the U.S. Representative 
to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture, and 
Governor Jack Markell to be U.S. Representative to the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the 
OECD.
    So congratulations on all your nominations, as well as to 
your families who are part of the sacrifice in this process. We 
certainly appreciate them as well.
    The four of you have a distinguished history of public 
service and advocacy, and I appreciate your willingness to 
serve the country in this capacity.
    I understand that Senator Coons will be introducing Senator 
Flake--in a great, grand show of bipartisanship at a time that 
it is difficult to achieve it here--and Governor Markell. And 
that Senator Graham, who we welcome back to the committee--he 
left us precipitously--will be introducing Ms. McCain.
    So, Senator Coons?

            STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE

    Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez, 
Ranking Member Risch.
    Before proceeding with more detailed introductions, I ask 
unanimous consent to add a statement from my predecessor, 
former Senator Ted Kaufman, a detailed statement of 
introduction in support of Mark Gitenstein to serve as U.S. 
Ambassador to the EU.
    The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
    [The information referred to follows:]


   Introduction of Hon. Mark Gitenstein by former Senator Ted Kaufman

    Senator Kaufman. As a former member of this committee and as a 
friend and colleague of Mark Gitenstein, I am pleased to introduce Mark 
to this committee to be Ambassador to the European Union.
    I have known Mark for over 40 years and have worked closely with 
him as a colleague on the staff of then-Senator Biden and later in 
then-Senator Biden's transition to the vice presidency. More recently, 
I worked closely with Mark in setting up the Vice President's 
transition to the presidency.
    I know him to be a man of integrity, principle, intelligence and 
drive.
    He also brings exactly the right experience to the job.
    From 2009 to 2012, he was the U.S. Ambassador to Romania. The U.S.-
Romanian Ballistic Missile Defense Agreement was negotiated and signed 
during his tenure.
    In 2012, Romanian President Traian Basescu awarded Mark with the 
``Star of Romanian Grand Cross,'' the country's highest civil order.
    Mark also led efforts to strengthen the rule of law and fight 
corruption in Romania, doing so with considerable diplomatic skill and 
success. In the midst of this struggle to preserve the rule of law in 
Romania, he was honored in 2011 by Nine O'clock, the premier English 
speaking journal in Romania, as the best foreign diplomat in Bucharest.
    He developed deep expertise in rule of law and intelligence issues 
in his 17 years working on the Senate staff. These included his tenure 
as Chief Counsel for the Senate Judiciary Committee, and its 
Subcommittee on Criminal Justice. He also served as counsel to the 
Senate Intelligence Committee, and the Senate Subcommittee on 
Constitutional Rights.
    Mark has spent over 25 years in private law practice. Especially in 
the last eight years, he has focused on strengthening energy 
independence for Romania, a key issue he will face for all of Central 
and Eastern Europe should he become Ambassador to the EU.
    Mark has the core values and toughness to deal with the Russians. 
He also possesses the keen ability to build consensus and enhance our 
relationships with European allies. As a creature of the Senate, Mark 
will also be very mindful of, and responsive to, this committee's 
oversight responsibilities.
    He knows well the President and the key leaders of the 
administration's foreign policy and national security teams.
    Having Mark in Brussels will greatly enhance the ability of this 
administration to accomplish one of its critical goals: to rebuild 
multilateralism by rebuilding trust between the U.S. and the EU. The 
sooner we can get Mark to Brussels, the better.


    Senator Coons. And I join Senator Kaufman in urging support 
for Mark Gitenstein, who I know will be a very capable and 
experienced Ambassador, his second term of service as an 
Ambassador to now an entire region so critical to all of us.
    I have known Jack and his wonderful wife, Carla, for 32 
years. In Delaware, we pride ourselves on being able to work 
together. We are a State of neighbors, a State that cares about 
solving problems and doing the right thing. And no one 
epitomizes that more than our former Governor and State 
treasurer, Jack Markell.
    As State treasurer for 10 years, Governor for 8 years, Jack 
has been guided by strong values and a sharp intellect. His 
passion for helping others is rooted in his faith and 
strengthened when, at age 17, he had a chance to travel to 
India and to see profound inequality and deep poverty. And in 
the decade since, he has built a remarkable record of 
achievement, of creating opportunity, of not just talking the 
talk, but of taking effective action.
    Across two decades in leadership, he led innovative 
financial literacy and banking access initiatives; managed a 
severe fiscal crisis that affected our whole country, but did 
so responsibly in Delaware; helped grow our local economy; and 
showed real vision in creating new opportunities for people 
with intellectual disabilities. He helped create Pathways to 
Prosperity in the State of Delaware, a national model for 
helping workplace experience and college credit opportunities 
for young people, and launched one of the best language 
immersion programs in kindergarten.
    He has a deep understanding of the private sector and 
economic development. He has an MBA from the University of 
Chicago, and helped launch and create the telecom company 
Nextel, a company now valued at $35 billion. So he understands 
both how to solve complex problems and how the United States 
can work with our OECD partners to put in place policies to 
create conditions for economic growth.
    He led both the Democratic Governors Association and the 
National Governors Association, and today, he is leading 
Operation Allies Welcome, the resettlement of thousands of the 
Afghan partners who served alongside us in our 20 years of 
conflict.
    A dedicated and capable public servant, with the 
experience, intelligence, and character to serve as the U.S. 
Ambassador to the OECD, I look forward to supporting him not 
just in his nomination, but in his service and urge my 
colleagues to do the same.
    Now, Mr. Chairman, if I might, I am also honored to 
introduce my friend and our former colleague, Senator Jeff 
Flake.
    Senator Flake, to be clear, is a conservative Republican 
from Arizona, and I am a Democrat from Delaware. In the 6 years 
we served alongside each other, we voted on the opposite way of 
virtually every vote we ever took in the Senate. But during 
those 6 years, I came to know Jeff as an honorable man, as a 
principled public servant, as a patriotic American, and a loyal 
friend.
    We traveled together to more than a dozen countries--West 
Africa, East Africa, and Northern Europe. We had the bonding 
moment of both being chased by elephants in Mozambique. We 
worked together on legislation to protect wildlife from 
trafficking, to protect the rule of the law on the Judiciary 
Committee, to promote free and fair elections and economic 
reforms in Zimbabwe, where he did his mission service.
    Senator Flake has long championed American leadership 
around the world by promoting the rule of law, protecting human 
rights, and through strong international agreements. And his 
deep sense of right and wrong has not wavered. I am confident 
that his commitment and character thoughtfulness and skills 
will serve him well in a very demanding post as Ambassador to 
Turkey, where his abilities will be greatly needed to navigate 
difficult security issues and one where his service will 
reinforce the importance of bipartisanship in foreign policy.
    I know he will be even more successful with his amazing 
wife, Cheryl, by his side, and I look forward to supporting 
Senator Flake's nomination and encourage my colleagues to do so 
as well.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Coons.
    I noticed you said you are a Democrat from Delaware. You 
did not define what type of Democrat from Delaware, but in any 
event----
    Senator Risch. There are different types?
    The Chairman [continuing]. Well, he said Senator Flake was 
a conservative Republican. So I thought maybe he wanted to 
share some light--we have to have a little fun here. Otherwise, 
it is tough to get through the day.
    To our dear colleague, Senator Graham.

               STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA

    Senator Graham. Glad to be back, Mr. Chairman. Thank you 
very much.
    Our good friend Chris Coons is a short Democrat from 
Delaware, as I am a short Republican from South Carolina. We 
literally see eye-to-eye on everything.
    So I just want to let the committee know when Cindy called 
me last week and asked me to introduce her to the committee, I 
stopped for a second and thought, wow, I am very proud to do 
it. I know John is looking down with pride. President Biden 
chose wisely.
    She is being nominated to be the Ambassador to the United 
Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture in Rome. So all of us 
will be visiting you.
    I am very familiar with this program because, along with 
Senator Coons, I am the vice chairman of the Senate 
Appropriations Committee that deals with the State Department's 
budget and the United Nations' budget. And the World Food 
Program just received the Nobel Peace Prize. That is run by 
David Beasley, the former Governor of South Carolina.
    They received the Nobel Peace Prize because the World Food 
Program has made a huge difference. With the advent of war and 
climate change, there are so many people in this world not 
knowing where their next meal comes from, and the World Food 
Program has stepped up to the plate, and the American taxpayer 
should be proud. The agency that Cindy has been nominated to 
lead as an Ambassador I think is the key to this whole problem. 
It is one thing to provide meals. It is another thing to 
provide the ability to grow your own food.
    And Senator Risch, I am going to be all in working with 
this committee as an appropriator, along with Senator Coons, to 
beef up the capability of people throughout the world in 
impoverished regions to be able to farm as if it were the 21st 
century, not the 18th century.
    Cindy has a heck of a resume. I think we all know Cindy in 
a variety of roles. She has been a public figure for a long 
time. But to those who have not followed her career, you should 
have. She has been deeply involved in the human trafficking 
scourge of the planet. She has been to the developing world, 
particularly Africa, numerous times, dealing with women's 
issues and humanitarian problems.
    But I know her best from traveling with her where we went 
to Africa with the Gates Foundation and others to look at how 
to modernize farming practices. We visited a woman who had two 
daughters, basically farming with her two daughters, and the 
Gates Foundation and Department of Agriculture was trying to 
provide her with seeds that were more drought-resistant and 
over time to increase her family's capability to feed itself 
and actually earn money.
    So I am excited about this part of the World Food Program, 
this agency, and I want to pledge to Cindy that I am going to 
do everything I can to increase your capability to provide the 
best farming practices for those people who are on the bubble 
in terms of being able to live and those people in dire 
situations to turn their lives around.
    And one thing that Cindy and I were talking about was 
water. Water is the new oil. And this agency, I think, is going 
to be very aggressive in how to manage water and make sure that 
we get the best utilization where water exists and 
desalinization programs where it does not. So, Mr. Chairman, 
Senator Risch, I am going to be talking to you a lot about the 
portfolio under Cindy's control.
    And I just end with this. I have never known a more decent, 
capable person in my life. An Ambassador is supposed to 
represent America in the best fashion. I think the two nominees 
here today that I know, Jeff and Cindy, will be the best 
advocates for American interests in Turkey, and I can assure 
you that when Cindy McCain shows up in the room anywhere in the 
world, people already know her, they respect her, and she will 
be a great face for America. And working with Governor Beasley, 
we are going to turn this world around when it comes to feeding 
people.
    Thank you very much.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Graham.
    I know that both of our colleagues have other obligations, 
and so they should feel free to leave when they need to.
    Let me turn to our nominees. Senator Flake, welcome back to 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Given Turkey's 
aggressive actions in the region as well as the repressive 
tactics used by the Erdogan regime against its own people at 
home, we need an Ambassador who will not hesitate to hold 
Turkey accountable and will push it to live up to the 
principles that undergird NATO membership--individual liberty, 
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
    Erdogan's repression is unbefitting of a democracy and 
unbefitting of a NATO ally. Democracies do not jail 
journalists, intimidate academics, and infringe upon freedom of 
religion. They do not renege on their commitments to stop 
violence against women, and they do not put political opponents 
in prison.
    So, Senator, you will have your work cut out for you, and I 
look forward to hearing how you plan to address some of these 
challenges awaiting in Ankara.
    Ambassador Gitenstein, we welcome your nomination to this 
post at a critical time in the transatlantic relationship. The 
bond between the United States and the European Union has been 
tested in recent years. Former President Trump repeatedly 
mocked our European allies while sabotaging the strategic 
relationship at seemingly every turn. I believe that close ties 
between Brussels and Washington are not just in our national 
interest, but in the interest of democracies everywhere.
    Going forward, smart diplomacy, careful coordination with 
our European allies will be critical to dealing with the 
challenges we both face, whether it be Russia's ambitions in 
Eastern Europe, China's growing soft power influence and 
investment in the Balkans, or Turkey's aggressive behavior in 
the Eastern Mediterranean. Having an Ambassador who works with 
our European allies will be an important first step.
    As Nord Stream 2 continues to be a concern, I hope you will 
develop a strategy with our European friends on a comprehensive 
energy plan that shields Europe from extortion at the hands of 
the Kremlin. In short, we need someone with your knowledge, 
expertise, and proven record as a diplomat in Brussels as 
quickly as possible.
    Ms. McCain, congratulations on your nomination. I admire 
your years of advocacy for vulnerable peoples around the world, 
including your commitment to combatting human trafficking 
globally. You shared that powerful commitment with your husband 
of almost 40 years and our much-admired and missed colleague, 
Senator John McCain.
    For these reasons, I believe you are a superb choice to 
serve as the U.S. Representative to the United Nations Agencies 
for Food and Agriculture. The challenges these U.N. agencies 
face today, as you and I discussed yesterday, are enormous.
    In this year alone, the number of people in need of urgent 
food assistance is expected to reach 270 million people, double 
that of 2020. Conflict and instability continue to push 
millions of people into acute food insecurity. Climate change 
threatens food production, and the COVID-19 pandemic and 
climate change exacerbate the situation even further.
    Your role at the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organizations 
are of the utmost importance in supporting the United Nations 
work to eradicate poverty, hunger, food insecurity, and promote 
sustainable agriculture-led economic growth. Your strong 
leadership will be essential to empowering, supporting, and 
guiding these agencies in this critical work.
    Governor Markell, congratulations on your nomination. 
Appreciate your service not only as the Governor of Delaware, 
but most recently as the White House coordinator for Operation 
Allies. At a time of growing nationalistic sentiment, we have 
to remain at the leadership of international economic and 
financial institutions, not abdicate that role. We have to work 
with our allies to create a stronger, more inclusive global 
economy that benefits everyone.
    The OECD is an important tool for U.S. diplomacy. Together, 
with OECD member states, which account for 63 percent of the 
world's GDP and three-quarters of all of the world trade, we 
can confront the challenges of a global economy. So I look 
forward to hearing how you plan to approach the OECD upon your 
confirmation and how you will use your position to advance U.S. 
interests, such as free markets and good governance, in the 
liberal international order.
    With that, let me turn to our distinguished ranking member 
for his opening comments. Senator Risch?

               STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

    Senator Risch. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. 
Chairman. I appreciate that.
    Good morning, and thank you, all four of you, for your 
willingness to serve in these capacities. And to your families, 
as noted by the chairman that families certainly share the 
sacrifice.
    On the nomination of the Ambassador to the European Union, 
the EU was one of the world's key economic unions, and its 
regulatory regimes are increasingly attempting to set standards 
for the world. This week, the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology 
Council will meet for the first time in Pittsburgh. There are a 
lot of trade and regulatory issues to discuss, and the results, 
or lack thereof, are likely to impact our joint ability to 
stand up against China's predatory trade practices with which 
we are all familiar.
    I was very glad to see that last year, the EU and U.S. 
started a U.S.-EU dialogue on China. We need to use these 
discussions to start advancing shared priorities and policies, 
including those raised in my recent report on transatlantic 
cooperation on China.
    Sadly, European leaders have grown louder in their calls 
for strategic autonomy, an idea in which European Union nations 
should decrease their interconnection with the U.S. or 
contribute to an EU member-only military force. Proponents of 
this movement claim it will enhance NATO capabilities and will 
allow Europe to engage in military operations that are outside 
of U.S. interests. I remain concerned that it will, in fact, 
deepen divisions within NATO.
    Europe is and will continue to be one of our closest 
allies. There are very few places on the planet where our 
culture and our values are as congruent as they are with our 
European friends. As together, their population is much 
equivalent to the United States, and it is going to take the 
work of both in order to stand up to the 1.5 billion people of 
China.
    Finally, the Balkan nations are under heavy pressure from 
China and Russia, which could be better resisted if there was 
greater integration with the rest of Europe. I look forward to 
hearing your thoughts on all of these important issues.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to Turkey, the relationship 
between the United States and Turkey has been at an impasse 
over Turkey's purchase and deployment of Russian S-400 missile 
launchers. As everyone knows, the system is not interoperable 
with NATO, and Erdogan, not understandably, insists on buying--
it has the S-400 missiles and which makes collaboration with 
NATO more difficult at best.
    Erdogan has claimed that we would not sell them the 
Patriots that are in the same class as the Russian S-400. We 
know that is not true. Senator Shaheen and I delivered a letter 
in 2012 to the Turks at the time they were shopping, telling 
them they should buy, and we were ready to deliver as many as 
they needed. Erdogan shrugged when I handed him that letter.
    The human rights situation in Turkey also remains 
difficult. Turkey is one of the highest jailers of journalists 
and opposition activists in Eurasia and has persecuted multiple 
locally employed staff of our U.S. missions there. This is not 
acceptable.
    To be fair, Turkey was a key collaborator in Afghanistan, 
and our military-to-military contacts remain strong. Turkey 
also continues to house millions of Syrian refugees, and its 
cooperation is key to delivering aid and assistance to Syria.
    Senator Flake, I know that you will be able to straighten 
these matters out, and happy to be sending you to Turkey to do 
so.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to the Organization for 
Economic Cooperation and Development, for 60 years, the OECD 
has been an important part of our foreign economic policy. As 
China seeks OECD membership, it is important that our 
Ambassador understands the challenges we face today from a 
rising China that promotes a socialist model.
    This model seeks to undermine and replace the private 
sector growth model that has lifted hundreds of millions, 
indeed, billions of people out of poverty around the world and 
has led to the greatest period of prosperity in human history. 
Today, many regret letting China into the WTO. We should not 
repeat past mistakes.
    I look forward to hearing your thoughts on this matter and 
to working with you to meet this challenge head on.
    On the nomination of Ambassador to the United Nations 
Agencies for Food and Agriculture, the United States is the 
most generous donor of humanitarian assistance globally. We 
need a strong and capable representative to the U.N. agencies 
in Rome--the World Food Program, the Food and Agriculture 
Organization, and the International Fund for Agricultural 
Development--to ensure that these agencies are as efficient and 
effective as possible so we can spread our assistance further 
and save more lives.
    Additionally, our representative must fight against malign 
Chinese influence in the U.N. I believe you are up to the task, 
and I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these matters.
    Thank you, sir.
    The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
    With that, we will start with our nominees' testimony. We 
ask you to summarize your testimony in about 5 minutes. Your 
full statements will be included in the record without 
objection.
    And we will start with Governor Markell and work our way 
down to Ms. McCain.

STATEMENT OF HON. JACK A. MARKELL OF DELAWARE, NOMINATED TO BE 
     REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC COOPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, WITH THE 
                       RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Mr. Markell. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    I would like to start by thanking Senator Coons for his 
generous introduction. The Senator and Annie have been great 
friends of Carla and mine for three decades, as he mentioned. 
We are all incredibly proud of the work he is doing in the U.S. 
Senate for the people of Delaware and the country.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear as the nominee to be the 
U.S. Representative to the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development, and I am grateful to President 
Biden and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
    I am indebted to my family, who have played an important 
role in my being here. My wife, Carla, who is with me today; 
our kids, Molly and Michael; as well as my mom and sister and 
her family. I am also grateful to my father and brother who are 
no longer with us, as well as to my brother's family.
    We are at an inflection point in human history with 
democratic norms receding in many parts of the world and the 
global economic system under strain from COVID-19. The OECD has 
long been a forum to advance our common values and demonstrate 
what democracies can deliver. But the United States and our 
allies must continue to demonstrate that democracy, human 
rights, free markets, and capitalism better deliver growth and 
innovation and a good quality of life for all our citizens.
    The more we show that, as Secretary Blinken has said, the 
more we can refute the lie that authoritarian countries love to 
tell. The OECD provides the policy rationale that underlies our 
economic system and magnifies our voice. President Biden has 
said we are in competition with China and other countries to 
win the 21st century. We have to do more than just Build Back 
Better. We have to compete more strenuously.
    Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch, you deserve 
enormous credit for your bipartisan work on the Strategic 
Competition Act, which strengthens the U.S. response and 
abilities to confront the threat of the PRC. The world's 
authoritarian regimes are trying to show the world that their 
autocratic systems of single party rule and state-driven 
economics deliver better results. The OECD is so important, 
given the democratic community's ongoing competition with the 
world's autocratic and authoritarian regimes.
    I believe I come to the committee with the right package of 
skills and experiences to advocate on behalf of the United 
States. After graduating from Brown University, I earned an MBA 
from the University of Chicago. My private sector career is 
primarily focused on telecommunications. As Senator Coons 
mentioned, I helped lead the wireless revolution as the 13th 
employee and senior vice president at Nextel.
    I had long been interested in a career in public service. I 
always believed that my country had given me enormous 
opportunities, and I wanted to play a role in ensuring that 
similar opportunities are available to future generations.
    As Governor, I was concerned about the impacts of 
globalization and automation. I knew that the States and 
countries that out-educate today will outcompete tomorrow. That 
is why I have worked hard to ensure that our children had 
opportunities to thrive in school. For those who wanted to go 
to college, my team worked to secure opportunities for them to 
do so, even when they could not afford it.
    And we also recognized that many of our young people wanted 
to go directly to work. So we created terrific new programs to 
help them do exactly that with the skills needed for good-
paying jobs. Good jobs are the best way to solve social 
problems.
    I served as chair of the bipartisan National Governors 
Association. I learned so much from my colleagues of both 
parties, and I imagine that the former Governors on this 
committee also had the chance to learn from and share with 
their colleagues when they served as Governors.
    Although Governors compete with each other to deliver the 
best economic climate for their constituents, we realize that 
our States do better when the U.S. does better, and that is one 
reason OECD is so important.
    I will close on a personal note. Both of my parents were 
first-generation Americans. My dad signed up to fight in the 
Army during World War II at the earliest opportunity, and he 
served proudly in Europe. My grandparents left Belarus, Latvia, 
and Lithuania at the turn of the 20th century, seeking a better 
life in the United States.
    It would have been beyond my grandparents' wildest 
imagination when they left Eastern Europe that their grandson 
would have the opportunity to serve Delaware as Governor and 
then potentially our country as the U.S. representative to a 
multilateral institution that fosters prosperity for all. They 
came to the United States in the first place seeking exactly 
that. It would be an extraordinary honor to play a small part 
in shaping policies that provide those same benefits for future 
generations.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Markell follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Hon. Jack A. Markell

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, it is an honor to appear as the nominee to be the U.S. 
Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and 
Development. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for 
their confidence.
    I am indebted to my family for the love and support which have 
played an important role in my being here--my wife, Carla, our kids, 
Molly and Michael, as well as my mom and sister and her family. I am 
grateful to my father and brother who are no longer with us, as well as 
to my brother's family.
    We are at an inflection point in human history, with democratic 
norms receding in many parts of the world and the global economic 
system under strain from COVID-19. The OECD has long been a forum to 
advance our common values and demonstrate what democracies can deliver.
    But the United States and our allies must continue to demonstrate 
that democracy, human rights, free markets, and capitalism better 
deliver growth and innovation and a better quality of life for all our 
citizens. And as Secretary Blinken has said, ``The more we and all 
democracies can show the world that we can deliver--for our people, for 
each other--the more we can refute the lie that authoritarian countries 
love to tell.'' That's why the OECD is so important--it provides the 
policy rationale that underlies our economic system and magnifies our 
voice and our partners' on the many issues where we share common 
values.
    As President Biden has said, ``We are in competition with China and 
other countries to win the 21st Century. We have to do more than just 
build back better . . . We have to compete more strenuously.''
    Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch: You deserve enormous 
credit for your bipartisan work on the Strategic Competition Act, which 
strengthens the U.S. response and abilities to confront the threat of 
the PRC
    The world's authoritarian regimes--like the PRC and the Russian 
Federation--are trying to show the world their autocratic system of 
single party rule and state-driven economics is more efficient and 
delivers better results for their people.
    The OECD is more important now than ever before given the 
democratic community's ongoing competition with the world's 
authoritarian regimes. That's why I am so honored about the opportunity 
to serve.
    I believe I come to the committee with the right package of 
knowledge, skills, and experiences to effectively advocate on behalf of 
the United States with other Ambassadors to the OECD as well as with 
the OECD itself.
    After graduating from Brown University, I earned an MBA from the 
University of Chicago. My private sector career was primarily focused 
on telecommunications. I helped lead the wireless revolution as the 
13th employee and Senior Vice President at Nextel.
    I had long been interested in a career in public service. I always 
believed that my home state and my country had given me enormous 
opportunities, and I wanted to play a role in ensuring that similar 
opportunities are available to future generations.
    As Governor of Delaware, I was concerned about the impacts of 
globalization and automation on the people of my state. I knew the 
states and countries that out-educate today will out-compete tomorrow. 
That's why I worked hard to ensure that our children had opportunities 
to thrive in school. For those who wanted to go to college, my team 
worked to secure opportunities for them to do so, even when they 
couldn't afford it. And we also recognized that many of our young 
people wanted to go directly to work so we created terrific new 
programs to help them do exactly that, with the skills needed for good-
paying jobs.
    I believe strongly that good jobs are the best way to help solve 
social problems.
    I was honored to serve as chair of the bi-partisan National 
Governors Association. I learned so much from my colleagues of both 
parties. I imagine that Ranking Member Risch along with Senators Kaine, 
Romney, Rounds and Shaheen also had the chance to learn from and share 
with their colleagues when they served as Governors.
    Although Governors compete with each other to deliver the best 
economic climate and quality of life for our constituents, we realize 
that our states do better when the United States does better. That's 
one reason OECD is so important.
    I will close on a personal note.
    Both of my parents were first generation Americans. My dad signed 
up to fight in the Army during World War II at the earliest opportunity 
and he served proudly in Europe.
    My grandparents left Belarus, Latvia, and Lithuania at the turn of 
the 20th century seeking a better life in the United States.
    It would have been beyond my grandparents' imagination when they 
left Eastern Europe that their grandson would have the opportunity to 
serve Delaware as Governor and then, potentially, our country, as the 
U.S. Representative to a multilateral institution that fosters 
prosperity for all. They came to the United States in the first place 
seeking exactly that. It would be an extraordinary honor to play a 
small part in shaping policies that provide those same benefits for 
future generations.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Ambassador? If you could just put your microphone on, 
please?
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Can you hear me now?
    The Chairman. Yes.

 STATEMENT OF HON. MARK GITENSTEIN OF WASHINGTON, NOMINATED TO 
   BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
    EUROPEAN UNION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR 
               EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY

    Ambassador Gitenstein. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, and distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply 
honored by President Biden's nomination to be U.S. Ambassador 
to the European Union.
    If confirmed, serving as this Nation's Ambassador to the EU 
would culminate my work with the President, beginning with our 
days together as young men, when I joined his Senate staff in 
the 1970s, to four decades later in my recent work as U.S. 
Ambassador to Romania during the Obama-Biden administration.
    First, I want to acknowledge my family's role in making my 
appearance here possible. My late parents and grandparents 
taught me that patriotism and my Jewish faith are the 
guideposts of my actions. My sisters taught me that 
independent, intelligent women are the light of the world.
    My children and grandchildren prove that our future is 
bright because the next generation is undaunted by many of the 
challenges we face. Most of all, my wife, Libby, who is with me 
here today--my partner and the love of my life--who still 
believes in me, especially at those moments when a touch on the 
shoulder and a word of reassurance are essential.
    I grew up in Alabama and graduated from high school in 
Birmingham when the United States was confronting its own 
crisis in democracy during the 1960s. As I pursued my 
undergraduate degree in history from Duke, I watched with awe 
and pride as the civil rights movement gained its footing 
against Bull Connor and George Wallace.
    In my summers, I worked with reform-minded politicians in 
Alabama and in the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division, 
acting in my home State to dismantle segregated schools. I came 
to understand in a very vivid way how a strong Constitution and 
civil rights protections in a federated system can bring 
Democratic and Republican principles to the rule of law in a 
recalcitrant locale.
    This experience drove my passion as Ambassador in Romania 
to help the EU strengthen democracy and free markets in Romania 
and taught me how, in 21st century Europe, the EU continues to 
hold dear its founding documents and values. I know firsthand 
how the United States, working with multilateral and regional 
organizations, especially the EU, can strengthen democracy, 
build free markets, and act as a bulwark against autocracy.
    If confirmed, I promise to carry forward those values and 
principles both at the U.S. Mission at the U.N. and to the work 
of the EU itself.
    One other aspect of my history is also relevant. My 
father's family was Moldovan and Romanian, my mother's Polish 
and Austrian. Going to the EU, like serving in Bucharest, is a 
return to my family's roots. I do so with great humility, 
recognizing that we have as much to learn from the Europeans 
and the EU, as they do from us.
    If confirmed, my top goal will be revitalizing and raising 
the level of ambition in the U.S.-EU relationship and 
supporting the deep and ongoing cooperation between the United 
States and the EU at all levels, including between the Congress 
and the European Parliament. I will work to advance the agenda 
President Biden and his EU counterparts set at the June 2021 
U.S.-EU summit. This includes working together to end the 
COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global health 
challenges; protecting our planet and fostering green growth; 
strengthening our trade, investment, and technological 
cooperation; and building a more democratic, peaceful, and 
secure world.
    The U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council meeting taking 
place tomorrow in Pittsburgh and our joint pledge earlier this 
month to reduce global methane emissions are two perfect 
examples of the kind of values-driven, future-focused 
cooperation with the EU that I would prioritize as Ambassador, 
if confirmed.
    In a very real sense, both the EU and the United States are 
evolving, dynamic experiments in democracy. Both seek to form a 
``more perfect union.'' While at different stages, neither side 
is finished with its work.
    I can think of no greater privilege than to be part of what 
President Biden calls the challenge of our generation, proving 
that democracy and strong, independent institutions are the 
best form of governance. They are, indeed, the shortest and 
surest route to the pursuit of happiness.
    I know from my experience in Romania that serving as 
Ambassador is a great challenge, but it is also one of the best 
jobs in government. If confirmed, I will use that position to 
strengthen U.S.-EU relations and build support for the 
administration's foreign policy in the interests of all 
Americans.
    Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Gitenstein follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Mark Gitenstein,

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members 
of the committee, I am deeply honored by President Biden's nomination 
to be U.S. Ambassador to the European Union.
    If confirmed, serving as this Nation's Ambassador to the EU would 
culminate my work with the President beginning with our days together 
as young men when I joined his Senate staff in the 1970s, to four 
decades later in my recent work as U.S. Ambassador to Romania during 
the Obama-Biden administration.
    First, I want to acknowledge my family's role in making my 
appearance here possible: my late parents and grandparents taught me 
that patriotism and my Jewish faith are the guideposts of my actions; 
my sisters taught me that independent, intelligent women are the light 
of the world; my children and grandchildren prove that our future is 
bright because the next generation is undaunted by the many challenges 
we face. Most of all, my wife, Libby--my partner and the love of my 
life--who still believes in me, especially at those moments when a 
touch on the shoulder and a word of reassurance are essential.
    I grew up in Alabama and graduated from high school in Birmingham 
when the United States was confronting its own crisis in democracy 
during the 1960s. As I pursued my undergraduate degree in history from 
Duke, I watched with awe and pride as the civil rights movement gained 
its footing against Bull Connor and George Wallace. In my summers, I 
worked for reform-minded politicians in Alabama and in the Justice 
Department's Civil Rights Division, acting in my home state to 
dismantle segregated schools. I came to understand in a very vivid way 
how a strong Constitution and civil rights protections can bring 
democratic and republican principles to the rule of law in a 
recalcitrant locale.
    This experience drove my passion as Ambassador in Romania to help 
the EU strengthen democracy and free markets in Romania and taught me 
how, in 21st-century Europe, the EU continues to hold dear its founding 
documents and values. I know firsthand how the United States, working 
with multilateral and regional organizations, especially the EU, can 
strengthen democracy, build free markets, and act as a bulwark against 
autocracy. If confirmed, I promise to carry forward those values and 
principles both at the U.S. Mission to the EU and to the work of the EU 
itself.
    One other aspect of my biography is also relevant. My father's 
family was Moldovan and Romanian, and my mother's Polish and Austrian. 
Going to the EU, like serving in Bucharest, is a return to my family's 
roots. I do so with great humility, recognizing that we have as much to 
learn from Europeans and the EU, as they do from us.
    If confirmed, my top goal will be revitalizing and raising the 
level of ambition in the U.S.-EU relationship and supporting the deep 
and ongoing cooperation between the United States and EU at all levels, 
including between the Congress and the European Parliament.
    I will work to advance the agenda President Biden and his EU 
counterparts set at the June 2021 U.S.-EU summit. This includes working 
together to end the COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global 
health challenges; protecting our planet and fostering green growth; 
strengthening our trade, investment, and technological cooperation; and 
building a more democratic, peaceful, and secure world. The U.S.-EU 
Trade and Technology Council meeting taking place tomorrow in 
Pittsburgh and our joint pledge earlier this month to reduce global 
methane emissions are two perfect examples of the kind of values-
driven, future-focused cooperation with the EU that I would prioritize 
as ambassador, if confirmed.
    In a very real sense, both the EU and the United States are 
evolving, dynamic experiments in democracy. Both seek to form a ``more 
perfect union.'' While at different stages, neither side is finished 
with its work. I can think of no greater privilege than to be part of 
what President Biden calls the challenge of our generation: proving 
that democracy and strong independent institutions are the best form of 
governance. They are, indeed, the shortest and surest route to the 
``pursuit of happiness.''
    I know from my experience in Romania that serving as ambassador is 
a great challenge, but also one of the best jobs in government. If 
confirmed, I will use that position to strengthen U.S.-EU relations and 
support the administration's foreign policy in the interests of the 
American people.
    Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Flake?

 STATEMENT OF HON. JEFFREY LANE FLAKE OF ARIZONA, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED 
          STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY

    Senator Flake. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, 
members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to 
appear before you today.
    It is an honor to be nominated as U.S. Ambassador to 
Turkey, and I am grateful for the trust that the President and 
Secretary of State Blinken have placed in me.
    I have the greatest respect for this committee. It was my 
home when I was in the Senate. I have served with most of you. 
I know of your experience, your expertise, your deep commitment 
to the national interest. If confirmed, I look forward to 
maintaining a close, consultative relationship with each of 
you.
    I would like to start by thanking my family--my wife, 
Cheryl, and our five children--Ryan, Alexis, Austin, Tanner, 
and Dallin. They have sacrificed much through the years and yet 
still have managed to continually assume the best and look for 
the good. I am more grateful than I can express.
    I should note that more than 30 years ago, when we were in 
college, my wife was part of a singing-dancing touring group at 
BYU called the Young Ambassadors, and they traveled to Turkey. 
So when I was asked if I might want to be Ambassador to Turkey, 
Cheryl said, ``I suppose it is your time now.'' And I look 
forward to traveling with her and cannot wait for the Turkish 
people to meet my wife, Cheryl.
    I am well aware that, if confirmed, I will be the first 
political appointee to this position in more than 40 years. I 
will arrive at a particularly pivotal moment in U.S.-Turkey 
relations. The United States has a longstanding and complex 
relationship with Turkey, a NATO ally for nearly 70 years. 
There are areas where our interests intersect and where we are 
firmly aligned. There are areas where we profoundly disagree.
    As this committee is well aware, we have for decades worked 
closely with Turkey to advance our national security interests, 
from Korea to Afghanistan and beyond. Our partnership with 
Turkey enables us to defend NATO's eastern flank and project 
U.S. power in the region.
    But our interests extend beyond the security realm. Turkey 
is an important economic partner, hosting more than 1,900 U.S. 
companies, including some of our largest and most recognized 
brands, and the United States is Turkey's fourth-largest source 
of imports. If confirmed, I look forward to robustly fostering 
this vital economic relationship.
    Having said that, our relationship also faces profound 
challenges. Despite the United States' efforts to address 
Turkey's security needs, Turkey still chose to purchase and 
test fire the Russian S-400 system. This action ran counter to 
the commitments all allies made at the 2016 NATO summit and 
rightly triggered Turkey's removal from the F-35 program and 
the imposition of CAATSA sanctions.
    If confirmed, I will consistently reiterate that disposing 
of this system is the path to removing CAATSA sanctions. I will 
also warn Turkey that any future purchase of Russian weapons 
risks triggering further CAATSA sanctions in addition to those 
already imposed.
    At the same time, we should encourage Turkey to purchase 
U.S. defense items that keep the Turkish military interoperable 
with NATO. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this 
committee to determine what defense trade with Turkey is in the 
U.S. national interest.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, as we all know, 
the authoritarian, anti-democratic impulse is resurgent in the 
world. There is no value that defines us more as Americans than 
the rights of free people to determine the course of their 
lives and the destiny of their countries. In my career, I have 
not hesitated to speak out on such issues.
    I am troubled by Ankara's democratic backsliding and the 
negative trajectory in terms of freedom of expression, freedom 
of association, and peaceful assembly in Turkey. Restoring the 
full freedoms of the Turkish people is a good in itself, and 
rebuilding confidence in the rule of law in Turkey would go a 
long way toward expanding the potential for further economic 
investment and international partnerships. If confirmed, I will 
challenge Turkey to uphold its domestic and international human 
rights commitments while also pushing Turkey to live up to its 
status as a NATO ally.
    While some of Turkey's recent actions have advanced U.S. 
interests in the Middle East, the Mediterranean, and Black Sea, 
other actions have been destabilizing and unhelpful. If 
confirmed, I will encourage Turkey to support efforts to find a 
sustainable long-term solution to the conflict between Armenia 
and Azerbaijan and encourage peaceful and diplomatic 
resolutions to disagreements in the Eastern Mediterranean.
    Despite the very real challenges to U.S.-Turkish relations, 
Turkey is an indispensable ally, anchored in NATO and acting as 
both a bridge and a buffer to a region in constant flux. Our 
national interest is served when the United States and Turkey 
work together to confront the very real threats to global peace 
and security that emanate from Russia, from Iran, and elsewhere 
in the region.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, if 
confirmed, I am committed to working with you, as both former 
and future colleagues, to advance our national interests, and I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Senator Flake follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It 
is an honor to be nominated to be the United States Ambassador to 
Turkey. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the 
confidence they have placed in me.
    I have the greatest respect for this committee. It was my home when 
I was in the Senate. I have served with most of you. I know of your 
experience, your expertise, and your deep commitment to the national 
interest. If confirmed, I look forward to maintaining a close, 
consultative relationship with each of you.
    I would like to start by thanking my family--my wife Cheryl and our 
five children--Ryan, Alexis, Austin, Tanner, and Dallin. They have 
sacrificed much through the years and have somehow managed to 
continually assume the best and look for the good. I am more grateful 
than I can express.
    I am well aware that, if confirmed, I will be the first political 
appointee to this position in 40 years, and will arrive at a 
particularly pivotal moment in U.S.-Turkey relations. The United States 
has a longstanding and complex relationship with Turkey, a NATO ally 
for nearly 70 years. There are areas where our interests intersect and 
we are firmly aligned, and there are areas where we profoundly 
disagree.
    As this committee is well aware, we have for decades worked closely 
with Turkey to advance key national security interests, from Korea to 
Afghanistan and beyond. Our partnership with Turkey enables us to 
defend NATO's eastern flank and project U.S. power in the region. 
Turkey has submitted a credible plan to meet defense spending 
commitments by 2024 and regularly provides forces for NATO missions in 
the region, such as its recent deployment of F-16s to Poland.
    Our interests extend beyond the security realm. Turkey is an 
important economic partner hosting more than 1,900 U.S. companies, 
including some of our largest and most recognized brands, and the 
United States is Turkey's 4th largest source of imports. If confirmed, 
I look forward to robustly fostering this vital economic relationship.
    However, our relationship also faces profound challenges. Despite 
the United States' tireless efforts to address Turkey's security needs, 
Turkey still chose to purchase and test fire the Russian S-400 system. 
This action ran counter to the commitments all Allies made at the 2016 
NATO Summit and rightly triggered Turkey's removal from the F-35 
program and the imposition of CAATSA sanctions.
    If confirmed, I will consistently reiterate that that disposing of 
the system is the path to removing CATSAA sanctions. I will also warn 
Turkey that any future purchase of Russian weapons risks triggering 
further CAATSA sanctions in addition to those already imposed.
    At the same time, we should encourage Turkey to purchase U.S. 
defense items that keep the Turkish military interoperable with NATO. 
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee to determine 
what defense trade with Turkey is in the U.S. national interest.
    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, as we all know, the 
authoritarian, anti-democratic impulse is resurgent in the world. There 
is no value that defines us more as Americans than the rights of free 
people to determine the course of their own lives and the destiny of 
their countries. In my career, I have never hesitated to speak out on 
such issues. I am troubled by Ankara's democratic backsliding and the 
negative trajectory in terms of freedom of expression, freedom of 
association, and peaceful assembly in Turkey. Restoring the full 
freedoms of the Turkish people is a good in itself and rebuilding 
confidence in the rule of law in Turkey would go far toward expanding 
the potential for further economic investment and international 
partnerships. If confirmed, I will challenge Turkey to uphold its 
domestic and international human rights commitments while also pushing 
Turkey to live up to its status as a NATO Ally.
    While some of Turkey's recent actions have advanced U.S. interests 
in the Middle East, Mediterranean, and Black Sea, other actions have 
been destabilizing and unhelpful. If confirmed, I will encourage Turkey 
to support efforts to find a sustainable long-term solution to the 
conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and encourage peaceful and 
diplomatic resolutions to disagreements in the Eastern Mediterranean.
    Despite the very real challenges in U.S.-Turkish relations, Turkey 
is an indispensable Ally, anchored in NATO and acting as both a bridge 
and a buffer to a region in constant flux. Our national interest is 
served when the United States and Turkey work together to confront the 
very real threats to global peace and security that emanate from 
Russia, Iran, and elsewhere in the wider region.
    Mister Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if 
confirmed, I am committed to working with you, as both former and 
future colleagues, to advance our national interests. I look forward to 
taking your questions.


    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Ms. McCain?

 STATEMENT OF CINDY HENSLEY MCCAIN OF ARIZONA, NOMINATED TO BE 
 REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED 
  NATIONS AGENCIES FOR FOOD AND AGRICULTURE WITH THE RANK OF 
            AMBASSADOR DURING HER TENURE OF SERVICE

    Ms. McCain. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member 
Risch, and the distinguished members of the committee. Thank 
you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am 
honored to be here.
    Sitting here in the place that my husband, John, loved the 
most is a little bit bittersweet for me. Senator Graham, 
although he is not here now, thank you for all that you said, 
your kind words. We are so lucky to have him as part of our 
family.
    I am pleased to join my colleagues on this panel today, 
especially Senator Jeff Flake. Both our family and the entire 
State of Arizona are grateful for your leadership and for your 
friendship.
    I am grateful and honored to be President Biden's nominee 
as the United States Representative to the United Nations Food 
and Agricultural Agencies in Rome. I hope to bring honor, 
civility, and transparency to the role that you have entrusted 
me to accept.
    One in three people globally do not have access to enough 
food, and that, simply said, is not okay. I plan to spend my 
time, if confirmed, working tirelessly to lower that number. I 
would be honored to help advance U.S. values and worldwide 
global food security efforts.
    The goal is simple to state, but very difficult to achieve. 
Alleviate hunger and promote agricultural development to 
increase food access and stability for the hundreds of millions 
of food insecure around the world. I am very optimistic that 
with the partners and team we currently have in place in Rome 
and around the world, we can build on all of the already 
impressive accomplishments in this arena.
    There has never been a more important time for the U.S. 
leadership on food and agricultural issues both within the U.N. 
agencies and around the world. I have been working on 
humanitarian issues the majority of my adult life. My parents 
taught me that as a woman, I could do anything. My husband, 
though, instilled in me the desire to serve a cause greater 
than myself.
    I have had the opportunity to pull landmines out of the 
ground in Mozambique, Angola, and Cambodia. I worked on school 
feeding programs in Congo and Uganda. I have been able to 
elevate the plight of Syrian refugees in Greece, Jordan, 
Turkey, and Lebanon as they fled conflict in their home 
country. I have battled human trafficking not only here in the 
United States, but in Southeast Asia and in Europe.
    Early in my humanitarian journey, I led a group of medical 
professionals to multiple conflict zones. I have witnessed 
firsthand what hunger, conflict, and the ravages of natural 
disaster can do to communities and families. I have seen U.N. 
agencies at their best, and at their worst. If confirmed, I 
will welcome your guidance and wisdom on how best to represent 
U.S. policies and priorities in Rome.
    There are certain things that I look forward to focusing 
on. Being from Arizona, water has always been an issue. I would 
like to focus on the intersection of access to water and 
agricultural needs. I hope to promote American thought 
leadership, innovation, and technology so others may use less 
water to feed more people.
    I will also focus on representing and fostering U.S. values 
and integrity. We need to guard against malign actors in the 
U.N. system and hold others accountable for good governance and 
transparency. I take very seriously my role in ensuring that 
the U.S. taxpayer money is not being misused or misspent and 
will work to reduce redundancy, sharpen focus, and improve 
efficiency.
    The U.S. leadership in this fight against hunger is a 
tribute to the work of this committee and our workers on the 
ground around the world, but government contributions just are 
not enough to take on all of the current global crises we face. 
I would like to expand public-private partnerships, to bring 
both new ideas and new donors to fight hunger and food 
insecurity. I look forward to developing new relationships as 
we develop local economies and fight poverty.
    I have seen firsthand the use of hunger as a weapon in 
conflict, and it is simply unacceptable. It goes against 
everything we stand for as a country, and I would like to use 
the reach and the power of our diplomacy to ensure no person 
goes hungry at the hands of another person.
    Finally, I would like to close by paying a brief tribute to 
my late husband and your former colleague, John McCain, and to 
the great cause of his decades of service, human dignity. His 
efforts to defend human rights wherever they were denied and to 
advance the values of our democracy to every corner on Earth 
were undertaken to serve that one end, respect the dignity of 
every human life.
    John believed he had as much dignity as any other person on 
the Earth, but not one measure more, and he felt a personal 
responsibility to those of his fellow human beings who suffered 
oppression and deprivation. Should I be confirmed, he would 
expect me to use my opportunity to serve the same end, and I 
will do my very best to do so and hope that he would be proud 
of me.
    Thank you, and I welcome any questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. McCain follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Cindy Hensley McCain

    Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and distinguished members 
of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you 
today, I am honored to be here. Sitting here in the place that my 
husband John loved the most, is bittersweet. Senator Graham, thank you 
for the kind introduction, we are so lucky to have you as part of our 
family. I am pleased to join my colleagues on this panel, especially 
Senator Jeff Flake, both our family and the entire state of Arizona are 
grateful for your leadership and friendship.
    I am grateful and honored to be President Biden's nominee as the 
United States Representative to the United Nations Food and Agriculture 
Agencies in Rome. I hope to bring honor, civility and transparency to 
the role you have entrusted me to accept. One in three people globally 
don't have access to enough food, and that, simply, is not OK. I plan 
to spend my time, if confirmed, working tirelessly to lower that 
number.
    I would be honored to help advance U.S. values and worldwide global 
food security efforts. The goal is simple to state but difficult to 
achieve: alleviate hunger and promote agricultural development to 
increase food access and stability for the hundreds of millions of food 
insecure around the world. I am very optimistic that with the partners 
and team we currently have in place in Rome and around the world, we 
can build on all of the already impressive accomplishments in this 
arena. There has never been a more important time for U.S. leadership 
on food and agricultural issues both within the U.N. agencies and 
around the world.
    I have been working on humanitarian issues the majority of my adult 
life. My parents taught me that as a woman, I could do anything I 
wanted to. My husband instilled in me the desire to serve a cause 
greater than myself. I have had the opportunity to pull landmines out 
of the ground in Mozambique, Angola and Cambodia. I have worked on 
school feeding programs in Congo and Uganda. I was able to elevate the 
plight of Syrian refugees in Greece, Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon as they 
fled conflict in their home country. I have battled human trafficking 
not only here in the United States but in South East Asia and in 
Europe. Early in my humanitarian journey I led a group of medical 
professionals into multiple conflict zones. I have witnessed firsthand 
what hunger, conflict, and the ravages of natural disaster can do to 
communities and families. I have seen U.N. agencies at their best, and 
at their worst.
    If confirmed, I will welcome your guidance and wisdom on how best 
to represent U.S. policies and priorities in Rome. There are certain 
things that I look forward to focusing on.
    Being from Arizona, water has always been an issue. I would like to 
focus on the intersection of access to water and agricultural needs. I 
hope to promote American thought leadership, innovation, and technology 
so that others may use less water to feed more people.
    I will also focus on representing and fostering U.S. values and 
integrity. We need to guard against malign actors in the U.N. system 
and hold others accountable for good governance and transparency. I 
take very seriously my role in ensuring that U.S. taxpayer money is not 
being misused or misspent, and will work to reduce redundancy, sharpen 
focus, and improve efficiency.
    The U.S. leadership in the fight against hunger is a tribute to the 
work of this committee and our workers on the ground around the world, 
but government contributions just aren't enough to take on all of the 
current global crises we face. I would like to expand public-private 
partnerships, to bring both new ideas and new donors to fight hunger 
and food insecurity. I look forward to developing new relationships as 
we develop local economies and fight poverty.
    I have seen firsthand the use of hunger as a weapon in conflict--
and it is simply unacceptable. It goes against everything we as a 
country stand for, and I would like to use the reach and power of our 
diplomacy to ensure no person goes hungry at the hands of another 
person.
    Finally, I'd like to close by paying brief tribute to my late 
husband, your former colleague, John McCain, and to the great cause of 
his decades of service--human dignity. His efforts to defend human 
rights wherever they were denied and to advance the values of our 
democracy to every corner on earth were undertaken to serve that one 
end--respect for the dignity of every human life. John believed he had 
as much dignity as any other person on earth, but not one measure more, 
and he felt a personal responsibility to those of his fellow human 
beings who suffered oppression and deprivation.
    Should I be confirmed, he would expect me to use my opportunity to 
serve the same end, and I will do my best to do so in the hope that he 
would be proud of me. Thank you.


    The Chairman. Thank you, Ms. McCain. I am sure he will be.
    Let me, before I start my questions, ask questions on 
behalf of the committee as a whole. These are questions that 
speak to the importance that this committee places on 
responsiveness by all officials in the executive branch and 
that we expect and will be seeking from each of you. So I would 
ask each of you to provide a simple yes or no answer to the 
following questions.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff, when invited?
    Mr. Markell. Yes.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
    Senator Flake. Yes.
    Ms. McCain. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and 
currently informed about the activity under your purview?
    Mr. Markell. Yes.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
    Senator Flake. Yes.
    Ms. McCain. Yes.
    The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation while policies are being developed, not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Mr. Markell. Yes.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
    Senator Flake. Yes.
    Ms. McCain. Yes.
    The Chairman. And lastly, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    Mr. Markell. Yes.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
    Senator Flake. Yes.
    Ms. McCain. Yes.
    The Chairman. Okay, thank you. All of the nominees have 
answered yes to all four questions.
    So we will start a round of 5 minutes. I will start off 
with myself.
    Senator Flake, for many decades, the Armenian genocide has 
been denied by the descendants of those who perpetrated it. In 
2019, the Senate recognized the Armenian genocide for the first 
time. In April of this year, on Armenian Remembrance Day, 
President Biden joined us in acknowledging this truth.
    In the past, you voted against resolutions which recognize 
the genocide. Will you join this body and the administration in 
reaffirming the Armenian genocide?
    Senator Flake. Yes.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    If you are confirmed, will you reiterate that commitment on 
April 24, which is Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day?
    Senator Flake. I will.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    We have talked here, your own testimony this morning, I 
must say I listened to your statement, and it certainly is more 
positive than I would have posited as it relates to Turkey. I 
guess that is the role of a potential Ambassador. Certainly, 
when we talk about arms sales again, as the committee that has 
jurisdiction over arms sales, I see no arms sales going to 
Turkey unless there is a dramatic change-around on the S-400 
and moving forward.
    His latest calls, Erdogan's latest calls for supposedly 
purchasing more is certainly not an invitation to find a 
pathway to arms sales from the United States. So I just put 
that out there as something that is truly concerning to me. I 
wish it was different. I wish he would change course.
    Senator Risch spent a lot of time with President Erdogan in 
the previous administration trying to convince him of a 
different pathway and was largely rebuffed. And so I think we 
have given off-ramps to Turkey. Unfortunately, they have chosen 
not to take it. So that is a concern as well.
    If President Erdogan makes additional significant purchases 
from the Russian defense sector, I assume you will strongly 
support the imposition of additional CAATSA sanctions?
    Senator Flake. I will. As I mentioned in the statement, 
they need to know that any purchase of additional Russian 
weapons will result in additional CAATSA sanctions.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Flake. And these CAATSA sanctions will not be 
lifted until they have disposed of the current system they 
have.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    More than 35,000 Turkish troops remain in Northern Cyprus, 
now almost 5 decades after Turkey first invaded in 1974. Most 
recently, President Erdogan now pushes for a two-state 
solution, something that is not recognized by the United 
Nations, something that is not recognized by our Government, 
and flagrantly violates the U.N. Security Council resolutions 
on the occupied section called Varosha.
    Will you commit to speak out publicly and privately in the 
event that Turkey continues to violate Cyprus' exclusive 
economic zone?
    Senator Flake. I will. I was pleased to see after the 
December visit by Erdogan to Cyprus that the United States 
Government spoke out, as did the U.N., that any of the action 
that was contemplated with Varosha, for example, would violate 
Security Council Resolutions 550 and 789.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    And then we will--and I will look forward to your--you said 
in your opening statement, so I will not explore it more with 
you, other than to say there are more lawyers and journalists 
in Turkish jails today than in any other part of the world. 
That is saying something, considering some parts of the world 
that are pretty authoritarian.
    So the question of human rights is something we would 
expect you to also engage vigorously upon your confirmation.
    Let me turn to Ambassador Gitenstein. France's reaction to 
AUKUS, I understand the French concern about the consequences 
or the economic impact of the cancellation of their agreement 
with Australia, not with us. But France is a vital partner in 
dealing with China and other global challenges. How do you 
intend to go about strengthening the U.S. relationships with 
European allies like France to work together to meet the China 
challenge?
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, first of all, I was very 
pleased to see that the President and President Macron had 
apparently a very good conversation. They reached some common 
ground. And if I were confirmed and I were sitting in Brussels 
right now, I would immediately reach out to the leadership of 
the EU and to the French Ambassador and try and build a 
personal relationship like I did in Romania and try and 
strengthen those relationships.
    But to the extent the French intend to pursue a strategy, I 
think as the Ranking Member Risch referred to, in terms of an 
independent military strategy, it has to be very carefully 
coordinated with NATO. I have become very friendly with the 
proposed U.S. Ambassador to NATO Julie Smith. We intend to meet 
on a very regular basis and develop a common message point and 
platform and communication with the EU on these very issues.
    So while we want to work with the French, it has to be 
consistent with our national security needs and especially as 
it relates to NATO.
    The Chairman. Thank you. One last question.
    What steps will you take to increase pressure on the 
Kremlin and work more closely with the EU to support, you know, 
a more robust--we have had a series of economic sanctions and 
other things for Russia's transgressions. The annexation of 
Crimea, its constant engagement in Ukraine, its use of chemical 
weapons against its opponents, and so much more. But we have 
not always been able to get our European allies to join us in a 
more robust multilateral approach.
    How would you approach that?
    Ambassador Gitenstein. With respect to the Russians?
    The Chairman. Yes.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, I think this is a vital 
concern to the United States right now. I am sure someone is 
going to ask me sometime later about Nord Stream, and I see 
that I do not have much time to respond to that right now, but 
I believe that the malign activity of the Russians in the EU 
and the European region has been demonstrable.
    I spent most of the last 10 years of my life in and out of 
Romania and Central and Eastern Europe, and their efforts are 
relentless. And they are intended to divide the EU and to 
divide the EU from us, and it is extremely dangerous. And it is 
extremely insidious.
    I saw it throughout my time as Ambassador in Romania, 
especially on energy issues, and I think the first step in this 
regard is to build a unified position with respect to energy 
issues, but a lot more with respect to Europe. And so I intend 
to work very hard on that, and indeed, one of the main reasons 
I talked to the President and the now Secretary of State about 
wanting this job was because I saw the power that the EU can 
play on anti-corruption and energy security if all the players 
in the EU work together, and especially if the Central and 
Eastern European countries, as I call the borderlands, which 
are very much the targets of this effort.
    And I want to work directly with them and directly with the 
leadership of the EU on all of these issues. That is why I want 
to be the U.S. Ambassador to the EU, and I hope you will 
confirm me.
    The Chairman. I appreciate your answer.
    I have questions for the other nominees, but in deference 
to our colleagues, I will turn to the ranking member.
    Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Flake, let me say having known both you and your 
lovely wife, whoever made the decision to send her instead of 
you with the singing and dancing ambassadors made the right 
decision. So thanks to whoever made that decision.
    Senator Flake. Well said.
    Senator Risch. On a much, much, much more serious note, 
this deterioration of the relationship between Turkey and the 
United States is--is just heartbreaking really for us. They 
have been a really good ally over the years, and we have done 
such good things with them. The country itself has made huge 
strides in its economy and everything else.
    The S-400s, I guess, is the apex of our problems, but I 
hope you will put in your pocket a copy of the letter that 
Senator Shaheen and I delivered in Ankara in October of 2012, 
when Turkey was in the process of buying the kind of missiles 
they were looking for. Both Erdogan and the many, many 
diplomats, ministers, and everything else we have met with from 
Turkey tell us, oh, no, we had to buy the S-400s because you 
would not sell us the Patriots.
    Well, Senator Shaheen and I know better than that. We hand 
delivered that letter to the foreign minister in Ankara in his 
home and urged them, and the letter itself you can see urges 
them to buy those.
    Why they have turned to Russia is actually beyond me, 
especially when you look at the history between those two 
countries that is centuries old and the problems and the 
animosity they have had. For whatever reason, just absolutely 
Erdogan--and I think this all comes down to Erdogan. Erdogan 
himself just has no interest in promoting this relationship 
with us and with NATO, which is absolutely stunning, given the 
fact that many, many, many nations on the planet would give a 
whole lot to be part of NATO. And here they are, tearing the 
relationship apart.
    I have explained to him and others have explained to him 
that they cannot be part of the military actions that NATO 
takes or part of the defense system that we have had if they 
are putting S-400 missiles in their country. It just cannot be 
done.
    And to show you how determined they are, they paid for 5 of 
the F-35s that are sitting here in the United States. The 
chairman and I will not allow those planes to be delivered. We 
have told them that as long as they got S-400s in the country, 
they cannot have the F-35s. And we are very determined on this, 
and not only that, they were making 900 parts for the F-35, and 
we pulled those back.
    And so that is how determined they are on this. I do not 
understand it. I do not get it. And I have spent a lot of time 
talking with them, and maybe when you come back, you will have 
some answers for us.
    But if I were you, I would take that letter along so when 
they try to tell you what the facts are, you can show them the 
facts are not as they say. So it is a real problem, and gosh, 
we would sure like to welcome Turkey back into the fold. But I 
think as long as Erdogan is there, I think we have got a 
serious problem.
    So good luck, and we will help you as we can. Is that the 
letter you have in your hand?
    Senator Flake. Thank you. I do have it right here.
    Senator Risch. Good for you. You got my vote, Senator. I 
appreciate that. Thank you.
    Let us move over. Governor, China is seeking membership in 
the OECD, and gosh, we had a real disappointment when they were 
let into the WTO. And it is not getting any better that is for 
sure.
    Tell me your thoughts about letting China into the OECD.
    Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question.
    One of the core strengths of the OECD is the shared values 
amongst the members, a commitment to democracy, a commitment to 
a market-oriented economic system. While there may be some who 
see the growth in OECD membership as a metric that matters, I 
do not. I think it is incredibly important that we continue to 
have allies who maintain those same values.
    In fact, one of the real strengths of the OECD, the data 
that they put out, the research that they put out, is that they 
are very well positioned to call out China on issues that 
matter, on the export--credit subsidies and the like. So I 
think we should have an incredibly high bar when it comes to 
accession into OECD membership, and that is the position that I 
will certainly be taking there and certainly something I look 
forward to consult with this committee on as well.
    Senator Risch. Well said. I think your description, too, of 
the requirements for membership is very clear, and it certainly 
does not describe China by not even close. So thank you for 
that.
    Ambassador Gitenstein, you are going to a place where we, 
as Americans, have over the years unfortunately not fully 
appreciated our cousin's view of things and have not worked as 
hard as we should to keep this together. Things like the 
European strategic autonomy discussion is occurring, and I 
think that is tragic. There is no place on the planet that is 
closer to us on values and on culture than our friends in 
Europe.
    So you have got your work cut out for you, but we need to 
convince them that with the dangers in the world, with the 
rising of China, with the malign activity of Russia, there is 
nothing more important than the strategic relationship between 
the United States of America and our European cousins. I hope 
you will work at that.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. I read your report on China, and I 
thought it was excellent. One of the first things I will do is 
encourage them to read that report because it makes a very 
strong case for the threat that China presents to the European 
Union and to Europe generally and that the notion of developing 
a common platform between the United States and the EU is 
important to both the United States and the EU to their 
strategic interests. And it is extremely important that we 
reach common ground on these issues, from regulatory issues to 
strategic issues.
    And as I said earlier to the chairman's question, we cannot 
do anything on military strategic independence without 
carefully coordinating it with NATO.
    Senator Shaheen [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator 
Risch. Next, we have Senator Cardin on Webex.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    And let me thank all four of our nominees for their 
willingness to continue to serve our Nation, and I particularly 
also want to thank your families. This really is a day for the 
Senate family with Jeff Flake and Cindy McCain. So it is 
particularly gratifying to see both of you before us, and both 
of you stressed in your opening statements the importance of 
advancing American values and human rights in the posts that 
you have been nominated to.
    Ms. McCain, I particularly appreciate your just desire to 
follow in the late Senator McCain's path in regards to 
advancing human rights, advancing his legacy, and building on 
his legacy. I miss your late husband and his passion in the 
United States Senate and his partnership in advancing so many 
important issues, including the Global Magnitsky law.
    And Senator Flake, I very much appreciated our opportunity 
to have a conversation in regards to Turkey. As you have heard 
from many of us, Turkey presents enormous challenges through 
our relationship. We recognize the strategic importance of 
Turkey, and we want to build on that relationship. We recognize 
the important partnership they have in NATO, but we cannot 
allow the security breaches that we have seen. You have already 
heard from our chairman and ranking member on that.
    I want to drill down a little bit on human rights. As 
Senator Menendez said, they have more journalists in prison 
than any other country. You really cannot challenge the Erdogan 
Government and be safe from harassment or arrest.
    What is your strategy to advance democratic values and 
human rights in Turkey as our representative in Turkey when you 
are confirmed?
    Senator Flake. Well, thank you.
    This issue particularly of press freedom is one that has 
been an issue of mine for years during my time in the House and 
the Senate. I have spoken out on this on a number of occasions, 
and it is a concern. Turkey currently detains more journalists 
than any country but China. That is not consistent with the 
values that we all share in terms of plurality--or pluralism 
and religious freedom, press freedom, freedom of assembly. A 
number of issues come to mind.
    But I think that I will, if I am confirmed, continue the 
practice of speaking truth to power, of speaking out and being 
frank, as our current Ambassador has done and as the State 
Department and our President has done on this issue. So that is 
what I intend to do is to be frank.
    Senator Cardin. As you know, you will have partners in this 
committee that will support your efforts and do whatever we can 
to help. We want our embassy to be welcoming to those that are 
speaking on behalf of human rights within Turkey.
    Ambassador Gitenstein, I very much appreciated our 
conversation and your knowledge and commitment in a large part 
of Europe, particularly those in the developing democratic 
societies. We have two countries, in addition to Turkey, that 
are very much backsliding on democratic values and institutions 
in Hungary and in Poland.
    Tell me what you have learned from Romania and how you 
would apply that to dealing with strengthening democratic 
institutions in those parts of Europe where we are seeing a 
backsliding.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, thank you for that question, 
Senator.
    Well, first of all, I have discussed this extensively with 
the President over the last 5 or 6 years, and he knows about 
the work that I did in Romania. And he feels very strongly that 
one of the primary goals of his foreign policy is to stand up 
to autocracies wherever they occur. And as you and I discussed, 
if we cannot get this right in the EU, we probably cannot get 
it right anywhere.
    And I think one of the most encouraging things that is 
happening within the EU is that they are conditioning their EU 
structural funds on reporting requirements as they relate to 
the rule of law and anti-corruption. And I saw in Romania how 
valuable that is because, as you know, Romania was admitted to 
the EU on condition, which is known as the cooperation 
verification mechanism, which is a benchmarking and reporting 
system that has worked quite well in Romania, and it should 
work well in Hungary and Poland.
    And this will depend entirely on whether the EU continues 
to press with the conditions they have set on those funds. And 
as an Ambassador, I will certainly argue for that.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator 
Cardin.
    Next, we have Senator Young on Webex. Actually, I am told 
he is not ready. So we will go to Senator Coons.
    Senator Coons. Well, thank you. Excuse me, thank you, Madam 
Chair.
    Let me just thank all four of you for your willingness to 
continue serving our Nation. We have known each other in 
various roles and various ways over decades or over years, and 
I know each of you to be a person of great skill and character 
and capability. You are going to places where we need you, and 
we need to continue to reinforce that America sends its best 
and brightest to represent us around the world.
    I am excited to hear how you will work together with the EU 
and the OECD and, in partnership with our NATO Ambassador, will 
reinforce our values. And Senator Flake, you are going to have 
quite a challenge dealing with Turkey and trying to strike a 
balance between their dramatic backsliding on human rights and 
transparency and democracy, and our strategic relationship is 
still trying to bring them, as it were, back into the fold.
    And Mrs. McCain, we have traveled to many countries 
together, African countries in particular, and I know your 
passion, your skill, and your determination has already earned 
the admiration of all of us here for your hard work combatting 
human trafficking, fighting for a better future for women and 
girls, and bringing American values that are rooted in our 
shared commitment to democracy to your advocacy around the 
world.
    So I look forward to supporting all four of your 
nominations. If I could briefly, both for Ambassador Gitenstein 
and for Governor Markell, one of the most challenging issues 
for the global digital economy is determining the right 
balance, when law enforcement authorities should have access to 
citizens' personal data and balancing legitimate security 
concerns with individual privacy.
    And in particular, the safety of human rights advocates and 
minority party politicians in increasingly repressive 
countries. We have referenced in your earlier conversations 
Hungary, Poland, and others.
    The OECD has often excelled, Governor Markell, at finding 
sensible solutions and setting implementation standards for 
democratic governors, part of why I agree with you. We should 
be very cautious about China's engagement.
    But on this issue, the OECD has hit a road block, and the 
EU has been reluctant to move multilateral talks forward. As 
Ambassador to the OECD, how would you work together with 
Ambassador Gitenstein at the EU to balance data privacy and 
security interests?
    Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question, Senator Coons.
    I will say this is one of those issues not only are there 
differences between the U.S. and Europe, there are some, 
frankly, philosophical differences even within our own country 
about how this ought to be addressed. Ambassador Gitenstein and 
I have actually talked a couple times about opportunities to 
work together. This is one of them.
    This is actually also an area where I think it would be 
important to consult with this committee to get your sense of 
this particular issue. The OECD excels when it is focused on 
technical issues like standards, data, research, and reports 
that ensure that the policymakers can make the best possible 
decisions. But I do think this is one of those places where 
there is so much overlap between the work of the OECD, the 
influence of the European Union, as well as negotiations 
backdrop.
    So Ambassador Gitenstein and I have developed an excellent 
relationship, and I know that on this particular issue it is 
one that we will engage with together frequently.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    And Ambassador Gitenstein, you referenced the EU-U.S. Trade 
and Technology Council convening in Pittsburgh. I am glad 
Secretaries Blinken and Raimondo and Trade Representative Tai 
will attend, and I am interested in hearing how you think we 
should move forward, both on that balance that Governor Markell 
was speaking to and how we work together on a raft of new 
regulations with the EU on AI and digital platforms as well.
    I also think on climate and on a border carbon adjustment, 
we have an enormous opportunity with the EU. I would be 
interested to hear your views on these complex issues.
    Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, I am as anxious as you are to 
see what happens in Pittsburgh tomorrow. You know, because I am 
not yet confirmed, I am not cleared on all the pre-decisional 
materials that have been prepared for that, but I can just 
speak as from my experience, which is I first got to know then-
Senator Biden working on the FISA statute, Foreign Intelligence 
Surveillance Act, which grew out of the work that I did on the 
Church committee. And I know how difficult it is to strike the 
balance between national security and privacy, but it has to be 
improved, and I think that statute needs to be improved.
    And as the Europeans have begun to break new ground in this 
area with GDPR, I have some questions about how effective that 
is, and it needs--and you know, because of the Schrems 
decision, the Europeans are insisting, rightfully, I think, 
that there be some consolidation of positions between the EU 
and the United States on those issues. And I think they are 
going to be difficult issues to resolve, but I intend to put a 
lot of energy into that.
    This is just on the digital privacy and security issues. We 
will work closely with Jack. Jack and I have become very good 
friends, and I hope we will meet regularly on this. But the 
OECD and the EU need to be on the same page, and I will 
certainly argue for that within the administration and within 
the EU.
    Senator Coons. Thank you.
    Senator Flake, you are going to have a difficult balancing 
act. There is a lot of issues on which to hold Turkey 
accountable, from Cyprus to repression of religious minorities 
to the ongoing tense relations with Greece, to the Armenian 
genocide recognition. There is lots of other things in addition 
to the S-400 and their human rights violations.
    Are there any areas where you think we can actually 
increase our collaboration partnership and work with them in a 
positive way or hold that out as a carrot at the same time that 
you are holding to a tough line on CAATSA sanctions and on 
insisting that they pull back from their embrace of Russia?
    Senator Flake. Well, thank you.
    As I mentioned in my remarks, there are areas where we have 
worked with them and continued to work closely with them. They 
have pushed back against Soviet--Russian aggression in Ukraine 
and with Georgia. They have supported those countries' 
aspirations to become members of NATO. So they have been useful 
there.
    They help, to some degree, with the delivery of 
humanitarian assistance to Syria and were willing to help with 
regard to Afghanistan and the airport and were with us to the 
end there. So there are some things that we can build on. But 
as you mentioned, there are a lot of issues that are 
challenging, and we will work with them where we can, challenge 
them where we must.
    Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator.
    Mrs. McCain, the chairman, having returned, notes that I 
have taken great liberties with the time allowed for 
questioning----
    The Chairman [presiding]. Great liberties.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Coons.--I look forward to talking with you 
separately about public-private partnerships and look forward 
to supporting your important work and the ambassadorship in 
Rome.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen, I understand, is next on 
our list.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 
Member.
    Congratulations to all of you on your nominations, and 
thank you for your willingness to serve in these important 
capacities.
    And I just want to endorse the comments my colleague 
Senator Coons made with respect to both our Ambassador to the 
EU and OECD. We do have to dramatically expand the cooperation 
between the United States and these two entities, and not just 
saying it, but taking the practical steps to implement it, 
especially with respect to the challenge from China around the 
globe and look forward to working with both of you on that.
    Mrs. McCain, congratulations on your nomination. Look 
forward to supporting you in this important post.
    Senator Flake, great to see you and appreciated the 
conversation that we had. As we discussed, I grew up in a 
Foreign Service family, spent many of my early years in Turkey. 
I have great affection for the people of Turkey.
    But President Erdogan has taken Turkey way off track and in 
the wrong direction, both with respect to NATO commitments 
overall, as well as other actions, malign actions in the 
region, and undermining human rights at home. And some of them 
have already been mentioned. He doubled down just this weekend 
on national TV here on taking another round of S-400s. That 
means that we will continue to discontinue any cooperation on 
the F-35s, given the security compromises that would exist.
    We need to make sure we implement fully the CAATSA 
sanctions, and I understand that you have already said in this 
hearing that you would support an increase in CAATSA sanctions 
if they proceed with the next purchase. Is that correct?
    Senator Flake. That is correct.
    Senator Van Hollen. You also know that Turkey is out to 
destroy the Syrian Kurds. Would you agree that the Syrian Kurds 
have been the tip of the spear for us in our fight against 
ISIS?
    Senator Flake. They have been an effective partner with us 
in defeating ISIS, yes.
    Senator Van Hollen. So here we have an erstwhile ally 
trying to destroy the major partner we had in the fight against 
ISIS.
    I heard my colleagues raise the issue of the situation in 
Eastern Med and Cyprus. In Cyprus, President Erdogan is going 
backwards, right? They have now retreated from what had been 
the agreed-upon approach to the talks there, bizonal, 
bicommunal approach. And recently, would you agree that his 
actions in Varosha violated U.N. Security Council resolutions?
    Senator Flake. Yes, most definitely.
    Senator Van Hollen. We also have seen him aiding and 
abetting the attacks against Armenia. And then, at home, an 
ongoing effort to actually disqualify and ban the HDP, which is 
the third-largest political party in Turkey, is it not?
    Senator Flake. It is.
    Senator Van Hollen. Okay. Senator Langford and I are going 
to be soon sending a bipartisan letter to the President raising 
concerns about these issues, but my question to you is this. 
President Erdogan has repeatedly taken these actions. He has 
said very publicly that he does not care what the United States 
says, does not care what we say. He said that just 6 weeks ago.
    So really what matters is what we do. The CAATSA sanctions 
have gotten their attention, although they have not changed 
their conduct yet, but it is having an impact on their 
military. With respect to the HDP and actions on Cyprus, what 
do you propose that we actually do beyond words to get Turkey's 
attention?
    Senator Flake. Well, thank you. Thank you for the question.
    And let me just say and commend this committee for pushing 
so hard for CAATSA sanctions, Section 231. When people say you 
guys talk but do not do anything, this committee and the 
Congress and the administration did. And it has had an impact, 
a significant impact on Turkey's economy because their defense 
industry is a big part of their economy. And being out of the 
F-35 program has hurt, and they know that.
    With regard to other issues, obviously Cyprus, it was in 
violation--the action or the statements that were made in July 
with regard to Varosha, regard to a two-state solution. There 
is no two-state solution in Cyprus. As you mentioned, it needs 
to be a bizonal, bicommunal federation negotiated between the 
parties. That has been our consistent position, and it needs to 
continue to be.
    With regard to banning of political parties and some of the 
other democratic backsliding, we need to make clear, as we 
have, and continue to make clear that that is inconsistent with 
democratic values and inconsistent with commitments that have 
been made. And so I think that we will continue to speak out on 
those issues and continue to act with regard to new arms 
purchases with additional sanctions, and that has got their 
attention. It has hurt, and it needs to, and I want to commend 
this committee for doing it.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you. I just hope we will 
take those kind of actions with respect to these other 
activities that are being taken, and the EU has an important 
role to play in concert with the United States.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Young is with 
us virtually.
    Senator Young. Yes, Chairman, thank you.
    Ms. McCain, the Chinese Communist Party is actively seeking 
to use the U.N. standard-setting bodies to their own unique 
advantage. From telecommunications to international aviation 
and, yes, agriculture, the authorities in Beijing understand 
that the U.N.'s specialized agencies possess an outsized 
ability to help them reshape the global order.
    If confirmed, how would you use your position to ensure 
that FAO is actually seeking to accomplish its core missions 
and that its activities are free from bias, including from its 
senior leadership?
    Ms. McCain. Thank you. Thank you for the question, Senator.
    First of all, if I am confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. 
leadership and partnerships will not falter on my watch. I am 
also concerned about their leadership positions and where they 
are damaging and undermining organizations with malign 
influences and nefarious practices.
    I will be watching very closely to ensure that the FAO DG 
is following our leadership, which ensures our values and 
transparency, building coalitions to ensure our leadership 
remains strong, and I am also committed most definitely to food 
safety and its global impact. Best-case scenario in what I am 
saying is that I am watching.
    Senator Young. All right. Thank you for that answer.
    So the FAO has been doing very important work for a number 
of years, staving off hunger for millions. And this has been 
due in large measure to the resources that it can bring to bear 
in moments and in places of great crisis. Its record in 
supporting and growing ag capacity and resiliency in the 
developing world is, however, less positive.
    One overlooked dynamic at play is the success that 
regulators overseas, especially within the European Union, have 
had in keeping U.S.-led Ag tools like groundbreaking 
development of genetically modified crops out of the FAO's 
toolbox, even as they would potentially reduce the threat of 
drought in paths from crucial staple crops. If confirmed, how 
would you seek to ensure that the FAO embraces all possible 
means of supporting the resiliency of agricultural systems, 
including ones widely practiced in America?
    In short, how would you seek to ensure that the FAO 
actually embraces science in furtherance of feeding those who 
are hungry?
    Ms. McCain. Thank you for the question. Oh, sorry.
    There, is that--can you hear me?
    Senator Young. Yes.
    Ms. McCain. I apologize. Thank you for the question.
    It is, indeed, an issue, and it is a problem. What I would 
do is, number one, as I mentioned earlier, is building 
coalitions and bringing in more of our technology and our 
biotech overall. And most of all, making sure that we keep 
track of not just what our leadership is doing, but how we can 
best strengthen our ability, our multilateralism, our 
advancement in other areas.
    The science and technology are key to our ability to be 
able to help grow more food with less water, grow more food 
independently, build sustainable villages, and build 
sustainable crops. I am a very strong supporter of that. 
Without that, I do not see how we go any farther with it. We 
are not going to be able to feed the multitudes that we have 
unless we consider every option.
    Senator Young. Well, thank you for embracing that. It will 
require, I think, some robust and tenacious diplomacy to 
persuade some of our European friends of the merits of that 
position. But I suspect you are going to be doing that. So, 
thank you.
    Ms. McCain. Senator, I have been compared to a chihuahua 
before in that I bite the ankles and bark enough until people 
listen to me. And so you have my commitment to being not only 
determined, but one that will follow through and make sure 
people hear.
    Senator Young. Thank you, Ms. McCain.
    I think I have 1 minute left, and so I will very quickly 
ask a question of Mr. Markell. Mr. Markell, the members of the 
OECD collectively produce 60 percent of the world's goods and 
services, and they account for 75 percent of global trade. As 
was indicated earlier, China is not a member, but you indicated 
I think they are seeking membership.
    I understand that India may also be hesitant to join, as 
they are a large but still emerging economy. What would the 
consequences be for India becoming a member, and is this 
something you would advocate for?
    Mr. Markell. Senator, I am not sure I----
    The Chairman. I think you are good now.
    Mr. Markell. Thank you. Senator, I could not understand the 
entire question. I think it had to do with the accession of 
other countries into OECD membership.
    Senator Young. India. Yes, India in particular.
    Mr. Markell. Okay. So one of the real strengths of the OECD 
is that its members share a number of common values, not only 
democracy, not only a commitment to free market systems, but 
also to a level playing field. Things like a real commitment to 
anti-bribery, to intellectual property protections, and the 
like.
    The bar for entrance for any new country, including India, 
is extraordinarily high, and my commitment is certainly to 
consult with this committee, but also to--should I be 
confirmed--to bring to my position at the OECD a real sense 
that we do have a very high bar which is only met through 
actions, not words.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    The Chairman. Thank you very much. Senator Kaine?
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member 
Risch.
    And congratulations to this very finely qualified panel of 
nominees. I have the good fortune to consider three of you as 
friends.
    Jack, you and I worked together as Governors, and you did 
such good work as a Governor and as chair of the National 
Governors Association.
    Jeff Flake, you were a partner on so many initiatives on 
this committee, somebody I deeply admire and miss as a member.
    And Cindy, we have worked together, and I had the pleasure 
of sitting with your husband, both on this committee and on the 
Armed Services Committee. And I will never forget the first 
time I traveled with your husband, Senator McCain, on a 
bipartisan delegation, and I think it was to the Middle East 
and the first press event we did. He said something, and I was 
stepping to the microphone to dramatically disagree with him. I 
had been in the Senate for about 2 months and wondered how he 
would take it.
    So I said, ``I am going to disagree with you.'' And he 
said, ``Get up there and disagree with me. We need to show them 
that we are not all a monolith here.'' And we were fast friends 
from that moment.
    So thank you all for your service. Ambassador Gitenstein, 
you are the only one with the good fortune not to have had to 
work with me in the past.
    Let me ask to, Ms. McCain, the three food programs that are 
based in the U.N. that you will work in representing the United 
States, they have all faced major challenges because of COVID, 
which both affect donors, increase food insecurity, and then 
also make the task of delivery of programs more difficult. So 
if you could share a little bit about the challenges that this 
last 18 months has meant for these programs and, as you are 
starting in to contemplating the position, the kinds of things 
we should be thinking about from Congress' side to help get 
through this tough chapter.
    Ms. McCain. Well, first of all, thank you very much for the 
question. And I am glad you survived the trip to the Middle 
East we used to call the ``McCain death march.'' So I am glad 
you made it through.
    I would like the committee to know that I am very committed 
to keeping U.S. leadership within the World Food Program and 
others. That is of deep importance to me and I think also to 
the United States. And that has never been more present and 
more definitive than the fact that World Food Program won the 
Nobel Peace Prize as a result of the good work that they do.
    But the U.S. is the largest donor by far. We have to 
continue to do more. We have to. Whether it is thinking outside 
the box, bringing new people in, putting together groups that 
we can discuss good ideas, bad ideas, whatever it may be. But I 
am committed to making sure that we talk to everybody and we 
understand issues and consider new ideas in all of this.
    I also want to encourage new donors and more country 
involvement. We carry the load of this, which we do 
brilliantly, but I would like to make sure that we are able to 
bring in more people, more ideas, as I said, and more countries 
to be a part of this. It is important.
    Our public-private partnerships have to be expanded as 
well, and they do a marvelous job. But I am very committed to 
making sure that we expand our public-private partnership 
options here.
    And also to consider a push for diversity and inclusivity, 
which is the question--the prior question that you asked me, 
and more. And most of all, making sure within that diversity 
and inclusivity that we have a safe workspace for people to 
work in. And of course, pushing for more technology and 
innovation in all of this is part of what I feel is not only 
important, but it is imperative in what we do.
    And I would like to get on the ground and really examine 
what is going on with the issues that you initially talked 
about and see what can be done, what changes can be made, if 
that is the case.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. McCain. I think that you are 
very well suited for the position.
    Senator Flake, the questions that I wanted to ask you have 
generally been covered by my colleagues. But I guess, you know, 
maybe big picture, here would be something I hope after some 
time there you might come back and educate us on.
    I think we all share this frustration with the Erdoganand 
feel like there was some promise at the start, and then it has 
taken this turn in a number of ways that have been hostile to 
the United States. But friends of mine who are in Turkey 
basically say it is not that hard to understand Erdogan's 
position vis-a-vis the United States if you look at the Turkish 
population's attitude about the United States.
    Now these things can self-reinforce, but you know, leaders 
are not going to be warm and fuzzy to the United States if the 
populations have a lot of anti-U.S. sentiment. And I do not 
know this as an expert on Turkey, but people I know who are 
experts point out to me a lot that the Turkish population's 
view of the United States is quite negative. And as an 
Ambassador, A, you would be in a position to dig in and find 
out if that is true and then share with us why, but also you 
will have a unique opportunity with your own diplomatic 
background from having been in the Senate to, having shared 
why, giving us strategies and undertaking efforts yourself to 
start turning that around.
    We are not going to have a government that is going to 
really be a great ally of the United States if their population 
is very anti-U.S. in their public sentiment, and I would look 
forward to having that conversation with you, should you be 
confirmed--and I am confident you will be--down the road after 
you have been in Turkey for a while.
    Thank you very much to the panel, and yield it back, Mr. 
Chair.
    The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Shaheen?
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
congratulations to each of our nominees this morning. We are 
especially delighted to see our former Senate family back here 
again.
    I am going to begin with you, Mrs. McCain, and I would have 
identified you more as a Great Dane than a Chihuahua. So I have 
had Afghans since the takeover of the Taliban who have said to 
me that they really hope that the United States and the 
international community will not prevent humanitarian aid from 
going to the Afghan people because of our opposition to the 
Taliban. We know there are 14 million in Afghanistan who are 
food insecure, 2 million of them children who are malnourished.
    Winter is coming. So the situation is only going to get 
worse. So can you talk a little bit about how you will work 
with the U.N., with the United States, to ensure that 
desperately needed food gets to those Afghans who are really in 
need.
    Ms. McCain. Thank you for the question, and it is like many 
of you and all of you, I mean, having had two sons in 
Afghanistan, I have watched with great interest and many times 
great horror, seeing what is actually occurring and has 
occurred there.
    Once again, our most vulnerable are being preyed upon, 
which is the usual drill in a lot of these countries. The U.S. 
is the largest single donor, though, to humanitarian assistance 
within Afghanistan and within the region as well. I commit that 
we will continue the lifesaving support that those need, if I 
am confirmed.
    Most of all, if I am confirmed, I will support all efforts 
to ensure that humanitarian assistance and in Afghanistan 
benefits those that it is going to, which is, as you know, is 
about transparency and the ability to really have good partners 
on the ground. And I will also continue to monitor what is 
going on within the country. It is a dicey project, and I know 
you know that.
    It is certainly an evolving situation as well, much like 
Yemen and Ethiopia right now, and we will continue to work on 
best practices in addressing the needs of the conflict zones in 
that area. And if I am confirmed, you have my commitment to do 
the best I can.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much for that answer, 
and if I can be helpful, please let me know.
    Ms. McCain. Thank you. I would rely on the entire committee 
for help.
    Senator Shaheen. Absolutely. I know that we are ready to 
help.
    Senator Flake, tomorrow President Erdogan is supposed to 
meet with Vladimir Putin. They are ostensibly discussing 
cooperation in Syria, and yet given the surge of Turkish troops 
in Northwestern Syria to combat Russian airstrikes this week, 
is there still a threat of a Russian-Turkey joint offensive in 
Syria, do you think? And how should we respond to that in the 
United States?
    Senator Flake. Thank you, Senator.
    I have not had classified briefing yet. I have not been 
confirmed. So I would defer questions to Department of Defense 
on the possibilities there.
    But the meeting with Putin, obviously Ankara has had at 
least a transactional relationship with Russia on a number of 
issues. As we mentioned, the purchase of weapon systems. But 
they have also pushed back in a number of areas as well. 
Crimea, been consistent in saying that that is part of Ukraine 
territory and the selling arms to Ukraine and also supporting 
Ukraine and Georgia in their sovereignty.
    So, yes, it is an interesting relationship. I will be very 
interested to see what comes out of that meeting, to the extent 
that we know. But with regard to Syria, I would defer to those 
who know more than I do right now.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, I hope when you get confirmed that 
that will be an area of focus.
    Senator Flake. It will.
    Senator Shaheen. Because, obviously, it is a very difficult 
situation in the country, as you know.
    Governor Markell, as you are probably aware, we are having 
negotiations around tax policy right now, and it is an issue 
that the OECD has also been working on. They have had an 
ambitious framework for how to coordinate tax policy. How 
optimistic are you that their process can result in agreement, 
and what should we be thinking about with respect to that as we 
are looking at what we might do on taxation of income of 
multinational corporations?
    Mr. Markell. Well, thank you very much for the question, 
Senator.
    Since I have not been confirmed, I have not been read into 
all the details yet. My sense is that it is the Treasury 
Department that has really taken the lead in those 
negotiations, but the OECD has an important role to play 
because it provides so much of the technical assistance.
    And so, should I be confirmed, obviously I will be 
supporting the position of the administration, and I look 
forward to consulting with this committee for your guidance as 
well.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. 
Chairman.
    The Chairman. Well, thank you. I know of no other members 
seeking recognition. So I have one or two final questions 
before we close.
    Ms. McCain, what you and I spoke about yesterday, the 
reality of in the context of food insecurity a disproportionate 
impact upon women and girls, 10 percent higher among women as 
of 2019. So will you make it part of your advocacy, upon 
confirmation, for women and girls who have been 
disproportionately impacted by the pandemic-related food 
insecurity?
    Ms. McCain. Yes, Senator. And may I say that from my 
experience around the globe and everything that I have done, 
and all too often our women and children are disposable. And 
that simply, in this case that I do not buy that, and it is not 
going to happen.
    The Chairman. Fine, thank you.
    And also I think you referred to some of your experiences 
on water and what not. But part of our challenge globally in 
terms of food supply chain is the question of climate change, 
which the Food and Agriculture Organization approaches in a 
national, regional, and global context using the Paris 
agreement as structure to which the entity collaborates with 
member nations.
    I hope that as we--in the first instance, this program is 
about helping people in need, the emergent nature of it. But 
the question becomes once we have a population that we are 
directly feeding through these programs, there is an 
opportunity to also change and transform their lives and how we 
ultimately create more food, as you suggested, with less water. 
I hope that you will make that a significant part of your 
mission upon confirmation.
    Ms. McCain. Yes.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    Finally, Governor, one of our former colleagues questioned 
you only about India, but I am more interested as well about 
the expansion of OECD membership. There are 38 members in the 
OECD, along with 5 partner countries and 6 countries vying to 
become full-fledged members. Two of those partner countries 
include China and India. Russia has been trying to get in for 
several years but was basically shut out after their invasion 
of Ukraine in 2014.
    What are your thoughts on the accession program for 
countries trying to join the OECD?
    Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question.
    There should be a very high bar. The OECD, unlike many 
other multilaterals, has characteristics and qualifications for 
membership, which are very much focused on a commitment to 
democracy, a commitment to market-oriented economic systems. 
And it has just never been more important that countries that 
share those values demonstrate that we can deliver better than 
those who have other approaches.
    And so there are some who believe that increasing the 
membership of the OECD is a metric that we should care about. I 
do not agree with that. I think the OECD is extraordinarily 
valuable to its member countries. I think it is a great place 
for convening of like-minded countries, and so I think the bar 
to accession is extremely high.
    The Chairman. Thank you. I share your view. Expansion 
should be based upon those who can meet and share the same 
values, not just simply for the sake of expansion. So I 
appreciate that.
    And the other point about the OECD, I am increasingly 
concerned that the United States is not well positioned to 
engage in economic statecraft for the 21st century, both 
including promoting U.S. jobs, business investments, engaging 
in development, financing for infrastructure, and setting 
standards for emergent technologies and the digital economy. 
These are all incredibly important areas, as well as that, you 
know, an American company goes abroad and has maybe got the 
best product, maybe they got the best performance, maybe they 
got the best delivery, but they cannot suborn that foreign 
government under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.
    Unfortunately, other countries in the world do engage in 
that process, including countries or companies within the 
European Union. How do you see, view your role in the OECD in 
both helping us in these different areas of economic 
statecraft?
    Mr. Markell. Well, thank you for that question as well.
    My view is that American businesses and American workers 
can compete successfully anywhere so long as there is a level 
playing field. And I believe that one of the most critical 
goals and pieces of the OECD mission is to ensure that there 
is, in fact, a level playing field.
    The OECD's Anti-Bribery Convention is one of the most 
important things that the OECD has ever done. It ensures that 
not only member countries live up to those standards, but it 
sets a model for other countries as well. I know that Senator 
Cardin on this committee has done some really important work 
over the years, including the CROOK Act, which he has been 
pushing.
    So whether it is things like anti-bribery, whether it is 
around issues of stopping the theft of intellectual property, 
whether it is making sure procurement opportunities are 
available to U.S. businesses, this is just one of the most 
important parts of what the OECD does, and I will--if 
confirmed, I will ensure that focusing on a level playing field 
is at the very top of my priority list.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    And I will just call to your attention, I am sure you are 
familiar with this, adherence to the OECD Guidelines for 
Multinational Enterprises, which is a key international 
framework on responsible business conduct, are required to 
establish a national contact point to help promote the 
guidelines to businesses and other stakeholders.
    I hope that when you are confirmed, you will work to make 
that system strong and effective to deal with some of the 
challenges we have been talking about.
    Mr. Markell. Thank you, Senator.
    The Chairman. Thank you.
    All right. I understand there are no other members seeking 
recognition.
    With that, with our thanks to the nominees, the record for 
this hearing will remain open until the close of business 
tomorrow, Wednesday, September 29. To colleagues on the 
committee, please ensure that questions for the record are 
submitted no later than tomorrow, Wednesday, September 29.
    To the nominees, there will inevitably be questions for the 
record. I would urge you to answer the questions expeditiously 
and fully so that your nominations can be considered before a 
full business committee.
    And with that, this hearing is adjourned.


    [Whereupon, at 11:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Jack A. Markell by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Can you expand upon how you view your role at the OECD, 
if you are confirmed, in helping to renew and replenish US economic 
statecraft instruments?

    Answer. The work of the OECD rests on the shared values of the 
member nations: a commitment to democracy, human rights, transparency, 
and open market based economic principles. If confirmed, I will work to 
coordinate U.S. Government agency engagement with the OECD to ensure 
the organization's recommended policies and regulations reflect those 
values and interests and will secure the agreement of other member 
nations. The resulting policies and regulations will, in turn, help 
create and expand legitimate investment and financing opportunities for 
U.S. business and promote U.S. job creation.

    Question. Where do you see the biggest challenges? Biggest 
opportunities?

    Answer. I see the most pressing challenge today is building back 
our economies and societies after the COVID-crisis in a better, more 
inclusive way. This brings with it opportunities to address the climate 
crisis, to ensure the gains of trade are shared by all, to manage the 
disruptive impact of critical and emerging technologies, and to find 
inclusive and equitable economic strategies consistent with our shared 
values. If confirmed, I will work to keep the OECD focused on its 
strengths of high-quality, unbiased data collection and evidence-based 
analysis to make policy recommendations in those areas. It is here 
where U.S. engagement and leadership can ensure the organization 
remains an effective institution that benefits the American people.

OECD Guidelines Review
    Question. The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises are a 
pioneering set of standards that promote responsible business conduct. 
The guidelines were last updated in 2011, and the OECD is currently 
undertaking a stocktaking to see if they are still fit for purpose or 
need revision. Several stakeholders have identified gaps in the 
guidelines, particularly in the areas of gender, environmental impacts, 
and protections of human rights defenders.

   How will you ensure that the potential updated guidelines are 
        strengthened to further incorporate high standards in these 
        areas?

    Answer. I agree with you on the importance of the OECD Guidelines 
for Multinational Enterprises (Guidelines), a key set of 
recommendations from governments to businesses that promote responsible 
business conduct. I understand the ongoing stocktaking exercise will 
assess the guidelines, their implementation, and the OECD's overall 
work on Responsible Business Conduct. If confirmed, I will work with 
officials from the State Department and other U.S. Government agencies 
to take into account stakeholder input and consider ways to further 
strengthen the guidelines consistent with our shared values.

    Question. How will you ensure that this review results in a 
strengthening--rather than a weakening--of the current standards?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with officials from the State 
Department and other U.S. Government agencies to take into account the 
input of all relevant stakeholders, including affected groups, and 
consider ways to further strengthen the Guidelines consistent with our 
shared values. I agree on the need to avoid a weakening of the 
guidelines.

    Question. As the U.S. Representative to the OECD, how will you 
ensure that the NCP system is strong and effective to address business 
and human rights grievances?

    Answer. The U.S. National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for 
Multinational Enterprises (Guidelines) serves an important role in 
promoting and implementing the Guidelines, and in facilitating the 
resolution of allegations brought against a company. The Guidelines 
provide important government recommendations to companies on 
responsible business practices, including with respect to human rights. 
If confirmed, I will work with the State Department and other agencies 
to review the current work of the U.S. NCP, consider feedback from 
concerned stakeholders, and take appropriate steps to ensure the 
mechanism we have in place is a meaningful one.

China
    Question. As you know, this committee has been very focused on 
reframing our relationship with China through the lens of strategic 
competition--as evidenced by our bipartisan approach in passing the 
Strategic Competition Act. This historic, bipartisan legislation is 
clear-eyed about the challenges we face, and is designed to meet this 
consequential moment in U.S.-China relations.

   How do you plan on using your position at the OECD to effectively 
        confront and compete with China?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned by the People's Republic of China 
(PRC) actions in international organizations that aim to reshape the 
international order to align with its authoritarian system. If 
confirmed, I will keep at the forefront of my actions the focus that 
any OECD engagement with the PRC must support member nation interests 
and uphold the norms, high standards, and practices that underpin the 
rules-based global economic order. Additionally, I will work to 
leverage the OECD's role in developing best practices for global trade, 
digital economy policy, anti-corruption, infrastructure, and other 
policy areas to counter alternative models pushed by authoritarian 
states that undermine global values, rules, and norms.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Mark Gitenstein by Senator Robert Menendez

U.S.-EU trade
    Question. Economic ties between the United States and the EU were 
damaged under President Trump, particularly with the imposition of 
tariffs on EU food and beverage imports. These tariffs put additional 
financial strain on families in my home state of New Jersey, many of 
whom work in food processing, as well as many restaurants who tried to 
stay afloat during the pandemic. President Biden suspended these 
destructive tariffs in March 2021. How will you advance stronger trade 
ties between the United States and the EU as ambassador? Will you 
commit to seeking a permanent resolution of the large civil aircraft 
dispute so that consumers, restaurants, and food importers have 
certainty in the U.S.-EU trade relationship?

    Answer. The United States and the European Union represent the 
largest economic relationship in the world. The Transatlantic trade and 
investment relationship is vital for our mutual prosperity. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with the EU and member states to resolve 
or deescalate difficult bilateral issues, including in trade, with the 
EU and other partners. I will work together with our European partners 
to protect the rules-based global trading system-a system under threat 
from non-market economies. This includes resolution of the large civil 
aircraft dispute. In addition, I will work with our trade experts in 
the U.S. Government, in consultation with business, labor, and other 
stakeholders to support policies that advance our trade and investment 
objectives with the European Union for our mutual benefit.

China
    Question. The United States has expressed strong support for the 
Three Seas Initiative as an alternative for Chinese investment plans 
like the 17+1 format. How do you plan to engage European members on 
Three Seas and other proposals to reduce Chinese malign influence in 
Europe?

    Answer. I agree with Secretary Blinken that the Three Seas 
Initiative (3SI) is an important tool to bring the private sector to 
the table alongside governments to make infrastructure projects happen 
and to develop robust connections among our Central European Allies 
that link them closer to each other and to Western European countries. 
If confirmed, I will work with the EU to support resilient 
infrastructure in Europe, including through the 3SI and the Build Back 
Better World and Blue Dot Network initiatives. If confirmed, I will use 
all the tools at our disposal to work with our EU partners to promote 
an affirmative vision that is rooted in our shared values and promote 
high-quality, resilient infrastructure both in Europe and globally.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Mark Gitenstein by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Russia has been slowing its supply of natural gas through 
Ukrainian pipelines, which has left some EU members at an all-time low 
in pre-winter stores of fuel. These empty tanks have pushed energy 
prices in Europe up very high. EU energy regulations state that no 
single pipeline owner may supply more than 50 percent of the EU's 
energy capacity.

   Should the flow of Russian natural gas not return to normal before 
        winter, do you believe that the EU will consider suspending or 
        breaking its regulations with regard to Russian supplier, 
        Gazprom, and allow it to provide more than 50 percent of its 
        natural gas supply to fulfill the increased demand in the 
        winter months?

    Answer. I am concerned gas storage in Europe is low and the market 
is undersupplied compared to prior years. The lower-than-normal levels 
of gas storage illustrate the importance of diversified energy supplies 
and suppliers to meet Europe's energy security goals. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with the European partners to enhance energy 
security for member states.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to calling on the European 
Union to implement the rules and regulations required by the Third 
Energy Package on Nord Stream 2 as well as on the Turk Stream 1 and 2 
pipelines?

    Answer. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is a Russian geopolitical 
project that undercuts the energy security of a significant part of the 
Euro-Atlantic community. I understand the administration continues to 
work with Germany, Ukraine, and other European Allies and partners to 
reduce the risks of an operational Nord Stream 2 pipeline. This 
includes the package of measures detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-
Germany Joint Statement on support for Ukraine, European Energy 
Security, and our Climate Goals. If confirmed, I will continue to urge 
the European Union to apply Third Energy Package directives to ensure 
that all energy projects in Europe are implemented in a transparent and 
non-discriminatory manner that promote competition.

    Question. Some leaders have been discussing the concept of 
strategic autonomy in Europe's security posture for almost a decade, 
and in recent years discussion of it has risen due to the perceived 
decline of American leadership in the world and a weakening of 
relations with Europe. Strategic autonomy has now become a major topic 
of discussion among EU leaders following the U.S. surrender of Europe's 
energy security to Russia through the concession of Nord Stream 2, the 
disastrous Afghanistan withdrawal that exposed our allies' 
vulnerabilities in conducting security operations without close U.S. 
involvement, and the recent AUKUS deal, which, while a good move for 
our mutual interests in the Indo-Pacific, left a major ally feeling 
disenfranchised, overall sending a poor message on how the United 
States values its allies.

   Is it in the interests of the United States for EU nations to 
        pursue strategic autonomy and develop a military that launch 
        major operations outside of our transatlantic military 
        alliances?

    Answer. The administration is committed to re-engaging allies and 
partners and revitalizing our alliances. I welcome European efforts to 
strengthen European defense that would enhance Transatlantic security. 
If confirmed, I will work closely with the EU and member states to 
ensure that this work is complementary to and not duplicative of NATO's 
efforts and strengthen practical participation by the United States in 
EU defense programs. I look forward to engaging with Allies and EU 
partners to reinforce the unparalleled value of Transatlantic 
cooperation and the NATO Alliance.

    Question. How would strategic autonomy improve the issue of burden 
sharing in defense cooperation between the U.S. and EU members?

    Answer. The EU and EU member states are important partners in 
addressing key foreign policy, security, and economic issues. A strong 
EU and strong EU member states committing more resources to defense 
contribute to the goal of enhanced Transatlantic security. If 
confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU member states to promote 
greater U.S. participation in European defense projects and ensure that 
EU Defense initiatives are coherent, interoperable, complementary to 
and not duplicative of NATO efforts. If confirmed, I will support 
continued NATO-EU cooperation and to ensure increased burden sharing by 
Allies.

    Question. How would the formation of a European army open the door 
to the EU pursuing unilateral security interests that diverge from 
those of the United States?

    Answer. A strong Europe, including EU member states should 
contribute to the goal of enhanced Transatlantic security. If 
confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU member states to ensure 
greater U.S. participation in EU defense initiatives and that these 
initiatives remain coherent, interoperable, complementary with, and not 
duplicative of, NATO efforts. Additionally, if confirmed, I will seek 
ways to support continued NATO-EU cooperation.

    Question. Should the EU focus efforts more on expanding its 
membership, or more on helping current members improve their political 
and economic situations?

    Answer. The EU is an important partner in addressing key foreign 
policy, security, and economic issues. Member states with durable and 
capable democratic institutions and strong economies enhance this 
partnership. Closer integration into key European and Euro-Atlantic 
institutions has strengthened democratic institutions and rule of law 
in aspirant countries, contributing to political stability and economic 
prosperity. If confirmed, I will work with the EU and member states to 
maintain a focus on governance, rule of law, anti-corruption reforms, 
independent media, and vibrant civil societies--in short, urging the EU 
to both support accession-related reforms in candidate states and help 
current members improve democratic governance and rule of law.

    Question. What is the consensus in the EU about expansion, given 
that some members, such as Hungary, have seen democratic backsliding in 
recent years?

    Answer. I am concerned about backsliding on democratic principles 
and institutions in some EU member states, including in, but not only 
in, Hungary. The transatlantic relationship is deeply rooted in the 
United States' and European Union's shared commitment to democratic 
values, including the rule of law, judicial independence, and media 
freedom. These values are an essential part of our relationship with 
the EU and a topic of frank discussions with member states; a 
demonstrated commitment to democracy and its institutions is also a 
prerequisite for EU accession. The administration supports the EU and 
EU member states' efforts to reverse democratic backsliding within the 
bloc, and we work alongside the EU to support democratic institutions 
and promote rule of law reforms in states working towards EU accession. 
If confirmed, I will work with the EU and member states to support and 
strengthen democracy across Europe.

    Question. China has already been making inroads in Europe by laying 
debt traps in the Balkans, building the PEACE cable to France, buying 
stakes in major seaports, and creating formats that divide Europe, like 
the 17+1. Fortunately, European nations have begun to recognize the 
threat that China poses and have shut down Chinese attempts to 
influence educational institutions and businesses.

   What are some concrete ways you will help the United States 
        Government coordinate with and provide mutual support to EU 
        members to combat China's influence?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with the EU and member states 
on collective approaches to challenging non-market policies and 
coercive economic practices that undermine the fair and transparent 
operation of the global economy, including those from the PRC. If 
confirmed, I will also work with the EU to support resilient 
infrastructure, including through the Build Back Better World and Blue 
Dot Network initiatives and the Three Seas Initiative. Finally, if 
confirmed, I will use all the tools at our disposal--including the 
U.S.-EU dialogue on China and the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology 
Council--to address the challenges posed by the PRC and promote rules 
of the road that reflect the democratic values shared by the United 
States and Europe.

    Question. Do you believe that the United States should honor its 
earlier commitment to have the Development Finance Corporation invest 
$300 million in The Three Seas Initiative Investment Fund?

    Answer. I understand that U.S. International Development Finance 
Corporation continues to strongly support the Three Seas Initiative 
(3SI) and is engaged in promising discussions with the investment 
adviser of the 3SI Investment Fund. The relevant parties are working 
intensively on a vehicle to enable DFC to announce its support to the 
fund consistent with U.S. legal and regulatory requirements. DFC 
financing can serve as a catalyst in developing renewable and reliable 
energy networks that can drive development and growth across priority 
regions. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the EU to promote 
investments in quality infrastructure and exploring ways to align our 
respective infrastructure initiatives.

    Question. Will you work to urge the European Union to increase its 
investments in eastern and southern European infrastructure projects 
(even those outside of the EU), improve its oversight of strategically-
important asset sales?

    Answer. The United States is committed to working through the G7's 
Build Back Better World initiative and the Blue Dot Network to support 
quality, inclusive, sustainable, and high-standard infrastructure 
development, including in Europe. We also are a strong supporter of the 
Three Seas Initiative. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the 
EU to promote investments in quality infrastructure and exploring ways 
to align our respective initiatives. Also, if confirmed, I will 
continue discussions on investment screening approaches under the 
framework of the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council.

    Question. What strengths to you see in the European Union's 
recently-released EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific? What 
do you see as the main weaknesses in this Strategy?

    Answer. The United States and EU share a vision of the Indo-Pacific 
that is inclusive and based on the rule of law and democratic values 
and that contributes to the security and sustainable development of the 
region. Both prioritize cooperation to promote secure, sustainable, 
free and open maritime supply routes and supply chains. I was glad to 
see the President and Secretary of State welcomed the EU's new 
strategy. If confirmed, I will work with the EU as we each implement 
our respective Indo-Pacific strategies to ensure our approaches are 
complementary, are rooted in our shared values, and support shared 
initiatives like Build Back Better World.

    Question. The Balkans, as the poorest and least Euro-integrated 
region on the continent, have come under heavy pressure from Russia and 
China.

   How could greater integration with the rest of Europe help reverse 
        and resist these outside forces that seek to use the Balkans as 
        an inroads to Europe and establish a beachhead of influence on 
        the continent?

    Answer. Closer integration with key European and Euro-Atlantic 
institutions has proven to contribute to political stability, 
strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law and advancing 
economic prosperity. If confirmed, I will work to support the countries 
of the Western Balkans as they seek to join the Western community of 
democracies, including by undertaking the required reforms. These 
efforts will buttress them against malign actors who seek to undermine 
democratic principles, subvert the rule of law, and divert these 
countries from their Western paths.

    Question. How great of an obstacle do good governance issues, such 
as corruption, rule of law, and electoral problems pose to Balkan 
integration into Europe?

    Answer. Closer integration with key European and Euro-Atlantic 
institutions has proven to contribute to political stability, 
strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law and advancing 
economic prosperity. The people of the Western Balkans states deserve 
transparency, rule of law, multi-ethnic democracy, and respect for 
human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to 
support their aspirations and support the reform process to help these 
countries maintain their paths toward the Western community of 
democracies.

    Question. How would the efforts to improve corruption, rule of law, 
and economic issues in the Balkans benefit from an increase in effort 
from the EU to integrate the region?

    Answer. Closer integration with key European and Euro-Atlantic 
institutions has proven to contribute to political stability, 
strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law and advancing 
economic prosperity. The people of the Western Balkans states deserve 
good governance, rule of law, multi-ethnic democracy, respect for human 
rights and fundamental freedoms, and economic opportunity. However, 
disillusionment with delays on the Western Balkans' EU path opens the 
door for harmful influences from our strategic rivals. If confirmed, I 
will work to support the Western Balkans' European aspirations and 
support the reform precoss to help these countries maintain their paths 
toward the Western community of democracies.

    Question. In the wake of Brexit, the UK, Ireland and the greater 
European Union have been left to tackle the issue of the EU-UK customs 
border between Ireland and Northern Ireland.

   How will you engage in negotiations on this issue to ensure that 
        U.S. trade interests are protected, and that the Good Friday 
        Agreement is preserved?

    Answer. The United States supports a close and cooperative 
relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union, based 
on a shared understanding of democratic values, national security, law 
enforcement, and a broad range of other interests. The United States 
also wants to see a confident, forward-looking Northern Ireland with a 
prosperous economy that reflects the identity and aspirations of every 
tradition. If confirmed, I will encourage both sides to keep the door 
open to continued dialogue that will enhance the prospect for long-
term, positive solutions and promote strong trade and investment ties 
with the EU, while preserving the Good Friday Agreement.

    Question. Should the EU-UK customs border be formed along the 
border of Ireland and Northern Ireland, or between the island of 
Ireland and the island of Great Britain, with Northern Ireland 
receiving a special condition to maintain unity with the rest of the 
UK? Do you believe there is a better proposal for a solution to the 
customs border issue?

    Answer. Recent unrest in Northern Ireland underscores the 
importance of safeguarding the gains of the Belfast/Good Friday 
Agreement. If confirmed, I will encourage all parties to prioritize 
political and economic stability and to negotiate when differences 
arise. I would emphasize the need to ensure any Brexit outcomes do not 
undermine the progress made since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. If 
confirmed, I will support the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and welcome 
the provisions in both the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement and 
the Northern Ireland Protocol which help protect hard-won gains.

    Question. In July 2020, the European Court of Justice struck down 
the Privacy Shield program, invalidating a critical mechanism for 
transferring personal data from the EU to the U.S. This has raised 
significant concerns about the continued viability of transatlantic 
data flows at an important moment for U.S. economic recovery, as data 
flows support more than $245 billion in U.S. digital exports to Europe. 
There is an ongoing interagency effort to negotiate a successor privacy 
framework with our European partners, without which U.S. companies are 
likely to increasingly face barriers to engaging in cross-border 
digital commerce with Europe.

   If confirmed, will you prioritize the on-going negotiations to 
        replace the Privacy Shield program?

    Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American 
businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I 
would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy 
Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while 
ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides 
of the Atlantic.

    Question. Toward that goal, what steps do you plan to take to 
support a swift and successful conclusion to the efforts to produce a 
successor Privacy Shield framework?

    Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American 
businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I 
would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy 
Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while 
ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides 
of the Atlantic.

    Question. This month saw the launch of the U.S.-EU Trade & 
Technology Council (TTC). While the TTC will cover a broad set of 
issues, it is well-suited to support U.S. engagement with the EU's 
proposed Artificial Intelligence Act. As with GDPR, the AI Act is 
likely to be enacted and set a global benchmark for AI regulation.

   If confirmed, will you seek to engage with your EU counterparts--
        both directly and through the Trade and Technology Council--as 
        the EU's AI Act moves forward toward avoiding divergent 
        regulatory approaches while supporting interoperability in AI 
        governance?

    Answer. The United States welcomes the opportunity to collaborate 
with the EU on governance approaches to technology that advance 
innovation, take a risk-based approach that reflects our shared 
democratic values, and address shared global challenges. The U.S.-EU 
Trade and Technology Council is a key forum for joint efforts to foster 
trustworthy, secure, and responsible AI that reflects our shared values 
and commitment to protecting the rights and dignity of all our 
citizens. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing this effort and to 
ensure our respective regulatory frameworks maintain a risk-based, 
innovation-friendly approach.

    Question. Given the importance of the EU-U.S. bilateral and the 
breadth of pressing tech-related issues, how will you seek to 
comprehensively balance the interests of U.S. businesses with the 
strategic goal of enhancing a steadfast relationship with our European 
allies?

    Answer. Building on our shared democratic values and economic 
relationship--the world's largest--if confirmed, I will use my role as 
U.S. Ambassador to the EU to implement and inform an agreed interagency 
approach to achieve an appropriate and comprehensive balance between 
national security and economic security goals. In my previous 
experience as U.S. Ambassador to Romania, engaging with government 
officials and stakeholders from business, labor, and civil society was 
essential to build relationships and find common ground, even on tough 
issues.

    Question. What are your thoughts regarding restarting the Trans-
Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) talks with Europe? 
What are your thoughts regarding completing free trade agreement talks 
with the U.K.?

    Answer. The administration is reviewing its policies on trade 
agreements to ensure that trade supports middle-class jobs and labor. 
If confirmed, I will work with our trade experts in the U.S. 
Government, as well as business, labor, and other stakeholders to 
support policies that advance our trade and investment objectives with 
Europe our mutual benefit.

    Question. The U.S. and the EU have, generally speaking, highly 
developed regulatory processes based on science that are intended to 
keep our people healthy and safe. As part of the Trans-Atlantic Trade 
and Investment Partnership (TTIP) talks under President Obama, 
exploratory efforts were made to find ways to better coordinate or to 
find equivalence in our respective regulatory processes. Studies 
conducted at the time of TTIP suggested significant potential cost 
savings to both sides through potential alignment on regulatory 
outcomes. Sometimes these savings were far greater than a simple tariff 
cutting trade agreement would have provided. In addition, to the extent 
the U.S. and EU could agree on common approaches to regulation, we 
together could set global standards for others to follow. What are your 
thoughts about strengthening engagement on the regulatory front between 
the U.S. and the EU? Is this a realistic goal to think we could create 
some convergence between us on the regulatory front? How would you 
contribute to pursuing it, if confirmed?

    Answer. President Biden and his EU counterparts established the 
U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council in June 2021 as a forum to shape 
the rules of the road for the 21st century economy and demonstrate how 
democratic approaches to trade, technology, and innovation can improve 
the lives of our citizens. The inaugural ministerial meeting took place 
in Pittsburgh on September 29. The two sides intend to discuss ways to 
avoid non-tariff barriers, particularly in emerging technology such as 
artificial intelligence. If confirmed, I will work to ensure our 
respective regulatory frameworks maintain a risk-based, innovation-
friendly approach.

    Question. For decades, China has been underwriting steel production 
through cheap loans and other government interventions. Such Chinese 
Government support to Chinese steel has hurt the steel industry in the 
U.S. This overproduction has also injured many other countries as 
excess Chinese steel (produced according to political directives and 
not necessarily in response to market demand) is dumped, creating 
ripple effects throughout the rest of the world including in Europe. 
Europe should be a potential natural ally in forming a coalition to 
pressure China to reform its steel practices. What are your thoughts on 
how we might partner with Europe on countering such anti-market 
practices by China?

    Answer. The United States and the European Union committed in May 
to enter into discussions that would address global steel and aluminum 
excess capacity and the deployment of effective solutions, including 
appropriate trade measures to preserve our critical industries. By 
working together with our allies to address excess capacity and non-
market practices, we can support strong domestic steel and aluminum 
production, inputs in supply chains critical to our national security. 
If confirmed, I will support efforts to resolve or deescalate difficult 
bilateral issues with the EU and other partners and focus on the shared 
threat we face from non-market economies.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Mark Gitenstein by Senator Todd Young

    Question. What is the unify vision of the European Union?

    Answer. The President has emphasized the United States' continued 
commitment to the goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. A strong 
relationship with a united European Union will be essential to face the 
challenges of the present and future. If confirmed, I will work to 
revitalize and raise the level of ambition in our relations with the EU 
to address the challenges we face and promote an affirmative vision 
rooted in our shared democratic values.

    Question. Do you support a European Union having its own Army?

    Answer. A strong Europe, including EU member states, should 
contribute to the goal of enhanced Transatlantic security. If 
confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU member states to ensure 
greater U.S. participation in EU defense initiatives, and that these 
initiatives remain coherent, interoperable, complementary with, and not 
duplicative of, NATO efforts. Additionally, if confirmed, I will seek 
ways to support continued NATO-EU cooperation.

    Question. How do you plan to plan to foster a ``transatlantic 
view'' for security vs. the ``Europe alone'' attitude espoused by 
President Macron?

    Answer. The EU is a vital partner in addressing key foreign policy, 
security, and economic issues. A strong EU contributes to enhanced 
transatlantic security. If confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU 
member states to ensure that EU security and defense initiatives are 
coherent, complementary, and interoperable with and not duplicative of 
NATO efforts. If confirmed, I will seek ways to support and enhance 
continued NATO-EU cooperation to address the multiple and evolving 
security challenges confronting the United States, NATO Allies, and EU 
member states. There is strength in numbers. We are more effective in 
facing common threats if we work together and combine our resources and 
expertise than if we work separately.

    Question. How can the EU work with NATO to advice the common 
interest of European Security?

    Answer. The administration has committed itself to re-engaging 
European allies and partners. I welcome European efforts to strengthen 
European defense including by spending more on defense. If confirmed, I 
will work closely with the EU and EU member states to ensure that 
defense efforts should be coherent, complimentary, and interoperable 
with and not duplicative of NATO efforts. If confirmed I will seek to 
strengthen NATO-EU cooperation and work with Allies and partners to 
enhance Transatlantic security. Julie Smith, if confirmed, and I have 
committed to meet weekly in Brussels towards this goal.

    Question. Would you say that Russia, not climate change is the 
biggest threat to European Security?

    Answer. The administration has worked with the EU on strengthening 
our mutual ability both to resist Russian use of energy as a weapon and 
to combat climate change, and if confirmed I will continue to do so.

    Question. How can the EU stand up to Russia when it continues to 
peruse Russian energy?

    Answer. Europe's continued reliance on Russia for its energy supply 
remains a top threat to its energy security. Russia is the main EU 
supplier of crude oil, natural gas, and solid fuels. Russia's nuclear 
fuel supply monopoly in Central and Eastern Europe is also a matter of 
concern. The administration strongly supports diversification of energy 
supplies to diminish the role of geopolitics in energy markets, reduce 
consumer prices, and enhance energy security. If confirmed, I look 
forward to working with the European Union on enhancing energy security 
for member states and pushing back against Russia's attempts to use 
energy as a weapon.

    Question. Would you oppose further European joint energy projects 
with Russia?

    Answer. The administration strongly supports diversification of 
energy supplies to diminish the role of geopolitics in energy markets, 
reduce consumer prices, and enhance energy security. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with European Union on enhancing energy 
security for member states and pushing back against Russia's attempts 
to use energy as a weapon.

    Question. What should be the lesson the EU should learn from 
Ukraine who has had their energy turned off by Russia and now faces 
severe energy shortfalls this winter?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support the administration's efforts 
to work with our allies and partners to promote a more secure and 
sustainable energy future for Ukraine and frontline NATO and EU 
countries, and to push back against Russian attempts to use energy as a 
weapon.

    Question. Do you see Turkey becoming an EU member in the 
foreseeable future?

    Answer. Turkey will need to meet the EU accession conditions, 
including implementing reforms that ensure respect for human rights, 
fundamental freedoms, and democratic institutions. To do this, Turkey 
will need to undertake reforms to reverse the democratic backsliding 
that has occurred. If confirmed, I will encourage both the EU and 
Turkey to continue to concretely advance a positive EU-Turkey agenda 
and to encourage Turkey, in coordination with our embassy in Ankara, to 
undertake the necessary reforms.

    Question. What would have to change to make that happen or happen 
faster?

    Answer. Turkey will need to meet the EU accession conditions, 
including implementing reforms that ensure respect for human rights, 
fundamental freedoms, and democratic institutions. It will also have to 
make more technical reforms ranging from customs union modernization to 
migration cooperation. If confirmed, I will encourage both the EU and 
Turkey to continue to concretely advance a positive EU-Turkey agenda 
and to encourage Turkey, in coordination with our embassy in Ankara, to 
undertake the necessary reforms.

    Question. How can the EU work with Turkey to manage the 
humanitarian crisis that is still ongoing in southern Europe?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with our 
partners in the European Union and member states on providing 
humanitarian assistance and diplomatic engagement with Turkey and other 
countries to respond to the humanitarian issues in the southern Europe. 
We have encouraged Turkey to maintain its close coordination with the 
EU and international organizations to promote coordinated, effective, 
and efficient humanitarian responses in southern Europe.

    Question. If confirmed, will you prioritize the on-going 
negotiations to replace the Privacy Shield program?

    Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American 
businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I 
would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy 
Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while 
ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides 
of the Atlantic.

    Question. What steps do you plan to take to support a swift and 
successful conclusion to the efforts to produce a successor Privacy 
Shield framework?

    Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American 
businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I 
would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy 
Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while 
ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides 
of the Atlantic.

    Question. If confirmed, will you seek to engage with your EU 
counterparts--both directly and through the Trade and Technology 
Council--as the EU's AI Act moves forward toward avoiding divergent 
regulatory approaches while supporting interoperability in AI 
governance?

    Answer. Yes. The United States welcomes the opportunity to 
collaborate with the EU on governance approaches to technology that 
advance innovation, take a risk-based approach, reflect our shared 
democratic values, and address shared global challenges. The U.S.-EU 
Trade and Technology Council is a key forum for joint efforts to foster 
trustworthy, secure, and responsible AI that reflects our shared values 
and commitment to protecting the rights and dignity of all our 
citizens. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing this effort and to 
ensure our respective regulatory frameworks maintain a risk-based, 
innovation-friendly approach.

    Question. Given the importance of the EU-U.S. bilateral and the 
breadth of pressing tech-related issues, how will you seek to 
comprehensively balance the interests of U.S. businesses with the 
strategic goal of enhancing a steadfast relationship with our European 
allies?

    Answer. Building on our shared democratic values and economic 
relationship--the world's largest--if confirmed, I will use my role as 
U.S. Ambassador to the EU to implement and inform an agreed interagency 
approach to achieving an appropriate and comprehensive balance between 
national security and economic security goals. In my previous 
experience as U.S. Ambassador to Romania, engaging with government 
officials and stakeholders from business, labor, and civil society was 
essential to build relationships and find common ground, even on tough 
issues.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. The Azerbaijani military attacked ethnic Armenian 
positions using Turkish drones during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War. 
Satellite images showed Turkish F-16s at an airport in Azerbaijan, and 
Armenia claims that a Turkish F-16 shot down one of its planes in 
Armenian airspace in September 2020. Reports indicate that Turkey 
recruited and paid Syrian mercenaries to aid Azerbaijan's military. 
What tools would you use as Ambassador to hold the Turkish Government 
accountable for its role in exacerbating international conflicts as it 
did in Nagorno-Karabakh?

    Answer. Over the past several years Turkey has pursued a more 
independent foreign policy that has at times advanced American 
interests and in some cases has been unhelpful and destabilizing. If 
confirmed, I will work with counterparts in the Departments of State, 
Defense, Treasury, and the United States Congress to encourage and, if 
necessary, pressure Turkey to take actions in line with NATO and U.S. 
interests in the region. If confirmed, I will support efforts to engage 
bilaterally and multilaterally to advance conflict resolution and 
normalization in the Caucasus.

    Question. Ever since the 2016 coup attempt, the Erdogan regime has 
engaged in increasingly systematic human rights violations, including 
through mass detentions, undermining elections, arbitrary arrests, 
indefinite detention, and in some cases, torture. President Erdogan has 
undermined the judiciary, attacked the free press, and repressed civil 
society and the political opposition. How will you use your role as 
Ambassador to highlight these abuses and put pressure on the regime to 
meet its values oriented commitments as a NATO ally?

    Answer. It is in the U.S. national interest for Turkey--a key 
player on regional issues--to be a stable, democratic, prosperous, and 
reliable Ally and partner. If confirmed, I will reinforce the 
importance of democracy and human rights to our bilateral relationship 
and urge the Government to make the necessary reforms to reverse 
democratic backsliding. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of 
Turkey to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, uphold fair 
trial guarantees, enable civil society and independent media to 
operate, support the empowerment of women, and defend the rights of 
all. I will call for the immediate release of all those incarcerated 
for exercising their fundamental freedoms and participate in events 
that promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

    Question. As recently as last week, 22 Turkish fighter jets 
committed 17 violations of Greek airspace in the Aegean Sea. This 
behavior is emblematic of past Turkish violations of Greek airspace, as 
well as forays into the Cypriot Exclusive Economic Zone. How will you 
engage the Turkish Government on these issues of aggression against 
U.S. allies and partners?

    Answer. I understand the United States has been clear with Turkey 
that military flights through Greek airspace are unhelpful and 
provocative. If confirmed, I will encourage Ankara to respect the 
sovereign airspace of other countries and to operate state aircraft 
with due regard for the safety of navigation of civil aircraft. Where 
disagreements exist over the limits of a country's territorial 
airspace, I will urge coordination and discussion. Disagreements 
between Greece and Turkey should be resolved through diplomacy and 
engagement.

    Question. Turkey's military efforts against the Syrian Kurds, 
including through Turkish-sponsored Syrian proxies, undermine U.S. 
counterterrorism objectives and serve as a major point of friction in 
what could be a more unified U.S. and Turkish approach to Syria. 
Previous administrations actively worked to manage and mitigate Turkish 
concerns with U.S. support to the Syrian Democratic Forces. If 
confirmed, will you pledge to reinvigorate diplomacy on this front, 
despite its role as a cross-Bureau issue within the Department?

    Answer. Turkey is an important member of the Global Coalition to 
Defeat ISIS. If I understand correctly, the administration is cognizant 
of Turkey's long-standing concerns about U.S. cooperation with the 
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the counter-ISIS campaign. The SDF's 
efforts were critical to collapsing ISIS's fraudulent ``caliphate'' and 
remain essential to further degrading the group. The Biden 
administration remains committed to countering ISIS and other terrorist 
threats to the security of the United States, its partners and allies. 
If confirmed, I pledge to fully engage with my counterparts across 
bureaus in the Department of State and in the Department of Defense to 
advance U.S. policy goals in Syria.

    Question. The Turkish Government is actively seeking U.N. approval 
and cooperation to facilitate the return of Syrian refugees in Turkey 
to Syria, despite the unsuitable ground conditions for doing so. This 
reflects the efforts of select European nations, but poses an 
unacceptable humanitarian and political precedent. If confirmed, will 
you pledge to advocate against these actions with the Turkish 
Government, and work collaboratively to identify opportunities to 
reduce tensions associated with Syrian refugees communities in Turkey?

    Answer. The administration appreciates Turkey's generosity in 
hosting four million refugees, 3.6 million of whom are from Syria, and 
acknowledges the challenges of doing so both for the Turkish Government 
and local communities. In line with U.N. assessments, the 
administration does not believe conditions in Syria at this time are 
conducive for any systematic or large-scale returns, and I agree. 
Consistent with international principles, refugee returns should be 
safe, dignified, informed, and voluntary. If confirmed, I will work 
with Turkey in line with these principles and explore ways to reduce 
tensions related to Syrian refugee communities in Turkey and reinforce 
the administration's position on returns.

    Question. The maritime boundary agreement between Turkey and Libya 
is based on a flawed reading of international maritime law and 
infringes on the legitimate maritime claims of Turkey's Mediterranean 
neighbors, especially Greece. What will your message be to Turkey on 
this? Will you call on them to respect the legitimate claims of their 
neighbors?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the United States generally 
does not take a position on other states' maritime boundary disputes 
and calls on all parties to refrain from all actions that risk 
heightening tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. If confirmed, I will 
consistently urge Turkey to resolve maritime delimitation issues with 
its neighbors peacefully through dialogue and in accordance with 
international law. In addition, consistent with my understanding of the 
administration's policy, if I see provocative action being taken I will 
not hesitate to call it out.

    Question. Turkish-backed fighters in Libya pose a significant 
threat to that country's stability and its upcoming elections, as do 
Russian-backed fighters from Wagner. Will you urge Turkey to withdraw 
these Syrians and commit to Libya's political process?

    Answer. The administration made public statements strongly 
supporting the operationalization of UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and 
full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. If confirmed, I 
will call on the Turkish Government to use its influence to encourage 
all Libyan parties to establish the framework and constitutional basis 
for on-time national elections on December 24.

    Question. The EMGF is a great consortium of regional energy 
players, but its focus on natural gas is not sustainable. In order to 
avoid the most catastrophic consequences of climate change, all 
countries need to reduce their reliance and usage of fossil fuels to 
ensure that global warming does not exceed 2 degrees Celsius. While 
natural gas is less polluting than oil and coal, it is not a 
sustainable alternative. How do you think the United States should 
leverage its role as an official observer to push this forum past an 
explicit focus on natural gas to one that is focused on a diverse and 
sustainable regional energy mix?

    Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new 
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum 
can help promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic 
prosperity throughout the region. If confirmed, I will build on the 
work between colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy 
Resources, and European and Eurasian Affairs to coordinate our 
engagement and am eager to learn more about the EMGF's announcement 
earlier this year that it plans to work with specialists to discuss and 
promote gas decarbonization. I will also take steps to encourage 
Turkey, which is not a member of the EMGF, to collaborate with regional 
partners in incorporating more renewable energy sources for their 
energy needs.

    Question. Turkey is increasingly dependent on energy imports, 
especially fossil fuels. Turkey's nationally determined contribution 
(i.e. its Paris Agreement commitment) is critically insufficient to 
uphold the 2 degrees Celsius global warming limit outlined in the Paris 
Agreement. Turkey has not submitted an updated nationally determined 
contribution (required under the Paris Agreement) and their path to a 2 
degree Celsius-aligned economy is unclear. How can the United States 
support lowering the carbon intensity of Turkish energy consumption and 
increase their climate ambition in line with the 2 degrees Celsius 
Paris Agreement target?

    Answer. Turkey is a leader in renewable energy, producing almost 
half its electricity from renewable sources, especially hydropower. 
However, Turkey's current pledge to reduce levels of greenhouse gas 
emissions is weak and would still allow a doubling in the volume of 
Turkey's emissions over the next decade. If confirmed, I will engage 
with the Turkish Government and private sector to seek collaboration on 
technologies and investment in infrastructure critical to increasing 
Turkey's energy security and reducing emissions. I will urge Turkey not 
only to follow through on President Erdogan's very welcome announcement 
regarding its plan to ratify the Paris Agreement, but also to put 
forward a strengthened 2030 emissions reduction target consistent with 
achieving net zero emissions by 2050.

Anomalous Health Incidents
    Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S. 
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring 
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on 
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It 
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be 
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

   Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a 
        threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

    Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top 
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major 
interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and 
how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my 
utmost to ensure anyone who reports an anomalous health incident 
receives immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I 
will consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and 
security of the Embassy community.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported 
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the 
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt 
access to medical care?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employee or family 
member who reports a possible anomalous health incident receives 
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will 
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees 
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington 
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these 
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting 
these members of our Embassy community. If confirmed, I will consider 
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the 
Embassy community.

    Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO 
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all 
protocols are being followed?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary 
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy 
community.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Relations between Turkey and Greece have been strained in 
recent years, with exclusive economic zone disputes in the Aegean and 
Mediterranean seas, pressures from mass migration, and tensions over 
Cyprus. How would you work with the U.S. mission in Greece to take a 
coordinate approach to protecting U.S. interests affected by the Greco-
Turkish relationship?

    Answer. The administration has been clear that it supports all 
efforts to reduce tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean and welcomes 
exploratory talks between Greece and Turkey. The Biden administration 
has also made clear that it is committed to ensuring stability in the 
Eastern Mediterranean, that the sovereignty and territorial integrity 
of all countries should be respected and protected, and that 
disagreements in the region should be resolved through diplomacy. If 
confirmed, I will work collaboratively with our Ambassador in Athens to 
pursue opportunities for the United States Government to encourage 
these two important NATO Allies to take the necessary steps to reduce 
tensions and resolve disputes.

    Question. Since its initial intervention in January 2020, Turkey 
has deployed hundreds of troops and Syrian militia fighters to Libya in 
support of the then internationally recognized government, the 
Government of National Accord. After months of fighting between the 
Turkish-backed GNA and its eastern based rival, the Libyan National 
Army (LNA), which garnered support from Russia, Egypt, and the United 
Arab Emirates (UAE) among others, a ceasefire agreement was reached in 
October 2020. Under the terms of the U.N. brokered agreement, both 
sides and their respective backers agreed to withdraw all foreign 
forces and mercenaries from the country. Despite the October 2020 
ceasefire agreement, the U.N. Secretary General, in address to the 
Security Council remarked that thousands of foreign forces remained in 
Libya as of early September 2021, ``with no discernible abatement of 
their activities.'' Furthermore, there continues to be ongoing 
violations of the U.N. arms embargo on Libya by a variety of actors.

   Please provide your assessment of Turkey's role in the conflict in 
        Libya.

    Answer. Turkey joins the United States and others in supporting the 
Libyan-led, U.N.-facilitated political process, including elections on 
December 24 this year. The administration also publicly and strongly 
supported the operationalization of UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and 
full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. If confirmed, I 
will stress to our Turkish colleagues and all parties involved that it 
is essential to end the Libya conflict through an inclusive political 
process, providing essential public services, and through ensuring 
free, fair, and credible elections.

    [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. The United States has been clear 
that all foreign fighters and forces need to withdraw from Libya, 
including Turkish forces. Turkey supports a staged, coordinated 
withdrawal of its forces that is matched to a withdrawal of other 
foreign forces in the country. Turkey joins the United States and 
others in supporting the Libyan-led, U.N.-facilitated political 
process, including elections on December 24 this year. The presence of 
foreign fighters in Libya undermines U.S. goals of this Libyan-led 
political process to resolve the conflict. However, it is also the case 
that Turkey's intervention in 2020 secured Tripoli, preventing the fall 
of the Government of National Accord and averting a humanitarian 
crisis. As I understand, Turkey's foreign policy on Libya is aimed at 
cementing the position of an internationally recognized government in 
Tripoli that is friendly to Ankara's security interests in the Eastern 
Mediterranean and North Africa.
    If confirmed, I will stress to our Turkish colleagues and all 
parties involved that it is essential to end the Libya conflict through 
an inclusive political process, providing essential public services, 
and through ensuring free, fair, and credible elections.

    Question. If confirmed, how do you propose to work with the U.N. to 
advance efforts to ensure Turkey's fully complies with the October 2020 
ceasefire agreement?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my 
counterparts in the State Department's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 
(NEA) to ensure Mission Turkey informs and advances U.S. policy in 
Libya. In coordination with my colleagues in NEA and the Bureau of 
International Organization Affairs, I will also work with the United 
Nations Support Mission in Libya to create the conditions for 
successful elections in Libya in December of this year.

    Question. What are the prospects for a full Turkish withdrawal from 
the country to include its troops, mercenaries, and military equipment?

    Answer. I understand the United States supports UNSC resolution 
2570 (2021) and full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. 
If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my counterparts across the 
State Department to ensure Mission Turkey informs and advances U.S. 
policy in Libya.

    [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. While I am not able to comment 
on a hypothetical, as I understand, Turkey believes that its direct 
military intervention helped enable the then U.N.-recognized interim 
Government of National Accord (GNA) to repel a Russian-supported 
offensive. Turkey has also claimed credit for the de facto ceasefire 
since June 2020 that enabled a U.N.-led political process to take hold 
and the formation of a unity government.
    However, the presence of foreign fighters in Libya undermines our 
goal of a Libyan-led political process to resolve the conflict. Turkey 
supports a staged, coordinated withdrawal of its forces that is matched 
to a withdrawal of other foreign forces in the country. We stand ready 
to facilitate such an agreement, and if confirmed, I will coordinate 
closely with my counterparts across the State Department to ensure 
Mission Turkey informs and advances U.S. policy in Libya.

    Question. In your view, what interest does Turkey have in remaining 
involved in Libya?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to call on Turkey to 
operationalize UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and support an end to the 
Libya conflict through an inclusive political process, providing 
essential public services, and ensuring free, fair, and credible 
elections.

    [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. Turkey's foreign policy on Libya 
aims to cement the position of an internationally recognized government 
in Tripoli that is friendly to Ankara's economic and security interests 
in the Eastern Mediterranean and North Africa. Turkey also hopes to 
secure a new Arab ally, preferably with an Islamist outlook, in a 
region where it has few. If confirmed, I will continue to call on 
Turkey to operationalize UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and support an end 
to the Libya conflict through an inclusive political process, providing 
essential public services, and ensuring free, fair, and credible 
elections.

    Question. Do you see Turkey's interest in remaining involved in 
Libya changing over the next year?

    Answer. The administration made public statements strongly 
supporting the operationalization of UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and 
full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. If confirmed, I 
will continue to call on all parties to support the U.N.-facilitated, 
Libyan-led political process to ensure free, fair, and credible 
elections.

    [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. The administration made public 
statements strongly supporting the operationalization of UNSC 
resolution 2570 (2021) and full implementation of the October 23 Libyan 
ceasefire. Current U.S. outreach to Turkey on Libya is focused on 
pressing Ankara to use its influence with Libyan parties to get them to 
reach an agreement on an electoral framework that would enable on-time 
national elections in December 2021. If confirmed, I will continue to 
call on all parties to support the U.N.-facilitated, Libyan-led 
political process to ensure free, fair, and credible elections.

    Question. Turkey's objectives in northeast Syria run counter to 
U.S. interests, particularly with respect to the so-called Operation 
Peace Spring Zone, which it seized following an offensive in 2019, 
while we tacitly support their activities in the northwest.

   How do we reconcile these two contradictory policies?

    Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in 
sustainably ending the Syria civil war. The United States is grateful 
for Turkey's continued support to 3.6 million Syrian refugees in Turkey 
and for being a critical partner in ensuring Syrians have access to 
life-saving assistance, including through the continuation of cross-
border assistance in northwest Syria. Turkey has also been an important 
member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. The Biden administration 
remains committed to countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the 
security of the United States and its partners and allies, to include 
through a limited military presence in northeast Syria. The Syrian 
Democratic Forces remain a capable and effective partner to U.S. forces 
on the ground. If confirmed, I will ensure we consult Ankara on Syria 
policy and seek areas for understanding while also making clear the 
United States' enduring security interests where we disagree.

    Question. To what extent do you feel we share overlapping 
objectives in Syria?

    Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in 
sustainably ending the Syria civil war. The United States is grateful 
for Turkey's continued support to 3.6 million Syrian refugees and for 
being a critical partner in ensuring Syrians have access to life-saving 
assistance, including through the continuation of cross-border 
assistance in northwest Syria. Turkey has also been an important member 
of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. The Biden administration 
remains committed to countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the 
security of the United States and its partners and allies.

    Question. Please provide your assessment of how Turkish-Russian 
cooperation in Syria impacts U.S. national security objectives, 
including with respect to the fight against terror.

    Answer. Turkey worked with Russia to maintain the ceasefire in 
northwest Syria agreed to in March 2020. The maintenance of this 
ceasefire supports U.S. efforts to advance the political process as 
outlined in UNSCR 2254. The United States and Turkey share an interest 
in sustainably ending the Syria civil war. The United States is 
grateful for Turkey's continued support to 3.6 million Syrian refugees 
who fled the conflict. Turkey is also an important member of the Global 
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. The Biden administration remains committed to 
countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the security of the 
United States and its partners and allies.

    Question. What are your plans for navigating our relationship with 
Syria given Turkey's longstanding concerns with respect to U.S. Syrian 
Kurdish partners?

    Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in 
sustainably ending the Syria civil war. It is my understanding that the 
administration continues to consult Ankara on Syria policy and seeks 
areas for cooperation. Additionally, the United States recognizes 
Turkey as an important member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS 
while being cognizant of Turkey's long-standing concerns about U.S. 
cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the counter-ISIS 
campaign. The SDF is the primary counter-ISIS partner of the United 
States in Syria. The efforts of the SDF were critical to collapsing 
ISIS's fraudulent territorial ``caliphate'' and remain essential to 
degrading the group. The Biden administration remains committed to 
countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the security of the 
United States and its partners and allies. If confirmed, I will 
continue to work together with Turkey and local Syrian partners for the 
safety and security of U.S. forces, partner forces, and civilians.

    Question. In your view, can the U.S. find a way to balance Syria-
Turkish policy short of reaching a solution to the Kurdish issue?

    Answer. If I understand correctly, the administration's view is 
that stability in Syria, and the greater region, is best served through 
a political process that produces peaceful outcomes in Syria. The 
United States has committed to working with allies, partners, and the 
U.N. to ensure that a durable political solution remains within reach. 
I will continue work to address Turkish concerns while advancing 
critical U.S. national security interests.

    Question. How do you plan to work with Turkey to ensure the 
continued delivery of humanitarian aid to Syria?

    Answer. The United States is grateful for Turkey's continued 
support to millions of Syrian refugees who fled the conflict. Turkey 
has also remained an important partner in ensuring Syrians in Syria 
have access to life-saving assistance. This includes the facilitation 
of humanitarian assistance to those in need. Turkey was instrumental in 
the recent passage of UNSCR 2585, allowing for cross-border access for 
humanitarian aid to Syria. If confirmed, I will continue to work with 
Turkey to expand humanitarian access to reach those in need.

    Question. To what extent are you concerned about allegations of 
human rights abuses carried out by Turkish backed forces, including 
HTS, in Syria?

    Answer. I am gravely concerned by continued reports that some 
Syrian groups that Turkey supports are violating the law of armed 
conflict and committing human rights abuses in Syria. On July 28, the 
United States imposed sanctions on Ahrar al-Sharqiya - an armed Syrian 
opposition group known to be receiving support from Turkey - for 
committing human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will continue to 
monitor these reports and would urge Turkey to reconsider its 
relationships with any groups that commit human rights abuses, use its 
influence to press them to cease human rights abuses, hold perpetrators 
accountable, and take steps to prevent any such abuses.

    Question. Can you commit to working with Turkey to ensure 
unfettered access to the areas under its control?

    Answer. Turkey has remained an important partner in ensuring 
Syrians have access to life-saving assistance. This includes the 
facilitation of humanitarian assistance to those in need inside Syria 
and helping to support Syrian refugees living in Turkey. If confirmed, 
I will work to ensure those in areas under Turkish control in northwest 
Syria have unfettered access to critical humanitarian assistance.

    Question. In many ways, the growing rivalry between the United Arab 
Emiratis and Turkey has played a key role in reshaping the Middle East 
and North Africa region, while simultaneously having a notable impact 
in countries across Africa as well.

   Please provide your perspective on the role the United States 
        should play in mediating tensions between Turkey and our Gulf 
        partners?

    Answer. I think I can safely say that the United States would 
welcome and support efforts by Turkey and the United Arab Emirates to 
decrease tensions and strengthen cooperation. If confirmed, I will 
continue to work with Turkey to increase prosperity and security 
between the two countries and across the wider region.

    Question. To what extent do you see this rivalry as having negative 
implications on U.S. national security interests?

    Answer. I think I can safely say that tensions and rivalry between 
Turkey and the UAE only benefit our adversaries. The United States 
welcomes efforts to improve the relationship between Turkey and the 
UAE. If confirmed, I will encourage our NATO Ally Turkey to resolve 
disagreements in the region through diplomacy.

    Question. The security relationship between the United States and 
Turkey has been at an impasse over the issue of Turkey's purchase and 
deployment of Russian S-400 missile launchers. How will you communicate 
to the Turkish Government that while we value Turkey as an ally, there 
is a limit to the anti-alliance behavior the U.S. will tolerate?

    Answer. Turkey is a NATO Ally with which we have many common 
interests, as well as disagreements. Turkey had the opportunity to buy 
Patriot surface-to-air missile systems but chose to acquire and test 
the Russian S-400. This action resulted in significant negative impacts 
to Turkey, including the imposition of CAATSA sanctions and Turkey's 
removal from the F-35 program. If confirmed, I will be crystal clear 
that Turkey should not retain the S-400 system and that any new Russian 
arms purchases risk triggering new CAATSA sanctions in addition to 
those already imposed.

    Question. Turkey is in increasingly difficult economic straits. 
Meanwhile, in 2019 and 2020, there was much talk of a U.S.-Turkey trade 
deal as a potential piece of a larger agreement to smooth over the 
issues in the bilateral relationship.

   Do you see the realization of a U.S.-Turkey trade deal as a 
        realistic possibility in the next three years?

    Answer. I see significant opportunities for the United States and 
Turkey to continue strengthening our trading relationship. If 
confirmed, I will seek to promote high-level trade and investment 
engagement with Turkey, including under the umbrella of the Trade and 
Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA).

    Question. Do you believe that a trade deal with Turkey would be 
beneficial to the United States?

    Answer. I believe that enhanced trade and investment ties with 
Turkey will help the United States and our business community by 
creating new trade opportunities for our companies, in particular 
through reducing barriers to market access. If confirmed, I will work 
with our trade experts in the U.S. Government and business leaders to 
ensure that any trade arrangements with Turkey are in the best 
interests of the United States and our business community.

    Question. Do you believe that a trade deal with Turkey would be 
beneficial to Turkey?

    Answer. I believe that enhanced trade and investment ties with 
Turkey will be beneficial to Turkey by lowering market barriers between 
our countries, which will be critical to encouraging businesses on both 
sides to explore new commercial opportunities.

    Question. Three current or (now) former locally-employed staff in 
our embassies and consulates in Turkey currently face restrictions on 
their freedom for having allegedly taken part in the 2015 coup against 
Erdogan in some small way. These allegations have very little substance 
to back them up, and these men are either in prison or unable to leave 
their home or the country.

   If confirmed, do you commit to be increasingly vocal with the 
        Turkish Government about its role in this abuse of power and to 
        advocate for the full release of these men and an end to their 
        persecution?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing legal proceedings, 
imprisonment, or controls targeting of U.S locally employed staff--
Metin Topuz Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay--in Turkey based on 
unsubstantiated charges related to their official duties. It is my 
understanding that the United States Government remains deeply 
concerned by the prosecutions and detentions and follows their cases 
closely. If confirmed, I will advocate with the highest levels of 
Turkish officials for the immediate cessation of all judicial processes 
and restrictions targeting our locally employed staff s.

    Question. Such realities are certain to have had an impact on the 
morale of locally-employed staff at Mission Turkey, and may have even 
impacted the Mission's ability to hire and retain good staff.

   What is your understanding of morale in Mission Turkey, 
        particularly among LES?

    Answer. It is my understanding that the administration has 
repeatedly expressed concerns regarding Turkey's continued unjust legal 
proceedings and judicial controls targeting local staff working for our 
diplomatic mission in Turkey. If confirmed, I will reiterate to Ankara 
the importance of the immediate cessation of all judicial processes and 
restrictions targeting our locally employed staff. And if confirmed, I 
will ensure that the Department of State remains focused on this issue.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the Embassy 
and Consulates?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the work of my predecessor, 
along with the rest of the leadership team of the Embassy and 
Consulates, to be a firm advocate for the welfare, safety and security 
of all staff members of Mission Turkey, and especially for the locally 
employed staff. I will, if confirmed, convey clearly to all members of 
the Mission Turkey team that the safety and well-being of the staff are 
my highest priorities.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Mission Turkey?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will immediately assess the situation that 
prevails across Mission Turkey, review and update the Mission's 
priorities, strategy, and activities in full alignment with the 
strategy and priorities of the President and the Secretary of State. As 
Chief of Mission, I will continually maintain security, morale, well-
being, productivity, and effectiveness across all of Mission Turkey -- 
Embassy and Consulates equally - throughout my tenure.

    Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with the Turkish 
Government to push for significant human rights reforms, including 
rights for religious minorities and women and girls?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately urge the 
Government of Turkey to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, 
enable the participation of civil society and independent media, uphold 
fair trial guarantees, support the empowerment of women and defend the 
rights of all, including freedom from gender-based violence. If 
confirmed, I will also host and participate in events that promote 
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It is in the U.S. 
national interest for Turkey to be a stable, democratic, prosperous, 
and reliable Ally and partner. Although Turkey has withdrawn from the 
Istanbul Convention on the prevention of violence against women, I will 
urge them to honor their commitments made in that treaty. If confirmed, 
I will work with Turkey on areas of mutual concern, reinforce the 
importance of democracy and human rights to our bilateral relationship, 
and urge the Government to make the necessary reforms to reverse 
democratic backsliding.

    Question. In the 2021 State Department Human Rights Report, Turkish 
authorities were described as using ``antiterror laws broadly against 
opposition political party members, human rights activists, media 
outlets, suspected PKK sympathizers, and alleged Gulen movement members 
or groups affiliated with the Gulen movement, among others, including 
to seize assets of companies, charities, or businesses.''

   Please describe your engagements, if confirmed, to address these 
        egregious human rights concerns in Turkey?

    Answer. The July 2016 coup attempt was a deeply traumatic event for 
Turkey. I understand and appreciate the Government of Turkey's need to 
bring the alleged perpetrators of the 2016 coup attempt to justice, but 
the quality and impartiality of justice matters. Strong judicial 
independence and respect for the rule of law must accompany any 
investigation, legal process, or detention to ensure respect for human 
rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will urge Turkey to 
revise its antiterrorism laws in line with the recommendations outlined 
by the United States during Turkey's 2020 Universal Periodic Review and 
in accordance with international standards. Strong democratic 
institutions and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms 
would expand our potential for partnership in Turkey and around the 
world.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps can the United States Government 
take to hold Turkey accountable for their excessive numbers of 
unlawfully held detainees?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will call for the immediate release of all 
those incarcerated based on limited or dubious evidence or on a 
seemingly arbitrary basis, such as in connection with exercising their 
fundamental freedoms. Osman Kavala and Selahattin Demirtas are two such 
cases. I will also urge the Turkish Government to reduce pre-trial 
detention lengths and revise their antiterrorism laws to meet 
international standards. Prosecutions must be based on evidence, 
respect the rule of law, and be consistent with Turkey's domestic and 
international commitments and obligations to human rights and 
fundamental freedoms.

    Question. Open source reporting has indicated Turkey is abusing the 
INTERPOL red notice system to target individuals who dare to criticize 
or belong to a movement the Government does not agree with. Turkey's 
abuse of an international organization to subvert fundamental human 
rights cannot stand. What actions will you take, if confirmed, to 
demonstrate this practice is not tolerated?

    Answer. I understand and appreciate the Government of Turkey's need 
to bring the alleged perpetrators of the 2016 coup attempt to justice, 
but the quality and impartiality of justice matters. If confirmed, I 
will urge Turkey to conduct any investigation, legal process, or 
extradition against individuals alleged to be involved in this crime, 
or any other, in a manner that respects human rights, due process, and 
the rule of law.
    Prosecutions and extraditions must be based on evidence, respect 
the rule of law, and be consistent with Turkey's domestic and 
international obligations to human rights and fundamental freedoms. If 
confirmed, I will also urge third-country partners to resist pressure 
and follow due process standards in cases where Turkey seeks 
politically motivated deportations, removals, or expulsions that may 
violate international norms or agreements.

    Question. According to the 2021 State Department International 
Religious Freedom Report and Human Rights Report, Turkey has very 
little tolerance for religious freedom, a fundamental human right. How 
will you continue to bolster religious freedom in country and work with 
civil society to increase understanding?

    Answer. I understand the Turkish Government maintains several 
restrictions on the exercise of freedom of religion or belief of 
concern to the United States. These include limitations on the rights 
of members of religious minority groups.
    If confirmed, I will publicly and privately urge the Government of 
Turkey to respect freedom of religion or belief and the rights of 
members of religious minority groups. I will also advocate for issues 
of top importance to religious minority leaders, such as free and fair 
religious foundation board elections and the reopening of the Greek 
Orthodox Halki Seminary.

    Question. Internet freedom, or the ability to use the internet 
without state-sponsored censorship, is limited in Turkey. What can you 
do, if confirmed, to support this crucial tool for civil society?

    Answer. I also have concerns about the Government of Turkey's use 
of censorship and overly broad terrorism and insult laws to silence 
critical voices. The Turkish Government's efforts to restrict freedom 
of expression online, including on social media, run counter to 
democratic values.
    If confirmed, I will convey my firm belief that freedom of 
expression - including online - strengthens democracy and needs to be 
protected. I will also urge the Government to revise existing laws to 
meet international standards, ensure appropriate judicial oversight on 
media or online regulations, and to refrain from passing new laws that 
further restrict the freedom of expression online.

    Question. President Erodgan's involvement in the Cyprus issue is 
increasingly concerning. If confirmed, what actions will you take to 
promote peace and potential reunification between the Republic of 
Cyprus and the ``Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus?''

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to make clear to Turkey and 
Turkish Cypriots the U.S. position in support of a Cypriot-led 
comprehensive settlement to reunify the island as a bizonal, bicommunal 
federation consistent with U.N. Security Council resolutions to benefit 
all Cypriots and the wider region. Calls for a two-state solution are 
unhelpful and will not find an audience in the international community. 
We appreciate the U.N. Secretary-General's efforts to facilitate the 
relaunch of political discussions. The status quo is unacceptable, and 
we hope both sides will engage with the U.N. Secretary-General and his 
team with openness, flexibility, and compromise to find common ground 
to restart formal talks. Ultimately though, the responsibility for 
finding a solution lies first and foremost with the Cypriots 
themselves.

    Question. Turkey jails more journalists than any other country on 
earth. If confirmed, what steps will you take to advocate for freedom 
of the press in country?

    Answer. I understand Turkey remains second only to China in numbers 
of incarcerated journalists, and uses censorship, insult, and 
antiterror laws widely to silence critical voices. If confirmed, I will 
make clear to the Turkish Government the integral role a free and 
independent press plays in any democracy. I will urge the Government of 
Turkey to revise laws or regulations that restrict media freedom and 
urge that they refrain from passing additional, restrictive laws. I 
will also engage with Government of Turkey interlocutors to encourage 
the release of all media workers incarcerated in connection with 
exercising their fundamental freedoms. I will also engage with media 
workers and civil society in Turkey to listen to and elevate their 
concerns on media freedom.

    Question. If confirmed, will you work with the Turkish Government 
to end the practice of forcible repatriation of Uyghurs to China?

    Answer. President Erdogan referred to the PRC repression targeting 
Uyghurs in Xinjiang in 2009 as a genocide. I understand that Turkey 
currently hosts between 30,000-60,000 Uyghurs. Turkey has welcomed 
Uyghurs for more than two decades under a variety of visa and 
immigration statuses. If confirmed, I will continue the 
administration's efforts to meet regularly with the Turkish Government 
to discuss Turkey's continued support for Uyghurs in the face of PRC 
pressure.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. In April of this year, President Biden formally 
recognized the Armenian genocide, something that I, and others, 
welcomed as it has been an overdue action that I have advocated for 
years for. However, more work needs to be done. We should continue to 
press countries that still deny this genocide, like Turkey and 
Azerbaijan, to end their denials and take the steps necessary to accept 
responsibility for this crime.

   In your opinion, do you recognize the Ottoman Empire's actions 
        against the Armenians in 1915 as a genocide?

    Answer. Yes. President Biden's statement for Remembrance Day this 
year noted that the United States mourns the one and a half million 
Armenians who were victims of the Armenian genocide during the final 
years of the Ottoman Empire. We welcome efforts by Armenians and Turks 
to acknowledge and reckon with this painful part of their histories, 
which is a critical step towards building a foundation for a more just 
and tolerant future.

    Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to press the 
Turkish Government, and others, to stop denying the Armenian genocide?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will implement the administration's policy, 
honoring the victims of the Armenian genocide and encouraging Turkey to 
acknowledge and reckon with this painful part of its history.

    Question. Turkey has been a NATO member since 1952. However, under 
President Erdogan, Turkey has not lived up to the values of the NATO 
Alliance. Its dismal human rights record, purchase of the Russian S-400 
missile system despite U.S. objections, and its aggression towards 
other U.S. allies, like Cyprus, Greece and Israel suggest that Turkey 
is more of an adversary than a partner to the United States.

   Do you believe that Turkey may be more of an adversary?

    Answer. Turkey is a NATO Ally with whom we have many common 
interests, as well as profound disagreements. If confirmed, I will work 
with you to encourage and, if necessary, pressure Turkey to take 
actions in line with U.S. interests in the region and its 
responsibilities as a NATO Ally. If confirmed, I will continue to 
collaborate with Turkey in areas of common interest including in 
Central Asia, Syria, the Black Sea, and others. Working with Turkey to 
address some of its legitimate security concerns will assist us in that 
effort. I will also speak clearly and frankly when Turkey's actions or 
words run counter to our interests.

    Question. What is your opinion of the state of democracy in Turkey?

    Answer. Turkey is a key NATO Ally and critical regional partner, 
and the United States is committed to improving the relationship 
between our two countries. It is in our interest to keep Turkey 
anchored to the Euro-Atlantic community. We work together closely to 
confront the serious challenges that face both of our countries. While 
we may have differences of opinion on some topics, I want our Turkish 
partners to understand that U.S. concerns come from an Ally and friend 
that seeks to preserve and deepen our relationship in every dimension.
    The United States continues to emphasize the importance of the 
Turkish Government's adherence to policies and actions that build 
public trust in the country's democratic institutions and the rule of 
law, as well as upholding human rights commitments. If confirmed, I 
will publicly and privately urge the Government of Turkey to make 
meaningful reforms that ensure human rights and fundamental freedoms, 
including those of speech and assembly, are guaranteed in accordance 
with Turkey's own constitution. I will urge the U.N. to restore 
judicial independence, uphold fair trial guarantees, respect the rule 
of law, and enable civil society and independent media to function 
freely.

    Question. If confirmed, what specific actions will you take to 
improve Turkey's interactions with other NATO members?

    Answer. Turkey's relations with NATO member countries run the gamut 
between close cooperation to outright antagonism. As the second largest 
military in NATO, host of the NATO Land Component Command, and a 
regular contributor of forces to NATO regional missions, Turkey plays a 
major role in keeping NATO's collective defense credible. If confirmed, 
I will encourage additional Turkey-NATO collaboration in areas of 
common interest, including in Central Asia, Syria, and the Black Sea. I 
will also speak clearly and frankly when Turkey's actions or words run 
counter to NATO's interests and work with my fellow Ambassadors in 
other NATO member countries to do so.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator Todd Young

    Question. Last year, a Turkish court sentenced several locally-
employed staff of our diplomatic mission to Turkey to lengthy prison 
sentences for allegedly supporting groups opposed to the Erdogan 
Government. If confirmed, what will be your strategy for supporting 
these individuals, including seeking their prompt release and 
supporting their family?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing legal proceedings and 
controls targeting U.S locally employed staff in Turkey based on 
unsubstantiated charges related to their official duties on behalf of 
our Government. If confirmed, I will support and defend our locally 
employed staff. In my understanding that the U.S. Government remains 
deeply concerned by the prosecutions and detentions and follows their 
cases closely. If confirmed, I will work to ensure all judicial 
processes, including movement restrictions, are lifted for Metin Topuz, 
Mete Canturk, and Hamza Ulucay. It is my understanding that the United 
States Government continues to consult with our locally employed staff 
and their families and to advocate with the highest levels of Turkish 
officials for their immediate release from all judicial processes.

    Question. How will you ensure that Turkish nationals who directly 
assist our diplomats are off-limits to the Government's own brand of 
justice?

    Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing prosecution, 
imprisonment, or legal controls targeting U.S locally employed staff--
Metin Topuz Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay--in Turkey based on 
unsubstantiated charges related to their official duties. It is my 
understanding that the U.S. Government remains deeply concerned by the 
prosecutions and detentions and follows their cases closely. If 
confirmed, I will advocate with the highest levels of Turkish officials 
for the immediate cessation of all judicial processes and restrictions 
targeting our locally employed staff. The safety and security of all 
employees of U.S. Embassy Ankara and our consulates in Istanbul and 
Adana will be my highest priority, if confirmed.

    Question. Erdogan has made the production, use, and export of 
highly capable combat drones a pillar of his country's defense industry 
and security partnerships throughout not just the region, but the 
world. The Turkish military has utilized and advised on the use of 
drones in Iraq and against Nagorno-Karabakh, in many cases drawing no 
separation between legitimate military targets and civilians. If 
confirmed what steps should we take to rein in this behavior?

    Answer. Turkey is one of the top producers and exporters of 
unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) in the world. As Turkey is a relatively 
cost-effective supplier of advanced drone technology, NATO Allies such 
as Poland and partners such as Ukraine have sought to purchase Turkish 
UAVs. Turkey has sold UAVs to countries with whom we would not share 
this technology. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of Turkey 
using its capabilities to bolster NATO efforts and to advance mutual 
U.S. and Turkish goals.

    Question. How does Turkish drone proliferation affect our own 
security partnerships in the region?

    Answer. Turkey is one of the top producers and exporters of 
unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) in the world, specializing in the 
production of cost effective unmanned aerial systems. Turkish UAVs in 
most cases do not directly compete with more advanced U.S. platforms. 
Turkey's willingness to sell UAVs to countries with whom we would not 
share our own technology has at times been problematic for regional 
security. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of Turkey using 
its UAV capabilities to bolster NATO efforts and to advance mutual U.S. 
and Turkish goals. This approach would support our policy of preventing 
state or non-state actors from gaining capabilities that would 
undermine the safety and security of the United States and our allies 
and partners.

    Question. What have the intervening two years taught us about both 
the limits of our diplomacy towards Turkey, but also how we must adapt 
to secure our national interests?

    Answer. Over the past several years, Turkey has pursued a more 
independent foreign policy that has at times advanced U.S. interests 
but which in some cases has been unhelpful and destabilizing. If 
confirmed, I will commit to working with colleagues in the executive 
branch and Congress to find ways to continue strengthening our 
longstanding relationship with Turkey, while not shying away from 
identifying and addressing the areas where we disagree.

    Question. How have the past several years instructed your views on 
the appropriateness of our continued military presence at Incirlik Air 
Base? Should we refocus that presence elsewhere within NATO?

    Answer. Our military presence in Turkey, including at Incirlik Air 
Base, allows for a better defense of NATO's Southern flank and for 
supporting United States interests in the region. The United States 
benefits from our presence at Incirlik, and, if confirmed, I will not 
seek to relocate or reduce this presence. At the same time, the U.S. 
should continue to maintain and pursue new security partnerships with 
our Allies throughout the region.

    Question. In his interview with CBS this weekend, President Erdogan 
noted that his Government's preference would be that the United States 
withdrawals all of our troops from Syria, who are active in our efforts 
to fully defeat ISIS. Given Turkey's own continued presence in Syria, 
and especially considering the speed and indiscriminate nature of its 
invasion in 2019, how do you interpret Erdogan's desire for our 
withdrawal?

    Answer. As I understand, Turkey has long-standing concerns about 
U.S. cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces, which Ankara views 
as tied to Kurdistan Workers Party. The United States has an interest 
in advancing the campaign against ISIS, to include through preserving a 
limited military presence in northeast Syria. The Syrian Democratic 
Forces remain a capable and effective partner to U.S. forces on the 
ground. If confirmed, I will ensure we consult Ankara on Syria policy 
and seek areas for understanding while also making clear the United 
States' enduring security interests.

    Question. What do you believe is Erdogan's goal for Syria?

    Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in 
sustainably ending the Syrian civil war. We will continue to consult 
Ankara on Syria policy and seek areas for cooperation. Turkey is an 
important member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. I understand 
that the administration's view is that stability in Syria, and the 
greater region, can only be achieved through a political process that 
represents the will of all Syrians and that the United States is 
committed to working with allies, partners, and the U.N. to ensure that 
a durable political solution remains within reach.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Cindy Hensley McCain by Senator Robert Menendez

Conflict & Food Insecurity
    Question. Today, conflict drives the top ten worst food crises in 
the world. Food insecurity in conflict-affected countries continues to 
deteriorate, and people there rely more and more on the U.N. food 
agencies to provide food relief.

   How can the World Food Program improve its work in conflict-
        affected countries? What should it do to expand the reach of 
        its food assistance?

    Answer. Armed conflict is the primary driver of acute food 
insecurity globally, impacting eight of the ten worst food crises in 
the world. U.N. Security Council Resolution 2417 (2018) emphasizes the 
link between armed conflict and food insecurity and lays out clear 
expectations regarding the need for unfettered and unhindered 
humanitarian access. If confirmed, I will work to ensure concerted and 
collective diplomatic pressure to enable humanitarian access in 
conflict-affected countries.

    Question. How can the U.N. food agencies increase the effectiveness 
of their aid efforts in the face of national government actions that 
hinder humanitarian access and deliberately perpetuate food insecurity?

    Answer. National interference in aid operations and the obstruction 
of humanitarian access are unacceptable. If confirmed, I will apply 
strong diplomatic advocacy on behalf of the Rome-based agencies, 
including in coordination with like-minded countries, to exert pressure 
on United Nations Member States denying humanitarian access to their 
citizens. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues across the 
respective U.S. Missions to the United Nations, interagency partners in 
Washington, and other United Nations Member States to leverage 
diplomatic engagement and demand full access in conflict-affected and 
food insecure countries.

    Question. How would the principles, priorities and recommended 
approaches detailed in the Global Food Security Strategy influence your 
work, if confirmed, at U.N.-FAO?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. engagement continues 
to be aligned with the principles and priorities outlined in the Global 
Food Security Strategy. The U.S. commitment to invest $10 billion 
domestically and internationally toward transforming food systems to be 
more effective and inclusive was a first step and clear demonstration 
of U.S. leadership in accelerating progress toward global food 
security.

Afghanistan
    Question. How can U.S. leadership at the U.N. food agencies promote 
sustained international engagement in Afghanistan to ensure that 
millions of people are not pushed to the brink of starvation?

    Answer. All three Rome-based food security agencies--FAO, the 
International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and WFP--have 
continued their operations in Afghanistan and are working in at least 
28 of the country's 34 provinces. U.S. diplomatic and financial 
leadership has proven critical to these operations. If confirmed, I 
will continue efforts to enable the Rome-based agencies to carry out 
their life-saving work, ensure that aid reaches the most vulnerable, 
and pursue burden-sharing with allies and partners to ensure 
sustainability.

    Question. You have been a fierce advocate for women and girls 
throughout your life. If confirmed, how do you plan to advocate for the 
women and girls who have disproportionately been impacted by pandemic-
related food insecurity?

    Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically and 
disproportionately impacted women and girls; the prevalence of moderate 
or severe food insecurity is 10 percent higher among women than men, 
compared with 6 percent in 2019. If confirmed, I will work with FAO, 
WFP, and the Rome-based International Development Law Organization 
(IDLO) to ensure implementation of their gender action plans, and the 
delivery of concrete results that advance gender equality. If 
confirmed, I will also continue U.S. support for the innovative 
partnership between FAO and the IDLO focused on ensuring women and 
girls' access to affordable and nutritious food even as countries adopt 
emergency measures in response to health crises.

    Question. How can FAO facilitate collaboration across U.N. 
organizations (like the U.N. Environment Program, UNICEF, and U.N. 
Development Program) to promote adaptation and resilience in developing 
countries' agricultural and food production sectors?

    Answer. FAO's recently approved Strategic Framework (2022-2031) 
elevates climate change and prioritizes climate action in the food and 
agriculture sectors, noting in particular the need to increase 
adaptation activities. The FAO also plays a key role in implementing 
the One Health approach, which takes as a whole human health, animal 
health, and environmental health through a formal tripartite agreement 
between FAO, WHO, and the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE) 
with U.N. Environment Program (UNEP) participation. FAO, WFP, and IFAD 
conduct regular Rome-based agency coordination on climate change and 
other topics. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that FAO works with 
WFP, IFAD, and other U.N. agencies to match science and evidence-based 
solutions to national development plans, as part of the follow-up to 
the U.N. Food Systems Summit held on September 23.

    Question. What role should FAO have in assisting member nations in 
developing their National Adaptation Plans (NAPs)?

    Answer. As the lead U.N. agency for agriculture, FAO provides 
expert guidance to countries on the agriculture, forestry, and 
fisheries sectors in their NAPs. Through targeted guidelines, FAO plays 
a pivotal role in assisting members in reducing vulnerability of the 
agriculture sectors to the impacts of climate change by building 
adaptive capacities and resilience, addressing agriculture in the 
formulation and implementation of NAPs, and enhancing the integration 
of adaptation in agricultural development policies, programs and plans. 
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that FAO continues to integrate 
climate change adaptation into all of its programs and provides better 
climate-adaptation evaluations and data.
    U.S. Leadership & Donor Engagement: Donor investments to U.N. food 
agencies increased in 2020, but the increase did not match the surge in 
global food needs, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Up to 161 
million more people faced hunger in 2020 compared to 2019. As you know, 
humanitarian appeals, including those focused on food assistance, often 
remain grossly underfunded. The United States is the largest financial 
contributor to the U.N. food agencies.

    Question. How much funding do you think the United States should 
provide to the U.N. food agencies in Rome?

    Answer. The United States is the largest single financial 
contributor to the Rome-based agencies, and our generosity to this 
partnership has saved millions of lives. With the generous bipartisan 
support of the Congress, U.S. financial contributions have remained 
relatively steady over the last few years. The United States needs to 
continue to press others to do their share in shouldering their 
financial obligations to support these agencies. If confirmed, I will 
continue to press other countries and stakeholders for an equitable 
division of funding responsibility and burden sharing to fulfil 
humanitarian and development needs.

    Question. If confirmed, you will help lead donor engagement. In 
what ways can the agencies improve their outreach efforts given that 
current engagement has not resulted in adequate fundraising?

    Answer. It is critically important that other countries and non-
state actors step up to match the incredible generosity of the American 
people. Humanitarian needs are increasing globally, and they will 
continue to rise if we continue to see growing conflicts, pandemics, 
and climate shocks. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the Rome-based 
agencies apply a focused and coordinated approach towards resource 
mobilization and financing throughout each organization. If confirmed, 
I will also press the agencies to identify new sources of revenue and 
will urge other donor countries to maintain or increase their 
contributions in the face of increasing needs.

Climate
    Question. In 2010, FAO launched climate-smart agriculture designed 
to help develop technical, policy, and investment conditions to achieve 
sustainable and secure agriculture development under climate change.

   Should the United States increase its technical and financial 
        contributions to support this initiative?

    Answer. The FAO's Climate Smart Agriculture initiative is an 
important part of the U.N.'s commitment to address climate change, and, 
if confirmed, I look forward to working with the FAO to ensure that the 
initiative advances our climate change goals. Additionally, if 
confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that U.S. leadership, led by the 
Climate-Smart Agriculture and Forestry Partnership Initiative recently 
announced by Secretary Vilsack, will guide FAO's work in this 
initiative.

Agriculture
    Question. Agriculture, including forestry, fisheries, and livestock 
production, generate around a fifth of the world's greenhouse gas 
emissions. The Mitigation of Climate Change in Agriculture (MICCA) 
program generates technical knowledge, working on the ground to 
monitor, assess, and implement mitigation strategies.

   How can this program be strengthened?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that farmers have 
access to available tools and scientific advancements, especially new 
technologies for sustainable, climate-smart agriculture. In particular, 
USDA's new Climate-Smart Agriculture Partnership Initiative can provide 
guidance to the Rome-based agencies to enhance and create new markets 
and streams of income for farmers while strengthening rural economies 
and improving tracking and monitoring of greenhouse gas emissions and 
carbon sequestration.

    Question. How should FAO engage to address global agriculture's 
contribution to the climate crisis (i.e., reducing agriculture's carbon 
footprint and increasing the capacity of Agricultural activities to 
capture carbon) and prioritize climate mitigation?

    Answer. FAO has a key role in ensuring the development of agri-food 
systems that produce more food with more socio-economic benefits, but 
less impact on the environment and natural resources. If confirmed, I 
will ensure FAO continues to support countries to enhance capacities to 
implement Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and to adapt to 
and mitigate the effects of climate change through evidence-based 
programs and projects related to the agriculture, land, water, and food 
sectors.

    Question. How should FAO approach aquatic resource protection and 
better integrate marine-based foods (seafood) into its programming?

    Answer. Seafood from fisheries and aquaculture are a vital source 
of food and nutrition in the diets of many around the world--supplying 
both critical protein and high-quality nutrition to billions--and they 
are crucial components in sustainable development and developing 
climate-resilient food systems. If confirmed, I will strongly support 
efforts by the FAO to recognize the unique role of fisheries and 
aquaculture in the global food system and promote actions to protect 
the important contributions of fisheries and aquaculture to global food 
security.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Cindy Hensley McCain by Senator James E. Risch

Humanitarian Assistance
    Question. Long-established humanitarian principles suggest that 
food aid should be ``agnostic,'' meaning that it should be targeted 
toward those with the greatest need regardless of their affiliation. 
Unfortunately, there is also a long history of food aid being used by 
malign actors as a weapon against those it is meant to help.

   If confirmed, are you prepared to halt aid deliveries to areas 
        where it is being manipulated by malign actors?

    Answer. The World Food Program has significant experience 
programming humanitarian assistance in conflict settings and continues 
to strengthen its systems of oversight to ensure that assistance is not 
misused. With U.S. support, the World Food Program (WFP) has developed 
robust systems for beneficiary identification and risk mitigation and 
has stopped distributions-in Yemen, Syria, and elsewhere-when it 
determined food risked being stolen or diverted. If confirmed, I will 
seek to ensure that assistance is delivered to those who most need it 
and is not manipulated by malign actors.
    The World Food Program takes a blended approach in its food aid 
programs: it provides commodities in areas where food is scarce and 
market-based assistance (electronic transfers, vouchers, etc.) where 
food is available but inaccessible. When providing commodities, the 
agency often has to provide ``blanket'' feeding. When providing market-
based assistance, there is room to target assistance more deliberately. 
There are benefits and risks associated with each of these approaches. 
If confirmed, it will be your job to find ways to maximize the benefits 
and minimize the risks associated with each of these approaches, so 
that the WFP can reach the right people with the right support in the 
right place at the right time.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advocating for the use 
of biometrics within the World Food Program and across other U.N. 
agencies, particularly when providing market-based assistance, in order 
to more effectively target assistance, verify beneficiaries, and 
eliminate duplication and waste?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for the implementation of 
effective and context appropriate accountability and monitoring 
mechanisms, in addition to coordinated needs assessments, to ensure 
that food assistance reaches the people who need it most. Biometrics is 
an appropriate accountability tool in contexts with the requisite 
technology, and if confirmed, I will support the implementation of the 
most effective accountability tools.

    Question. Beyond biometrics, are there other ways in which you 
would seek to enhance the WFP's efficiency and effectiveness, so we can 
stretch U.S. food aid dollars farther and save more lives?

    Answer. The U.S. Government and WFP work closely together to refine 
methods for beneficiary targeting and identification, to seek 
efficiencies in the transport and delivery of food, and to monitor and 
evaluate programs to improve impact and minimize opportunities for 
waste, fraud, abuse or diversion. The United States has partnered with 
WFP to advance technical solutions and innovations, in order to ensure 
more efficient delivery of assistance. If confirmed, I will take an 
active interest in further enhancing our collaboration to ensure the 
most efficient use of taxpayer funds to reach the largest possible 
number of people in need.

Balanced Assistance
    Question. The United States works both bilaterally and through 
multilateral institutions - including the United Nations food and 
agriculture agencies in Rome--to ameliorate humanitarian conditions, 
promote food security, and catalyze agriculture-led economic growth in 
developing countries.

   In your view, what is the appropriate balance between U.S. 
        bilateral and multilateral assistance for food aid and food 
        security?

    Answer. Given the growing complexity and number of global 
humanitarian crises, the flexibility to use the right tool in each 
intervention and to work with a range of implementing partners is 
critical. The U.S. Government relies on U.N. partners, including the 
U.N. World Food Program and the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, 
as well as a number of NGO partners to implement food and nutrition 
programs around the globe. Each crisis calls for a unique blend of 
partners and assistance modalities to ensure that beneficiaries are 
reached with the right assistance. Both bilateral and multilateral 
assistance is critically important, and the appropriate balance varies 
across countries and contexts. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring 
that we utilize appropriate, accountable, and cost-effective 
humanitarian assistance mechanisms to meet food security needs.

    Question. Are there instances when U.S. bilateral assistance might 
be more appropriate than assistance delivered through the U.N. agencies 
for food and agriculture?

    Answer. The United States provides robust bilateral and 
multilateral assistance through USAID. USAID works with a range of 
implementing partners, including U.N. agencies and NGO partners, to 
carry out its mission of saving lives and reducing food insecurity. If 
confirmed, I am committed to evaluating and supporting effective, 
efficient, and accountable delivery of food assistance through the most 
appropriate means, whether bilateral or as delivered through the U.N. 
agencies for food and agriculture.

    Question. What role could or should the private sector play in 
promoting food security and catalyzing agriculture-led economic growth?

    Answer. Improving U.N. food security agencies' agility in terms of 
creative and innovative partnerships, including with the private 
sector, has been a long-term U.S. policy priority. The United States 
consistently emphasizes the need to integrate private sector views, 
expertise, and resources during the U.N. Food Systems Summit planning 
process. This includes the need to account for the aspirations and 
daily concerns of farmers themselves. If confirmed, I will not support 
the private sector as an indispensable part of the solution to today's 
challenges and will its critical role in advancing food security and 
agriculture-led economic growth.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advancing science-based 
approaches to promoting food insecurity at the Food and Agriculture 
Organization, including through the use of innovative agricultural 
technologies?

    Answer. Advancing science-based approaches is at the core of this 
administration's policies on addressing food insecurity. If confirmed, 
I commit to working closely with the U.N. agencies for food and 
agriculture and other United Nations Member States to press for 
science-based decision making and greater acceptance of biotechnology.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                     WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:07 p.m. by 
videoconference, Hon. Chris Van Hollen, presiding.
    Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Menendez, Cardin, 
Shaheen, Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, Booker, Schatz, 
Risch, Rubio, Johnson, Romney, Portman, Paul, Young, Barrasso, 
Cruz, Rounds, and Hagerty.
    Also Present: Senators Duckworth, Udall, and Graham.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Van Hollen. Good afternoon, everybody, officially. 
Welcome to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing.
    We have some terrific nominees we are going to hear from 
this afternoon. Before I give some brief opening remarks, 
though, in deference to our colleagues who are here to 
introduce some of our nominees, I am going to turn it over to 
them.
    I understand we have Senator Markey here to introduce 
Leader Cronin. We have Senator Barrasso here to introduce Dr. 
Gawande, and we, I think, are expecting Senator Duckworth to 
introduce Captain Sullenberger.
    Why don't we kick this off? I see Senator Barrasso.
    Senator Barrasso, why do not you kick us off and please 
introduce Dr. Gawande?

                STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN BARRASSO,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM WYOMING

    Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman, and I am 
pleased to welcome to the committee and to the Senate Dr. Atul 
Gawande, who is a fellow physician, and President Biden has 
nominated him to be Assistant Administrator for Global Health 
at USAID.
    Dr. Atul Gawande is truly a highly respected and well known 
voice in American medicine. He is a surgeon. He is a writer. He 
is a researcher. In domestic health care discussions, he 
normally needs no introduction.
    Dr. Gawande has devoted his life to public health as well 
as to medicine. His appreciation for the field started with his 
parents. They were both physicians, doctors, who emigrated from 
India to the United States.
    He earned a Bachelor's degree in biology and political 
science from Stanford University. He is a Rhodes Scholar, 
earned a Master's degree in philosophy, politics, and economics 
at Oxford. Graduated from Harvard Medical School. Also earned a 
Master's of public health.
    Dr. Gawande completed his general surgical residency 
training at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston, and in 
2006, he was named a MacArthur Fellow for his work researching 
and explaining problems faced by surgeons in training.
    Dr. Gawande continues caring for patients as a general and 
endocrine surgeon at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston. He 
is a professor at Harvard Medical School.
    He is training the next generation of doctors and, as a 
professor, he is focused on surgical safety, avoiding errors, 
and health system innovation.
    Mr. Chairman, over the years, Dr. Gawande has come to this 
very office in this room where I am sitting today doing this 
introduction to meet in a bipartisan way with groups of 
senators to discuss issues of health care, and he and I know 
that there are a number of political issues on which he and I 
do not agree.
    But let me just tell you why I am here in front of the 
committee today. For nearly 20 years, I have been pointing to 
his remarkable books, and when I talk with medical students I 
bring the books.
    When I talk to sometimes lay organizations and groups, I 
talk to the books. When I talk about health care and health 
care providers, I talk to the books. I have all four of them 
here.
    The first one I read was called ``Complications: A 
Surgeon's Notes on an Imperfect Science.'' Knowing how 
realistic he is and understanding even though you do your very 
best and put forth your best efforts, it does not always work 
out the way you would like as a surgeon.
    The next book I read was one called ``Better: A Surgeon's 
Notes on Performance,'' all aimed at improving performance, in 
getting better. Even though we live in a world that is 
complicated, we can always try to do better.
    And then we have Sully up here going to be nominated. ``The 
Checklist Manifesto,'' taken from pilots, what pilots have 
learned and how we can apply those in the operating room and we 
have, certainly, done that at the Wyoming Medical Center and at 
hospitals all across the country, and I believe thousands of 
lives have been saved by avoiding medical errors as a result of 
the work that he has done.
    And then the book that Senator Booker made reference to, 
Atul Gawande ``Being Mortal,'' what happens as we age in life 
and how we care for our parents, and then how our children end 
up caring for us.
    Dr. Gawande has a commitment to excellence, and you read 
through his books and you come up with the words of diligence, 
overcoming obstacles, avoiding errors, which is why I believe 
he would be a very valuable asset and why I am happy to 
introduce him today.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Barrasso, and thank 
you for being here to introduce Dr. Gawande.
    And now I am going to turn it over to our colleague, 
Senator Markey, who is going to be introducing Leader Cronin, 
who has been nominated to be our Ambassador to Ireland.
    Senator Markey?

              STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

    Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. 
Chairman.
    It is my pleasure today to introduce my friend, Claire 
Cronin, as the President's nominee to be the United States 
Ambassador to the Republic of Ireland, and I would also like to 
take this time to send my warmest regards to her husband, Ray, 
and two daughters, Kara and Kerry, who I am sure are watching 
right now.
    Claire, fittingly, comes before us today as a proud public 
servant from eastern Massachusetts. In her hometown of 
Brockton, Massachusetts, the city of champions, the undefeated 
Rocky Marciano shattered boxing records to earn Brockton that 
title.
    The Marvelous Marvin Hagler amplified the legend, and 
Claire Cronin continued in that tradition by shattering glass 
ceilings and being a champion in her own right.
    The Massachusetts State Legislature, also known as the 
General Court, traces its earliest origins back to 1629 and the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony.
    Claire wrote one of its latest chapters by becoming the 
first female chair of the Judiciary Committee, and more 
recently, the first female majority leader of the Massachusetts 
House of Representatives.
    And while Claire will not be the first female U.S. 
Ambassador to Ireland, I will note that the only two others to 
hold that honorable posting also hail from Massachusetts.
    As a legislator, former litigator, professional mediator, 
Claire has always taken the time to listen and respond to the 
needs and concerns of a diverse set of constituents and 
stakeholders.
    I have seen the way she builds genuine deep bonds within 
her community by fighting to improve the lives of those she 
represents. Her commitment to public service, diplomatic 
acumen, and work ethic are supreme and all critical skills that 
will serve her well in Dublin.
    Claire's leadership has also earned her multiple honors. 
Most recently, she was awarded the Jewish Community Relations 
Council Legislative Leadership Award, and was also named the 
Emerge Massachusetts 2020 Woman of the Year.
    The U.S.-Ireland relationship is one of the warmest and 
closest we have. Our shared values and ancestral ties serve as 
a bedrock of our modern dynamic relations in the area of 
commerce, education, culture, and research.
    As a proud Irish American, Claire understands that 
foundation well, and as a maverick public servant she is the 
ideal candidate to deepen and expand the cross community 
engagement and ties between our two nations.
    There is an old Irish proverb that says, may the hinges of 
our friendship never grow rusty. I have the utmost confidence 
that with Claire at the helm, our relation with Ireland will 
flourish very, very greatly for the 21st century.
    Congratulations on your nomination, Claire. I look forward 
to seeing the history you write in the next chapter.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Markey, 
for being here with those good words.
    And I see my colleague and friend and ranking member of the 
Africa Subcommittee, Mike Rounds, is here now and we are both 
honored to be chairing this full committee hearing for these 
great witnesses.
    Now let me turn it over to Senator Duckworth who is going 
to be introducing Captain C. B. ``Sully'' Sullenberger III to 
be the representative to the Council of the International Civil 
Aviation Organization.
    Senator Duckworth, take it away.

               STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY DUCKWORTH,
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS

    Senator Duckworth. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. It is 
so hard to follow Senator Markey. I am not as poetic as he is, 
but I will do my best.
    [Laughter.]
    Senator Duckworth. It is a real privilege to join the 
committee today to introduce my good friend, fellow pilot and 
President Biden's nominee for the distinguished rank of 
ambassador and U.S. Representative to the Council of the 
International Civil Aviation Organization, Captain Chesley 
Burnett ``Sully'' Sullenberger III.
    Mr. Chairman, Captain Sullenberger has dedicated his entire 
professional life to the pursuit of aviation safety. I commend 
President Biden for nominating him to represent our nation 
before ICAO and I am confident that his expertise, experience, 
and dedication to public service will strengthen our efforts to 
achieve greater cooperation in international air 
transportation.
    He will restore America's leadership in international 
institutions at a time when our adversaries are openly 
questioning our capabilities. The United States' FAA and our 
aviation regulations are the gold standard for the world.
    This gold standard has been tarnished by the failures in 
oversight of the Boeing MAX-8's development and deployment. We 
are fixing these failures here at home, but our adversaries 
seek to undermine America's leadership by exploiting tragedy 
for their geopolitical gain.
    Captain Sullenberger's confirmation as Ambassador to the 
ICAO will immediately send a signal to the world that United 
States excellence in aviation and aviation safety is here to 
stay.
    While he is best known for piloting the Miracle on the 
Hudson, Captain Sullenberger is a longtime aviation safety 
expert, a renowned public speaker, and a successful author.
    Born and raised in Denison, Texas, Captain Sullenberger 
pursued his childhood love of aviation by learning to fly while 
still in high school. He pursued his passion for flying at the 
United States Air Force Academy, where he received the 
Outstanding Cadet in Airmanship Award.
    He went on to serve as a fighter pilot in the United States 
Air Force, serving in both North America and Europe, and became 
a flight leader and training officer attaining the rank of 
captain.
    After serving our nation in uniform, Captain Sullenberger 
became an airline pilot with Pacific Southwest Airlines in 
1980, which was then later acquired by U.S. Airways, and he 
flew with U.S. Airways until his retirement in 2010, though he 
still flies privately.
    Throughout his career, Captain Sullenberger has been an 
active and passionate safety advocate. While in the Air Force, 
he was selected to perform accident investigation duties and 
later he also served as a representative of the Airline Pilots 
Association during National Transportation Safety Board 
accident investigations.
    Captain Sullenberger served as APA's local air safety 
chairman, where he contributed to FAA advisory circulars. He 
was also instrumental in developing, implementing, and 
eventually teaching U.S. Airways' crew resource management 
course.
    Of course, Captain Sullenberger may be best known for his 
heroic actions on January 15th of 2009 when he and his crew 
safely guided U.S. Airways Flight 1549 through an emergency 
water landing in New York City's Hudson River after their 
Airbus A-320 lost thrust following bird strikes in both 
engines.
    Thanks to the calm and collected leadership of Captain 
Sullenberger and his fellow crew members, tragedy was avoided 
that day and all 155 people aboard Flight 1549 were rescued and 
reconnected with their families.
    Because of him and his crew, children still have their 
parents, grandmothers and grandfathers were there for the birth 
of their grandchildren, and many more lives were impacted 
positively than just the 155 he saved on that day.
    Time Magazine ranked Captain Sullenberger second in its top 
100 most influential heroes and icons of 2009, and France 
awarded him their highest order of merit, the Legion of Honor.
    Captain Sullenberger is presently an international lecturer 
and keynote speaker focusing on the importance of aviation 
safety, high-performance systems improvement, leadership and 
crisis management, among other topics.
    It speaks to Sully's love of country that after already 
serving his nation in uniform and after a second career 
ensuring the safety of the flying public he is now willing to 
take on this new tour of duty.
    When he called me and said he was thinking of accepting 
this nomination, I both cheered him on and offered him words of 
caution because he is taking on a heck of a lot, and I am so 
grateful that he is willing to do it.
    We Americans are lucky to have Captain Sullenberger on our 
side and that he will be our representative, and the world is 
lucky that he will be there, once confirmed, as Ambassador to 
the ICAO to truly regain aviation safety as a premier 
institution when it comes to the traveling public.
    If confirmed, I have no doubt that Captain Sullenberger 
will continue his long-standing passion for safety and 
cooperation in global air travels as our nation's Ambassador to 
the ICAO.
    I thank the committee for allowing me to introduce my 
friend and strongly encourage all senators to support Captain 
Sullenberger's nomination to be ICAO Ambassador.
    I yield back, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Duckworth, for that 
very eloquent and, I would say, poetic as well introduction.
    And I am just going to introduce briefly the members of our 
second panel. I will have a fuller introduction later. We just 
had introductions from the three distinguished nominees on our 
first panel. We have another round of equally distinguished 
nominees on the second panel and I am just going to go through 
that list.
    We have with us Mr. Kent Doyle Logsdon to be Ambassador to 
the Republic of Moldova, Ms. Sharon L. Cromer to be Ambassador 
to the Republic of Gambia, Ambassador Virginia E. Palmer to be 
our Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana, and Howard A. Van 
Vranken to be Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.
    I am going to keep my opening remarks short because we have 
a lot to cover, and as Senator Rounds and my colleagues know, 
we also have a couple of votes that are scheduled to take place 
shortly. We will have to juggle those.
    These hearings, of course, are a very important part of the 
Senate's constitutional responsibility of advice and consent, 
and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has historically 
taken this responsibility very seriously.
    This hearing is part of that process. I will say, and the 
chairman of the full committee, Senator Menendez, has mentioned 
this, we do have a backlog of nominees who have been appointed 
by the President, recommended by the President, but still do 
not have hearings scheduled.
    And so it is really important as we do our constitutional 
duty and also make sure that we are addressing the national 
security and foreign policy concerns of our country that we get 
those folks through the hearing process just as quickly as 
possible.
    With that said, I am pleased that we have these seven 
exceptional nominees before us today on two panels. These 
nominees, if confirmed, will help promote the United States' 
interests on issues of central importance to our country and to 
this committee, including aviation safety, climate change, 
bolstering the global pandemic response and vaccine rollout, 
and strengthening our relationships in key countries in Europe 
and in Africa.
    We have big challenges ahead but I am made more optimistic 
by the sterling credentials, diverse backgrounds, and 
impressive careers of today's nominees.
    We are joined by several distinguished career members of 
the Foreign Service, a Senate-confirmed Ambassador, a respected 
state legislator, a leading surgeon and public health 
researcher and writer, and one living breathing Miracle on the 
Hudson.
    And by the way, if you have not seen the movie ``Sully'' I 
recommend it to you. I just saw it again recently.
    Welcome to all of you. Now I want to turn it over to my 
colleague, Senator Rounds, for any opening remarks, and then we 
will begin with witness testimony.
    Senator Rounds?

                 STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                 U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Good afternoon to all of you on what is no doubt one of the 
proudest days of your life and that of your families. Your 
commitment to public service is commendable. I want to thank 
you and your families for your willingness to serve.
    Let me just begin by just saying I am a part of the Sully 
Sullenberger fan club. Captain Sullenberger, you were piloting 
U.S. Airways Flight 1549 on January 15 of '09 when it struck a 
flock of geese, taking out both engines. Your quick action to 
ditch the plane in the Hudson River saved all 155 souls on 
board.
    After serving as an Air Force pilot and 30 years as an 
ATP--an air transport pilot--you have spent the last 10 years 
as an international lecturer and keynote speaker on a number of 
topics, including aviation safety.
    I will be interested to hear about your concerns and 
priorities for the ICAO, China's rising influence in 
international bodies such as the ICAO, and whether ICAO might 
play a role in helping restore post-pandemic international air 
travel.
    Dr. Gawande, if confirmed, you will bring decades of 
experience in medicine and public health to the USAID. I 
believe your work running various public health nonprofits may 
provide management and logistics experience relevant to USAID's 
enormous global health supply chains.
    If confirmed, you will need to navigate a highly fractured 
U.S. Government response to the global COVID-19 pandemic. You 
will also have to manage USAID's relationship with the CDC, 
which for decades has been fraught with conflict, particularly 
in countries where both agencies have a presence.
    I will be interested to hear your views on how you plan to 
help elevate global health security and pandemic preparedness 
as a national security priority.
    As the ranking member of the Africa and Global Health 
Policy Subcommittee, I would appreciate hearing your views 
about the future of U.S.-China collaboration on public health 
in Africa generally and the Africa CDC specifically.
    I also note that you have described abortion as a woman's 
right to choose. I am pro-life. I would like to hear whether 
you think USAID funding should go to support abortion in 
foreign countries.
    Ms. Cronin, as we all know, the United States and Ireland 
enjoy close relations and have extensive historical and 
cultural ties. More than 31.5 million U.S. citizens and 
residents claim Irish ancestry, and I suspect even more on the 
17th of March.
    Ireland is a reliable international partner and is 
currently a rotating member of the U.N. Security Council. We 
have worked closely with Ireland, particularly on pushing back 
on China's abuses.
    That does not mean there is not hard work to be done. There 
is room for improvement in the area of countering human 
trafficking, for example.
    It will also be a challenge to persuade Ireland to adopt 
widely-accepted economic measures that it perceives might make 
it less attractive for foreign investment, such as the 15 
percent global corporate tax minimum.
    I also look forward to hearing about how you might draw 
upon your background as an attorney, mediator, and skilled 
politician to reinvigorate implementation of the Good Friday 
Agreement in the wake of COVID and the post-Brexit and Northern 
Ireland Protocol.
    Thank you all for being here today and I look forward to 
your comments.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    Now we will go straight to our witness testimony and why do 
not we lead off with Captain Sullenberger?
    Captain Sullenberger, let me turn it over to you.

STATEMENT OF CAPT. C.B. SULLENBERGER III OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO 
   BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE 
 COUNCIL OF THE INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION ORGANIZATION WITH 
      THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE

    Captain Sullenberger. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, 
members of the committee, I am deeply honored to be with you 
today as the President's nominee to become the U.S. 
Representative on the Council of the International Civil 
Aviation Organization.
    Please allow me to begin my statement today with a few 
comments about my biggest supporters, my wife, Lorrie, and our 
two daughters, Kate and Kelly. Kate, our older daughter, is a 
doctor of veterinary medicine in an emergency clinic. Kelly is 
working full time as a manager of enrollment for a major 
university and will finish her Ph.D. in the spring.
    My wife, Lorrie, put her career on hold to stay home with 
our girls when, as an airline pilot, I was gone two-thirds of 
every month. We were equal partners in leading our family 
through decades of airline life, and we are so grateful that 
both of our young women found their life passions early and 
have pursued them so enthusiastically and successfully. If 
confirmed, Lorrie and I are looking forward to an exciting new 
chapter in our lives.
    Mr. Chairman, I am deeply grateful to the President for 
this nomination and the confidence in me that he and Secretary 
of State Blinken have shown by asking that I assume this 
important role.
    I seek this position because I want to once again serve 
this nation that has afforded me such wonderful opportunities 
that have filled my life with purpose and meaning.
    In leveraging my life experience, I want to help restore 
and rebuild U.S. leadership in global aviation and increase 
economic opportunity for all Americans while improving their 
safety and security when they travel by air.
    With COVID, climate change, and security threats, we are at 
an inflection point. While we are facing great challenges, we 
also have great opportunities to positively affect global 
aviation standards and recommended practices for decades to 
come.
    At several points in my over half-century aviation career, 
along with my many colleagues, I have made significant 
contributions to our aviation progress.
    At each juncture, after each success, I have hoped that my 
greatest contributions might still lie ahead, and at this 
juncture that is still my hope and my goal.
    The International Civil Aviation Organization may be far 
from a household name but its purpose and performance are 
crucial to U.S. national security, and it benefits from the 
history of American leadership, dating to its founding in 1947.
    A remarkable growth in civil aviation over the last 75 
years is a testament not just to American innovation but also 
to the tangible value in multilateral bodies such as ICAO that 
facilitate cooperation, coordination, and mutual benefit.
    If confirmed, I would strive to extend the legacy of U.S. 
leadership on matters related to aviation safety and security 
and to harmonize the global aviation standards.
    I would underscore the administration's commitment to 
meaningful action on carbon offsets, sustainable aviation 
fuels, and gradual direct emissions reductions.
    I would also focus intently on actions to strengthen ICAO's 
culture of transparency and accountability, actions that cannot 
be delayed, given the recent history of mismanagement at the 
organization.
    I believe corrective measures became more achievable with 
the recent election of Juan Carlos Salazar as the 
organization's new secretary general and, if confirmed, I would 
be a relentless advocate for necessary reforms.
    I would also be attentive to the risks posed to 
international organizations such as ICAO by authoritarian 
states who see benefit in undermining the purpose and 
performance of these multilateral venues.
    Standard-setting bodies such as ICAO must work for the 
benefit of all its members, and in keeping with their intended 
roles, principles, and values. For ICAO, that means the safety, 
security, and sustainability of civil aviation.
    That mission is threatened when member states disregard 
their international commitments, as in the case of the Belarus 
Ryanair incident or the repeated unannounced launch of missiles 
by the North Korean regime.
    I also understand that successful American engagement at 
ICAO requires the strongest possible relationships across 
federal agencies, including the Federal Aviation 
Administration, the Transportation Security Administration, and 
the Department of Transportation, and continuous conversation 
with aviation industry groups.
    Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I would succeed many capable 
American representatives before me, and I would make every 
effort to live up to their collective standard.
    If I am fortunate enough to represent the United States at 
ICAO it would be the honor of my lifetime.
    Thank you, and I welcome your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Captain Sullenberger follows:]


         Prepared Statement of Chesley Burnett Sullenberger III

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee: I am deeply 
honored to be with you today as the President's nominee to become the 
U.S. Representative on the Council of the International Civil Aviation 
Organization.
    Please allow me to begin my statement today with a few comments 
about my biggest supporters, my wife Lorrie and our two daughters, Kate 
and Kelly. Kate, our older daughter, is a doctor of veterinary medicine 
in an emergency clinic. Kelly is working full time as a manager in 
enrollment for a major university and will finish her PhD in the 
spring. Lorrie put her career on hold to stay home with our girls when 
as an airline pilot I was gone two thirds of every month. We were equal 
partners in leading our family through decades of airline life. And we 
are so grateful that both of our young women found their life passions 
early and have pursued them so enthusiastically and successfully. If 
confirmed, Lorrie and I are looking forward to an exciting new chapter 
in our lives.
    Mr. Chairman, I am deeply grateful to the President for this 
nomination and the confidence in me that he and Secretary of State 
Blinken have shown by asking that I assume this important role.
    I seek this position because I want to once again serve this nation 
that has afforded me such wonderful opportunities that have filled my 
life with such purpose and meaning. In leveraging my life experience, I 
want to help restore and rebuild U.S. leadership in global aviation and 
increase economic opportunity for all Americans, while improving their 
safety and security when they travel by air.
    With COVID, climate change, and security threats, we are at an 
inflection point. While we are facing great challenges, we also have 
great opportunities to positively affect global aviation standards and 
recommended practices for decades to come.
    At several points in my over half-century aviation career, along 
with many colleagues, I have made significant contributions to our 
aviation progress. At each juncture, after each success, I have hoped 
that my greatest contributions might still lie ahead. And at this 
juncture, that is still my hope and my goal.
    The International Civil Aviation Organization may be far from a 
household name, but its purpose and performance are crucial to U.S. 
national security, and it benefits from a history of American 
leadership dating to its foundation in 1947. The remarkable growth in 
civil aviation over the last 75 years is a testament not just to 
American innovation, but also to the tangible value in multilateral 
bodies such as ICAO that facilitate cooperation, coordination, and 
mutual benefit.
    If confirmed, I would strive to extend the legacy of U.S. 
leadership on matters related to aviation safety and security, and to 
harmonize global aviation standards. I would underscore the 
administration's commitment to meaningful action on carbon offsets, 
sustainable aviation fuels, and gradual direct emissions reductions.
    I would also focus intently on actions to strengthen ICAO's culture 
of transparency and accountability--actions that cannot be delayed 
given the recent history of mismanagement at the organization. I 
believe corrective measures became more achievable with the recent 
election of Juan Carlos Salazar as the organization's new Secretary 
General, and if confirmed, I would be a relentless advocate for 
necessary reforms.
    I would also be attentive to the risks posed to international 
organizations such as ICAO by authoritarian states who see benefit in 
undermining the purpose and performance of these multilateral venues. 
Standard-setting bodies such as ICAO must work for the benefit of all 
its members and in keeping with their intended roles, principles, and 
values. For ICAO, that means the safety, security, and sustainability 
of civil aviation. That mission is threatened when member states 
disregard their international commitments, as in the case of the 
Belarus Ryanair incident, or the repeated, unannounced launch of 
missiles by the North Korean regime.
    I also understand that successful American engagement at ICAO 
requires the strongest possible relationships across federal agencies, 
including the Federal Aviation Administration, the Transportation 
Security Administration, and the Department of Transportation, and 
continuous conversation with aviation industry groups.
    Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I would succeed many capable American 
representatives before me, and would make every effort to live up to 
their collective standard. The United States has every reason to be 
proud of its leadership and continued preeminence in civil aviation, 
and I carry that pride with me. If I am fortunate enough to represent 
the United States at ICAO, it would be the honor of my lifetime.
    Thank you, and I welcome your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Captain Sullenberger.
    And as I mentioned, we are going to have some votes going 
on but we are going to try and keep this hearing going.
    And I understand my colleague, Senator Rounds, is going to 
go vote and then he will return and I will go vote.
    Next, let us turn it over to Dr. Gawande, who has been 
nominated to be Assistant Administrator of the United States 
Agency for International Development for Global Health.
    Dr. Gawande?

STATEMENT OF DR. ATUL A. GAWANDE OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO 
 BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR 
                   INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Dr. Gawande. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen, Ranking Member Rounds, members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear today as President Biden's 
nominee for Assistant Administrator for Global Health at USAID.
    I am immensely grateful to President Biden and 
Administrator Power for putting their trust in me at this 
critical time. Serving in this role would be a privilege and 
responsibility my parents could not have imagined for a child 
of theirs when they met in Brooklyn in the 1960s as young new 
doctors from India.
    I would like to thank my late father, and among my family 
attending I would like to thank my mother and my sister, 
Sumeeta, for their love and support, my children, Walker, 
Hattie, and Hunter, who have made me so proud, and my wife, 
Kathleen, whose encouragement and sacrifices have made this 
opportunity possible.
    I have been among the beneficiaries of USAID's vital work. 
My father grew up in a village in Maharashtra that went from 
suffering recurrent famine and praying for food aid to growing 
cash crops like sugar cane and cotton for export, thanks to 
USAID's critical support of agricultural development in India 
years ago.
    Then as a child born in New York, I had an anaphylactic 
reaction to the smallpox vaccine, preventing my ability to 
complete vaccination and travel abroad.
    USAID's leadership in helping eradicate smallpox in 1979 
meant that I could not only travel and work in global health 
but even be nominated to lead the bureau and dedicated people 
behind that effort.
    If I am confirmed, I commit to working with you and others 
in Congress in a bipartisan manner to strengthen and support 
USAID's staff and to further the agency's longstanding 
leadership in global health, and I will seek to specifically 
address three simultaneous colossal needs: controlling COVID-
19, preparing for the next pandemic, and strengthening global 
health systems to regain the massive ground lost in advancing 
life expectancy.
    The global health challenges that are facing USAID and our 
country are daunting. But if I am confirmed, I believe my 
career as a surgeon, journalist, and public health leader have 
prepared me for service as assistant administrator.
    Over the last two decades, I have had a singular focus on 
reducing suffering and saving lives through leadership and 
innovation, to reduce disparities in systems of health care and 
public health worldwide.
    In my research and writing, I have endeavored to expose 
gaps and produce solutions, and then in my public health roles 
I have worked to deliver those solutions widely.
    And from this firsthand experience, I have learned not just 
how to make investments but how to use them to make systems 
work across a wide range of domains in health.
    For instance, I led a global partnership that created a 
two-minute surgical safety checklist that was found in a trial 
in hospitals from Seattle to rural Tanzania to reduce 
complications and deaths by more than one-third. Then I helped 
lead a decade of work that has produced daily use of that 
checklist in 75 percent of surgical procedures globally.
    Through Lifebox, an NGO I co-founded, we lowered the cost 
of oxygen-monitoring equipment for operating rooms in low 
income countries by 80 percent.
    I also co-founded Ariadne Labs, a center for health systems 
innovation where we have improved the safety of childbirth in 
India and sub-Saharan Africa, strengthened outbreak response in 
the H1N1 Ebola and coronavirus pandemics, and improved primary 
care in low income countries.
    Early in 2020, I turned my work toward the coronavirus 
pandemic. I co-founded CIC Health, a public benefit corporation 
to provide logistics and operations for U.S. COVID-19 needs 
that our existing health system struggled to meet.
    We have provided now 3 million coronavirus tests and 
vaccinations across the Northeast and are now feverishly 
working to deliver testing capacity for thousands of schools in 
need.
    This experience, along with my publications in medical 
journals, the New Yorker, and elsewhere during the pandemic led 
to two additional roles.
    I was privileged to serve on the Biden-Harris Transition 
COVID-19 Advisory Board and then as a co-leader of STAT, a 
Rockefeller Foundation-supported alliance of COVID-19 officials 
for 40-plus states who have met weekly in a bipartisan manner 
for the last year to design and share solutions for controlling 
the pandemic.
    Across my work, I have seen the quiet unrecognized heroism 
of the people in our public health and development agencies 
across the country and the world.
    They have saved and are saving more lives than most will 
know by taking on the toughest health challenges of our time, 
and that is why I could not be more excited by the possibility 
of joining them at USAID.
    It is an extraordinary privilege to be here. I look forward 
to answering your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Dr. Gawande follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Dr. Atul Gawande

    Senator Van Hollen, Senator Rounds, members of the committee, I am 
honored to appear today as President Biden's nominee for Assistant 
Administrator for Global Health at the U.S. Agency for International 
Development. I am immensely grateful to President Biden and 
Administrator Power for putting their trust in me at this critical 
time.
    Serving in this role would be a privilege and responsibility my 
parents could not have imagined for a child of theirs when they met in 
Brooklyn in the 1960s as young new doctors from India. I would like to 
thank my mother, my late father, and my sister, Sumeeta, for their love 
and support; my children-Walker, Hattie, and Hunter-who have made me so 
proud; and my wife, Kathleen, whose encouragement and sacrifices have 
made this opportunity possible.
    I have been among the beneficiaries of USAID's vital work. My 
father grew up in a village in Maharashtra that went from suffering 
recurrent famine and praying for food aid to growing cash crops like 
sugar cane and cotton for export, thanks to USAID's critical support of 
agricultural development in India. Then, as a child, I had an 
anaphylactic reaction to the smallpox vaccine, preventing my ability to 
complete vaccination and travel abroad. USAID's leadership in helping 
eradicate smallpox in 1979 meant that I could not only travel and work 
in global health, but even be nominated to lead the bureau and 
dedicated people behind that effort.
    If confirmed, I commit to working with you and others in Congress 
in a bipartisan manner to strengthen and support USAID's staff and to 
further the agency's long-established leadership in global health. And 
I will seek to specifically address three simultaneous, colossal needs: 
controlling COVID-19; preparing for the next pandemic; and 
strengthening global health systems to regain the massive ground lost 
in advancing life expectancy.
    The global health challenges facing USAID and our country are 
daunting. But if confirmed, I believe my career as a surgeon, 
journalist, and public health leader have prepared me for service as 
Assistant Administrator. Over the last two decades, I have had a 
singular focus on reducing suffering and saving lives through 
leadership and innovation to reduce disparities in systems of health 
care and public health worldwide. In my research and writing, I've 
endeavored to expose gaps and produce solutions. In my public health 
roles, I've worked to deliver those solutions widely. And from this 
first-hand experience, I've learned not just how to make investments, 
but how to use them to make systems work across a wide range of domains 
in health.
    For instance, I led a global partnership that created a two-minute 
surgical safety checklist that was found in a trial in hospitals from 
Seattle to rural Tanzania to reduce complications and deaths by more 
than one-third. Then I helped lead a decade of work that has produced 
daily use of the checklist in 75 percent of surgical procedures 
globally. Through Lifebox, an NGO I co-founded, we lowered the cost of 
oxygen-monitoring equipment for operating rooms in low-income countries 
by 80 percent. I also founded Ariadne Labs, a center for health systems 
innovation that has improved the safety of childbirth in India and sub-
Saharan Africa; improved U.S. care in serious, life-limiting illness; 
strengthened outbreak response in the H1N1, Ebola, and coronavirus 
pandemics; and improved primary care in low-income countries.
    Early in 2020, I turned my work toward the coronavirus pandemic. 
Nothing has made the gaps in the delivery of health and survival 
clearer. I co-founded CIC Health, a public benefit corporation to 
provide logistics and operations for U.S. COVID-19 needs that our 
existing health systems struggled to meet. We have provided three 
million coronavirus tests and vaccinations across the northeast and are 
now working to deliver testing capacity for thousands of schools in 
need. This experience--along with my publications in medical journals, 
the New Yorker, and elsewhere during the pandemic--led to two 
additional roles. I was privileged to serve on the Biden-Harris 
Transition COVID-19 Advisory Board, and as co-leader of STAT, a 
Rockefeller Foundation-supported alliance of COVID-19 officials for 40-
plus states who have met weekly for the last year to design and share 
solutions for controlling the pandemic.
    Across my work, I have seen the quiet, unrecognized heroism of the 
people in our public health and development agencies across the country 
and the world. They have saved and are saving more lives than most will 
ever know by taking on the toughest health challenges of our time. That 
is why I could not be more excited by the possibility of joining them 
at USAID.
    It is an extraordinary privilege to be here. I look forward to 
answering your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Leader Claire D. Cronin, who has been 
nominated to be our Ambassador to Ireland.
    Leader Cronin?

STATEMENT OF HON. CLAIRE D. CRONIN OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
              UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO IRELAND

    Ms. Cronin. Thank you to Senator Markey for the kind 
introduction.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, 
it is my honor to appear before you as President Biden's 
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Ireland. I am grateful to 
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their trust and 
confidence.
    If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to work closely with 
Congress and the administration to advance United States 
priorities and reinforce our shared values in Ireland.
    First, I would like to thank my husband, Ray, as well as 
our daughters, Kara and Kerry, for their love and support. I am 
also grateful to have the strong support of my brothers and 
sisters, and my close extended family--in-laws, cousins, 
nieces, and nephews, and of course, my dear friends, who have 
become a second family to me.
    My career is rooted in public service and the law. My path 
was shaped by the example set by my parents. My mother was a 
public school teacher and my father a Pearl Harbor survivor who 
served in the Pacific throughout World War Two. He attended law 
school with the help of the GI Bill when he returned home.
    I was honored to be elected to serve in the Massachusetts 
House of Representatives in 2012. I was grateful for the 
opportunity to serve as the first woman to chair the Judiciary 
Committee in the House and today as the first woman House 
Majority Leader.
    My experience as a mediator shaped my ability to work 
within the House in a constructive and bipartisan manner. When 
my grandfather left Donegal for the promise that America held, 
I cannot help but wonder what he would have thought if he knew 
his granddaughter will one day be testifying before this 
esteemed committee as the nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to 
Ireland.
    The Irish first arrived on our shores before the founding 
of our nation. Their significant contributions, sacrifice, and 
hard work helped define the American spirit and shape our 
success today.
    Over 30 million Americans claim Irish heritage. The 
historical, cultural, and economic ties between the United 
States and Ireland are undeniable and will forever unite our 
countries.
    This strong relationship is demonstrated within my own 
family. We are blessed and forever enriched by the addition of 
my sister-in-law Breffni, who was born and raised in Dublin.
    If confirmed, the safety and security of Americans in 
Ireland will be my top priority. If confirmed, I will also 
advance the shared values that are the bedrock of our enduring 
ties.
    These priorities include addressing global challenges 
together, increasing our shared prosperity, and strengthening 
our people-to-people ties.
    Ireland has a strong commitment to multilateral 
institutions, which is central in promoting peace, prosperity, 
and stability.
    While maintaining a policy of military neutrality, Ireland 
continues to be a valuable partner in maintaining global 
security through sustained contributions to U.N. peacekeeping, 
dependable humanitarian assistance, and membership in the D-
ISIS Coalition.
    If confirmed, I will work with Ireland to ensure that 
addressing global challenges and partnering in global security 
continue to be strong elements of our bilateral relationship.
    Our economic relationship is the pillar of our strong ties. 
The U.S. is Ireland's strongest and largest trade and 
investment partner. More than 900 U.S. firms operate in 
Ireland, and Ireland is currently the ninth largest investor in 
the U.S.
    If confirmed, I will promote the United States as an 
investment and exchange destination for Irish companies and 
individuals, and advocate for increased two-way trade and 
investment to create jobs in the United States and Ireland.
    The United States and Ireland remain committed to the 
Belfast Good Friday Agreement, which has been the bedrock of 
peace, stability, and prosperity in Northern Ireland.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the United Kingdom, the 
European Union, and Ireland to engage in productive and 
cooperative dialogue to resolve the differences over the 
Northern Ireland Protocol. Our relationship is close and 
enduring, one that will continue to grow ever stronger as we 
work together on a range of shared issues.
    If confirmed, I will advance our shared priorities and 
values, expand our rich economic and commercial cooperation, 
and strengthen our people-to-people ties.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify, and I look 
forward to answering your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Cronin follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Hon. Claire D. Cronin

    Thank you, Senator Markey, for the kind introduction.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, it is 
my honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to be U.S. 
Ambassador to Ireland. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for their trust and confidence. If confirmed by the Senate, I 
pledge to work closely with Congress and the administration to advance 
United States priorities and reinforce our shared values in Ireland.
    First, I would like to thank my husband, Ray, as well as our 
daughters, Kara and Kerry, for their love and support. I am also 
grateful to have the strong support of my brothers and sisters and 
extended family, in-laws, cousins, nieces, and nephews.
    My career is rooted in public service and the law. My path was 
shaped by the examples set by my parents--my mother was a public school 
teacher and my father a Pearl Harbor survivor who served in the Pacific 
throughout World War II. He attended law school with the help of the GI 
Bill when he returned home.
    I was honored to be elected to serve in the Massachusetts House of 
Representatives in 2012. While serving, I was grateful for the 
opportunity to serve as the first woman chair of the Judiciary 
Committee in the House, and today as the first woman House Majority 
Leader.
    My experience as a mediator shaped my ability to work within the 
House in a constructive and bipartisan manner.
    When my grandfather left Donegal for the promise that America held, 
I can't help but wonder what he would have thought if he knew his 
granddaughter would one day be testifying before this esteemed 
committee as a nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Ireland.
    The Irish first arrived on our shores before the founding of our 
nation. Their significant contributions, sacrifice, and hard work 
helped define the American spirit and shape our success today. Over 30 
million Americans claim Irish heritage. The historic, cultural, and 
economic ties between the United States and Ireland are undeniable and 
will forever unite our countries.
    This strong relationship is demonstrated within my own family. We 
are blessed and forever enriched by the addition of my sister-in-law, 
Breffni, who was born and raised in Dublin.
    If confirmed, the safety and security of Americans in Ireland will 
be my top priority.
    If confirmed, I will also advance the shared values that are the 
bedrock of our enduring ties. These priorities include addressing 
global challenges together, increasing our shared prosperity, and 
strengthening our people-to-people ties.
    Ireland has a strong commitment to multilateral institutions, which 
are central in promoting peace, prosperity and stability.
    While maintaining a policy of military neutrality, Ireland 
continues to be a valuable partner in maintaining global security 
through sustained contributions to U.N. peacekeeping, dependable 
humanitarian assistance, and membership in the D-ISIS coalition.
    If confirmed, I will work with Ireland to ensure that addressing 
global challenges and partnering in global security continue to be 
strong elements of our bilateral relationship.
    Our economic relationship is a pillar of our strong ties. The 
United States is Ireland's strongest and largest trade and investment 
partner. More than 900 U.S. firms operate in Ireland and, Ireland is 
currently the ninth largest investor in the United States.
    If confirmed, I will promote the United States as an investment and 
exchange destination for Irish companies, and advocate for increased 
two-way trade and investment to create jobs in the United States and 
Ireland.
    The United States and Ireland remain committed to the Belfast/Good 
Friday Agreement, which has been the bedrock of peace, stability, and 
prosperity in Northern Ireland.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the United Kingdom, the European 
Union, and Ireland, to engage in productive and cooperative dialogue to 
resolve differences over the Northern Ireland Protocol.
    The United States' relationship with Ireland is close and 
enduring--one that will continue to grow ever stronger as we work 
together on a range of shared issues.
    If confirmed, I will advance our shared political priorities and 
values; expand our rich economic and commercial cooperation and 
strengthen our people-to-people ties.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify and I look forward to 
answering your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Leader Cronin, and thank all 
of the nominees for their testimony here today, and now we will 
begin questions. We have got a lot of ground to try to cover.
    Let me start with you, Captain Sullenberger, and it really 
is a two-part question. You referenced in your testimony the 
fact that ICAO is conducting an investigation of the May 2021 
forced landing by Belarus of Ryanair.
    That was the flight bound for Lithuania, and they did it in 
order to arrest a dissident journalist, a flagrant violation of 
human rights, assault on the free press, and potentially a 
contravention of international aviation law.
    What options does ICAO have to address this kind of conduct 
in order to prevent a repeat of these kind of actions?
    Captain Sullenberger. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that 
important question, and it is a very important question 
internationally.
    The forced diversion of Ryanair Flight 4978 by Belarus for 
the arrest of an opposition journalist showed flagrant 
disregard for international norms of aviation security and 
safety and, clearly, undermined the critical trust between 
pilots and air traffic control in the flight information 
region.
    ICAO, as a U.N. organization responsible for setting global 
standards for the safety and security of international civil 
aviation, must ensure that those standards are upheld.
    If confirmed, I will continue to encourage our partners and 
allies to fully participate in the ICAO investigation by 
sharing all information relevant to the incident with ICAO's 
investigative team and to push for substantive findings, 
including a chronology of events to be presented to the Council 
in November.
    Already steps have been taken to sanction those involved, 
including the Belarus minister of transport, the air navigation 
commissioner, and another official.
    I think more action needs to be taken. There is, in the 
ICAO Charter Article 88, that in certain conditions we can 
temporarily remove the voting rights of a state for violating 
international norms.
    I think it requires a whole-of-government approach. We 
should be pulling every lever necessary to hold accountable 
those responsible for this act.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that response. Let me ask 
you briefly about the issue of climate change and ICAO's role 
in curbing carbon emissions from international aviation.
    I know you are aware of the CORSIA initiative. What more 
should we be doing in this area and what role can you and ICAO 
play in making even more progress, going forward?
    Captain Sullenberger. CORSIA is an important interim step 
and it is important that we begin immediately.
    As you know, with any crisis any denial or delay lowers our 
chances of success. The sooner we start, the more options we 
are going to have to deal with this existential threat, the 
better those options will be, and the lower the cost total in 
the long run.
    The administration supports legislative action to enable 
full U.S. implementation of CORSIA and, if confirmed, I will 
support this effort. Many U.S. airlines are already voluntarily 
beginning taking such action. Those actions remain voluntary 
through 2026.
    I think, again, a whole of government approach. Everything 
we can be doing we should be doing, including a wide 
distribution of sustainable aviation fuels in particular.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I am now going to--I see 
Senator Rounds has returned and I am going to turn it over to 
him for questioning and go vote.
    And Senator Rounds, I see Senator Shaheen is next after you 
but let me turn it over to you. I will be back. Thank you all.
    Senator Rounds. [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am 
just curious, will we be doing separate questioning for each of 
the members or can we discuss our questions with the entire 
panel at this time?
    Senator Van Hollen. I think--feel free to ask anybody. If 
there is interest, we can do another short round for this panel 
because I did have some questions for some of the other 
witnesses on this panel as well.
    Senator Rounds. Excellent. If it is okay with you, Mr. 
Chairman, I will do my questions with the entire panel and 
allow Senator Shaheen to do the same, and by that time you 
should be back in charge again.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. Take care. Thanks. Thank 
you.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Let me just begin, first of all, by thanking all of you 
once again for participating and I want to begin with Captain 
Sullenberger.
    In your opening statement, you identified some priority 
areas that you will focus on at the I-C-A-O, or ICAO. Can you 
elaborate on what you see as the major U.S. interests for 
participation in ICAO, and also what benefits does the United 
States receive from membership?
    Captain Sullenberger. Thank you, Senator, for that 
important question.
    And that is part of why I want to serve in this capacity. I 
think it is important that we raise the level of awareness 
among the American people about what ICAO is and what it does 
and why it is important, and I want to use my public profile to 
help do that along with all my colleagues at FAA, at DOT, at 
TSA and in conference with your committee and the members.
    It is important that the American people understand that in 
ICAO they are responsible for setting and enforcing the best 
practices, the standards and recommended procedures that 
airlines and all aviation operators use globally, and it is 
important for safety and security of everyone who travels 
internationally by air that those standards be as high as are 
practicable and that they are uniform and harmonized throughout 
the world.
    And for American companies it is important that we try to 
harmonize these standards and practices globally so there are 
not great differences in procedures and standards between areas 
of the world, and it makes the whole use of airspace more 
efficient and makes our companies more successful and 
profitable.
    It is important that we--go ahead.
    Senator Rounds. No. Please finish.
    Captain Sullenberger. It is important in advancing U.S. 
economic interests, and one of the things that has been brought 
up already that we really need to do is to restore and make 
more robust U.S. leadership in global aviation because we have 
powerful strategic competitors out there, and particularly the 
PRC.
    And so we need to rally our allies, our partners, and like-
minded states to promote values of democracy, of free markets, 
and not some of the values of autocratic states that appear in 
some ICAO documents at the request of the PRC that have been 
certified by the Communist Chinese Party, or that may include 
some of their rhetoric and their ideology.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you. That kind of leads into my 
second question, sir. Some policymakers are concerned about the 
increasing influence and role of countries that are viewed as 
U.S. competitors in U.N. bodies.
    For example, in recent years, U.N. specialized agencies, 
including ICAO, are increasingly being led by Chinese 
nationals. What is your assessment of China's efforts to 
increase its standing and influence in ICAO?
    Captain Sullenberger. Currently, because of the methodology 
that is used based upon nations' contributions to U.N. 
agencies, we are allowed certain members of U.S. nationals to 
work in certain U.N. agencies.
    Based upon our contributions and our funding for U.N. 
agencies, we should have at ICAO over 30 U.S. employees and now 
we have less than 10.
    That is one of the things that is foremost in my mind is to 
improve opportunities for employment at ICAO for Americans who 
have the knowledge, the skill, the expertise to improve 
aviation globally and to advance U.S. values and interests and 
not those of authoritarian states. That is one of the most 
important things that we can do.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir. And, look, I appreciate 
your stepping forward and participating in the public policy 
discussions. Thank you.
    Dr. Gawande, various provisions of law restrict the use of 
U.S. taxpayer funds to perform or promote abortion overseas. If 
confirmed, will you commit to upholding these laws in both 
letter and spirit?
    Dr. Gawande. I am very clear Congress makes the laws. USAID 
is not permitted to fund abortion and I am committed to 
continuing to comply with the laws and regulations that are--
that pertain here.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    The committee recently passed a bill to elevate global 
health security and pandemic preparedness as a national 
security priority, including by establishing a global health 
diplomacy lead at the State Department to better align the work 
of USAID and CDC in the field.
    If confirmed, will you commit to working with this 
committee to make sure it is faithfully implemented?
    Dr. Gawande. I will, certainly, work closely with the 
committee if the bill goes through to law to make sure it is 
appropriately--that we are in compliance with the law and that 
it is implemented.
    I strongly support improving our pandemic preparedness and 
global health security response and look forward to working 
with you for ways that we can expand our capabilities even 
further.
    Senator Rounds. Dr. Gawande, thank you very much.
    Ms. Cronin, Ireland's economic environment attracts foreign 
investment due to its low tax rates. There has been tension 
over Ireland's resistance to the 15 percent global corporate 
tax minimum that over 130 countries have already signed on to.
    How will you support efforts to advance solutions on tax 
issues with Ireland? And also, how would you help reconcile 
Ireland's differences with the global corporate tax minimum, or 
is there an alternative to be pursued?
    Ms. Cronin. Thank you very much, Senator, for your 
question. It is, certainly, an issue that has driven a great 
amount of discussion and, at times, controversy as we are 
moving forward with the U.S. proposed global minimum tax rate.
    As you rightly stated, over 130 countries have come to 
reach consensus on this rate, and the idea behind it to level 
the playing field relative to foreign direct investment in 
other countries.
    Ireland is one of the three countries within the EU who has 
not agreed to the minimum tax rate. I, certainly, recognize 
their desire for tax sovereignty, although Ireland has a very 
strong and positive climate for investment.
    They have a well-educated English-speaking and multilingual 
workforce, a strong judiciary, proximity to both the United 
States and the EU, good transportation links. All of these 
things are factors that businesses do consider when they decide 
to locate in another country or do business there.
    I think we have already seen that we have many, many 
industry leaders have a footprint in Dublin or in Ireland. 
Certainly, the tax rate--the 12.5 percent tax rate--is 
something that may have been attractive to those seeking to 
invest.
    But as I said earlier, there are many, many other factors 
which come into that decision. I think it is important to note 
the minimum global tax is a floor, not a ceiling. It does still 
allow good competition and a level playing field.
    I know Ireland is very committed to work within a 
multilateral framework. I would work, try to facilitate 
discussions with tax experts from the U.S. to meet with Irish 
Government officials, work within the EOCD to, hopefully, over 
time, promote this minimum tax with Ireland and hope that 
without too much longer that they may join with 130 other 
countries who have agreed to do so.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, and thank you once again for 
stepping forward. My time has expired, and at this time I would 
turn to Senator Shaheen.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Rounds, and 
congratulations to all of the nominees this afternoon. We look 
forward to the opportunity to serve with you.
    I want to begin, Captain Sullenberger, with you, because 
you mentioned in your opening remarks the Ryanair flight, and I 
had the opportunity to be in Lithuania shortly after that 
flight was brought down by Lukashenko in Belarus.
    And there was a real outrage not just in Lithuania but in 
Eastern European countries about the impact of a dictator being 
able to bring down a flight and how that would affect the 
freedom of all air travel.
    I wondered if you could speak to what you think ICAO could 
do to address any future attempts like we saw in Belarus that 
brought down a plane just for political purposes.
    Captain Sullenberger. It is very clear to me, Senator, that 
the United States must have an effective leadership role, 
again, with our allies, our partners, our like-minded states, 
to strengthen ICAO's standards so there is not a gap that 
autocrats can use and use our freedoms against us through 
deception, through coercion, to pose a situation where they say 
that there is a bomb threat and that the device might detonate 
if they fly into the next airspace or destination and that they 
must be diverted to Belarus.
    And again, that fractures the trust between air traffic in 
that region and--air traffic control and the pilots and it 
violates every norm.
    There is a debate about whether or not it violates 
international law. Perhaps the laws and the requirements, the 
standards, need to be strengthened to close these gaps that 
others might use to do something similar.
    We should be using every lever of power, every bit of 
influence we can, to isolate, to punish those who do these 
kinds of acts and make it less likely that anyone else will do 
that.
    But it is going to require a whole of government approach 
and a real effective partnership achieving consensus among many 
nations to do what needs to be done. It is going to be hard, 
but we have to start right now.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much for that response, and 
I hope you will, once confirmed, take the lead in trying to 
help make that happen at ICAO.
    Dr. Gawande, I want to follow up with you. I remember 
your--some of your articles were, really, blueprints as we were 
looking at trying to do the Affordable Care Act and put in 
place an improved health care system. Thank you so much for all 
of your writings and your research.
    I want to ask you about the global gag rule, because when 
the Biden-Harris administration took over one of the first 
things they did was to rescind the global gag rule, which I 
think has been very important to women and to families around 
the world because we know that it affects the ability of family 
planning agencies to really engage--often engage with their 
patients.
    Can you speak to the difference that that makes in the 
ability to provide for the health of women around the world?
    Dr. Gawande. Thank you, and thank you for the kind words, 
Senator.
    First, I want you to understand I am a strong believer in 
the evidence that voluntary family planning and reproductive 
health services are essential to women's health and that there 
is ample evidence of benefit to infant and child health as 
well.
    Second, I know there is a strong difference of views about 
the global gag rule and President Biden's decision to rescind 
the policy.
    But I think we can agree that we have had now decades of 
bipartisan support that has made the U.S. government the global 
leader in funding voluntary family planning. And not only that, 
it has made USAID the global leader in technical expertise for 
enabling voluntary family planning support.
    My core commitment, if I am confirmed to the agency, is 
going to be to, first, follow the law and applicable 
regulations, and then also advance our leadership in this 
space.
    The global gag rule rescission allows the reach of our 
programs at USAID to a wider range of organizations that are 
having a remarkable commitment while also complying with the 
laws that require that USAID not fund abortion.
    And so that ability to expand that leadership and that 
reach is the primary value that comes from that policy 
decision.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I really appreciate that answer 
and pointing out that family planning is not abortion, and we 
should stop including those organizations that help women 
determine their children, and how many children they can have 
and want to have and how to space out their families is 
different than abortion and we should stop treating them the 
same way. I appreciate that.
    Ms. Cronin, congratulations to you as well. As a neighbor--
a neighboring legislator, I appreciate the barriers that you 
have broken in Massachusetts.
    And I wanted to--I am also the chair of the Subcommittee on 
Foreign Relations that deals with Europe and so I have been 
following the challenges relating to the implementation of the 
Northern Ireland Protocols as Britain has left Brexit.
    Can you talk about how you will work to ensure that the 
U.S. upholds its commitment to support trade to Northern 
Ireland and help ensure that the issues are being addressed in 
the framework of the protocol?
    Ms. Cronin. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And not only are we 
neighbors, I lived in Londonderry, New Hampshire, when you were 
elected as governor.
    Senator Shaheen. Oh, good.
    Ms. Cronin. Yes.
    [Laughter.]
    Ms. Cronin. Clearly, President Biden has stated that he is 
unequivocally committed to the preservation of the Good Friday 
Agreement. This is also very clearly shown with strong 
bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate in 
Congress--the Senate--and very strong bipartisan support as 
well.
    This will be a shared priority for both the United States 
and, certainly, for Ireland as well. They have repeatedly 
expressed great concern that the hard-fought gains of the Good 
Friday Agreement have been maintained.
    Recently, there has been some unrest regarding the Northern 
Ireland Protocol and its implications. If I were confirmed, I 
would work with Embassy London, Consul General in Belfast, and 
the Irish government to make sure that everyone would still 
come to the table and do everything possible and engage in 
constructive dialogue in order to preserve the hard-fought 
gains of the Good Friday Agreement.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I think that will be a real 
challenge as you take over your post, once confirmed.
    I look forward to working with all of you--I am sure I am 
out of time at this point--and really appreciate your 
responses.
    Ms. Cronin. Thank you.
    Senator Rounds [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
    I know that our chairman is on his way back, and prior to 
stepping into the next panel, I just--I wanted to ask Dr. 
Gawande one more question.
    I wanted to ask you a question touching on China, Africa, 
and public health. Amid an otherwise increasingly challenging 
relationship, the United States and China collaborated to 
assist the African Union stand up the Africa CDC.
    This offered hope that we and China could work together to 
address some of the world's most challenging problems. Has that 
collaboration continued in the wake of COVID-19 and will 
China's construction of the Africa CDC headquarters in Addis 
give China leverage when it comes to addressing public health 
concerns in Africa?
    Dr. Gawande. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
    Africa CDC has been an important organization for building 
capacity in Africa for public health services, public health 
structures and organization, and I think the critical part of 
my role, if I am confirmed, to the Global Health Bureau would 
be to engage directly with Africa CDC to ensure that our 
leadership, our close connection to Africa CDC, is sustained 
and that the global values that are reflected by the way we do 
our work are continued.
    We know that China has approached our--their contributions 
on COVID vaccines in a very transactional way. Where we have 
donated at the world's most massive level to COVAX and 
bilateral agreements for vaccines, China has approached it by 
only providing--primarily providing sales for profit and not 
upholding the same kinds of values and standards. I do think it 
is very important for us to be engaged in these organizations 
like Africa CDC.
    I will, lastly, point out that President Biden has elevated 
the Africa CDC director to become the head of PEPFAR and lead 
HIV/AIDS here as a nominee, and so he will come before this 
group as well, I suspect, and I think that this is all an 
important reflection of how much value Africa CDC has added in 
a short period of time.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Doctor.
    And, Mr. Chairman, I will turn the virtual gavel back over 
to you, sir.
    Senator Van Hollen [presiding]. Thank you. Thank you, 
Senator Rounds, and thank you all for your indulgence of all of 
us as we go to vote.
    And Senator Rounds really covered the question to Dr. 
Gawande that I want to focus on and just elaborate a little 
bit, because I think we are all pleased with the leadership 
that President Biden has shown in working to get vaccines 
deployed around the world and our contributions to COVAX.
    But we have got a long way to go, we, meaning the 
international community, especially in Africa where we have got 
17 percent of the world's population but only 2 percent of all 
the shots that have been delivered to date have been in Africa.
    And according to the most recent estimate from the World 
Health Organization, less than 4 percent of the African 
continent's population has been fully inoculated.
    We, on this committee and on the Africa Subcommittee and 
African Global Health Subcommittee, are going to want to work 
with you to address those issues.
    My final question is also to you, which is, obviously, we 
want to have all hands on deck to defeat the pandemic. But as 
you well know, there are all sorts of other diseases that claim 
people's lives around the world, including especially in 
Africa. And in many cases, as we have sort of surged resources 
to deal with COVID we have seen spikes in some of the other 
areas--diseases in other areas.
    Could you just talk a little bit about how we address both 
at the same time, even with the limited resources that we have 
got?
    Dr. Gawande. Yes. These are colossal and daunting 
challenges to both take on the COVID-19 threat that we have 
right in front of us, prepare for the next pandemic, but 
realize that the response and the effects of COVID have 
severely damaged health care systems and public health gains we 
have made over the last couple of years.
    We have seen vaccination for other conditions, for 
childhood illnesses, retreat. We have seen progress in 
preventing maternal and child death retreat. We have seen some 
of the same kinds of losses in our TB work.
    And I think the most critical opportunities that we have 
there are to now reengage, understanding that we still have--we 
will have well into 2022 and beyond coping with COVID and, 
therefore, we will have to reinvigorate our prevention of 
maternal and child death programs, our HIV/AIDS work, and our 
TB work.
    There are many opportunities to use our focus on COVID to 
strengthen the systems as a whole, help them get back on their 
feet, and make it possible to move forward on basic fronts like 
primary care and delivery of these kinds of capabilities.
    I think the bottom line will be that we have a extensive 
capability at USAID in those global health arenas. I think 
everybody has been all hands on deck on the COVID work and this 
is our opportunity to enable those teams now to also get back 
to advancing their lines of work, and if I am confirmed that is 
exactly what I will want to make sure we are doing.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Doctor.
    And Leader Cronin, I think Senator Shaheen asked one of the 
questions I was going to pose to you regarding Ireland and our 
efforts to establish at least some minimum international 
corporate tax and, really, the role that you will play in 
urging Ireland to really support that effort to prevent a race 
to the bottom.
    And I am going to submit for the record a couple questions 
regarding Brexit and its impact in relations with Northern 
Ireland and Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement.
    But let me say to all of you what a terrific group of 
nominees with great experience, and we are looking forward to, 
hopefully, having a fairly rapid markup and vote in the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee on all your nominations.
    I thank all of you for joining us, and now we are going to 
go to the second panel, unless there are any other members who 
have anything else to say.
    If not, round one is over and we are going to start the 
second round. Thank you all for being here and for joining us, 
and congratulations on your nominations.
    Dr. Gawande. Thank you.
    Captain Sullenberger. Thank you.
    Ms. Cronin. Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
    Ms. Cronin. Thank you very much.
    [Pause.]
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. I, certainly, see some of 
the nominees for the second panel and I am going to kick this 
off with introductions for each of you, and then you can make 
your statements and then we will have a round of questions.
    I see another vote has just started so Senator Rounds and I 
will try to juggle this the way we did before.
    Let me just introduce all of our distinguished nominees. We 
have Kent Doyle Logsdon, who is a career member of the Senior 
Foreign Service and has spent the bulk of his three decades-
long career in the European and Eurasia regions.
    He is currently chief of staff to the Under Secretary of 
State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment. Among 
his past assignments he served as Principal Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State in the Bureau of Energy Resources, Deputy 
Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Berlin, and chief of 
staff to both the Deputy Secretary of State for Management 
Resources and the Deputy Executive Secretary of the State 
Department.
    He is the recipient of Presidential Meritorious Service 
Awards--the Presidential Meritorious Service Awards, as well as 
numerous other State Department performance awards.
    He speaks Russian, Ukrainian, Thai, and German, holds a 
Bachelor's degree from the University of Notre Dame and a 
Master's degree from the University of Virginia.
    Welcome to you, Mr. Logsdon.
    We also have Sharon L. Cromer, who is a career member of 
the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as the USAID 
Mission Director at the U.S. Embassy in Accra, Ghana. Among her 
many past assignments, Ms. Cromer served as USAID Mission 
Director at the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam and at the U.S. 
Embassy in Abuja.
    Ms. Cromer has also served in USAID as the Senior Deputy 
Assistant Administrator and Acting Assistant Administrator in 
the Africa Bureau, as Deputy Assistant Administrator in the 
Management Bureau, and as Acting Senior Deputy Assistant 
Administrator and Acting Assistant Administrator in the Bureau 
of Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance.
    She is a recipient of a Presidential Rank Award, the USAID 
Administrators Reengineering Award, and a State Department 
Superior Honor Award.
    Ms. Cromer earned her BA from Barnard College and her JD 
from Georgetown University Law School.
    Welcome to you, Ms. Cromer.
    Ambassador Virginia E. Palmer is a career member of the 
Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as both Principal 
Deputy Assistant Secretary and as Acting Assistant Secretary 
for the State Department's Bureau of Energy Resources.
    Previously, she served as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic 
of Malawi where she oversaw an annual bilateral assistance 
budget of over $500 million and the work of 11 U.S. government 
agencies.
    Among her other past assignments Ambassador Palmer has also 
served as Deputy Chief of Mission and charge d'affaire ad 
interim at the U.S. Embassy in South Africa and Deputy Chief of 
Mission and charge d'affaire ad interim at the U.S. Embassy in 
Vietnam.
    Ambassador Palmer is the recipient of numerous superior 
honor, meritorious honor, and senior performance awards and 
speaks both Chinese and French. She received her Bachelor's of 
Science in Foreign Service degree from Georgetown University 
and her MA from the University of Virginia.
    Welcome to you, Ambassador Palmer.
    And Howard A. Van Vranken is a career member of the Senior 
Foreign Service and the Executive Director and Deputy Executive 
Secretary at the State Department's Executive Secretariat.
    He previously served as Executive Director and Acting 
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of the department's Bureau 
of South and Central Asian Affairs, and as Deputy Executive 
Director in the State Department's Bureau of Near Eastern 
Affairs, and South and Central Asian Affairs.
    Earlier, Mr. Van Vranken served as Management Counselor at 
the U.S. Embassy in Rabat, Morocco, and as Deputy Political 
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
    Past postings also include assignments in Norway, Yemen, 
Lebanon, Tunisia, Ireland, and the U.K. He is the recipient of 
multiple State Department awards and the Presidential 
Distinguished Service Award, and speaks Arabic, Farsi, and 
Norwegian. Mr. Van Vranken received his BA from UC Davis and 
his MA from the Harvard Kennedy School.
    Welcome to Mr. Van Vranken.
    I am now going to--I do not know, Senator Rounds, if you 
have any statements here. If not, I was going to turn it over 
and begin the testimony.
    Senator Rounds. Mr. Chairman, I will tell you what. I will 
enter my statement for the record and allow you to begin the 
testimony, and if you would like to coordinate a plan for both 
of us getting in to vote in a timely fashion, I would be all 
ears.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. I am happy to go first--vote 
first or second, whichever your preference is.
    Senator Rounds. I will head out right now and, hopefully, 
get back in time to spell you sir.
    Senator Van Hollen. All right. Thank you.
    All right. Again, to all our nominees, thank you for your 
understanding. Senator Rounds is going to go vote, and then he 
will return and I will go vote as well.
    Let us please begin in the order in which I made the 
introductions and we will begin with Mr. Logsdon.

   STATEMENT OF KENT DOYLE LOGSDON OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
    COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC 
                           OF MOLDOVA

    Mr. Logsdon. Thank you very much.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, 
I am honored to appear today as President Biden's nominee to be 
the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova.
    I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for 
the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge 
to work closely with Congress to advance our nation's interests 
in Moldova.
    I would not be here without the love and support of my 
family: my wife, Michelle, who just retired after 35 years of 
service as a Foreign Service officer, initially with the U.S. 
Information Agency and then as a public diplomacy officer at 
the State Department, our children, who accompanied us to our 
overseas postings. We are very proud of their resilience and 
achievements.
    Nora is a law student at the University of Virginia and 
Will is studying music production at Shenandoah University.
    And, of course, my parents, who encouraged me in this 
career--my mother, Carroll, who passed away last year after 
contracting COVID, and my father, Bill, who just retired after 
nearly 60 years as a patent attorney.
    The world changed after I joined the Foreign Service. The 
Berlin Wall and the USSR disappeared and the Cold War ended. My 
wife and I joined many of our colleagues in establishing and 
building relationships with new countries in Eastern Europe and 
Central Asia.
    I focused most of my diplomatic career working in or on 
issues involving the countries in this region, and it is 
exciting to see their progress and development in the past 30 
years.
    If confirmed, leading our mission in Chisinau would be a 
highlight of my diplomatic career. The U.S.-Moldova 
relationship is grounded in shared democratic values and 
support for a democratic, secure, and prosperous Moldova, 
anchored in Europe.
    With an historic mandate, President Sandu and a reform-
oriented government have launched an ambitious program to 
establish a more transparent and accountable democracy, build a 
stronger economy, and combat endemic corruption.
    At the U.N. General Assembly, President Biden told the 
world about Moldovan voters' success in delivering a landslide 
victory for the forces of democracy with a mandate to fight 
graft to build a more inclusive economy.
    Corruption threatens Moldova's economic prospects and 
democratic future. We must continue to support the Moldovan 
government's efforts to strengthen the capacity of its 
institutions to identify, investigate, and prosecute 
corruption. If confirmed, I will make the fight against 
corruption one of my top priorities.
    We must also continue to be a steadfast partner to civil 
society, independent media, and other organizations committed 
to developing participatory democracy and promoting good 
governance.
    Progress in the fight against corruption will strengthen 
Moldova's investment climate and ensure a level playing field 
for U.S. business. Moldova has strengthened its financial 
sector oversight and transparency, and continued reforms will 
help Moldova unlock further budgetary support from the European 
Union and IMF to strengthen its economy in the wake of the 
COVID pandemic.
    Support from the United States and the European Union is 
helping Moldova expand trade and market linkages with the West. 
The EU is now Moldova's largest trading partner. Moldova is 
linking its energy infrastructure to Europe and diversifying 
its energy supply to reduce dependence on Russian gas imports.
    Moldova is also committed to transforming its defense 
forces and their capacity to contribute to international 
security and peacekeeping missions. U.S. security assistance 
has been key to this effort. The United States respects 
Moldova's constitutional neutrality and welcomes its efforts to 
build a more modern military equipped to counter emerging 
threats.
    Russian malign influence and disinformation threaten 
Moldova's democratic development, ambitious reform agenda, and 
European trajectory.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with the government 
leaders, civil society, and international partners to support 
Moldova's democratic reform agenda and build resiliency against 
malign influence and disinformation.
    Resolving the Transnistria conflict remains a priority. The 
United States supports OSCE-led efforts to uphold Moldova's 
sovereignty and territorial integrity while acknowledging a 
special status for Transnistria.
    We need to continue to press Russia to honor its 
commitments to withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldova, 
and we are committed to protecting the fundamental freedoms of 
citizens on both sides of the Dniester River.
    If confirmed, I will continue to promote confidence-
building measures and seek tangible results through the OSCE-
led 5+2 process.
    The Moldovan people have chosen a bold path of reform and 
Western integration. It is in our interest to support them. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with the members of this 
committee and the Congress to do just that.
    Improving Moldova's democracy, prosperity, and security 
will help us develop a key partner in Eastern Europe.
    Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward 
to your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Mr. Logsdon follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Kent D. Logsdon

    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, I am 
honored to appear today as President Biden's nominee to be the next 
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova. I am grateful to the 
President and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed 
in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with Congress to advance 
our nation's interests in Moldova.
    I would not be here without the love and support of my family. My 
wife Michelle, who just retired after 35 years of service as a foreign 
service officer, initially with the U.S. Information Agency, and then 
as a public diplomacy officer at the State Department. Our children, 
who accompanied us to our overseas postings. We are proud of their 
resilience and achievements--Nora is a law student at the University of 
Virginia and Will is studying music production at Shenandoah 
University. And my parents, who encouraged me in this career--my mother 
Carroll, who passed away last year after contracting COVID, and my 
father Bill, who just retired after nearly 60 years as a patent 
attorney.
    The world changed after I joined the foreign service. The Berlin 
Wall and the USSR disappeared, and the Cold War ended. My wife and I 
joined many of our colleagues in establishing and building 
relationships with new countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. I 
have focused most of my diplomatic career working in or on issues 
involving the countries in this region and it is exciting to see their 
progress and development in the past thirty years. If confirmed, 
leading our mission in Chisinau would be a highlight of my diplomatic 
career.
    The U.S.-Moldova relationship is grounded in shared democratic 
values and support for a democratic, secure, and prosperous Moldova, 
anchored in Europe.
    With an historic mandate, President Sandu and a reform-oriented 
government have launched an ambitious program to establish a more 
transparent and accountable democracy, build a stronger economy, and 
combat endemic corruption. At the U.N. General Assembly, President 
Biden told the world about Moldovan voters' success in delivering ``a 
landslide victory for the forces of democracy with a mandate to fight 
graft, to build a more inclusive economy.''
    Corruption threatens Moldova's economic prospects and democratic 
future. We must continue to support the Moldovan Government's efforts 
to strengthen the capacity of its institutions to identify, 
investigate, and prosecute corruption. If confirmed, I will make the 
fight against corruption one of my top priorities. We must also 
continue to be a steadfast partner to civil society, independent media, 
and other organizations committed to developing participatory democracy 
and promoting good governance.
    Progress in the fight against corruption will strengthen Moldova's 
investment climate and ensure a level playing field for U.S. business. 
Moldova has strengthened financial sector oversight and transparency. 
Continued reforms will help Moldova unlock further budgetary support 
from the European Union and IMF to strengthen its economy in the wake 
of the COVID pandemic.
    Support from the United States and the European Union is helping 
Moldova expand trade and market linkages with the West. The EU is now 
Moldova's largest trading partner. Moldova is linking its energy 
infrastructure to Europe and diversifying its energy supply to reduce 
dependence on Russian gas imports.
    Moldova is also committed to transforming its defense forces and 
their capacity to contribute to international security and peacekeeping 
missions. U.S. security assistance has been key to this effort. The 
United States respects Moldova's constitutional neutrality and welcomes 
its efforts to build a more modern military equipped to counter 
emerging threats.
    Russian malign influence and disinformation threaten Moldova's 
democratic development, ambitious reform agenda, and European 
trajectory. If confirmed, I will work closely with government leaders, 
civil society, and international partners to support Moldova's 
democratic reform agenda and build resiliency against malign influence 
and disinformation.
    Resolving the Transnistria conflict remains a priority. The United 
States supports OSCE-led efforts to uphold Moldova's sovereignty and 
territorial integrity while acknowledging a special status for 
Transnistria. We need to continue to press Russia to honor its 
commitments to withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldova. And we 
are committed to protecting the fundamental freedoms of citizens on 
both sides of the Nistru River. If confirmed, I will continue to 
promote confidence building measures and seek tangible results through 
the OSCE-led 5+2 process.
    The Moldovan people have chosen a bold path of reform and Western 
integration. It is in our interest to support them. If confirmed, I 
look forward to working with the members of this committee and the 
Congress to do just that. Improving Moldova's democracy, prosperity, 
and security will help to develop a key partner in Eastern Europe.
    Thank you for your time and consideration.
    I look forward to your questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your testimony.
    Next, we will hear from Ms. Cromer.

 STATEMENT OF SHARON L. CROMER OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, NOMINATED 
   TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE 
     UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE GAMBIA

    Ms. Cromer. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished 
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 
today.
    I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary 
Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me as their 
nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Gambia.
    If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with you and other 
distinguished members of Congress to advance our nation's 
security and foreign policy interests.
    Mr. Chairman, I am here today the product of a loving 
family. My mother, Thelma Cromer, now deceased, showed me how 
to care for others and live abundantly despite having so 
little.
    My father, Walter Cromer, Sr., drove a taxi right here in 
the nation's capital for 60 years and inspired in me the desire 
to explore the world.
    My loving husband of 33 years, Arnold Sobers, Jr., 
supported my every step. Together, we raised two brilliant 
daughters, Courtney and Simone, and we now have two adorable 
grandchildren, Tanoor and Dunia.
    I am very grateful to all of my family, friends, 
colleagues, and mentors across the globe. They are my heroes.
    I have served proudly the American people for the past 35 
years as a Foreign Service officer with the U.S. Agency for 
International Development.
    I successfully advanced U.S. foreign policy in Southeast 
Asia and sub-Saharan Africa and managed programs to reduce 
poverty, halt HIV/AIDS, eradicate malaria, and promote girls' 
education and women's economic empowerment.
    I have mentored and sponsored employees of every race, 
gender, and sexual orientation, helping them to grow 
professionally and fully contribute to advancing U.S. goals. I 
am committed to enhancing diversity, equity, and inclusion in 
the workforce and in our programs.
    As a young university student traveling in the Gambia, I 
experienced the warm hospitality and proud traditions of the 
Gambian people.
    Today, Americans and Gambians share ideals of democracy, 
religious tolerance, good governance, and economic prosperity. 
If confirmed, I will strengthen the U.S.-Gambian partnership.
    After 22 years of authoritarian rule, in 2016 Gambians 
voted for a new president and commenced the transition from 
dictatorship to democracy. While some reforms have occurred, 
more must be done to realize the aspirations of Gambians for 
transparent, democratic, and accountable governance.
    If confirmed, I will be a staunch advocate of the Gambia's 
ongoing democratic transition. I will combat corruption, 
promote economic prosperity, speak up for human rights, explore 
ways to improve the primary health care system, and maintain a 
strong security partnership.
    I will pursue U.S. national security and foreign policy 
interests by helping the Gambian people achieve their goal to 
become a prosperous, secure, and democratic nation.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for 
the opportunity to address you today. I am happy to answer 
questions.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Cromer follows:]


                 Prepared Statement of Sharon L. Cromer

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today. I am deeply 
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence 
they have shown me as their nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic 
of The Gambia. If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with you and 
other distinguished members of Congress to advance our nation's 
security and foreign policy interests.
    Mr. Chairman, I am here today, the product of a loving family. My 
mother, Thelma Cromer, now deceased, showed me how to live a life of 
abundance despite having so little. My father, Walter Cromer, Sr., 
drove a taxi right here in the nation's capital for over 60 years and 
inspired me to explore the world. My loving husband of 33 years, Arnold 
Sobers, Jr., supported my every step. Together, we raised two brilliant 
daughters, Courtney and Simone and we now have two adorable 
grandchildren. I am very grateful to all of my family, friends, 
colleagues, and mentors across the globe. They are my heroes.
    Mr. Chairman, I have proudly served the American people for the 
past 35 years as a Foreign Service Officer with the U.S. Agency for 
International Development. I successfully advanced U.S. foreign policy 
in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa and managed large, complex 
inter-agency programs, including the President's Emergency Plan for 
AIDS Relief, the President's Malaria Initiative, Feed the Future, Power 
Africa, and wildlife anti-trafficking. I championed girls' education, 
women's empowerment, youth employment, and the rights of marginalized 
people, including LGBTQI+ communities, to prosper and live in peace and 
dignity. I have enjoyed mentoring and sponsoring employees of every 
color, race, religion, gender and sexual orientation; helping each one 
to grow professionally, assume greater responsibilities, and fully 
contribute to advancing U.S. goals. If confirmed, I will continue to 
enhance diversity, equity and inclusion in the workforce and in our 
programs.
    Mr. Chairman, the U.S. and The Gambia have a close bilateral 
relationship based on shared ideals of democracy, religious tolerance, 
good governance, security, and economic prosperity. As a young, 
university student traveling in The Gambia, I experienced the warm 
hospitality and proud traditions of the Gambian people. It was clear 
then, and I believe it is true today, that Gambians admire American 
culture and traditions. If confirmed, I will strengthen the U.S./
Gambian partnership for the benefit of both countries.
    After 22 years of authoritarian rule, in 2016 Gambians voted for a 
new president and commenced the transition from dictatorship to 
democracy. While some promised reforms have been implemented, much more 
remains to be done if the aspirations of the Gambia people for a 
transparent, democratic government accountable to the people are to be 
realized. The upcoming December presidential election will be an 
opportunity for Gambians to show the world that they are committed to 
solidifying their hard-won democratic gains. The U.S. has been a 
steadfast partner, supporting the Independent Election Commission's 
successful voter registration effort and helping civil society 
organizations empower citizens through voter education. This December, 
Gambians will determine their path forward through a free, fair and 
peaceful election.
    Given the opportunity, I will support The Gambia's ongoing 
democratic process. I will combat corruption and promote economic 
prosperity which will allow both U.S. and Gambian firms to invest and 
create good jobs. I will encourage trade and the use of the American 
Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA). I will speak up for human rights, 
and explore ways to improve the primary health care system. Of 
paramount importance is the need to maintain a strong security 
partnership. I will pursue U.S. national security and foreign policy 
interests by helping the Gambian people achieve their goal to become a 
prosperous, secure, and democratic nation.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee for the 
opportunity to address you today. I am happy to answer any questions.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your testimony.
    Next, we are going to hear from Ambassador Palmer, who has 
been nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana.
    Ambassador Palmer?

  STATEMENT OF HON. VIRGINIA E. PALMER OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
    COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC 
                            OF GHANA

    Ms. Palmer. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the 
committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today as 
the nominee to serve as America's Ambassador to the Republic of 
Ghana.
    I appreciate the confidence that President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken have placed in me and [inaudible] today to 
have the opportunity to publicly thank my family for their love 
and support.
    My husband Ismail Asmal, a retired Foreign Service Officer, 
is a wonderful partner and helpmate. My daughters Aliya and 
Nadia Amal and my son-in-law Paul Adamson are a source of great 
joy and pride and have a wonderful commitment to helping 
others. And my mother, Becky Palmer and late Richard Palmer, I 
want to thank them for their encouragement and example and for 
letting me take the grandbabies overseas.
    I have had the great fortune to represent the country I 
love around the world for 35 years, 15 in Africa. I have worked 
in models of democracy and governance and private sector-led 
growth.
    As Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi I oversaw an annual 
budget of $500 million and led a talented team which helped 
Malawi achieve HIV epidemic control, improve food security, and 
serve as a democratic model for the continent. If confirmed, my 
experience gained as deputy coordinator [inaudible] to support 
Ghana's work to counter the spread of violent extremism, and as 
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Energy Resources to 
help Ghana deal with significant energy sector challenges.
    I bring to the job a commitment to the security and well 
being of embassy staff and a passion for diversity and 
inclusion, essential to getting policy right and to properly 
representing our values overseas.
    Our close partnership with Ghana spans more than 60 years 
and is rooted in our shared commitment to democracy and human 
rights for all, peace and security and economic opportunity and 
prosperity. Ghana's long democratic tradition, robust media, 
religious tolerance, and strong civil society make it a leader 
in West Africa and a model for the continent. With democratic 
backsliding in the region, Ghana's example and leadership are 
now more important than ever.
    If confirmed, my priorities will be encouraging inclusive 
economic growth and strengthening regional stability to make 
the United States--and Ghana--more secure and more prosperous. 
Essential to success in these endeavors will be work to help 
Ghana strengthen its democracy and accountability institution.
    Until COVID-19 disrupted global markets around the world, 
Ghana's economy was one of the fastest growing in the world. 
With the economy beginning to recover from the pandemic, close 
to 120 American businesses are active in Ghana.
    If confirmed, I will be a vigorous advocate for American 
companies and innovation, and will ensure U.S. public and 
private investments continue to support pandemic recovery in 
Ghana's journey to self-reliance.
    We will do this by facilitating trade, improving access to 
credit, boosting agricultural production and enhancing domestic 
resource mobilization, and improving health and education 
outcomes.
    Working in partnership with our Ghanaian friends to combat 
corruption and ensure a transparent business environment will 
be fundamental to these efforts.
    Ghana is a key security partner and its leadership is 
critical to U.S. efforts to promote regional stability and 
combat violent extremism. We enjoy robust military and law 
enforcement cooperation.
    Ghana is one of the top 10 contributors to U.N. 
peacekeeping missions and regularly hosts regional military 
exercises with the United States. It is an exporter of 
security.
    If confirmed, I will work to drive integrated programs on 
economic growth, rule of law strengthening, security 
cooperation, and maritime and border security.
    I also look forward to working with Ghana as it chairs the 
Economic Community of West African States, takes up a seat on 
the U.N. Security Council, and hosts the Secretariat of the 
African Continental Free Trade Agreement, which will create a 
trading bloc of more than 1.3 billion people.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, 
thank you again for this opportunity. I look forward to 
partnering with you to advance America's interests in Ghana and 
stand ready to answer any questions you may have now and in the 
future.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Palmer follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Virginia E. Palmer

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, It is a 
great honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to 
serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana. I appreciate the 
confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me by 
putting my name forward for your consideration. I am deeply grateful 
for the love and support of my husband Ismail Asmal, a retired Foreign 
Service Officer, my daughters Aliya and Nadia Asmal and son-in-law Paul 
Adamson, my mother Becky Palmer and late father Richard Palmer. I would 
also like to thank my foreign and civil service colleagues across the 
Government and Embassy locally engaged staff who do tremendous work, in 
very challenging circumstances, to strengthen U.S. partnerships with 
countries around the world.
    I have had the good fortune to have represented the country I love 
in fascinating countries around the world for 35 years, 15 in Africa. 
Throughout my career, I have worked to share American models of 
democracy and governance and private sector-led growth. As Ambassador 
to the Republic of Malawi, I oversaw an annual budget of $500 million 
and led a talented team which helped Malawi achieve HIV epidemic 
control, improve food security, and serve as a democratic model for the 
Continent. As Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge d'Affaires in South 
Africa, I helped manage one of our largest missions and most complex 
relationships in Africa. If confirmed, I will also draw on experience 
gained as a leader of the State Department's Counter Terrorism Bureau 
to support Ghana's work to counter the spread of violent extremism in 
the region, and as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Energy 
Resources to help Ghana deal with significant energy sector 
challenges--and opportunities. I bring to the job a commitment to the 
security and well-being of Embassy staff and a passion for diversity 
and inclusion, essential to getting policy right and properly 
representing our values overseas.
    Our close partnership with Ghana spans more than 60 years and is 
rooted in our shared commitment to democracy and human rights for all, 
peace and security, and economic opportunity and prosperity. Ghana's 
long democratic tradition, robust media, religious tolerance, and 
strong civil society make it a leader in West Africa and a model for 
the continent. With democratic backsliding in the region, Ghana's 
example and leadership is ever more important.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with this Committee and 
Congress to advance U.S. interests in Ghana. My priorities will be 
encouraging inclusive economic growth and strengthening regional 
stability to make the United States--and Ghana--more secure and more 
prosperous. Essential to success in these endeavors will be work to 
help Ghana strengthen its democracy and governance institutions.
    Close to 120 American businesses are active in Ghana and the 
country's economy is beginning to recover from the pandemic. Until 
COVID-19 disrupted global markets, Ghana's economy was one of the 
fastest-growing in the world, with GDP growth of seven percent from 
2017 to 2019. Bilateral trade exceeded $1.5 billion in 2020. If 
confirmed, I will be a vigorous advocate for American companies and 
innovation and will ensure U.S. public and private investments continue 
to support pandemic recovery efforts and Ghana's journey to self-
reliance. We will continue to help Ghana create an enabling environment 
for inclusive private sector-led growth by facilitating regional trade, 
improving access to credit, improving agricultural production and 
market access, enhancing domestic resource mobilization, and improving 
health and education outcomes. Working in partnership with our Ghanaian 
friends to combat corruption and ensure a welcoming and transparent 
environment for business will be crucial to success of these efforts.
    Ghana is a key security partner, and its leadership is critical to 
U.S. efforts to promote regional stability and combat violent 
extremism. We enjoy robust bilateral military and law enforcement 
cooperation. Ghana is among the top dozen contributors to U.N. 
peacekeeping missions and regularly hosts regional military exercises 
in partnership with the United States, including this year's Gulf of 
Guinea maritime security exercise, Obangame Express. If confirmed, I 
will work to drive integrated programs on economic growth, security 
sector cooperation, cyber security, and maritime and border security 
through our bilateral Security Governance Initiative. I also look 
forward to working with Ghana as it chairs the Economic Community of 
West African States, serves on the U.N. Security Council, and hosts the 
Secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, which will 
create a trading block of more than 1.3 billion people.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank 
you again for this opportunity. I look forward to partnering with you 
to advance America's interests in Ghana and stand ready to answer any 
questions you may have now and in the future.


    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your testimony.
    And now we will hear from Mr. Howard Van Vranken, who has 
been nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.
    I turn it over to you, and I see that my colleague, Senator 
Rounds, has returned. I apologize. I am going to go vote. But I 
got somebody here who is going to report to me on your 
testimony when I return.
    All right. I turn it over to you, Senator Rounds.
    And Mr. Vranken, please proceed with your testimony.
    Senator Rounds. [presiding.] Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

  STATEMENT OF HOWARD A. VAN VRANKEN OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
    COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC 
                          OF BOTSWANA

    Mr. Van Vranken. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member 
Rounds, members of the committee. It is a great honor and 
privilege to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Republic of 
Botswana.
    I thank the President and Secretary Biden for the--excuse 
me, Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me. I am also 
grateful for this distinguished committee's consideration.
    I am especially grateful for my wife, Rebecca, who 
supported me during nearly two decades of marriage in the 
Foreign Service and for the endurance of my children--Grace, 
Robert, and Victor. I would not be here today without their 
tremendous and ongoing support.
    Finally, I want to thank my parents, Robert and Helen, who 
tirelessly inspired me to explore and embrace the world beyond 
my native California. I am forever grateful for their 
sacrifices on my behalf.
    During my 33 years of service with the Foreign Service, my 
work in Africa and the Middle East as well as assignments in 
Washington have prepared me to deliver impactful results for 
the American people in the important role for which I have been 
nominated.
    I have served in senior leadership positions in a number of 
posts, including most recently in Morocco and in Iraq. If 
confirmed, I will work diligently and with integrity to further 
strengthen ties between the United States and Botswana.
    Botswana is a strategically important and reliable partner 
on the African continent. We work with Botswana to advance 
shared global priorities including strengthening democratic 
institutions and promoting the respect for human rights, ending 
HIV and the COVID-19 pandemic, and advancing global health 
security.
    Together, we also work on regional and bilateral 
priorities, including conserving the environment and natural 
resources, expanding trade and investment, and addressing 
regional transnational criminal and security challenges.
    Our relationship is further strengthened through our 
valuable university partnerships and education linkages. If 
confirmed, as we emerge from the pandemic I will look to expand 
our in-person engagement to advance these priorities, 
especially through programming focused on youth and young women 
and girls.
    Economic ties between the United States and Botswana were 
growing before the pandemic. Even as the United States remains 
the world's top purchaser of Botswana's diamonds, we will 
support Botswana's efforts to diversify its economy, to build a 
knowledge-based economy, and to improve opportunities for 
American businesses.
    U.S. tourists attracted to the country's globally 
significant national parks and reserves will continue to 
present an important opportunity for Botswana as the pandemic 
recedes and travel resumes.
    If confirmed, I will work with Botswana to deter and 
dismantle poaching organizations. I will also work with 
Botswana to realize the potential offered by Power Africa's 
mega solar project, an initiative which would transform 
Botswana into a regionally significant solar power producer, 
consumer, and exporter.
    If confirmed, I will also continue to advance the 
priorities articulated in the DELTA Act to promote responsible 
natural resource and wildlife management practices in the 
Greater Okavango River Basin.
    The United States has invested more than a billion dollars 
in Botswana's health sector through the President's emergency 
plan for AIDS relief, the PEPFAR program.
    While there is still an estimated 9,000 new HIV infections 
annually in the country, Botswana has made impressive progress 
in its fight against HIV and it is near epidemic control.
    That said, the threat posed by HIV cannot be 
underestimated. If confirmed, I look forward to securing the 
sustainability of our PEPFAR investment and leading our 
interagency health team as we continue to work with the 
government of Botswana on its HIV response.
    If confirmed, I will also work to affirm President Biden's 
commitment to deliver additional COVID-19 vaccines to Botswana 
and its neighbors.
    The Botswana Defense Force is one of the most professional 
militaries on the continent and our military engagement remains 
strong. The United States also sponsors the International Law 
Enforcement Academy, which has trained more than 12,000 law 
enforcement and criminal justice professionals from Africa, the 
Americas, and Southeast Asia.
    Support for these institutions improve the rule of law in 
the country and on the continent, including the capacity to 
effectively respond to global issues like wildlife and timber 
trafficking, violent extremism, cybercrime, corruption, and 
trafficking in persons.
    If confirmed, I will work to expand the U.S.-Botswana 
military partnership and our regional security role through 
education and training programs.
    We expect to see a resurgence in the number of Americans 
visiting Botswana once we emerge from the pandemic. If 
confirmed, the safety of our staff and U.S. citizens in 
Botswana will remain paramount.
    The U.S. Ambassador to Botswana also serves as a U.S. 
representative to the Southern African Development Community, 
and I am excited about the opportunity to work towards 
increased security, health, and economic development across the 
region with our Southern African nation partners.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for 
the opportunity to appear before you today and I look forward 
to your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Mr. Van Vranken follows:]


              Prepared Statement of Howard A. Van Vranken

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, it is a 
great privilege and honor to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Republic of 
Botswana. I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their 
confidence in me. I am also grateful for this distinguished committee's 
consideration. I am especially grateful for my wife, Rebecca, who has 
supported me during nearly two decades of marriage, and for the 
endurance of my children, Grace, Robert, and Victor. I would not be 
here today without their tremendous support. Finally, I can say that my 
parents, Robert and Helen, tirelessly inspired me to explore and 
embrace the world beyond my native California and I am forever grateful 
for their sacrifices on my behalf.
    During my thirty-three years in the Foreign Service, my work in 
Africa and the Middle East, as well as assignments in Washington, have 
prepared me to deliver impactful results for the American people in the 
important role for which I have been nominated. I have served in senior 
leadership positions in a number of posts including, most recently, in 
Morocco and Iraq. If confirmed, I will work diligently and with 
integrity to further strengthen ties between the United States and 
Botswana.
    Botswana is strategically important and a reliable partner on the 
African continent. We work with Botswana to advance shared global 
priorities, including strengthening democratic institutions and 
promoting respect for human rights, ending AIDS and the COVID-19 
pandemic, and advancing global health security. Together, we also work 
on regional and bilateral priorities, including conserving the 
environment and natural resources, expanding trade and investment, and 
addressing regional transnational criminal and security challenges. Our 
relationship is further strengthened through our valuable university 
partnerships and education linkages. If confirmed, as we emerge from 
the pandemic, I will look to expand our in-person engagement to advance 
these priorities, especially through programming focused on the youth 
and young women and girls.
    Economic ties between the United States and Botswana were growing 
before the pandemic. Even as the United States remains the world's top 
purchaser of Botswana's diamonds, we will support Botswana's efforts to 
diversify its economy, to build a knowledge-based economy, and to 
improve opportunities for American businesses. U.S. tourists, attracted 
to the country's globally significant national parks and reserves, will 
continue to present an important opportunity for Botswana as the 
pandemic recedes and travel resumes. If confirmed, I will work with 
Botswana to deter and dismantle poaching organizations. If confirmed, I 
will work with Botswana to realize the potential offered by Power 
Africa's Mega Solar project, an initiative which could transform 
Botswana into a regionally significant solar power producer, consumer, 
and exporter. If confirmed, I will also continue to advance the 
priorities articulated in the DELTA Act to promote responsible natural 
resource and wildlife management practices in the greater Okavango 
River Basin.
    The United States has invested more than $1 billion in Botswana's 
health sector through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief 
(PEPFAR) program. While there are still an estimated 9,000 new HIV 
infections annually in the country, Botswana has made impressive 
progress in its fight against HIV/AIDS and is near epidemic control. 
That said, the threat posed by HIV/AIDS cannot be underestimated. If 
confirmed, I look forward to securing the sustainability of our PEPFAR 
investment and leading our interagency health team as we continue to 
work with the Government of Botswana on its HIV response. If confirmed, 
I will also work to affirm President Biden's commitment to deliver 
additional COVID-19 vaccines to Botswana and its neighbors.
    The Botswana Defense Force is one of the most professional 
militaries on the continent, and our military engagement remains 
strong. The United States also sponsors the International Law 
Enforcement Academy, which has trained more than 12,000 law-enforcement 
and criminal justice professionals from Africa, the Americas, and 
Southeast Asia. Support to these institutions has improved rule of law 
in the country and on the continent, including capacity to effectively 
respond to global issues like wildlife and timber trafficking, violent 
extremism, cyber-crime, corruption and trafficking in persons. If 
confirmed, I will work to expand U.S.-Botswana military partnerships 
and our regional security role through education and training programs.
    We expect to see a resurgence in the number of Americans visiting 
Botswana once we emerge from the pandemic. The safety of our staff and 
U.S. citizens will remain paramount.
    The U.S. Ambassador to Botswana also serves as the U.S. 
representative to the Southern African Development Community, and I am 
excited about the opportunity to work towards increased security, 
health, and economic development across the region with other southern 
Africa nations.
    Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your 
questions.


    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Van Vranken.
    I have submitted my opening statement for the record. But I 
really feel it is important that we just share with you 
personally that I would suspect that every career diplomat 
wonders whether someday, after years of service, they might be 
nominated by the President of the United States to serve as an 
ambassador somewhere.
    I just want to say congratulations, because after today 
none of you will have to ask that question again. For 
Ambassador Palmer, this is twice.
    To all of you, thank you for your public service and your 
continued service on behalf of our country.
    I have got a series of questions that I will start with, 
and then by then I would suspect that our chairman will be back 
in as well, and I am sure that he has a series of questions as 
well.
    Let me begin with Mr. Logsdon. If confirmed as Ambassador, 
you will be going to Moldova at a very important time in its 
history. The president, Maia Sandu, and the new parliament have 
been elected on a platform of reform and plan to make changes 
to fight corruption across government, especially in the 
judiciary.
    As Ambassador, how will you work with the new government to 
support the reforms and see them through to success?
    Mr. Logsdon. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate that 
question. And, obviously, as you mentioned, this is an historic 
moment, I think, for the government of Moldova, the people of 
Moldova, and the United States and our opportunity to assist.
    It will not be just us saying we think these are good 
reforms. This is something we can do to assist the government. 
The government of Moldova has asked for some very specific 
kinds of support.
    We have worked for many years with different parts of the 
government and with civil society, and I think the goal for us 
now is to find ways that we can continue to support President 
Sandu and her government's desired end state, which is to push 
back on corruption. That is exactly why the government and 
President Sandu were elected by the people of Moldova.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
    Ms. Cromer, the Gambia's democratic transition, spurred by 
the ouster of dictator Yahya Jammeh at the ballot box in 2016 
was an unexpected victory for democracy on the continent.
    Given recent challenges to democracy in West Africa, 
including four coups in the last year, what are the regional 
implications for Gambia's continued democratic development and 
what tools can the U.S. consider to continue to appropriately 
support democratic and economic reforms as well as economic 
recovery from the Jammeh era, and more recently, the impacts of 
COVID-19?
    I know I am giving you a multiple question item, but if you 
could, please, and I will ask again if there is any part of it 
that you are not comfortable with.
    Ms. Cromer. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate the question.
    First of all, let me say that the Gambians have decided 
their own fate. They have voted back in 2016 a new president 
and have moved on the path from authoritarianism to democracy. 
It is a difficult path, it is a lengthy path, and it takes a 
steadfast partner like the U.S. to help them build that 
democracy.
    The top priorities of the U.S. Government, ones which, if 
given the opportunity to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Gambia, I would lead, would be, one, to help build a truly 
democratic state in the Gambia.
    The second would be advancing country-owned, country-led, 
and sustained development that improves the lives and well 
being of Gambians.
    And third, promoting an investment climate where both U.S. 
and Gambian enterprises can thrive and trade between the two 
countries creates good jobs and economic prosperity.
    On the COVID front, I had the opportunity this morning to 
take a walk to the Washington Monument, and on the grounds of 
the monument there are over 660,000 flag, small flags that have 
been put in the soil of the Washington Monument grounds, each 
representing--each flag representing an American who has died 
of COVID.
    This is a moving, beautiful, but sobering memorial to 
American lives and precious souls, and I would just like to say 
that the Gambia and other countries in Africa do not have the 
equipment, the vaccines, the trained staff, PPEs, to address 
the COVID pandemic, and the capacity to fight COVID-19 and 
future pandemics is extremely limited in the Gambia.
    If confirmed, I will work with the stakeholders on the 
ground in the Gambia and here in Washington to see what more we 
can do to build up the Gambia's capacity.
    Thank you.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, Ms. Cromer.
    Ambassador Palmer, Ghana has long been seen as a key U.S. 
ally in Africa and held up as a stable, democratic, and 
economic partner and a regional leader. I was impressed by what 
I saw when I visited Ghana in early 2020.
    Given the deeply worrying trends in West Africa, does the 
U.S. need to adjust its engagement with Ghana to support the 
resiliency of its institutions and its leadership in the 
region? If yes, what would be your recommendations?
    Ms. Palmer. Thank you for that that question, Senator.
    I believe that, indeed, Ghana's example and leadership are 
very important in the context of democracy backsliding in the 
region.
    I think we need to continue to work to fight corruption in 
Ghana and to ensure the sanctity of contracts so that Ghana can 
continue to be a welcoming environment for investment and trade 
and that sort of beacon or bastion to countering violent 
extremism.
    I do not think we need to reorient. I think we need to 
continue to integrate our work to ensure inclusive economic 
growth, particularly in the north, to strengthen Ghana's 
accountability institutions and work, as I said, to improve 
contract sanctity and fight corruption.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you.
    Mr. Van Vranken, Botswana is a key partner in southern 
Africa, particularly given its historic credentials in 
democracy and maintaining stability and security.
    However, challenges and opportunities in the southern 
Africa region abound including with a mounting extremist threat 
in Mozambique, the ongoing political and economic crisis in 
Zimbabwe, efforts to address significant levels of corruption 
in Angola and South Africa, and the recent democratic 
transition in Zambia.
    As the U.S. Ambassador to Botswana, how will you engage 
with our Botswanan partners on issues of regional significance? 
And also, do you view Botswana as an opportunity for bolstered 
U.S. trade and investment and, if yes, what tools will you 
employ to encourage increased trade and investment in a 
diversity of sectors including but beyond the tourism and 
extractive industries?
    Mr. Van Vranken. Thank you for those questions, Senator. 
They are very pertinent.
    In terms of regional challenges, I think that, as you 
rightly identified, Botswana has a long tradition of democracy 
and, in that sense, stands as an example in the region.
    The government of Botswana has also been a founding member 
of the Southern African Development Community, the group of 
Southern African nations, and the government of Botswana has 
never been shy about voicing outspoken views on regional peace 
and security issues, and sometimes differing publicly with the 
policy of the Southern African Development Community.
    I think we should continue to encourage the engagement that 
Botswana has had in the recent past through the Southern 
African Development Community.
    I would note that it was through SADC that Ghana or, excuse 
me, Botswana deployed nearly 300 troops as part of a standing 
force to northern Mozambique, and I think that that is 
something that we should applaud and encourage.
    Regarding economic development and, particularly, trade and 
investment beyond the extractive or diamond sector as well as 
tourism, I think that there are areas that we can support 
Ghana.
    We have already initiated an agreement--excuse me, a 
memorandum of intent between Botswana and Namibia for the Power 
Africa, the mega solar project. That would provide two to five 
gigawatts of solar power and would replace coal--imported coal-
fired electricity that Botswana currently imports from South 
Africa, and would enable it to be a--potentially, a significant 
exporter of solar power in the region.
    I think that there is ample opportunity for American firms 
in a project such as that. I also think that we should continue 
to find areas in AGOA as well as through Prosper Africa to 
facilitate trade between the two countries.
    I do think that this is a potential area where we can 
collaborate to both of our satisfaction.
    Thank you, Senator.
    Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
    And I know that our chairman is on his way back from the 
vote. I am going to take advantage of a few more minutes here 
to ask a couple of questions, and when the chairman comes in I 
know he will have a hard stop, but he is going to try to get 
some questions in. I see the chairman has just arrived back on 
the thing.
    Mr. Chairman, I finished with my questions. I know that you 
have a hard stop coming up. Whenever you are completed it is 
fine with me if you close the meeting, sir.
    And once again, I want to say just thank you to all of our 
guests here today in front of us, our applicants. Clearly, we 
have to say thank you for their hard work and dedication to 
public service and to the State Department here in our country.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Van Hollen. [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Rounds, 
and thank all of you for your testimony. And I got a report on 
the questions that Senator Rounds asked, not surprisingly 
because we work together. He covered a lot of the territory 
that I would have between his questions and your comments.
    I would, Mr. Van Vranken, just like to follow up on the 
issue of loss of dollars in Botswana as a result of the huge 
drop off in tourism because of COVID-19.
    One of the other issues, though, in Botswana, as you know, 
in terms of their long-term sustainability and the 
sustainability of--continue to attract tourists is protection 
of wildlife, and there is a serious poaching issue still in 
Botswana.
    Can you just talk a little bit about how the United States, 
through your efforts and USAID and others, can help address 
that poaching issue?
    Mr. Van Vranken. Thank you very much, Senator.
    That is an excellent point. There has been a significant 
drop off in tourism dollars. To date, the United States has 
provided very important support to the government of Botswana 
to help them combat wildlife trafficking.
    We have helped to build the capacity of the government to 
conduct intelligence-led operations focused on poachers. We 
have, for more than a decade, have provided wildlife 
trafficking intervention training through our International Law 
Enforcement Academy in Botswana.
    That has helped not only Botswana but also regional 
partners. I think that we should sustain those efforts and 
continue to work through the Southern African Development 
Community on law enforcement and anti-poaching efforts.
    Thank you, sir.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I also had one follow-up as 
well on Ghana for Ambassador Palmer, because as you indicated, 
Ghana has had a robust democracy and peaceful transitions of 
power and have been supporters, overall, of human rights.
    There was, though, a recent report by Human Rights Watch 
regarding discrimination--harsh discrimination against the LGBT 
community there as well as a proposed draconian anti-LGBT bill.
    Could you just comment on that and what your role can be in 
addressing that matter?
    Ms. Palmer. Thank you for that question, Senator.
    It is an issue of a great deal of concern to me. I think it 
is important that we note that we are not asking for special 
rights for members of the LGBT community but only the rights 
that other Ghanaians enjoy under the Ghanaian constitution and 
the international human rights charters to which Ghana is a 
signatory.
    There are moral and legal reasons for ensuring that the 
rights of the LGBT community are respected. But, importantly, 
there are also public order and public health reasons why 
draconian legislation and discrimination are a bad idea.
    I think it is also very important to think about this just 
in terms of discrimination. What the LGBT community in Ghana is 
asking for, I understand, is freedom from violence, freedom 
from harassment, freedom from discrimination.
    I am not equating my situation with that, but when I was 
falling in love with a nonwhite South African 35 years ago, our 
relationship was illegal and that is because his humanity was 
not respected and was not believed to be the same as mine. And, 
fortunately, those laws have changed and we think now how could 
that ever have been.
    And I hope that that will be the case all over for 
vulnerable groups, including women and girls and the LGBT 
community, and I will work to ensure that those human rights 
are respected.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that statement, and also 
your own experiences and how they can relate to this situation.
    I want to thank all of you. I want to thank your family 
members, who you introduced. Usually, we have a chance to meet 
people in the hearing room. Unfortunately, we are not able to 
do that now.
    As Senator Rounds said, I have a hard stop at 4:00 o'clock, 
but I do not know, Mike--Senator, if--I am happy to turn this 
over to you for additional questioning if you would like or we 
can close the hearing now.
    Senator Rounds. Mr. Chairman, I intend to submit a couple 
of questions for the record. But other than that, I am prepared 
to close it at this time, sir.
    Senator Van Hollen. Okay.
    Let me just, again, underscore the comments my partner, 
Senator Rounds, made just a few minutes ago and thanking all of 
you for your service.
    As somebody who grew up in a Foreign Service family, I am 
proud of the service of our Foreign Service officers and the 
entire family at the State Department, and look forward to 
supporting your confirmation.
    And maybe Senator Rounds and I will have a chance to come 
visit those of you in your countries where you are going to be 
representing the United States.
    Thank you all very much.


    [Whereupon, at 4:01 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
       to Capt. C.B. Sullenberger III by Senator Robert Menendez

COVID-19
    Question. What actions do you believe ICAO should take to protect 
the air travelling public, and flight crews aboard commercial airlines, 
from the COVID-19?

    Answer. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on civil aviation is 
unprecedented. ICAO moved quickly to establish the Council Aviation 
Recovery Task Force (CART) to provide guidance to governments and 
industry operators to restart the international air transport sector 
safely and promote recovery from the impacts of COVID-19 on a 
coordinated global basis.
    ICAO is convening a ministerial conference on COVID and aviation in 
mid-October to rally governments from every region to implement the 
CART recommendations and enable the recovery of international civil 
aviation. I believe these are the right first steps to move toward a 
safe restart of the aviation sector, and if confirmed, I will continue 
to promote these efforts to protect the air travelling public and 
flight crews aboard commercial airlines.

    Question. Do you believe the global airline industry will adopt 
adequate policies to protect its customers and employees?

    Answer. Airlines have already taken significant steps to protect 
customers and employees by implementing health mitigation measures such 
as requiring the use of masks on board aircraft, enhanced cleaning and 
disinfection procedures, health assessments of crew and passengers, 
enhancing airport security checkpoint procedures, and the minimizing of 
in-person interaction through use of new technologies. For 
transportation and travel to resume safely and sustainably, it is in 
the best interest of the global airline industry to continue all of 
these measures, and if confirmed, I will continue to promote these 
actions.

    Question. Do you believe ICAO has the authority and mandate to 
coordinate and establish some set of uniform standards or protections 
against the spread of the COVID-19?

    Answer. The United States participated actively in ICAO's CART task 
force, which has issued three reports since the beginning of the 
pandemic. Each report provided substantive and actionable 
recommendations for promulgating a framework for the detection and 
control of COVID-19 among air passengers and crew such that more 
stringent control measures, such as mandatory quarantines, could be 
relaxed or removed entirely.
    In the long-run, ICAO must continue to work with member States and 
the WHO to implement WHO recommendations on science and public health 
in the civil aviation domain, as well as to facilitate the efficient 
and secure flow of limited health information among air passengers and 
States to prevent and mitigate the effects of future pandemics on air 
transport. If confirmed, this will be a top priority of mine at ICAO.

Climate Change
    Question. The ICAO Assembly at its 40th Session in 2019 adopted a 
resolution that reiterated two aspirational goals for the international 
aviation sector: a 2 percent annual fuel efficiency improvement through 
2050 and carbon neutral growth from 2020 onwards.

   Do you think these goals is adequate?

    Answer. It is important that ICAO Member States were able to come 
together to adopt these goals. If confirmed, I look forward to working 
with colleagues across the government to determine how best the United 
States can help achieve the existing climate goals and lead efforts to 
increase ambition where possible, consistent with the President's 
policy to press for enhanced climate ambition and the integration of 
climate considerations across a wide range of international fora, 
including on aviation. Aviation's recovery from the global pandemic 
also provides ICAO an opportunity to reassess whether these current 
goals are truly sufficient in light of the global recognition of the 
need to address climate change.

    Question. What do you foresee as the biggest challenges to meet 
these goals?

    Answer. Some of the biggest challenges ahead include making sure 
there is robust global participation, particularly for countries with 
significant international aviation activity, on ICAO measures like 
CORSIA, and accelerating both state and private sector deployment of 
cleaner technology, sustainable aviation fuels, and implementation of 
more efficient operations. Different countries have different profiles 
for aviation growth: some have very developed networks and industries 
with more opportunities for reducing emissions, while others are seeing 
significant expansion of aviation markets and are less likely to 
support increased ambition globally if they believe it will affect 
their industry.

    Question. What tools should the Biden Administration provide to 
meet these goals?

    Answer. The United States already plays a critical role at ICAO. To 
achieve these goals or to push for more ambitious goals, the United 
States needs to be a leader, and needs to work to develop a strong 
coalition of states to work with us both bilaterally and at ICAO. The 
Biden Administration is committed to working toward reducing the 
sector's emissions in a manner consistent with the goal of net zero 
emissions for our economy by 2050.

    Question. In September 2021, a coalition of 100 environmental 
groups called on the Biden Administration to strengthen greenhouse gas 
emission standards in the airline industry.

   Do you think the current ICAO standards are sufficient? If not, 
        what changes do you believe are necessary?

    Answer. The current standards represent the first ever greenhouse 
gas emission standard for commercial aircraft. Establishing this global 
standard was an important achievement and a critical first step, but it 
is likely to be insufficient as technology advances. It will be 
critically important to strengthen these standards, and, if confirmed, 
that is something that I plan to pursue in ICAO.

    Question. ICAO adopted the Carbon Offset and Reduction Scheme for 
International Aviation (CORSIA) in 2016 and in 2018 the parties to ICAO 
took further action to advance the CORSIA through the establishment of 
Standards and Recommended Procedures (SARPs) for parties to comply with 
the CORSIA.

   Does FAA have sufficient authorities to comply with the CORSIA that 
        would meet the threshold of the SARPs?

    Answer. It will be critical for the United States to be in a 
position to fully implement CORSIA, which U.S. airplane operators have 
broadly supported. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
Congress, in coordination with the Federal Aviation Administration, 
Department of Transportation, and Department of State colleagues to 
ensure there is the necessary legislative authority to implement CORSIA 
and other ambitious climate measures.

    Question. Will you commit to working with FAA on advising Congress 
on the development of legislation that may be necessary to ensure the 
U.S. is in full compliance with ICAO's CORSIA?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress, in 
coordination with FAA, DOT, and DOS colleagues to ensure there is the 
necessary legislative authority to implement CORSIA and other climate 
measures.

Malevolent Influence in International Organizations
    Question. Will you commit to working with likeminded countries to 
ensure the agenda and decisions of ICAO and Parties to the Chicago 
convention operate transparently, and that you will maintain vigilant 
of the weight and influence of countries that do not share the U.S.' 
values and economic interests?

    Answer. Standard-setting bodies are essential to the national 
security and economic security of the United States, our partners, and 
allies. Organizations such as ICAO must remain transparent and 
accountable to member states, focused on mandates and core 
competencies, and led by independent, qualified individuals. If 
confirmed, I will prioritize working with allies and partners to 
strengthen ICAO's governance and its ability to fulfill its mandate: 
the safety, security, and sustainability of civil aviation. This will 
include opposing efforts by states, including the PRC, that seek to 
make ICAO and other international organizations less transparent and 
accountable or to use the organization to advance their own interests. 
If confirmed, I will also continue to support greater U.S. 
representation at ICAO, including by advocating for qualified and 
independent candidates.

Air Safety and Boeing 737 Max
    Question. What role do you believe ICAO has to intervene or resolve 
country decisions to ground or prohibit Boeing 737 Max from their 
airspace?

    Answer. It is up to a State's regulatory authority to determine 
whether to allow an aircraft to conduct operations within its 
territory. On November 18, 2020, the FAA published the final 
Airworthiness Directive with its findings and decisions regarding 
recertification of the Boeing 737 MAX flight control systems. The FAA 
worked alongside Transport Canada Civil Aviation (TCCA), the European 
Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA) and the National Civil Aviation 
Agency of Brazil (ANAC) in approving all the design changes to the 
Boeing 737 MAX. Following the FAA's rescission of its prior grounding 
order on November 18th, 2020, over 178 countries have since taken steps 
to allow the reintroduction of the aircraft.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
        to Capt. C.B. Sullenberger III by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In 2019, the State Department withheld about $2 million 
in contributions pursuant to Sec. 7048(a) of the FY 2019 Consolidated 
Appropriations Act, which mandates the withholding of 15 percent of 
contributions to international organizations that do not implement 
sufficient whistleblower protections. After the adoption and 
implementation of key ethics and oversight reforms, the U.S. restored 
full funding.

   If confirmed, will you direct the U.S. Mission to ICAO to push for 
        the full adoption and implementation of the remaining ethics 
        and oversight reforms?

    Answer. The Administration is committed to improving transparency 
and accountability at ICAO, including eliminating waste, fraud, and 
abuse, as well as protecting whistleblowers from retaliation. If 
confirmed, I will focus intently on and fully support actions to help 
ICAO leadership develop a culture of transparency and accountability 
within the organization--actions that cannot be delayed given the 
recent history of mismanagement.

    Question. How will you hold the body accountable for doing so given 
it has fallen way short in the past?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will be a relentless advocate for necessary 
reforms. I believe corrective measures at ICAO became more achievable 
with the recent election of Juan Carlos Salazar, the former head of 
Colombia's civil aviation authority, as the organization's new 
Secretary General. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. engagement with 
ICAO leadership and other member states to ensure that ICAO's 
transparency and accountability mechanisms meet U.N. System-wide best 
practices.

    Question. Are you familiar with the whistleblower scandal at ICAO 
in recent years where the secretary general of ICAO, Fang Liu, was 
accused by a senior official-turned-whistleblower of ``toxic and 
hostile'' leadership marked by ``cronyism'' and ``favoritism,'' and 
where no investigation place and the whistleblower was fired by ICAO?

    Answer. I am familiar with the whistleblower scandal that occurred 
at ICAO, and with the cyberattack that spurred it. Following a high-
level claim of retaliation in June 2019, I understand that the U.S. 
Mission increased its efforts to address deficiencies in ICAO's ethics 
framework, investigation procedures, and Secretariat transparency. 
Concerted action on the part of the United States led to ICAO's 
adoption of a new whistleblower protection policy and new procedures 
for investigating complaints of staff misconduct in 2020. If confirmed, 
I will continue to work to assure that whistleblowers can report 
wrongdoing without fear of reprisal and will also commit to working 
closely with the organization to ensure it is effectively implementing 
its new whistleblower protection policy.

    Question. In brief, a breach of ICAO's servers by a Chinese state-
sponsored hacker group which took place in 2019 and revealed in 2019. 
The hackers reportedly gained access to the agency's system through a 
compromised laptop belonging to the son of then-ICAO Council President 
Olumuyiwa Benard Aliu. The hackers compromised the laptop of an ICAO 
official was in Beijing. Leaked documents show that ICAO staff sought 
to cover up the incident, and Liu reportedly ignored internal 
recommendations to investigate further. Are you familiar with this case 
which has been widely reported on?

    Answer. Yes, I am familiar with the serious cyberattack at ICAO 
that was revealed in 2019, and the deeply flawed response within the 
organization. Important reforms were subsequently put in place to deal 
with the lack of accountability in the handling of this issue, and if 
confirmed, I will press for continued implementation of those reforms 
to ensure enhanced transparency in the handling of these types of 
cases.

    Question. What is your perspective on protecting whistleblowers and 
do you commit to withholding the legislatively mandated portion of 
funds from ICAO if the agency reneges on its whistleblower protection 
reforms?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will push to ensure that ICAO's 
transparency and accountability mechanisms meet U.N. System-wide best 
practices, and I will work closely with the organization to ensure it 
is effectively implementing its new whistleblower protection policy. I 
will also work to ensure that whistleblowers can report wrongdoing 
without fear of reprisal. I will ensure that the Department's actions 
with respect to ICAO are consistent with U.S. law, and that all options 
are explored in support of the organization's whistleblower 
protections.

    Question. On January 8, 2020, the Islamic Republic of Iran shot 
down Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, a civilian aircraft 
departing a Tehran airport. 176 innocent passengers and crew members 
were killed, including 138 people with ties to Canada. More than a year 
after the downing, the governments of Canada and Ukraine have rejected 
Iran's handling of, and investigation into, the PS752 downing, pushing 
for Iran's full adherence to international conventions. The G7 Summit 
Communique reaffirmed the G7's commitment to addressing this case.

   If confirmed, will you commit to publicly and meaningfully 
        supporting our allies and partners in Canada and Ukraine to 
        pursue full accountability, transparency, and justice in this 
        case, including at ICAO?

    Answer. The United States participated in the investigation of the 
shoot down of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, with the 
inclusion of an accredited representative on the investigation team. I 
understand that the ICAO Accident Investigation Panel formed a working 
group to continue to discuss some of the unique circumstances raised by 
the accident. If I am confirmed, I am committed to continuing to work 
with our international partners to ensure the integrity of the accident 
investigation process, to push for accountability for those responsible 
for the shoot-down of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, and 
to call on Iran to uphold its responsibilities to the victims and 
families of this tragic incident.

    Question. Since 2013, Taiwan has been systematically excluded from 
participating at ICAO, including during key discussions to stop the 
spread of COVID-19 in the early days of the pandemic. Taiwan operates 
one of the busiest airports by passenger and cargo traffic in the 
world.

   Can you commit to championing Taiwan's bid to attain observer 
        status at ICAO?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to supporting Taiwan's 
meaningful participation in ICAO, in line with longstanding U.S. 
policy. Aviation security, safety, and environmental impacts are 
matters of global importance, and should involve all interested 
stakeholders, including Taiwan, which has a major aviation sector and 
can both benefit from and contribute to technical discussions on 
aviation safety and security based on its own aviation experiences.

    Question. How will the U.S. Mission to ICAO, in conjunction with 
the State Department, specifically work to assist Taiwan in its bid?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will press ICAO leadership to provide 
meaningful participation for Taiwan at all appropriate levels and 
events. It is critical that Taiwan both contribute to and benefit from 
technical aviation safety and security discussions that occur at ICAO 
in various fora. If confirmed, I will make this a priority at ICAO and 
work with the State Department and other agencies to identify 
opportunities and events to support Taiwan's participation so that the 
international community can benefit from its contributions on this 
important issue.

    Question. On May 23, 2021, Ryanair flight FR4978 was forcibly 
diverted by the government of Belarus and a passenger was arrested. 
ICAO has taken up an investigation of this event.

   Can you commit to ensuring that the fact-finding investigation into 
        Ryanair Flight FR4978 is completed with transparency?

    Answer. The forced diversion of Ryanair Flight 4978 by Belarus and 
subsequent arrest of an opposition journalist and a colleague showed 
flagrant disregard for international norms of aviation security and 
safety and undermined the critical trust between pilots and air traffic 
control. ICAO, as the U.N. organization responsible for setting global 
standards for the safety and security of international civil aviation, 
must work to ensure those standards are upheld.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure our partners and allies, and 
all related parties fully participate in the ICAO investigation by 
sharing all information relevant to the incident with ICAO's 
investigative team and to push for substantive findings, including a 
chronology of events, to be presented to the ICAO Council in November.

    Question. How will you work to combat malign Chinese influence at 
ICAO?

    Answer. Standard-setting bodies are essential to the national 
security and economic security of the United States and our partners, 
friends, and allies. Organizations such as ICAO must remain transparent 
and accountable to membership, focused on mandates and core 
competencies, and led by independent, qualified individuals. If 
confirmed, I will prioritize working with allies and partners to 
strengthen ICAO's governance and its ability to fulfil its mandate: the 
safety, security, and sustainability of civil aviation. If confirmed, I 
will oppose efforts by states, including the PRC, that seek to make 
ICAO and other international organizations less transparent and 
accountable or to use the organizations to advance their own interests. 
If confirmed, I will also continue to support greater U.S. 
representation at ICAO, including by advocating for qualified and 
independent candidates.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Capt. C.B. Sullenberger III by Senator Mike Rounds

    Question. What leadership role, if any, do you think ICAO could and 
should take in lifting travel restrictions and restoring post-pandemic 
international air travel?

    Answer. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on civil aviation is 
unprecedented. ICAO moved quickly to establish the Council Aviation 
Recovery Task Force (CART) to provide guidance to governments and 
industry operators to restart the international air transport sector 
safely and promote recovery from the impacts of COVID-19 on a 
coordinated global basis.
    While it is up to member states to lift restrictions on travel 
across borders, ICAO can continue to play an important role in 
identifying the tools and resources necessary to do so. In the long 
run, ICAO must continue to work with member states and the World Health 
Organization to ensure a more robust disease surveillance and contact 
tracing capability in the civil aviation domain, as well as to 
facilitate the efficient and secure flow of limited health information 
among air passengers and states to prevent and mitigate the effects of 
future pandemics on air transport. If confirmed, this will be a top 
priority of mine at ICAO.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Dr. Atul A. Gawande by Senator Robert Menendez

COVID-19
    Question. Nearly two years into the COVID-19 pandemic access to the 
COVID-19 vaccine in poor and developing nations remains a challenge. 
For example, Africa has vaccinated only 3 percent of its population due 
to lack of supply.

   What are the major challenges to increasing the global supply of 
        COVID-19 vaccines produced in the United States and Europe and 
        what role if any will you play relative to helping overcome 
        those challenges?

    Answer. While there have been significant improvements and scale-up 
in global manufacturing, there remain constraints in the supply of some 
key input materials, as well as constrained capacity to ``fill and 
finish'' vaccines into vials. I understand that USAID is working 
closely with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation and 
other partners to expand global vaccine manufacturing, including by 
supporting efforts to build human resource capacity for vaccine 
production and enabling the regulatory environment to review the safety 
and quality of vaccines before sale and use. If confirmed, I will work 
with colleagues across the U.S. Government to spur innovative solutions 
to these challenges.

   What is your understanding of the efficacy of vaccines produced in 
        China and Russia, and if confirmed what messages, if any, 
        should you deliver to countries about the safety and efficacy 
        of these vaccines?

    Answer. While Sinopharm and Sinovac have been shown in certain 
studies to be less effective than several other COVID-19 vaccines, 
studies against prior prevailing SARS-CoV-2 strains have shown 
Sinopharm and Sinovac have a favorable protective impact against 
critical illness and both have received Emergency Use Listing from the 
World Health Organization (WHO). Russia's Sputnik V vaccine produced by 
Gamaleya Research Institute has not yet received Emergency Use Listing 
from the WHO or a stringent regulatory authority. I note that the 
Biden-Harris administration is dedicated to increasing U.S. vaccine 
sharing efforts and ensuring broad availability of safe and effective 
vaccines to more countries in need, through COVAX and bilaterally, and 
continues to call on others to do the same.

   Assuming availability of supply comes on line, what will be the 
        most significant challenges to what is commonly referred to as 
        ``putting shots in arms'' in countries with weak health 
        systems, and what role will you play if confirmed to ensure 
        those challenges have been addressed prior to COVID-19 
        vaccination doses become available?

    Answer. Accelerating worldwide vaccine administration is an even 
bigger challenge than increasing supply. If confirmed, I will support 
USAID's efforts in this area as a top priority. Bolstering country 
readiness is critical to the success of the U.S. donation of Pfizer 
doses and other vaccines, in particular. I understand that the 
President has announced that USAID plans to allocate additional 
American Rescue Plan funds for vaccine readiness. This builds on 
previous investments to support partner countries to strengthen their 
vaccination programs, including setting up vaccination sites, training 
vaccinators, providing logistics support to the ``last mile,'' fighting 
vaccine misinformation, and securing cold chain equipment.

   If confirmed, what actions would you plan to take, related to 
        implementing the objectives of the September 2021 U.S. COVID-19 
        Summit?

    Answer. At the September COVID-19 Summit, the President announced 
that USAID plans to provide $195 million in support for country vaccine 
readiness efforts in support of the ``Vaccinate the World'' target and 
$50 million to expand access to oxygen in support of the ``Save Lives 
Now'' target. I understand that USAID will provide an additional $100 
million for rapid response interventions, including addressing needs in 
COVID-19 hot spots and will also play a key role supporting the 
administration of an additional 500 million Pfizer vaccines to be 
donated by the United States. If confirmed, I commit to supporting 
these efforts as well as working with our partners, the private sector, 
and other countries to support reaching the Summit targets.

   What is your view of the role the Coalition for Epidemic 
        Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) can play in combatting the 
        COVID-19 pandemic, and future pandemics, and what level of 
        funding should USAID provide to the organization?

    Answer. I understand that USAID currently provides support to 
CEPI's core vaccine development program. If confirmed, I intend to 
consider all possible avenues where USAID can improve country COVID-19 
vaccine capacity. CEPI has been an effective innovator. If I am 
fortunate enough to lead the Bureau for Global Health, I will explore 
how CEPI's work aligns with the U.S. funding portfolio for efforts to 
expand use of existing vaccines and prepare for new variants.

Health Systems Strengthening
    Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize Health Systems 
Strengthening? Will you commit to consulting with my staff on your 
plans in this area, if confirmed?

    Answer. Health systems strengthening has been a major focus of my 
career, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with USAID 
colleagues, and your staff, to prioritize this work. I understand that 
USAID recently released a new Vision for Health Systems Strengthening, 
and I plan to ensure that USAID's approach described in the Vision is 
implemented across the Agency's programs. In particular, I will 
prioritize support for local organizations and locally-derived 
solutions and work with countries and partners to leverage health 
resources across public, private, and community sectors. This includes 
supporting USAID's efforts to optimize the impact of those resources to 
advance equity and quality of healthcare.

Tuberculosis
    Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize tuberculosis 
control efforts, in particular case finding, equitable and high quality 
treatment, and research and development of innovative diagnostics, 
therapies, and vaccines?

    Answer. COVID-19 has had a devastating impact on the global 
tuberculosis (TB) response. If confirmed, I will ensure USAID continues 
its TB recovery efforts in the highest impacted countries, focusing on 
expanding access to TB detection, such as with TB and COVID-19 bi-
directional testing and community-based contact investigations. If 
confirmed, I look forward to overseeing efforts to improve the quality 
of TB and drug resistant TB treatment through, for example, innovative 
digital technology, and supporting research for new and better 
treatment and diagnostic tools. I will also support coordination with 
other partners, leveraging their additional resources for late-stage 
development and uptake of new TB vaccines.

Global Women's Health
    Question. As the world continues to confront COVID-19, women's 
health services must be part of any comprehensive response to the 
pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to increased incidences of 
sexual exploitation and gender-based violence as well as decreased 
access to reproductive and maternal health care. In March 2021, the 
United Nations Population Fund reported that an estimated 12 million 
women experienced disruptions in access to family planning due to the 
pandemic, leading to 1.4 million unintended pregnancies. These impacts 
have been especially devastating for women and girls already in the 
grip of humanitarian crises, from Afghanistan to Venezuela. Already, 
women's progress over the past 25 years has begun to be reversed.

   How will USAID meet the expanding health needs of women and girls 
        impacted by the secondary effects of COVID-19, including 
        gender-based violence? What steps will USAID's Bureau of Global 
        Health take to halt the reversal of progress in women's health 
        and rights?

    Answer. U.S. investments in reproductive and maternal health, and 
gender-based violence prevention and response, are vital to women's 
health, gender equality, and the empowerment of women and girls. They 
also support the Biden-Harris administration's health and development 
priorities. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to reach those most 
vulnerable, especially women and girls; ensure continued and equitable 
access to life-saving voluntary family planning and maternal health 
care; support countries to develop enabling environments for healthy 
behaviors; and increase the health sector's capacity to prevent and 
address gender-based violence.

   How will USAID seek to ensure that women in humanitarian 
        emergencies-who have been disproportionately impacted by the 
        secondary impacts of COVID-19-receive access to critical health 
        care services?

    Answer. I understand USAID's humanitarian programming in the 
context of COVID-19 takes an integrated health and protection approach 
to ensure women and girls in humanitarian emergencies have access to 
critical healthcare services, including antenatal care, safe delivery 
at birth, postnatal care, and voluntary family planning. Programs also 
address myths, misconceptions, and misinformation. In light of the 
dramatic increase in gender-based violence (GBV) resulting from the 
pandemic, I understand that USAID partners are expanding services to 
directly address pandemic-related GBV needs. If confirmed, I will work 
to ensure that USAID's longer term global health investments build on 
the important work of the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance in 
countries where the Agency works.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Dr. Atul A. Gawande by Senator James E. Risch

In General
    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding the statutory 
structure and organizational principals of the U.S. Agency of 
International Development (USAID), whereby the agency operates as an 
independent agency under the foreign policy direction of the U.S. 
Secretary of State?

    Answer. Yes, I will uphold the statutory structure and 
organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes U.S. 
foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs, 
subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary 
of State, and the National Security Council.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan 
manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by 
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant U.S. 
global health strategies, initiatives, and funding?

    Answer. Yes.

Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
    Question. A recent report by the Center for International Private 
Enterprise (CIPE) Anti-Corruption and Governance Center suggests that 
an estimated five to ten percent of annual humanitarian aid is lost to 
corruption, while an estimated seven percent of global spending on 
public health is lost to waste, fraud, and abuse. The United States is, 
by far, the single most generous donor of both humanitarian and global 
health assistance.

   If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero tolerance policy 
        for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your purview?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance 
policy for USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the 
sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable communities they are 
meant to serve?

    Answer. Yes.

Management
    Question. USAID has a diverse workforce, supported by 22 different 
hiring mechanisms, that has been under enormous stress over the last 
few years, in large part due to persistent management challenges, 
budget uncertainty, and COVID-19 and its associated stresses. To 
further complicate matters, if confirmed, you will be charged with 
managing an operational bureau that consumes roughly one third of the 
USAID budget and programs that cut across nearly every development 
sector. With the perceived importance of bureaus and initiatives all-
to-often measured by the resources they manage, competition can be 
fierce and cooperation difficult.

   What is your understanding of morale within the Bureau for Global 
        Health?

    Answer. I understand that the COVID pandemic has created challenges 
for the entire Federal workforce, and USAID has the relatively unique 
additional challenges of a substantial overseas workforce. More 
broadly, I understand that USAID has been asked to take on expanding 
duties, and the staff at the Bureau have been under tremendous pressure 
for the past 18 months as the Agency has responded to the COVID-19 
pandemic.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the bureau?

    Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to addressing morale and 
strengthening community at USAID. Among my top, early priorities will 
be to gain a comprehensive understanding of the issues affecting 
morale, as well as the agency's personnel structure and human resources 
and management mechanisms that can be used to address the most critical 
issues. Through two decades of management experience, I have come to 
understand the value of listening to my teams, creating opportunities 
for personal and professional growth at all levels, and ensuring that 
the often incredibly difficult work undertaken by my staff or 
organization is publicly and privately acknowledged.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across the bureau, while also accounting for the areas of overlap with 
other agencies, bureaus, offices, and initiatives?

    Answer. I understand that the size and scope of the Global Health 
Bureau can create coordination challenges within the Agency, and across 
other departments and agencies. At the same time, I see tremendous 
opportunity in leveraging the expertise and experience of the Global 
Health Bureau in coordination with the State Department, Centers for 
Disease Control and Prevention, Department of Health and Human 
Services, and others, at a policy level and on specific public health 
issues. If confirmed, I commit to building constructive relationships 
with my colleagues and counterparts at USAID and across the interagency 
to further U.S. foreign policy interests and strengthen global health.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I work hard to be an effective leader of leaders. That 
means, in managing organizations small and large, I've worked to 
establish, communicate, and win support for clear priorities; to secure 
the leaders and resources to achieve them; and to build the 
transparency and relationships that enable people to pull together in 
the same direction. When these come together, extraordinary things 
happen.

    Question. In your view, how would your management style translate 
in a USAID setting, where your workforce is composed of career foreign 
and civil servants, as well as a dizzying array of political 
appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency 
Service Agreements, contractors, and grantees?

    Answer. Establishing clear priorities, the needed talent and 
resources, and the strong relationships required for execution is 
particularly challenging in federal government. But these principles of 
effective leadership apply equally in the public sector as the private 
sector.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career foreign or 
civil servant, do you believe it is incumbent upon Agency leaders to 
integrate themselves into bureau operations and culture? If yes, how do 
you intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that USAID is made stronger as an Agency by 
combining the talents and skill sets of all its staff, regardless of 
their hiring mechanism. If I am confirmed, I will seek to integrate 
myself into that ecosystem, both to understand how the Global Health 
Bureau works and to add my perspective as a physician and public health 
leader. If confirmed, I will do this by holding listening sessions to 
understand the challenges facing current staff and solicit advice on 
how we can create a workforce that is more diverse and inclusive.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or in private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. In order to incentivize and ensure employee excellence at 
USAID, accurate performance reviews for all categories of employees are 
critical, though often lacking.

   Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with 
        accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order 
        to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in 
        their roles?

    Answer. Yes, I do. I understand that USAID has five performance 
management systems which emphasize ongoing, constructive feedback and 
require formal conversations during the annual performance cycle. USAID 
also has a robust awards and recognition program that includes annual 
performance bonuses and incentive awards. If confirmed, I commit to 
working within these systems to encourage employees to achieve success 
both within and on behalf of USAID.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage the 
managers in your bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback 
to employees in order to improve performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. I would encourage managers to continue providing 
clear, accurate, and direct feedback to employees on a regular basis 
and as part of their annual performance appraisals. Constructive 
feedback is critical to helping employees be successful and to ensure 
that underperforming employees get back on track. It also allows 
managers to recognize and reward individuals and groups for 
contributions to the accomplishment of USAID's mission, goals, and 
objectives.

Global Health Security
    Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public 
health research--such as gain-of-function or other life sciences 
research that poses dual-use concerns--in cooperation with countries 
that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have violated or 
failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or where the 
United States cannot certify that such country is in compliance with 
the Biological Weapons Convention?

    Answer. I do not support USAID conducting research that would make 
viruses more lethal or transmissible in cooperation with such 
countries. Furthermore, it is my understanding that USAID does not fund 
gain-of-function research, and that USAID has not funded or conducted 
any studies or experiments anywhere in the world that would make 
viruses more lethal or transmissible.

    Question. If confirmed, will you ensure USAID's research and 
development grants are fully vetted and do not flow to partners, 
including through sub-grants, engaged in such research, particularly in 
countries with lax biosecurity standards?

    Answer. I understand that USAID provides clear guidance in all 
Global Health Security (GHS) programming to implementing partners on 
compliance and adherence to rigorous biosafety and security protocols 
and that USAID does not fund any gain-of-function research through 
prime or sub-partners. USAID requires regular reporting on implementing 
partners' activities supported with its funding, which must adhere to 
the criteria laid out in the award. This reporting is closely monitored 
by USAID staff to ensure compliance with U.S. Government regulations 
pertaining to GHS research. If confirmed, I will continue to implement 
this guidance and will not fund any gain-of-function research with 
USAID funds.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you enhance USAID's monitoring 
and evaluation of sub-grants related to life sciences research?

    Answer. It is my understanding that for all awards, USAID requires 
regular reporting on partners' activities supported with Agency 
funding, which must adhere to the parameters of each award. If 
confirmed, I will work to ensure USAID continues to provide robust 
oversight of awards to monitor activities and the appropriate use of 
funds, and that award-level safeguards related to monitoring sub-awards 
are included in each applicable award.

    Question. In your private capacity, you have asserted that the 
``lab leak'' theory--i.e. that the COVID-19 pandemic may have its 
origins in an accidental exposure or leak from a lab in Wuhan, China--
is plausible and merits further investigation.

   If confirmed, will you commit to conducting a comprehensive review, 
        to include lessons learned, of all USAID grant funding to 
        entities in the People's Republic of China for the previous 10 
        years and sharing the results of such review with this 
        committee?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with the committee 
regarding USAID-funded global health activities in the People's 
Republic of China. Lessons learned from past programming can and should 
help shape the Agency's future approaches. I supported the President's 
decision to direct the Intelligence Community to conduct a full 
investigation into the origins of COVID-19, as well as administration 
efforts with partners and allies to seek a second phase study by the 
WHO. We also know getting to the bottom of the origin of this pandemic 
will help us understand how to prepare for the next pandemic.

    Question. If confirmed, will you also commit to providing this 
committee with all requested information on USAID funding to EcoHealth 
Alliance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to responding to the 
committee's requests for information on USAID's prior funding for 
EcoHealth Alliance which, I understand, has concluded.

    Question. In your testimony, you indicate that your top three 
priorities as USAID Assistant Administrator for Global Health would be 
to accelerate the global response to COVID-19, prepare for the next 
pandemic, and strengthen health systems. In July, the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee passed S. 2297, the International Pandemic 
Preparedness and COVID-19 Response Act, with overwhelming bipartisan 
support. The top three priorities you have outlined align with this 
bill.

   Are you familiar with S. 2297, the International Pandemic 
        Preparedness and COVID-19 Response Act?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you agree with the legislation's basic principles 
that: (1) U.S. global health security and diplomacy are inextricably 
linked; (2) enhanced leadership by the Department of State will be 
required to advance an effective U.S. global health security and 
diplomacy strategy overseas; (3) while a competent entity at the 
Department of State should align and coordinate U.S. foreign assistance 
efforts, the technical experts at USAID and the Department of Health 
and Human Services (HHS) should be trusted to lead in design and 
implementation of programs under such strategy; (4) international early 
warning systems are lacking and must be strengthened; and (5) an 
international financing mechanism that incentivizes countries to 
identify and close measurable gaps in health security, including 
through enhanced early warning, will be required to help us get ahead 
of the next pandemic.

    Answer. I support the idea of improving our pandemic preparedness 
and global health security activities, and I agree that diplomacy and 
assistance are both critical tools in these efforts. I know that USAID 
works closely with the Department of State, the Centers for Disease 
Control and Prevention and others to ensure the U.S. is best positioned 
to prevent, detect, and respond to infectious disease threats. If 
confirmed, I commit to working with you on all efforts to advance 
global health security.

    Question. USAID missions have the authority to make cross-cutting 
investments in health systems strengthening while implementing disease- 
and sector-specific initiatives, yet often fail to do so. S. 2297 thus 
seeks to incentivize USAID investments in health system strengthening 
through the creation of a pilot program.

   If confirmed, which countries and investments would you prioritize 
        under such a pilot program?

    Answer. Health systems strengthening (HSS) has been a major focus 
of my career, and if confirmed, I look forward to working within the 
Agency to ensure this work is prioritized, including by identifying 
opportunities for future investments in specific partner countries. I 
understand USAID recently released a Vision for Health System 
Strengthening, which outlines a clear approach for designing, 
implementing and monitoring HSS activities. If confirmed, and if such a 
pilot program is created, I will seek to partner with countries 
interested in fully implementing USAID's HSS approach.

    Question. Where are the greatest opportunities for success, and 
where are the greatest obstacles?

    Answer. Since programs have the opportunity to make efficiency 
gains by addressing common health system challenges, I think the 
countries that implement a range of global health programs offer the 
greatest opportunity for success. I also understand that this same 
dynamic can be an obstacle to integrated programming because different 
programs operate under their own unique sets of objectives. If 
confirmed, I will work to better integrate global health programming to 
overcome this obstacle.

    Question. The President's FY 2022 budget request for the Department 
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs proposes a 
substantial increase for global health security.

   If confirmed, which partners and investments would you prioritize?

    Answer. I understand that the President's FY 2022 budget request 
would increase global health security funding with a significant 
portion focused on USAID. If confirmed, I look forward to working with 
you, the National Security Council staff and relevant Departments, and 
colleagues at the Agency on potential plans to scale up bilateral 
country programs as well as support multilateral organizations working 
to develop tools to end the COVID-19 pandemic and more effectively 
prevent and respond to future ones. I will also work to ensure that 
USAID's Global Health Security programming continues to build 
resilience for future epidemics and pandemics by supporting partner 
countries scale up the core public health capacities that are needed to 
prevent avoidable epidemics, detect threats early, and respond rapidly 
and effectively to disease outbreaks to stop them from becoming 
national or global emergencies. Moreover, I will ensure that global 
health security investments complement the broader approach to health 
systems strengthening so that USAID's investments help countries 
withstand future shocks.

COVID-19
    Question. The American Rescue Plan (ARP) provided USAID with 
$905,000,000 to prevent, prepare for, and respond to coronavirus, to 
include support ``for a multilateral vaccine development partnership to 
support epidemic preparedness.'' Though there was virtually no 
consultation on the authorizing language, the authors reportedly 
intended to require USAID to dedicate a substantial portion of this 
amount for a substantial contribution to the Coalition for Epidemic 
Preparedness Innovations (CEPI). More than six months later, the 
substantial contribution envisioned in the ARP has yet to materialize. 
This has raised questions about the level of confidence USAID has in 
CEPI's model and operations.

   If confirmed, will you commit to provide to this committee a 
        complete, detailed spending plan for the funds received through 
        the American Rescue Plan (ARP) for the international COVID-19 
        response, to include all aspects of the response, from vaccine 
        sharing to second order impacts?

    Answer. I understand that the State Department and USAID provide 
Congressionally-mandated reporting on COVID-19 funding, including 
obligations and disbursements by country and partner, every 60 days. If 
confirmed, I will ensure consultations with the committee continue and 
that USAID provides regular briefings on the use of American Rescue 
Plan funding.

    Question. If confirmed, would it be your intention to engage with 
CEPI for the research and development of COVID-19 vaccines, including 
vaccines to combat COVID-19 variants, as well as vaccines to disrupt 
transmission of new and emerging infectious diseases with pandemic 
potential?

    Answer. I understand that USAID currently provides support to 
CEPI's core vaccine development program. While I am not privy to 
administration discussions on the use of American Rescue Plan funding, 
if confirmed, I intend to consider all possible avenues where USAID can 
improve COVID-19 vaccine capacity. CEPI has been an effective 
innovator. If I am fortunate enough to lead the Bureau for Global 
Health, I will explore how CEPI's work aligns with the U.S. funding 
portfolio for efforts to expand use of existing vaccines and prepare 
for new variants.

    Question. What is your assessment of CEPI's performance to date? 
For what reason might USAID be hesitating to make contributions?

    Answer. While I am not privy to administration discussions on the 
use of American Rescue Plan funding, if confirmed, I will assess how 
CEPI's capabilities would advance the administration's efforts to 
support a multilateral vaccine development partnership to enhance 
epidemic preparedness and look forward to consulting with you on those 
efforts.

    Question. USAID, in coordination with the U.S. Department of State, 
currently is managing United States contributions to COVAX.

   How would you assess the performance of COVAX to date?

    Answer. I understand that COVAX has performed well in the context 
of unforeseen and ongoing constraints to the global vaccine supply, 
including the restricted export of vaccines from India. While it 
appears that COVAX is below its original delivery projections, vaccine 
donations from the United States and other donors continue to increase 
the immediate supply to low and lower-middle income countries. If 
confirmed, I will continue to support efforts to expand the 
availability of safe and effective vaccines globally to bring this 
pandemic to an end.

    Question. How can USAID ensure that COVAX is working expeditiously 
to get shots in arms while guarding against waste, fraud, and abuse?

    Answer. It is my understanding that USAID's $4 billion in 
contributions to Gavi/COVAX in 2021 was provided in tranches, allowing 
USAID to ensure Gavi/COVAX obtained the funding needed from other 
donors to scale up global vaccine access, while closely monitoring 
COVAX's performance. USAID also participates in Gavi's Audit and 
Finance Committee, and has the opportunity to regularly review risks 
involved in procuring and delivering COVID-19 vaccines. It is my 
understanding that Gavi/COVAX has established methods for receiving 
reports of fraud, and that all allegations are overseen by Gavi's 
Investigation Managing Director and Whistleblower Compliance Officer. 
If confirmed, I will support efforts by USAID to strengthen and 
reinforce existing systems to mitigate these threats to multilateral 
and bilateral vaccine campaigns and strengthen fraud awareness and 
reporting.

    Question. How can USAID ensure that U.S. financial contributions to 
COVAX are not used to underwrite the purchase and distribution of 
substandard Chinese COVID-19 vaccines, particularly following the 
announcement that COVAX would, in fact, begin making major purchases of 
Chinese vaccines?

    Answer. My understanding is that Gavi allocated the $4 billion 
contribution from the U.S. prior to the decision to purchase Sinopharm 
and Sinovac vaccines, and that no U.S. funds were used for those 
purchases. If confirmed, I look forward to working within the 
administration and with Congress to make certain that the U.S. 
continues to engage constructively with Gavi to ensure a robust supply 
of safe, effective, and high-quality vaccines to COVAX Advance Market 
Commitment (AMC) countries.

    Question. Under what circumstances would U.S. bilateral vaccine 
contributions be more appropriate than contributions via COVAX?

    Answer. Donating doses through the multilateral COVAX initiative 
is, in most cases, generally more cost-effective and efficient than a 
bilateral donation, as it allows the U.S. Government to utilize COVAX's 
existing legal agreements with manufacturers and countries, and ensures 
that countries have access to necessary ancillary materials (e.g. 
syringes) and logistics support. Bilateral donations, in contrast, 
require the U.S. Government to arrange logistic support directly with 
recipient countries and develop new legal agreements. In some specific 
instances, particularly with high-income countries, bilateral donations 
offer a faster and more direct route for sharing vaccines.

    Question. The Biden administration has identified critical 
shortages in COVID-19 testing, treatment, and vaccine readiness, 
particularly in developing countries. Within the Access to COVID-19 
Tools (Act) Accelerator, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis 
and Malaria's COVID-19 Response Mechanism is responsible for the 
diagnostics and health systems strengthening pillars. The United States 
has committed $3.5 billion to the Global Fund for this purpose.

   Given your own private sector experience in expanding access to 
        COVID-19 diagnostics, what is your assessment of the Global 
        Fund's performance to date? What is the Global Fund getting 
        right, and what would you do differently?

    Answer. The Global Fund (GF), a valued U.S. Government partner, 
moved quickly to announce COVID-19 funding that allowed countries to 
respond to the escalating crisis. I understand that GF has leveraged 
volume commitments to reduce the cost of rapid antigen based test kits 
by 40 percent and is expected to supply more than 110 million tests 
during 2021. If confirmed, I will work with the GF to provide robust 
assistance to countries to support the achievement of GF grant targets, 
while acknowledging that adjustments may be necessary during the COVID-
19 pandemic. If confirmed, I will also work with the Global Fund to 
ensure their core mission remains fulfilled, given the increased needs 
globally to address HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria.

President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
    Question. USAID overseas missions have a long history of stretching 
the boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds, 
including when using PEPFAR funds to finance the construction of 
schools in Malawi despite the availability of education funds earmarked 
by appropriators annually for this purpose, or when using PEPFAR funds 
statutorily set aside to support children who have been made vulnerable 
by HIV/AIDS for activities with no discernable connection to HIV/AIDS.

   If confirmed, will you commit to working closely with the Office of 
        the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (OGAC) at 
        the U.S. Department of State to ensure that USAID's efforts to 
        combat HIV/AIDS are efficient, effective, aligned and 
        complementary to the work of OGAC?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with OGAC to ensure 
USAID's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS are efficient, effective, aligned, 
and complementary to the work of OGAC. I understand that USAID has 
established planning, monitoring, and oversight procedures and has 
dedicated personnel for monitoring activities to foster greater 
accountability for the use of resources toward epidemic control and the 
attainment of PEPFAR goals. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure 
that USAID employs the core principles that have been paramount in 
realizing programmatic success to date, including: demonstrating clear 
outcomes and impact of U.S. Government investments through robust data 
and analytics, finding efficiencies to increase impact, and managing 
for results and accountability.

    Question. Will you work to ensure that USAID missions meaningfully 
contribute to, but also adhere to, PEPFAR's Country Operating Plan 
(COP) process?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that USAID 
Missions continue to contribute and adhere to PEPFAR's COP process. It 
is my understanding that USAID Mission teams engage actively in 
strategic planning discussions with their interagency team, USAID 
Global Health Bureau counterparts, and local stakeholders -- including 
the host government and implementing partners -- to analyze new data, 
discuss prior performance, and reach consensus on the new COP's 
direction to ensure full accountability and ownership.

Multilateral and Bilateral Global Health Programs
    Question. There has been strong focus over the last year and a half 
on multilateral institutions to address global health challenges, 
including but not limited to the U.S. international response to the 
COVID-19 pandemic.

   Recognizing that multilateral and bilateral programs work 
        collaboratively, and that each have their own unique strengths 
        and challenges, what would you consider to be the appropriate 
        balance between multilateral and U.S. bilateral global health 
        assistance and programs to address existing and emerging global 
        health challenges?

    Answer. Multilateral institutions bring together bilateral donors, 
foundations, and other entities and support global alignment around 
common objectives. I think it is critical that USAID engage with global 
institutions to influence and support policy and practice worldwide. At 
the same time, USAID's bilateral programs work directly with country 
institutions on implementation. USAID's comparative advantage is its 
collaboration globally and at the country level with multilateral and 
bilateral partners. That collaboration is the catalyst for 
sustainability and the achievement of U.S. foreign policy and 
development goals.

Family Planning and Reproductive Health
    Question. The President's FY 2022 budget request for the Department 
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs proposes a 
substantial increase for Family Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/
RH), through both bilateral aid programs and contributions to the U.N. 
Population Fund.

   If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and complete USAID 
        compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S. 
        foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method 
        of family planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or 
        lobby for or against the legalization of abortion overseas?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign 
assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign 
assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote 
abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary 
sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?

    Answer. USAID funding does not support abortions or involuntary 
sterilizations. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to comply with all 
applicable laws, including the Helms and Siljander amendments, in 
implementing the Agency's programs.

    Question. To your knowledge, is the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-
led government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) deploying 
coercive abortion, forced sterilization, or other involuntary 
population control measures in Xinjiang Province?

    Answer. While I do not have direct knowledge nor have I studied the 
documentation on this issue, I do know that the People's Republic of 
China is committing atrocities against Uyghurs and other ethnic 
minorities in Xinjiang Province.

    Question. You have written extensively about the correlation 
between increased access to contraception and reduced demand for 
abortion. If confirmed, will you ensure that information on family 
planning is locally sensitive and includes options for natural family 
planning?

    Answer. Yes.

Preventable Maternal and Child Deaths
    Question. Thanks in large part to commitments under the 2012 global 
Call to Action, and subsequent U.S. leadership and investment through 
USAID's Acting on the Call strategy, significant gains have been made 
in reducing preventable maternal and child deaths around the globe. 
Unfortunately, much of this progress is now at risk.

   USAID's Acting on the Call strategy expired in 2020. If confirmed, 
        how would you renew and reinvigorate the strategy to reflect 
        the unique challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, ensure 
        local input, and galvanize other donors to join the fight to 
        end preventable child and maternal deaths by 2030?

    Answer. I understand that USAID is finalizing a new strategy to 
guide its child and maternal programming, and will prioritize proven 
interventions and support countries in their efforts to end preventable 
child and maternal deaths by 2030. If confirmed, I commit to working 
with the global health community to continue focusing on building 
healthier, stronger, and more self-sufficient partner countries, and to 
leverage other donor, private sector, and host country resources 
towards addressing this shared goal.

    Question. How important is restoring access to routine vaccinations 
to this effort, particularly in areas plagued by insecurity and 
conflict?

    Answer. Restoring access to routine vaccinations is critical to 
USAID's efforts to prevent child and maternal deaths. WHO-UNICEF global 
immunization estimates indicate 23 million children missed out on basic 
vaccines through routine immunization services in 2020--3.7 million 
more than in 2019. Most of these children live in communities affected 
by conflict, in under-served remote places, or in informal or slum 
settings with limited access to basic health and key social services. 
If I am confirmed, restoring and shoring up immunization services will 
be an urgent priority in order to stop a wave of preventable outbreaks 
of vaccine-preventable diseases, such as measles, and backsliding in 
child mortality gains made over the past two decades.

Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene
    Question. Access to safe water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) in 
healthcare facilities is critical to: establishing and sustaining 
strong health systems; preventing the spread of infectious diseases; 
addressing the growing challenge of antimicrobial resistance; and to 
ensuring quality care and the safety of patients and health workers. 
Yet, a recent WHO/UNICEF report cited that globally, 1-in-3 healthcare 
facilities does not have access to safe drinking water, soap, and hand 
sanitizers, and every year 17 million women give birth in facilities 
without adequate WASH.

   If confirmed, would incorporating WASH into the bureau's health 
        systems strengthening programs, and particularly those led by 
        the Office of Health Systems, be a priority?

    Answer. As a medical professional, I understand that access to safe 
water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) in healthcare facilities is 
essential to providing quality healthcare and protecting healthcare 
workers and patients from infections, such as COVID-19. I have also 
seen firsthand how the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the critical 
importance of WASH in disease prevention and infection control. If 
confirmed, I commit to working with public and private development 
partners to strengthen WASH in healthcare facilities to improve quality 
of care.

    Question. Will you commit to working with the Bureau for Resilience 
and Food Security and the USAID Global Water Coordinator to prioritize 
WASH across each of the bureau's health programs, ensure alignment of 
effort, and eliminate duplication and waste?

    Answer. Health is one of the most critical and well demonstrated 
WASH benefits. My understanding is that there is strong coordination 
between the Bureau for Resilience and Food Security (RFS) and the 
Global Water Coordinator. This includes intra-agency coordinating 
groups and the integrated management of programs and Mission support by 
the RFS Center for Water, Security, Sanitation, and Hygiene; GH Office 
of Maternal, Child Health and Nutrition; and Regional Bureaus. If 
confirmed, I commit to continue to ensure effective collaboration 
through existing platforms and to work with colleagues to improve 
internal USAID WASH program alignment.

Polio
    Question. USAID has long worked with U.N. agencies and private 
sector partners, including Rotary International and the Gates 
Foundation, to eradicate polio. These efforts have achieved notable 
success. Since the launch of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative in 
1988, more than 2.5 billion children have been immunized, two of the 
three known strains of wild poliovirus have been eradicated, and global 
cases have been reduced by 99 percent. Today, wild poliovirus remains 
endemic in just two countries: Pakistan and Afghanistan. Still, the 
COVID-19 pandemic and the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan threaten to 
reverse these gains.

   If confirmed, will you prioritize efforts to eradicate polio 
        globally, including through the reinvigoration of public-
        private partnerships and utilization of innovative approaches 
        to track infections and expand access to vaccinations in 
        vulnerable, hard to reach communities?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing USAID's 25-year 
history of collaborating with public and private partners to eradicate 
polio, including through the use of international and local non-
governmental organizations, and community and faith-based 
organizations, to reach the hardest-to-reach communities through 
gender-inclusive and equity-focused approaches.

    Question. How can USAID and its partners expand the reach of polio 
vaccines in Pakistan and Afghanistan while ensuring the protection of 
vaccinators?

    Answer. The threat to polio workers continues to be grave; in this 
year alone, more than 10 people have been killed while supporting polio 
eradication efforts. I understand that USAID's polio work in Pakistan 
and Afghanistan has focused on funding a network of staff to detect, 
track, and report wild and vaccine-derived polio cases. This 
surveillance data is essential for WHO, UNICEF, and others to plan 
polio campaigns and to implement timely outbreak response measures. 
USAID collaborates with multilateral organizations and other partners 
to mitigate risks to healthcare workers that support polio eradication. 
If confirmed, I will continue to ensure USAID and its partners maintain 
and expand access to polio vaccines, while prioritizing the safety and 
security of all polio program staff.

Localization
    Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and 
Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign 
assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to 
design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as 
sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
governmental organizations. Each of these initiatives has had mixed 
results.

   What is your view of ``localization''?

    Answer. In my view, localization can increase the input, ownership, 
and decision-making of the people who live development challenges daily 
in their communities. If confirmed, I will support Bureau approaches to 
localization efforts that reinforce implementation of global health 
activities that are guided by the people and institutions who drive 
change in their own countries and communities. I understand this is a 
key feature of USAID's Vision for Health System Strengthening that 
guides the work of the Office of Health Systems.

    Question. How can the Bureau for Global Health more effectively 
empower local partners through its program consultation, design, and 
implementation processes?

    Answer. Local capacity for development program design and 
management often requires development itself. I agree it is important 
that USAID work to support and grow a diverse set of partners who 
understand specific development needs and challenges, and continue to 
ease their access to Agency grant and contracting opportunities. If 
confirmed, I will work with USAID's global health programs and broader 
Agency efforts that I understand to be underway, to better enable local 
actors to define priorities and lead their communities' and countries' 
development agendas.

    Question. Is it appropriate to set targets for ``localization'' 
and, if so, what would you consider to be reasonable and appropriate?

    Answer. I do not believe that localization can be solely based on 
providing increased numbers of grants to local organizations or 
management targets that emphasize inputs over impact. If confirmed, I 
will work with USAID's global health programs and broader Agency 
efforts that I understand to be underway, to better enable local actors 
to define priorities and lead their communities' and countries' 
development agendas.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Dr. Atul A. Gawande by Senator Marco Rubio

    Question. In 1998, you wrote an article titled, ``The Human Cost of 
Crippling Castro'' where you criticized the longstanding U.S. policy of 
withholding financing and support for the Castro and Diaz-Canel 
regimes. For years, I have sought to clarify that the U.S. does not 
sanction Cuba, or sanction the Cuban people, but on a regime that is 
the number one reason why Cuba is the only country in the world where 
Cubans cannot succeed. For proof, we just need to look at the most 
recent protests in July, where Cubans across the island took to the 
streets against the regime's long history of economic mismanagement and 
violation of Cuban's basic rights.

   Understanding that you wrote this article more than two decades 
        ago, do you oppose U.S. efforts to deny funding to the Castro-
        Diaz-Canel regime in Cuba?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will abide by existing restrictions 
concerning Cuba, including the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 and the 
Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996. As you 
rightly note, the Cuban regime's violent crackdown on dissent both 
preceding and in response to the July 11 protests demonstrates the 
Government's blatant disregard for its people and economic 
mismanagement. I agree that no funding for Cuba should go to the 
regime. I understand that current funding only benefits the Cuban 
people, carried out by independent organizations and strictly adheres 
to the relevant U.S. laws governing the provision of assistance in 
Cuba.

    Question. In that same article, you praise the high quality of 
Cuba's medical sector, which the regime uses to promote its 
international medical missions. However, the U.S. State Department, in 
its most recent Trafficking in Persons Report, found that these 
missions are only possible through forcing Cuban doctors to work.

   In your opinion, is a health care system that relies on the forced 
        labor of its doctors and nurses really something to admire?

    Answer. Based on these findings and evidence that has emerged in 
recent years, I believe this system ultimately is exploitative and 
coercive to its participants. Any system that relies on systematic and 
deliberate violations of people's human rights should be publicly 
denounced. As stated in the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons Report with regard to participants in Cuba's international 
medical missions, ``The Government failed to inform participants of the 
terms of their contracts, which varied from country to country, 
confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened medical 
professionals and their family members if participants left the 
program.''

    Question. You have written significantly on the subject of 
abortion. Some of this writing indicates a seemingly nonchalant 
attitude to abortion as a method of family planning, which raises grave 
concerns for your role, if confirmed, of overseeing all USAID 
assistance for global health programs.

   Do you support abortion as a tool of family planning?

   Do you believe the United States should no longer prohibit the use 
        of U.S. Government funds for the performance of abortion?

   Do you support the use of partial-birth abortions?

    Answer. I am clear that USAID does not fund abortions and that 
Congress passes the laws governing the use of U.S. Government funds. 
Since 1973, the Helms Amendment has prohibited the use of U.S. foreign 
assistance funds to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of 
family planning, or to motivate or coerce any person to practice 
abortions. I take this and other restrictions, including other 
restrictions related to abortion, very seriously. If confirmed, I 
commit to ensuring that USAID continues to comply with the law, 
including the Helms and Siljander amendments, in implementing the 
Agency's programs.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
     Submitted to Hon. Claire D. Cronin by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. On September 13, the British Government unilaterally 
announced that customs checks on EU imports were delayed from October 
2021 until January 2022. The checks were part of the Brexit deal that 
kept Northern Ireland within the EU single market and avoids the need 
for a hard border with Ireland. Will you convey to the Irish government 
your staunch support for the Northern Ireland Protocol in the Brexit 
withdrawal agreement? How will you make clear that many in Congress do 
not support a U.S.-UK FTA without full implementation of the Northern 
Ireland Protocol?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will protect the hard-fought gains of the 
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. I will encourage all parties to 
prioritize political and economic stability and to negotiate when 
differences arise. I would emphasize the need to ensure any Brexit 
outcomes do not undermine the progress made since the Belfast/Good 
Friday Agreement.

    Question. The British Government has proposed an across-the-board 
amnesty for all criminal prosecutions related to the Troubles. This 
amnesty would be wider than more than 300 other post-conflict 
amnesties, including the one issued by Pinochet in Chile, according to 
a study from Queen's University Belfast. This proposed amnesty is 
incompatible with the human rights-related commitments of the GFA. What 
steps should the U.S. take to ensure that victims of Troubles-era 
violence and their families receive proper justice and accountability?

    Answer. There are many complexities surrounding the past in 
Northern Ireland and addressing these issues in a constructive way is 
essential. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Irish government 
and colleagues at Embassy London and our Consulate General in Belfast 
to urge Northern Ireland's political parties to negotiate when 
differences arise in order to build a peaceful and prosperous shared 
future in Northern Ireland.

    Question. Ireland was elected to the United Nations Security 
Council for 2021--2022. During its Presidency in September, Ireland 
focused on the UN-led peace process in Libya, the Middle East Peace 
Process, and the situations in Syria, Yemen, Sudan, and South Sudan. 
Given Ireland's leadership on peacekeeping, climate, and security, how 
will you work with Irish partners to build coalitions that address our 
mutual priorities?

    Answer. Ireland is already a strong advocate for many shared 
priorities. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. priorities remain top 
agenda issues for my engagement with Irish officials. I will seek the 
most effective ways to work with Ireland to advance key U.S. policy 
objectives, including expanding the bilateral business and economic 
relationship, combatting the global pandemic, countering the 
destructive influence of bad actors, strengthening transatlantic ties, 
and providing a safe and business-friendly environment for American 
citizens and companies working in Ireland.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Hon. Claire D. Cronin by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Despite generally good relations between the two 
countries, one of the sticking points in our relationship is the rather 
high level of illegal immigration of Irish citizens into the U.S. While 
this issue tends to fly under the radar, there are an estimated 10,000-
50,000 Irish citizens residing illegally in the United States.

   Do you believe that illegal Irish immigrants should be lumped 
        together in immigration reform bills with other groups of 
        illegal immigrants?

    Answer. The history of Irish immigration to the United States is as 
old as our country and contributes to our strong bonds of friendship 
and history. During President Biden's March meeting with Taoiseach 
Miche l Martin, the leaders expressed their support for an earned path 
to citizenship for immigrations to the United States, as proposed in 
the U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021. If confirmed, I will work to 
implement the applicable U.S. immigration laws and policies for Irish 
immigrants, in coordination with the Department of Homeland Security 
and other Administration partners and in support of the 
Administration's commitment to the humane enforcement of U.S. 
immigration law.

    Question. Do you commit to working to find a legal remedy for this 
issue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to supporting the Administration's 
efforts to create a humane and effective immigration system, 
recognizing both that strong borders are fundamental to our national 
security and that welcoming immigrants is core to our national 
identity. I will support and defend any legal remedies to this issue, 
if I am confirmed.

    Question. Many in the U.S. Congress have vocally told London that 
they will not ratify any U.S.-UK trade deal if the Good Friday 
agreements are seen to be undermined in any final post-Brexit 
agreements that the UK may make with the European Union.

   Do you agree with this stance? Why or why not?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will protect the hard-fought gains of the 
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. I will encourage all parties to 
prioritize political and economic stability and to negotiate when 
differences arise. I would emphasize the need to ensure any Brexit 
outcomes do not undermine the progress made since the Belfast/Good 
Friday Agreement.

    Question. Ireland has signed on to the Paris Climate Agreement, 
however it has continued to lag behind its emissions reduction goals.

   How do you plan on engaging with Irish government and organizations 
        to encourage them to reach their emissions goals under the 
        Paris Agreement?

    Answer. Ireland is eager to work with the United States to raise 
the profile of the issue. In July, Ireland passed a Climate Action Bill 
committing to halving carbon emissions by 2030 and reaching net-zero 
emissions by 2050. As member of the European Union (EU), Ireland has no 
country-specific Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the 
Paris Agreement--they are currently working to meet the bloc's 
collective target. However, with agriculture constituting the biggest 
share of carbon emissions, Ireland is now in the process of setting 
ambitious legally-binding targets for climate change mitigation and 
adaptation. If confirmed, I will work with U.S. and Irish Government 
officials and scientific experts to ensure that ambitious climate goals 
are met.

    Question. In May 2021, the regime of Aliaksandr Lukashenka forced 
down a Ryan Air flight that was in Belarusian airspace on its way from 
Athens, Greece, to Vilnius, Lithuania. Once on the ground, the 
Lukashenka regime forcibly removed Belarusian opposition journalist 
Raman Pratasevich and his girlfriend from the flight. Mr. Pratasevich 
has since been seen to be forced to make confessions of his sins 
against the regime on Belarusian television. Ryan Air is an Irish 
airline, and after the hijacking, many questions were raised about the 
airline's role in allowing the plane to be escorted to the ground.

   Now, after several months of EU-forced routing around Belarusian 
        airspace, airlines are beginning to question when the 
        restrictions will disappear. The stance of Ryan Air is 
        particularly important. If confirmed, will you commit to 
        working to maintain this overfly ban over Belarus?

    Answer. Belarus's forced diversion of a commercial Ryanair flight 
under apparently false pretenses and the subsequent removal and arrest 
of Raman Pratasevich, a Belarusian journalist, and his traveling 
companion, was a direct affront to international norms. The United 
States strongly condemned these actions and has since taken measures, 
including issuing a Level 4 travel warning against travel to Belarus, 
and imposed sanctions and air travel restrictions. The United States 
has also strongly supported the investigation of the incident by the 
International Civil Aviation Organization, which is slated to present 
its findings in November. If confirmed, I would work with the Irish 
government to support the Belarusian people in their aspirations for a 
free, democratic, and prosperous future and support their call for the 
regime to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms.

    Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons (TIP) Report, Ireland was listed on Tier 2 Watch List for the 
second year in a row. Tier 2 Watch List, by definition, states:

        Countries and territories whose governments do not fully comply 
        with the Act's minimum standards but are making significant 
        efforts to bring themselves into compliance with those 
        standards, and: The estimated number of victims of severe forms 
        of trafficking is very significant or is significantly 
        increasing and the country is not taking proportional concrete 
        actions; or There is a failure to provide evidence of 
        increasing efforts to combat severe forms of trafficking in 
        persons from the previous year.

   Ireland seems to be in both categories. If confirmed, what steps 
        would you take to engage with the host government on this 
        critical issue?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Irish authorities 
to encourage cooperation and regularly raise trafficking in persons at 
the highest levels of the Irish government. While the government 
recently convicted two traffickers for the first time under its 
trafficking law, I will continue to urge the Irish government to take 
concrete actions in addressing the recommendations from this year's 
Trafficking in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage the 
government of Ireland to vigorously investigate, prosecute suspects, 
and convict traffickers using the human trafficking law as well as 
improve systemic deficiencies in their victim identification, referral, 
and assistance.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with the office of the 
Ambassador at Large for Trafficking in Persons?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. authorities, 
including a confirmed U.S. Ambassador at Large for Trafficking in 
Persons, and the relevant Irish authorities, to encourage cooperation 
to make progress in combating trafficking in persons.

    Question. Do you believe that progress is possible in Ireland? Is 
there sufficient political will to tackle this growing problem?

    Answer. The Irish government continues to work with the U.S. 
government to address these issues. As noted in the 2021 Trafficking in 
Persons Report, the government made some significant efforts to combat 
trafficking during the reporting period, including designating an 
independent human trafficking national rapporteur and increasing 
funding for victim assistance, awareness campaigns, and training. In 
June 2021, Ireland convicted two Irish citizens--the first convictions 
under the anti-trafficking law since it was amended in 2013. In 
September, courts sentenced the traffickers to over five years' 
imprisonment. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Irish 
authorities to encourage cooperation and progress in combating 
trafficking in persons. In addition, I believe that progress can be 
made by effectively using public diplomacy tools to increase awareness 
and victim identification.

    Question. There are certain statutory limitations on how long a 
country can be consistently listed on the Tier 2 Watch List. After a 
certain amount of time, they must improve to Tier 2 or be moved to Tier 
3. What do you believe are some concrete steps that the United States 
and the government of Ireland can take together to prevent further 
slipping to Tier 3?

    Answer. For the second consecutive year, Ireland remained on the 
Tier 2 Watch List in the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons 
report. If confirmed, I will urge the Irish government to take concrete 
actions in addressing the prioritized recommendations the Department 
highlighted in this year's Trafficking in Persons Report, especially 
with regard to increased prosecutions and victim identification and 
assistance. While the government has made some progress in recently 
convicting two traffickers for the first time under its trafficking 
law, if confirmed, I will encourage the government of Ireland to 
vigorously investigate, prosecute suspects, and convict traffickers of 
both sex and labor trafficking.

    Question. Embassy Dublin has been under enormous stress over the 
past few years dealing with COVID and the local lockdowns it caused.

   What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Dublin?

    Answer. Ireland has enforced three strict national lockdowns. The 
Foreign Service Officers and Locally Employed Staff at Embassy Dublin 
have dealt with significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful 
for their service, despite the difficulties. If confirmed, I will 
prioritize meeting with Embassy employees, including the Deputy Chief 
of Mission, to understand the impact of the pandemic on the mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the Embassy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated 
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure, 
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. I believe 
that all members of U.S. Embassy Dublin are one team working for the 
good of the U.S.-Ireland relationship, and the interests of the United 
States and the American people.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
across Embassy Dublin?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated 
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure, 
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. My 
commitment will be to ensure we use our available resources as 
effectively as possible to advance our top policy priorities. I believe 
that all members of U.S. Embassy Dublin are one team working for the 
good of the U.S.-Ireland relationship and the interests of the United 
States and the American people.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
    How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. My career is rooted in public service and my experience as 
a mediator shaped my ability to work with colleagues of all backgrounds 
in a constructive manner. My management style is also shaped by my 
service as the first woman House Majority Leader in Massachusetts. My 
leadership style is collaborative and team oriented. I regularly engage 
with members of my team and always seek to create a space for open 
dialogue and diversity of thought. Despite the team approach, I 
recognize that decision making authority rests with me and that I am 
responsible for the outcome of the decision. If confirmed, I will work 
hard to foster an environment of respect as the Embassy carries out 
important work on behalf of the American people.

    Question. How do you believe your management style will translate 
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and 
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

    Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously 
reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the 
needs of each mission. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we 
use our available resources as effectively as possible to advance our 
top policy priorities. If necessary, I would advocate for additional 
resources to carry out our mission.

    Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do 
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate 
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you 
intend to do so?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador 
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Dublin, including the 
Deputy Chief of Mission.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission to advance U.S. priorities in Ireland, including: protecting 
the safety and security of Americans, growing our economic 
relationship, and advancing shared political priorities. I expect to 
have a positive working relationship and to work together closely.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be 
to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Dublin, including the Deputy 
Chief of Mission. I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief of 
Mission on a range of issues and value the institutional knowledge 
provided.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Ireland? What 
        public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. The deep cultural, familial, and economic U.S.-Ireland 
connections provide a strong foundation on which Embassy Dublin 
promotes U.S. policy goals, such as recovering from the COVID-19 
pandemic, responding to the climate crisis, and standing up for our 
shared democratic values. With a sophisticated knowledge of American 
history, customs, and politics, many Irish enjoy positive experiences 
in the United States as tourists, students, or professionals. If 
confirmed, I will use public diplomacy tools including cultural 
programming, exchanges like the Fulbright program, and traditional and 
social media to bolster people-to-people ties across the country and 
expand the pool of key influencers who advocate for U.S. interests.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The State Department's foreign policy goals--whether in 
Washington, DC or Ireland--are the same. The public diplomacy team at 
Embassy Dublin presents information to their local audience using their 
understanding of that audience and the local environment. The Embassy 
blends rapid reposting or amplification of Department or administration 
messaging with post-generated content directly tailored to 
contextualize the material to achieve the greatest impact with local 
audiences. If confirmed, I will continue to deploy public diplomacy 
staff and resources to analyze, engage, inform, and influence Irish 
audiences in support of U.S. foreign policy goals.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Hon. Claire D. Cronin by Senator Mike Rounds

    Question. Recently, the COVID pandemic and the post-Brexit Northern 
Ireland Protocol have posed challenges to further implementation of the 
Good Friday Agreement. Political turmoil over the issue has again given 
rise to public unrest, including outbreaks of violence from loyalists 
in Northern Ireland in April 2021. As Ambassador, how can you use your 
role to facilitate dialogue and de-escalation around Northern Irish 
sectarian issues, from the Irish side of the border?

    Answer. Recent unrest in Northern Ireland underscores the 
importance of safeguarding the gains of the Belfast/Good Friday 
Agreement. If confirmed, I would work with colleagues in London and 
Belfast, and with the Irish government, to encourage political and 
community engagement to ensure the gains of the hard-won peace are 
protected.

    Question. Ireland has recently been downgraded to the Tier 2 Watch 
List in the State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons report. 
Ireland has only rarely prosecuted anyone for human trafficking. As 
Ambassador, what will you do to raise the profile of this issue of 
concern?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Irish authorities 
to encourage cooperation and regularly raise trafficking in persons at 
the highest levels of the Irish government. While the Government has 
made some progress in recently convicting two traffickers for the first 
time under its trafficking law, I will urge the Irish government to 
take further concrete actions to address the recommendations from this 
year's Trafficking in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage 
the government of Ireland to vigorously investigate, prosecute 
suspects, and convict traffickers using the human trafficking law as 
well as improve systemic deficiencies in their victim identification, 
referral, and assistance.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Kent Doyle Logsdon by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. In November 2017 and December 2018, parties to the OSCE's 
5+2 format reached agreements on elements of the Berlin-plus Protocol. 
If confirmed, how will you leverage the United States' status as an 
observer to the format to continue to make progress towards full 
implementation of the protocol?

    Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our close and 
collaborative engagement with the OSCE and likeminded allies and 
partners to ensure productive, results-oriented discussions under the 
5+2 format. The United States hopes to see continued progress on 
remaining confidence-building measures, underlying political and 
security issues, and maintaining a focus on advancing human rights. If 
confirmed, I am ready to work with the Government of Moldova and 
international partners under the OSCE framework to support full 
implementation of the protocol, including: enhanced movement through 
the Nistru River security zone, registration and facilitation of 
international traffic, and resolution of criminal cases.

    Question. In a recent address to the U.N. General Assembly, 
President Sandu called for the withdrawal of Russian troops from 
Transnistria and the destruction or removal of weapons caches in the 
region. How would you engage parties in the 5+2 format to ensure that 
Moldovan independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity are 
recognized?

    Answer. The United States fully supports President Sandu's and the 
Government of Moldova's call on Russia to honor its Istanbul Summit 
commitments and withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldovan 
territory. If confirmed, I will actively continue this support through 
direct dialogue with our partners in the OSCE and with the parties to 
and mediators of the OSCE-led 5+2 process. I will uphold the U.S. 
commitment to the 5+2 process and its goal to achieve a comprehensive, 
peaceful, and sustainable settlement that upholds Moldova's sovereignty 
and territorial integrity, with a special status for Transnistria 
within Moldova's internationally recognized borders.

    Question. President Sandu and Prime Minister Gavrilita have 
embarked on an ambitious reform agenda since Moldova's parliamentary 
elections in July 2021. The reforms aim to root out corruption at all 
levels of the Moldovan Government and have been welcomed by the 
international community. However, an August 2021 open letter signed by 
Moldovan civil society groups called for increased transparency with 
regard to reform efforts. How will you work to support the Moldovan 
Government's anti-corruption efforts while also encouraging appropriate 
public consultation?

    Answer. The United States is committed to supporting President 
Sandu and the Moldovan Government as they pursue reforms to strengthen 
democratic institutions and combat corruption. Engagement with Moldovan 
civil society is a key component of U.S. support. Civil society plays 
an important role in promoting accountability of elected leaders, 
driving meaningful reform, promoting access to justice for vulnerable 
communities, and strengthening independent media. If confirmed, I will 
support an open and consultative reform process that incorporates a 
diverse range of stakeholders, including civil society and 
international experts. I will also ensure that the U.S. Embassy 
amplifies successes of the Moldovan Government's anticorruption 
efforts.

    Question. LGBTI individuals in Moldova continue to be victims of 
discrimination, hate crimes, and verbal and physical assaults. What 
will be your strategy for supporting civil society groups that work 
with the LGBTI community?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations and likeminded international partners to urge the 
Moldovan Government to adopt policies to protect the rights of LGBTQI+ 
persons and to address impunity for hate-based crimes against all 
vulnerable communities and minority groups. I will ensure the United 
States continues to support improving accountability for perpetrators 
of hate crimes against LGBTQI+ persons and protecting the rights of 
victims of these crimes. If confirmed, I also will focus on building 
the capacity of civil society to advocate for all individuals to fully 
exercise their human rights and fundamental freedoms and to support 
investigations of hate crimes against LGBTQI+ persons.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Kent Doyle Logsdon by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. What areas in the U.S.-Moldova relationship do you see as 
most ripe for improvement?

    Answer. The United States has two key priorities for our bilateral 
relations. The first is to promote the development of strong government 
institutions that advance accountability, democracy, and human rights, 
and that work for the Moldovan people. The second is to strengthen 
Moldova's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity to 
counter Russian malign influence and empower Moldovans to pursue their 
chosen European path. The United States, in coordination with our 
European partners, is focused on providing the political and technical 
support needed to advance the new government's reform agenda. The 
United States is also ready to assist Moldova's economic recovery 
through market-oriented reforms and increased transparency.

    Question. Moldova's forward progress has at times been hampered by 
their inability to fulfil the conditions required by the IMF to receive 
much needed funds. As many neighboring states have moved forward 
economically, Moldova's economy has remained stagnant and dependent on 
remittances.

   As one of the major contributors to the IMF, what role do you 
        believe the United States should play in helping rebuild ties 
        between Moldova and the IMF?

    Answer. The United States is committed to assisting Moldova in 
building a robust, diversified, and export-oriented economy with 
stronger links to Western trade partners. IMF assistance and associated 
reforms have helped Moldova make important progress in strengthening 
transparency and oversight in its financial sector. If confirmed, I 
will support ongoing dialogue between Moldova and the IMF on reaching 
agreement on future assistance packages that will encourage the 
strengthening of the rule of law in Moldova and deliver both important 
governance reforms and much-needed financial assistance as Moldova 
builds back its economy in the wake of the COVID pandemic.

    Question. Moldova remains completely dependent on Russia for its 
gas supplies. If confirmed, do you commit to helping Moldova explore 
and develop other, non-Russian sources of power, and to helping push 
the country to implement programs that will make it more energy 
efficient and thus use less Russian gas?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would focus on supporting Moldova's energy 
security and diversification by leveraging U.S. technical assistance to 
promote renewable energy and alternative sources of gas supply and 
encourage reforms to better link Moldova to European energy markets. 
Collectively, these efforts can help to reduce Moldova's dependence on 
Russian gas imports. In addition, linking Moldova's energy 
infrastructure to its neighbors, such as Ukraine and Romania, will 
support further diversification.

    Question. Moldova's struggle with Russian-backed and 
institutionalized corruption are well-chronicled. In 2014, for 
instance, $1 billion disappeared from Moldovan banks and has not been 
retrieved.

   Do you believe that the United States should assist the Government 
        of Moldova in their fight against corruption by providing them 
        with intelligence on the whereabouts of certain individuals or 
        their financial accounts who are suspected of having stolen 
        from or defrauded the Moldovan people?

    Answer. We support the Moldovan Government's efforts to implement 
anti-corruption reforms and to investigate and prosecute those involved 
in corruption, including those who participated in the 2014 billion-
dollar bank fraud. Corruption continues to slow economic development 
and threatens Moldova's European trajectory. If confirmed, I am 
committed to working with Moldova to promote and ensure accountability 
for corrupt actors and assist the Moldovan Government's investigations 
to hold those complicit in the 2014 billion-dollar bank fraud to 
account in whatever way we can.

    Question. Do you believe that visa or financial sanctions should be 
utilized by the United States against the aforementioned individuals? 
Why or why not?

    Answer. The United States stands with the Moldovan people in their 
fight against corruption. If confirmed, I will seek to use all 
available tools, as appropriate, to promote accountability for corrupt 
actors undermining the integrity of democratic institutions and rule of 
law in Moldova, regionally, and globally.

    Question. A new anti-corruption-focused government has recently 
come to power in Moldova. But time is short for them to make progress, 
and the entrenched interests working to maintain their grip on 
Moldova's politics and economy are strong.

   What role do you think the United States should play in helping 
        Moldova fight corruption?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make the fight against corruption one 
of my top priorities. Moldovan voters chose a new government with a 
clear anticorruption mandate. U.S. assistance to Moldova is focused on 
promoting the development of strong, independent, and democratic 
justice sector institutions. As the new Moldovan Government seeks to 
implement its ambitious reform agenda, the United States can help 
Moldova build capacity within key anticorruption institutions, promote 
global best practices, and increase the effectiveness of its justice 
sector.

    Question. What tools does the new government have to begin the 
fight to corruption, and what new anti-corruption tools could they 
develop to enhance reform efforts.

    Answer. Moldova's fight against corruption has benefited from an 
increasingly independent judiciary, the development of specialized 
anticorruption and integrity bodies, and robust exchanges with the 
United States and our European partners to implement international best 
practices. To achieve its anticorruption goals, the new government can 
continue to strengthen accountability and transparency within judicial 
and prosecutorial oversight bodies. In the financial sector, Moldova is 
working to improve financial transparency and develop its financial 
intelligence capabilities. If confirmed, I would support Moldova's push 
to expand its anticorruption agenda, in consultation with independent 
experts and civil society.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Moldova was 
identified as remaining on Tier 2 due to lack of prosecutorial efforts 
and systemic corruption in law enforcement.

   How will you work with the Moldovan authorities to address these 
        issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Moldovan Government to 
strengthen its investigative and prosecutorial capacity to combat human 
trafficking, as well as press for improved government support, 
services, and justice for trafficking victims. U.S. support in the 
fight against human trafficking in Moldova is centered on victims and 
includes programs to increase access to services. Rooting out 
corruption in law enforcement and the judiciary, as well as building 
capacity within Moldovan law enforcement agencies, will improve 
Moldova's ability to prosecute and prevent trafficking.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Moldova was identified as partially tolerant of religious freedom, with 
noted anti-Semitic incidents.

   What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, 
        how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster 
        religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. While Moldova's constitution and laws provide for religious 
freedom, discrimination against members of religious minority groups 
persists, particularly anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim hatred. If 
confirmed, I will work closely with the State Department's Office of 
International Religious Freedom, civil society, the Moldovan 
Government, and religious communities to combat religiously motivated 
hatred and to promote respect for all religious groups. Efforts to 
strengthen Moldova's antidiscrimination body will support 
accountability for perpetrators of religiously motivated hate crimes. 
If confirmed, I will also work to advance freedom of religion or belief 
and freedom of expression within the Transnistria region.

    Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Moldova was identified 
as having serious human rights concerns, particularly during the COVID-
19 pandemic, including the freedom of expression, assembly, and 
movement.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. The United States welcomes the commitment of the new 
government to advance human rights as a policy priority. The United 
States remains concerned about pervasive human rights issues, including 
discrimination and impunity for hate crimes against members of minority 
groups and vulnerable communities. If confirmed, I look forward to 
working with the Moldovan Government to improve the human rights 
situation in the country. The United States remains deeply concerned 
about the deteriorating human rights situation in Transnistria, 
including the prosecution of individuals for exercising their human 
right and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will press for improved 
protection of vulnerable communities in Transnistria.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society 
organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs, 
and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in 
Chisinau enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil 
society on human rights and democracy issues. Civil society?has 
played?an important role in?promoting accountability of elected 
leaders, driving meaningful reform, supporting the rights of members of 
minority groups and access to justice for vulnerable communities, 
and?strengthening?independent media.??

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Embassy Chisinau?

    Answer. Embassy Chisinau continues to attract a talented and 
diverse group of foreign service professionals and their families. The 
COVID pandemic, as well as movement restrictions and strain on 
Moldova's healthcare system, presented new challenges for the Embassy 
in Chisinau. However, access to vaccinations for all staff and U.S. 
family members, as well as continued U.S. assistance to support 
Moldova's recovery from the pandemic, have contributed to improved 
resiliency and health and safety. In addition, the team in Chisinau has 
been energized through engagement with the new pro-reform, Western-
oriented government. If confirmed, I would fully support Embassy staff 
and continually seek ways to promote good morale at post.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Embassy Chisinau?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my deputy chief of mission 
to ensure that we create an atmosphere in which our staff knows that 
they can bring serious issues to us and know that they are being heard 
at the highest level. I will ensure that everyone in the mission 
understands that my highest priority is the safety and security of the 
team. If confirmed, I will promote training and professional 
development, and ensure that all staff members are aware of the 
employee and family support resources that the Department offers to 
assist employees.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Embassy Chisinau?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a 
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and 
transparent communications throughout the mission by sharing 
information, and seek ways to support and ensure the safety and 
community of the mission the community--both American and local staff.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I have a collaborative management style. I believe in 
sharing information and empowering my team, being open to ideas and 
suggestions from throughout the mission, and providing clear guidance 
and decisions as needed to lead.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. What lessons did you learn from your tenure as deputy 
chief of mission in Berlin?

    Answer. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Berlin, I learned it is 
important to build a strong team and to provide the guidance needed to 
empower the members of your team to lead their own sections and 
agencies in support of overall mission goals and objectives. As Deputy 
Chief of Mission, I focused on increasing diversity throughout the 
mission, but especially within the senior team. I also learned it is 
important to take care of your team, including their families, 
especially in difficult and uncertain times.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. I have been a deputy chief of mission (DCM) twice--in 
Tbilisi, Georgia, and in Berlin, Germany. To be successful, a DCM must 
be the Chief of Mission's alter ego, confidante, and partner in 
managing and leading the mission. If confirmed, I fully expect to have 
that kind of positive relationship with my DCM in Chisinau.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate entrusting my deputy chief of 
mission to manage the day-to-day operations of the mission, and to be 
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and mission 
management should the deputy need to step in to lead.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

   Given your time as chief of staff to the Deputy Secretary for 
        Management and Resources, do you believe that it is important 
        to provide employees with accurate, constructive feedback on 
        their performances in order to encourage improvement and reward 
        those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. I believe it is critical to provide employees with 
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles. I will hold accountable those who have performance or conduct 
issues. This is what I have done throughout my career.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers. I will hold accountable those 
who have performance or conduct issues.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Moldova.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. In my experience, U.S. diplomats have gotten outside of our 
embassy walls sufficiently to accomplish our mission, and if confirmed 
I would stress the importance of getting outside of our Embassy by 
example. Access to and engagement with local contacts and populations 
is an important part of our work overseas. Throughout my career, I have 
participated in public outreach to all parts of society--from students 
to non-governmental organizations to the media--and will continue to do 
so.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage embassy staff to spend time 
engaging with local populations and developing contacts. I will also 
lead by example to demonstrate to my team that it is important to 
engage with our local counterparts and to participate in public 
outreach to provide information about our goals in a country and to 
learn from our hosts about local conditions.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Moldova? What 
        public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. The United States enjoys dynamic people-to-people ties with 
Moldovans through many U.S.-sponsored exchange programs, and Moldovan 
alumni of U.S. programs have become key leaders in government and civil 
society. Moldovans are eager to engage with U.S. diplomats and the 
Embassy has a robust program of public outreach. The media environment 
remains challenging, as consolidated ownership and disinformation 
create a narrow space for independent media. The United States has 
consistently supported the development of independent media and 
resiliency against disinformation. If confirmed, I would engage in 
public outreach and work to improve the ability of Moldovan citizens to 
get their news from reputable media outlets.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on closely coordinating the 
efforts of Washington- and Chisinau-based public affairs teams to 
ensure there is a unified approach to highlighting key messages and 
U.S. policies in Moldova. The small size of the Moldovan media market 
and the great public interest in the U.S.-Moldova relationship enables 
the mission to take advantage of the local media platform to convey 
U.S. priorities and build cross-cultural ties. In addition, the embassy 
has focused on expanding outreach to amplify U.S. messages for a wider 
range of audiences outside Chisinau.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Sharon L. Cromer by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. President Adama Barrow has reneged on his promise to 
serve a three-year term, declaring his intention to stand for 
reelection in a presidential poll scheduled for December 4 of this 
year. In addition, his party has blocked the approval of a new 
constitution, which would have established presidential term limits, 
and he reportedly formed a political alliance with the party of his 
predecessor, Yahya Jammeh, whose term in office was characterized by 
severe political repression and human rights abuses.

   What are the prospects for credible elections in the face of what 
        appears to be Barrow's backsliding relative to democracy?

    Answer. Presidential elections in December 2021 will be a critical 
benchmark. The Government is encouraging free, fair, and transparent 
election campaigns in what could be the first election without 
government interference and intimidation in a generation. Credible 
ballot counting will be essential. Both the ruling party and main 
opposition party were responsible for blocking the constitutional 
referendum. That said, President Barrow's recent comments about closing 
down space for the opposition to operate are troubling. For the 
December 2021 presidential election, I understand the U.S. election 
observation mission will work in concert with our like-minded partners 
to ensure that electoral authorities are accountable to the public and 
that any attempt to improperly alter the election's outcome will be 
detected and publicized.

    Question. What are the most significant actions the U.S. can do in 
support of a sustainable democratic transition?

    Answer. Gambian democracy is still in its infancy and its steps 
forward are still unsteady. It will take the country significant time 
to put in place the institutions needed to create a vibrant democracy. 
The amended Constitution should be put to a referendum, the National 
Assembly needs to fulfill its legislative role, and the courts must 
address the backlog of cases which delays prisoners from getting a fair 
trial. If given the opportunity to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the 
Republic of The Gambia, I will use my experience as a Mission Director 
and senior leadership positions at USAID headquarters to help Gambians 
build a truly democratic state and to advance country owned, led and 
sustained development that improves the lives and well-being of 
Gambians.

    Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to support a 
lasting transition to democracy?

    Answer. The courageous decision of Gambians to vote out of office 
the increasingly authoritarian and dictatorial former president was 
successful in large part due to an intervention led by the democracies 
of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Global 
democracy and governance indicators show that The Gambia is making 
modest progress but is still a fledgling democracy emerging from 22 
years of under-investment in democratic governance and the rule of law. 
If confirmed, I will advocate for reforms to create a firm foundation 
for a transparent, democratic, and accountable system of governance. 
Presidential elections in December 2021 will be a critical benchmark 
for the democratic trajectory of the West Africa region.
    The Gambia is on the Tier 2 Watch List according to the State 
Department's 2020 annual Trafficking in Person's Report. According to 
the report, ``the government did not convict a trafficker for the third 
consecutive year, victim services remained inadequate overall, and some 
law enforcement officers allegedly requested bribes to register 
trafficking complaints.''

    Question. What programs and activities is the U.S. supporting to 
help the Gambia improve the conviction rate for traffickers and support 
trafficking victims?

    Answer. The State Department continues to engage diplomatically and 
programmatically on combating human trafficking in The Gambia. In 2019, 
the TIP Office awarded $750,000 to the International Organization of 
Migration (IOM) to work with three existing One Stop Centers for 
victims of gender-based violence and train staff to screen for and 
provide comprehensive services to victims of trafficking. The project 
also aims to strengthen the National Anti-Trafficking Task Force to 
coordinate the Government's anti-trafficking response. Additionally, 
IOM provides training to criminal justice practitioners on conducting 
proactive investigations and identifying trafficking. If confirmed, I 
will continue to support this important work.

    Question. What U.S. assistance programs and activities help combat 
police corruption?

    Answer. Corruption is a significant and growing problem in The 
Gambia. Police commonly proposition citizens for bribes at checkpoints. 
Unfortunately, the Department of State does not have any programming 
that directly addresses police corruption in The Gambia. However, the 
Department is aware of the harmful effect of corruption in the public 
sector, including in the criminal justice sector, and is considering 
opportunities to work with police, special investigators, and judicial 
actors to reduce corruption. If confirmed, I will increase engagement 
with my Gambian counterparts and anticorruption leaders to fight 
against corruption in all of its forms. I will also enlist the full 
resources of the Department of State's anticorruption teams and other 
USG resources to supports these efforts.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. While I was USAID Mission Director in Tanzania in 2016, the 
Government raided the offices of a USAID implementing partner, broke 
into a USAID financed warehouse, confiscated commodities, arrested 
Implementing Partner employees who were providing HIV services, and 
demanded the confidential names of beneficiaries perceived to be 
homosexual. The beneficiaries feared for their lives and went into 
hiding, suspending provision of their life-saving HIV/AIDS care and 
treatment. We resolved the matter by addressing it as a public health 
and human rights issue. I deployed staff to meet secretly with 
beneficiaries to ensure their safety and collect evidence from their 
experiences to inform security and programmatic actions. I made the 
difficult decision to temporarily close outreach services for the 
safety of our implementing partners and beneficiaries. I engaged in 
quiet diplomacy with champions in the Ministry of Health who influenced 
decisions behind the scenes. Through these efforts, my USAID/Tanzania 
staff and I protected the safety of Tanzanians, reinstated needed HIV/
AIDS services, and upheld American values.
    As Mission Director in Ghana, I guided my democracy staff to make 
an award to a local partner to conduct a pre-election survey of 
Ghanaians' impressions of the upcoming December 2020 presidential and 
parliamentary elections. The survey showed that Ghanaians had 
considerable confidence in the upcoming election process and youth were 
positively engaged in the political process. The widely disseminated 
survey results were used to counter heated political rhetoric about the 
lack of confidence in elections and Ghana's security forces. In 
meetings arranged by the U.S. Ambassador with the top political party 
representatives, I advocated for party leaders to publicly commit to 
nonviolence by signing a Peace Accord brokered by civil society. The 
leading Presidential candidates agreed to do so, and the December 2020 
elections were free and fair, and held peacefully.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Republic of the Gambia? These challenges 
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and 
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil 
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as 
possible.

    Answer. The Gambia transitioned to democracy in 2017 after 22 years 
of dictatorship. As a fledgling democracy The Gambia faces challenges 
in implementing a democratic system, but global democracy and 
governance indicators show that The Gambia is making modest progress 
rather than backsliding. Presidential elections in December 2021 will 
be a critical benchmark. The Government is encouraging free, fair, and 
transparent election campaigns in what will be the first election 
without government interference and intimidation in a generation. 
Credible ballot counting will be essential. President Barrow has made 
troubling comments about closing down space for the opposition to 
operate. The Truth, Reconciliation, Reparations Commission (TRCC) has 
set the stage for accountability and transitional justice, but the 
Government must take the necessary action to implement those 
recommendations and hold accountable those most responsible for 
violations and abuses of human rights.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Republic of the Gambia? What do you hope to accomplish 
through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing 
the specific obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, advancing democratic governance and 
principles in The Gambia will be a key priority. I will call on 
political parties across the spectrum to respect the results of the 
presidential election. I will work to ensure that opposition activities 
are not unlawfully curtailed.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, supporting democracy and governance will be 
my top priority. USAID just launched a multi-year Promoting Rights and 
Justice initiative to support justice sector reform with a current 
value of over $7 million, and the MCC Board just approved a Threshold 
Program valued at $25 million. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
assistance for capacity building in the legislature and the justice 
sector and for electoral system reform.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Republic of the Gambia? What steps will you take to pro-
actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society 
via legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. Throughout the course of my career, I have worked 
tirelessly to promote respect for human rights and achieved goals 
through partnership with civil society groups and NGOs. If confirmed, I 
will strengthen and build on our existing relationships and look to 
form new relationships with worthy organizations. I will engage closely 
with civil society organizations and NGOs to strengthen their capacity 
and will call on the Government to work together with these groups to 
build a better, fairer, and more just country.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening the relationships 
our mission has built with democratically oriented political opposition 
figures and parties. I will strive to support the efforts of these 
figures and parties to protect the inclusive political environment in 
The Gambia, including their efforts to advance electoral reform and put 
the draft constitution to a referendum. I will urge the Government to 
respect the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly of all 
political actors, even those who do not agree with the Government. 
Through public statements, small grants and other programming, and 
direct engagement, I will advocate for a political environment that is 
inclusive of women, youth, minorities, and those who might otherwise be 
marginalized.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Republic of the Gambia on freedom of the press and address any 
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom 
through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting 
regularly with independent, local press in Republic of the Gambia?

    Answer. The power of a free press to hold government to account, to 
expose corruption and malfeasance, and to investigate allegations of 
violations and abuses of human rights cannot be understated. 
Fortunately, the Government of The Gambia is not currently engaged in 
undermining the Gambian press, but we must remain vigilant. If 
confirmed, my Embassy team and I will meet regularly with independent, 
local press and engage with the Gambian Government on issues of press 
freedom.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. After 22 years of dictatorship, democracy and the 
democratic process are still developing in The Gambia and the country 
is particularly vulnerable to the destructive effects of disinformation 
and propaganda. If confirmed, I will continue current engagement and 
promote new engagement with government and opposition groups, the 
press, and civil society organizations to counter disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in The 
Gambia, including through public statements and Embassy social media 
platforms.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Republic of the Gambia on the right of labor groups to organize, 
including for independent trade unions?

    Answer. Organized labor groups, including unions, are an important 
element of protecting and promoting the welfare of workers. If 
confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with the Government of The 
Gambia on the right of workers to exercise freedom of association, 
including to form and join independent trade unions, and speak out 
against incidents when this freedom is restricted.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Republic of the 
Gambia, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Throughout my career, protection and promotion of respect 
for human rights has been one of my top priorities. If confirmed, I 
fully commit to using all available methods to promote and defend the 
human rights and dignity of all Gambians, regardless of their sexual 
orientation or gender identity.?

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Republic of the Gambia?

    Answer. A large majority of Gambian citizens view same-sex conduct 
as contradictory to their values. Faith organizations and media are 
unsupportive of members of the LGBTQI+ community and oppose any measure 
to recognize members of the LGBTQI+ community as legitimate or worthy 
of protection. Same-sex sexual conduct is criminalized in The Gambia. 
Both the Barrow administration and those campaigning for president have 
stated that ``homosexuality is a non-issue in The Gambia'' and 
decriminalization is neither needed nor a possibility. Due to the 
cultural and political environment, LGBTQI+ persons are significantly 
marginalized in The Gambia. The LGBTQI+ community has specifically 
requested that Western diplomatic missions not make their situation a 
highly visible aspect of our engagement specifically because it puts 
them at risk and undermines their own quiet efforts to change minds and 
attitudes among their fellow Gambians.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Republic of the Gambia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead the U.S. Government's 
efforts to encourage change--especially decriminalization--while 
ensuring our efforts do not put at risk those we seek to help. I will 
ensure that members of the LGBTQI+ community are aware of our strong 
support for their dignity, for their human rights, and for their full 
inclusion in Gambian society and look for ways to support steps to 
realize this important goal.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to the Gambia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work together with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs to respond promptly to all 
appropriate requests for information and briefings for members of 
Congress and their staff and to offer such briefings whenever I am in 
Washington or remotely from Post.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Sharon L. Cromer by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Given recent challenges to democracy in West Africa, 
including 4 coups in the last year, what are the regional implications 
for The Gambia's continued democratic development?

    Answer. The courageous decision of Gambians to vote out of office 
the increasingly authoritarian and dictatorial former president was 
successful in large part due to an intervention led by the democracies 
of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Global 
democracy and governance indicators show that The Gambia is making 
modest progress but is still a fledgling democracy emerging from 22 
years of under-investment in democratic governance and the rule of law. 
If confirmed, I will advocate for reforms to create a firm foundation 
for a transparent, democratic, and accountable system of governance. 
Presidential elections in December 2021 will be a critical benchmark 
for the democratic trajectory of the West Africa region.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you 
respond to the Gambia doing something like this?

    Answer. While every country retains the right to make 
constitutional changes, the United States government has long opposed 
any constitutional changes designed to favor incumbent elected leaders 
or the extension of an incumbent's term in office. I believe that 
regular, democratic, and peaceful transitions of power yield more 
accountability, help build and maintain stronger institutions, and 
engender less corruption. According to a recent Afrobarometer survey, 
an overwhelming majority of Gambian citizens strongly favor term limits 
on the office of the President. If confirmed, I will speak out publicly 
against any attempt to alter the constitution or extend term limits 
against the will of The Gambian people.

    Question. From your perspective, what should be the top priorities 
for US policy toward The Gambia?

    Answer. Beyond serving and protecting American citizens, our key 
policy priorities include strengthening The Gambia's democratic 
institutions, encouraging good governance including supporting The 
Gambia's own justice sector reform initiatives and efforts to hold 
accountable those most responsible for the widespread violations of 
human rights during the Jammeh era, strengthening the capacity of Civil 
Society and The Gambian legislature to constructively exercise their 
constitutional authorities, and encouraging economic growth. If 
confirmed, I will continue to promote inclusive country-led development 
and enhance U.S. influence in the face of strategic competition. Each 
of these priorities furthers U.S. interests by promoting regional 
stability, limiting our strategic competitors' expansion, and creating 
new markets for U.S. goods.

    Question. In your opinion, is The Gambia a good target for 
increased U.S. investment? If yes, how will you support increased U.S. 
trade and investment with The Gambia as ambassador, if confirmed?

    Answer. Investors in The Gambia face multiple challenges: a small 
market, weak institutions, poor infrastructure, inadequate electrical 
supply, high tax burden on formal enterprises, corruption, and 
bureaucratic hurdles. Despite these challenges, U.S. companies are 
market leaders in telecommunications, agriculture, and health care in 
The Gambia, and other opportunities exist. If confirmed, I will ensure 
the Mission maintains close contact with the small number of U.S. 
businesses in The Gambia, advises firms in the United States seeking to 
enter the Gambian market, and coordinates with the Foreign Commercial 
Service to publicize public tenders of interest to American companies.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in the Gambia and 
counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The Gambia's relationship with the People's Republic of 
China (PRC) is defined by transactional and opaque decision making, 
with The Gambia providing access to natural resources in exchange for 
Beijing's provision of infrastructure development. PRC companies and 
labor are generally utilized, undermining Gambian companies and the 
Gambian labor force. The country's interaction with most international 
partners is based on financial assistance: the government often acts in 
direct response to requirements set forth as conditions for continued 
or increased aid. The EU's regular infusion of millions of Euros in 
direct budgetary support gives it significant leverage in The Gambia. 
The recent signing of a Development Objective Agreement to expand USAID 
operations in country and the unanimous approval of a MCC Threshold 
Program can help to cement the United States as a partner of choice.

    Question. How will you work to attract U.S. investment 
opportunities to the Gambia?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain close contact with the small 
number of U.S. businesses in The Gambia, regularly advise firms in the 
United States seeking to enter the Gambian market, work with the 
American Chamber of Commerce in The Gambia, and coordinate with the 
Foreign Commercial Service to publicize public tenders of interest to 
American companies.

    Question. What particular insights and areas of expertise do you 
envision bringing to the role of US Ambassador to The Gambia given your 
significant experience with USAID, including having served as USAID 
Mission Director four times in Africa?

    Answer. My experience working in fragile democracies, such as 
Indonesia after the downfall of President Suharto, leads me to believe 
that after 22 years of authoritarian rule which ended in January 2017, 
the Gambian government is still in its infancy and its steps toward 
democracy are unsteady. It will take the country significant time to 
put in place the infrastructure needed to create a vibrant democracy. 
The Constitution should be amended, the National Assembly needs to 
fulfill its legislative role, and the courts must address the backlog 
of cases which delays prisoners from getting a fair trial. If given the 
opportunity to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of The 
Gambia, I will use my experience as a Mission Director and senior 
leadership positions at USAID headquarters to help Gambians build a 
truly democratic state, advance country owned, led and sustained 
development that improves the lives and well-being of Gambians, and 
promote an investment climate where both U.S. and Gambian enterprises 
thrive and two-way trade between our countries create good jobs and 
economic prosperity.

    Question. How will you prioritize U.S. democracy and governance 
assistance to support the Gambia's ongoing democratic transition?

    Answer. USAID just launched a multi-year Promoting Rights and 
Justice initiative to support justice sector reform with a current 
value of over $7 million, and the MCC Board just approved a Threshold 
Program valued at $25 million. If confirmed, I will prioritize 
assistance for capacity building in the legislature and the justice 
sector and for electoral system reform.

    Question. What are the most urgent priorities for the Gambia in its 
effort to build a sustainable democracy?

    Answer. While the Barrow government has shown admirable support for 
democratic norms leading to remarkable increases in rankings in press 
freedoms and human rights, essential reforms remain incomplete. Many 
core promises of Barrow's 2016 campaign remain unfulfilled. The 
statutory framework exploited by former president Jammeh remains in 
place, and The Gambian government must renew its focus on eliminating 
the mechanisms that supported his abuses. Key pieces of legislation, 
especially anticorruption measures and reforms of the criminal code, 
remain pending. Corruption is a particularly potent threat to 
democratic reform. Gambians perceive the Barrow government as 
increasingly plagued by both high-level and small-scale corruption, a 
problem that requires both urgent attention and a robust statutory 
framework. The Presidential election scheduled for December 2021 must 
be free and fair, electoral processes must be transparent, and all 
parties must abide by the results. If confirmed, I will advocate for a 
respect for human rights, the rule of law, accountability, access to 
justice, adherence to constitutionally-mandated term limits, and strong 
democratic institutions as fundamental to a country's peace and 
prosperity.

    Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to 
hold corrupt Gambian officials accountable for corrupt behavior? If 
confirmed, what would be your approach in using those tools?

    Answer. There are no quick fixes to corruption in The Gambia, but 
passing comprehensive anti-corruption legislation is a necessary first 
step. Surveys of the Gambian public show their steadily worsening view 
of the government's handling of corruption, and urgent action is 
needed. Existing laws requiring government officials to disclose their 
assets are weak, unenforced, and insufficient. If confirmed, I will 
aggressively push the Gambian government to pass this legislation, work 
with civil society organizations shining a light the problem, and 
support the Gambians who are tirelessly working to root out corruption. 
I will also enlist the full resources of the Department of State's 
anticorruption teams and other U.S. government resources to supports 
these efforts.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. Independent monitoring efforts are essential to the U.S. 
objective of supporting free and fair elections, and transparent 
election processes in The Gambia. For the December 2021 presidential 
election, I understand the U.S. observation mission will work in 
concert with our like-minded partners to make clear to Gambian 
authorities that they are accountable to the public and that attempts 
to improperly alter the election's outcome will be detected and 
publicized.

    Question. Would you support a U.S. funded, independent 
international election observation mission for Gambia's next general 
election?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would carefully consider how U.S. support 
to observation efforts can contribute to free and fair electoral 
processes in The Gambia. For the December 2021 elections, U.S. 
diplomats will be on the ground to determine if the government follows 
through on their obligations to conduct a free and fair election that 
reflects the will of the people. In addition, recipients of U.S. grant 
funds will dispatch local observers to every polling place in the 
country to observe the voting process and provide regular reports. 
Taken together, the effort will give the United States a comprehensive 
view of this critical juncture in The Gambia's democratic development.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Embassy Banjul?

    Answer. Respecting this nomination process, I have not engaged 
directly with Embassy/Banjul staff. However, I understand morale is 
high despite the enormous workload.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Embassy Banjul?

    Answer. Embassy Banjul is a small mission. There are only 12 U.S. 
Direct Hires which often means that staff must assume multiple roles 
and cover for colleagues who are on leave or away from Post, or when 
there are staffing gaps due to the assignment process. I understand 
that staff members, American and Gambian alike, are knowledgeable, 
collegial, and enthusiastic about their work. If confirmed, I intend to 
nurture that enthusiasm by identifying the talent in each individual 
and growing that talent, ensuring the well-being of staff members and 
their families, and creating a work environment that promotes respect 
for everyone and celebrates our teamwork and achievements large and 
small.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Embassy Banjul?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will create a unified ``one team'' approach 
in Embassy Banjul which draws on the expertise and talents of staff 
assigned to Embassy Banjul and also includes officers from USAID, 
Treasury, Commerce, Agriculture and other agencies who support Banjul 
from Embassies in Dakar and Accra, as well as Washington. Everyone who 
supports the mission's integrated country strategy must feel welcomed 
and supported as vital member of Banjul's team. Management is a key 
responsibility for chiefs of mission.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. As a senior leader, I have always believed that it is my 
duty and responsibility to mentor and sponsor staff to make sure they 
grow professionally, feel appreciated and supported, and are given 
opportunities to take on new responsibilities and contribute to U.S. 
goals. For the past eight years, I have devoted each Friday to 
mentoring staff. I mentor staff by delegating tasks, encouraging 
questions and brainstorming, providing guidance, as needed, and 
welcoming new ideas. I never assume that I have all the answers. I 
communicate regularly and consult broadly, seeking out different 
perspectives. I lead quarterly town halls and regularly communicate via 
email to the entire staff on current topics. When the time comes to 
make a decision, I don't hesitate to do so. When problems arise, I 
expect to be notified promptly so we can resolve them together rather 
than let them fester. I place staff wellbeing and creating a respectful 
working environment above all else. To accomplish this, family must 
come first. It is important to me to pause, acknowledge and celebrate 
successes both big and small and reward exceptional performance.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates in public or 
private. Such action is not only unkind and disrespectful, but also 
abusive and ineffective.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. The relationship between the chief of mission (COM) and the 
deputy chief of mission (DCM) is extremely important. The DCM serves as 
a trusted advisor to the COM. In this respect, trust must be built and 
maintained between the two for the smooth operation of the mission and 
the well-being of the entire staff. I intend to include the DCM in all 
internal meetings and keep him/her abreast of all external affairs.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. The deputy chief of mission is the chief of staff, 
responsible for the day-to-day management of the mission. All State 
Department section heads will report to the DCM. In order to create and 
continue employee excellence at the Department, accurate and direct 
employee evaluation reports (EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are 
imperative.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. It is extremely important for managers to provide accurate 
and constructive performance feedback to employees on a regular basis. 
I check in with staff frequently and offer mentoring sessions if they 
have any concerns about their performance or careers. I conduct formal 
performance feedback with direct reports on a quarterly basis. When 
performance appears to be lacking, I provide immediate feedback in 
private and work with the employee to find ways to improve their 
performance. I recognize accomplishments through awards and public 
recognition.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes. I believe that it is the responsibility of leaders to 
create leaders, not followers. Nurturing leadership requires clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback tailored to the individual's needs. I am 
rewarded when staffs grow and take on new roles and responsibilities 
that advance their careers.

    Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
the Gambia. To properly execute our jobs, we must travel beyond the 
boundaries of the capital and engage with stakeholders throughout the 
country. I understand the Embassy Banjul team leaves the building to 
meet with local contacts, develop connections in the community, and 
spread America's message. There is no substitute for in-person 
connections, and our team relies on those links to accomplish our 
mission goals. Face-to-face conversations not only supply the 
information key to the U.S. government's decision-making process, they 
also provide opportunities to inform and persuade the Gambians who make 
the country's most important decisions. Developing those relationships 
consistent with appropriate security measures is a core component of 
our work, and the reason diplomats are stationed abroad.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. The Gambia is a diverse democracy comprised of countless 
social, tribal, economic, and cultural groups. If confirmed, I endeavor 
to meet with representatives of all of them on a regular basis. I will 
target outreach efforts to broaden and strengthen the country's 
representative democracy while also developing links to marginalized 
communities. Public Diplomacy programs are an essential tool to 
expanding this outreach effort. Exchange programs give the Embassy an 
unapparelled tool to influence key members of diverse communities. If 
confirmed, I will strive to ensure that no group is overlooked, and 
that the rights of members of Gambian minority groups are respected. 
Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in The 
Gambia?

    Answer. In general, the Gambian people view the United States 
positively, based on connections with the Gambian diaspora in the 
United States; their appreciation for U.S. assistance, and U.S. popular 
culture; and a belief in our shared values of democracy, security, 
prosperity, and respect for human rights. If confirmed I will use 
public diplomacy resources to promote a favorable view of the United 
States and its foreign policy, advance democratic values, and encourage 
inclusive economic growth. I will focus the Public Affairs Section on 
youth and emerging voices, furnishing them with the tools needed to 
become entrepreneurs, civil society leaders, and advocates for 
democracy and good governance.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Payment for positive press is rampant in the Gambia, 
causing a reduced level of trust in the media. Capacity among 
journalists is low. If confirmed, I will support efforts to build a 
free, professional, and independent press.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. In my experience, Posts have latitude to tailor our public 
messaging to local issues and concerns. If confirmed, our message at 
Post will be the same as our messaging from Washington: that Americans 
and Gambians share the same ideals of democracy, religious and social 
tolerance, good governance, security, and economic prosperity. I will 
ensure that our public diplomacy posture continues to play a key role 
in promoting our many shared values and America's generous financial 
assistance and support across the range of issues.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, The Gambia was 
identified again as Tier 2 Watch List due to lack of resources and 
ongoing failure to prosecute traffickers. How will you work with the 
Gambian authorities to address these issues if you are confirmed as 
Ambassador?

    Answer. Although The Gambia did not fully meet the minimum 
standards for the elimination of trafficking, it is making efforts to 
do so. Gambian courts have some recent success in convicting 
trafficking cases, but remain challenged by lack of resources, 
inadequate space for remanded prisoners, defendants absconding while on 
bail, and victims reluctant to testify or provide evidence due to a 
cultural emphasis on forgiveness or fear of retaliation. While the 
government is making progress towards identifying victims among 
vulnerable populations, such as through the adoption of a new national 
referral mechanism, additional improvements are needed. If confirmed, I 
will work with the Gambian government to address the prioritized 
recommendations in the 2021 TIP Report.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, The 
Gambia was identified as generally tolerant of religious freedom. What 
is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will 
you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster religious freedom in-
country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority, 
and the Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom 
situation in The Gambia. The Gambia is generally tolerant of religious 
freedom and members of the majority Muslim population are largely 
accepting of members of the Christian minority. If confirmed, I commit 
to working with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious 
Freedom and Congress to emphasize the importance of continued religious 
tolerance and to address religious freedom concerns in The Gambia.

    Question. As Ambassador, how would you advocate for former Gambian 
president Yahya Jammeh to personally face justice for the gross 
violations of human rights and corruption committed while president?

    Answer. The Truth, Reconciliation, Reparations Commission (TRRC), 
established to investigate and publicize the wrongs committed during 
Jammeh's rule, has concluded and should issue its final report soon. A 
newly created National Human Rights Commission is operating with 
significant and notable independence. Yahya Jammeh should face justice 
for the crimes he allegedly committed. The United States can help 
through building capacity in the judiciary and publicly supporting the 
efforts of the TRRC, but it is up to the Gambian people and courts to 
decide the fate of the former dictator.

    Question. How do you envision the United States supporting the 
implementation of Gambia's Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations 
Commission (TRRC) report once it is released to the public? If 
confirmed as ambassador, how would you personally prioritize the 
report's implementation?

    Answer. The TRRC is essential to The Gambia's national healing 
process after decades of nondemocratic rule characterized by 
allegations of human rights violations and abuses and lack of respect 
for human rights. The Commission has set the stage for accountability 
and transitional justice, but much hard work remains. The country has 
to make hard choices to hold former officials accountable and obtain 
justice for victims. If confirmed, I will press the government to hold 
accountable those responsible for the egregious crimes, violations and 
abuses of human rights, and affronts to dignity testified to at the 
Commission. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, The Gambia was identified 
as having some serious human rights concerns, like the use of forced 
disappearances, attacks on freedom of expression, and a climate of 
impunity.

    Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these 
instances with the host government?

    Answer. After the election of President Adama Barrow in 2016, the 
new government quickly recognized and moved to respect Gambians' human 
rights. This included an end to arbitrary detention, political 
persecution, and censorship. The Gambia is moving in the right 
direction, but there is still work to be done. If confirmed, I will 
press the Government of The Gambia to investigate allegations of human 
rights violations and abuses thoroughly and transparently, and to hold 
accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. Throughout the course of my career, I have worked 
tirelessly to promote respect for human rights and achieved goals 
through partnership with civil society groups and NGOs. If confirmed, I 
will strengthen and build on our existing relationships and look to 
form new relationships with worthy organizations. I will engage closely 
with civil society organizations and NGOs to strengthen their capacity 
and will call on the Government to work together with these groups to 
build a better, fairer, and more just Gambia that respects the rights 
of all.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Virginia E. Palmer by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. According to the State Department 2020 Country Reports on 
Human Rights Practices ``Impunity remained a significant problem in the 
Ghana Police Service. Corruption, brutality, poor training, lack of 
oversight, and an overburdened judicial system contributed to impunity. 
Police often failed to respond to reports of abuses and, in many 
instances, did not act unless complainants paid for police 
transportation and other operating expenses.'' What is your 
understanding of the level of police corruption in Ghana?

    Answer. My understanding of the level of police corruption in Ghana 
is that it remains a significant problem and is fueled by impunity, 
poor training, lack of oversight, and an overburdened judicial system.

    Question. Are there U.S. funded programs aimed at addressing police 
corruption?

    Answer. The Department of State does not have any programming that 
directly addresses police corruption in Ghana. However, the Department 
is aware of the harmful effect of corruption in the public sector, 
including in the criminal justice sector, and is considering 
opportunities to work with police, special investigators, and judicial 
actors to reduce corruption.

    Question. How, if confirmed, will you engage on the issue of police 
corruption?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with our like-
minded partners and the Department of State's Bureau of International 
Narcotics Law Enforcement to identify opportunities to create 
programming that can address police corruption while empowering Ghana's 
professional police officers.

    Question. The Committee to Protect Journalists has reported on a 
number of worrying cases of the detention, harassment and abuse of a 
number of journalists in 2021, and a call from a ruling party 
politician that a journalist to be targeted for attack. Are media 
freedoms in jeopardy in Ghana?

    Answer. Ghana enjoys a vibrant and free media, with over 350 radio 
stations, more than 120 television operators on air, and approximately 
250 newspaper and magazine publications, plus active and growing 
internet use and social media presence. Freedom of speech and 
expression are enshrined in Ghana's constitution. There have been a few 
high-profile cases of violence and threats of violence against 
journalists. The Government often responds appropriately to protect 
freedom of the press, but some of these threats have come after stories 
alleging official corruption. Exchange and training programs for 
journalists, such as fact-checking, data journalism, and even 
journalism ethics, are welcomed and in demand across Ghana. If 
confirmed, I commit to doing all I can to ensure these freedoms are 
protected and enhanced in Ghana.

    Question. Are attacks on the media indicative of broader threats to 
the right of individuals to criticize the Government?

    Answer. Freedom of speech and expression, freedom of assembly, and 
other fundamental freedoms are enshrined in Ghana's constitution. 
Although there are some reports of violence and threats of violence, or 
unjustified arrests or prosecution against journalists, they are 
generally free to be critical of the Government without fear of 
reprisal.

    Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to support media 
freedoms in Ghana?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will support media freedom by encouraging 
the Ghanaian Government to appropriately protect freedom of the press 
by thoroughly investigating cases of violence, threats of violence, 
unjustified arrests, and prosecution of journalists. I will also 
continue programs to enhance the professionalism and expertise of 
Ghana's journalists.

Democracy & Human Rights
    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. I have had the honor to work on democracy and governance 
issues for much of my 35-year career. I served as the Labor Officer in 
the PRC immediately after the Tian An Men massacres in 1989, for 
example, and drafted the first reporting on exports made from Chinese 
prison labor. I was the first Western diplomat granted access to 
several Chinese prisons, providing important information for human 
rights reporting and U.S. customs actions to ensure U.S. workers were 
not disadvantaged. For this work, I received a Meritorious Honor Award 
and runner up for the Department's 1991 Labor Officer of the Year.
    In Zimbabwe from 1993-1997, I ran the Democracy and Human Rights 
Fund that provided project financing to ZimRights and the Legal 
Resources Foundation and seed money to establish the Zimbabwe Lawyers 
for Human Rights, Southern African Human Rights Research, and 
Documentation Trust and other groups. These groups formed the core of 
the Zimbabwe Election Support Network which challenged Robert Mugabe's 
human rights and electoral abuses from 2000-2016. I established the 
first Human Rights Donor Coordination Group to leverage U.S. democracy 
and human rights resources and avoid duplication. To address rampant 
child abuse and rape, I brought together officials from the Zimbabwe 
police, Attorney General's office, and human rights organizations, 
which had not previously cooperated, to draft legislation and change 
arrest procedures to establish the first child-friendly courts, 
receiving Meritorious and Superior Honor Awards for this work.
    In Hong Kong, I drafted Human Rights Reports for Hong Kong and 
Macau and helped acquire Public Interest Benefit Parole for Chinese 
Christians persecuted for their beliefs but unable to apply for refugee 
status because they could not leave the PRC. That work contributed to 
better U.S. understanding of the House Church movement in the PRC.
    In Vietnam, I was the Front Office's principal interlocutor with 
the Ministry of Public Security on human rights issues and met 
regularly with dissidents under house arrest or in prison. After one 
such visit (and lots of work from Washington and Embassy teams) Tran 
Khai Thanh was released from prison and allowed to travel to the United 
States.
    In Malawi, I represented the United States on the U.N.-led Election 
Support Network and oversaw U.S. Government support for national 
elections, including an NDI-run Parallel Voter Tabulation, support for 
Malawi police and military providing security for the election, and 
U.S. participation in international election monitoring efforts. I 
spoke out frequently on the need for Malawi to respect the human rights 
of all, including LGBTQ persons. I hosted multiple gatherings of faith 
leaders to promote religious tolerance and respect for the human rights 
of all, including women and girls and LGBTQ persons.
    If confirmed, I pledge to continue work to advance democracy, good 
governance, and respect for human rights in Ghana.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Republic of Ghana? These challenges might 
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and 
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil 
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as 
possible.

    Answer. Ghana is widely considered to be one of the leading 
democracies on the African continent and generally respects human 
rights. Continuing problems include reports of arbitrary or unlawful 
killings by the Government or its agents; harsh and life-threatening 
prison conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious problems with 
the independence of the judiciary; violence and threats of violence, or 
unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists; serious acts 
of corruption; violence against women; and existence of the worst forms 
of child labor. Although the Ghanaian Government has taken steps to 
prosecute and punish officials who commit human rights violations or 
abuses, whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the Government, 
impunity remains a problem.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Republic of Ghana? What do you hope to accomplish through 
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the 
specific obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. Our close partnership with Ghana spans more than 60 years 
and is rooted in our shared commitment to democracy and human rights 
for all, peace and security, and economic opportunity and prosperity. 
Ghana's long democratic tradition, robust media, religious tolerance, 
and strong civil society make it a leader in West Africa and a model 
for the continent. With democratic backsliding in the region, Ghana's 
example and leadership is ever more important.
    Strengthening democracy and governance institutions are essential 
to regional stability and inclusive economic growth. Potential 
impediments include the culture of corruption, slow bureaucratic 
processes, and a lack of resources. If confirmed, I will continue 
aggressive programs to strengthen Ghana's anti-corruption and electoral 
institutions and increase Ghanaian women's participation in political 
life.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, combatting corruption and addressing issues 
related to adherence to contractual commitments will be among my top 
priorities. Integration of U.S. Government programs, particularly those 
dealing with inclusive economic growth, accountability and proper 
delivery of government services to Ghanaian citizens, is key to success 
of these efforts. I will also aggressively pursue programs to end 
trafficking and child labor.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Republic of Ghana? What steps will you take to pro-actively 
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via 
legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. I will. The promotion of respect for human rights is a 
central pillar of our relations with Ghana. If confirmed, I will 
strengthen relationships with civil society leaders and human rights 
advocates in Ghana, the United States and internationally. I will work, 
where possible in partnership with diplomatic counterparts, to 
proactively counter any efforts to close the space for NGOs and civil 
society to operate, including via legal or regulatory measures.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties and to advocating for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within 
political parties. To encourage genuine political competition, I will 
work to strengthen existing relationships and build new ones across the 
political spectrum.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Republic of Ghana on freedom of the press and address any government 
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Republic of Ghana?

    Answer. Freedom of speech and expression, freedom of assembly, and 
other fundamental freedoms are enshrined in Ghana's constitution. Ghana 
has over 350 radio stations, more than 120 television operators on air, 
and approximately 250 newspaper and magazine publications. If 
confirmed, I will lead Embassy engagement to expand Ghana's vibrant and 
free media. I also commit to meeting regularly with independent and 
local press in Ghana.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's ongoing 
engagements with civil society and government counterparts to promote 
the importance of countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated 
by foreign state or non-state actors in the country.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Republic of Ghana on the right of labor groups to organize, including 
for independent trade unions?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with Ghana 
on the right of workers to exercise freedom of association, including 
to form and join independent trade unions, and call out incidents when 
this right is restricted.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Republic of Ghana, 
no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to defend human 
rights and the dignity of all Ghanaians, no matter their sexual 
orientation or gender identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Republic of Ghana?

    Answer. In Ghana, people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender, and queer face increasing anti-LGBTQI+ rhetoric and 
actions that threaten the human rights of members of that community. 
Ghana's Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression, and 
freedom of assembly to all Ghanaians, not just to certain groups. These 
freedoms are foundational to our two democracies and must be vigorously 
defended. Failure to do so creates serious public order and public 
health problems.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Republic of Ghana?

    Answer. I am deeply concerned about the evolving situation around 
the LGBTQI+ community in Ghana. In his video address to the AU, 
President Biden affirmed the United States policy to promote respect 
for the human rights of all individuals, including women and girls, 
LGBTQI+ individuals, persons with disabilities, and persons of every 
ethnic background, faith, and heritage.
    If confirmed, I will urge national leaders in Ghana to uphold 
protections provide in Ghana's constitution for all individuals, 
consistent with its human rights obligations and commitments. I will 
work with diplomatic counterparts and allies in civil society and the 
LGBTQI+ community to address the uptick in hateful rhetoric and 
intimidation tactics.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Ghana?

    Answer. Yes.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Virginia E. Palmer by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In your opinion, what are the most significant domestic 
and external threats Ghana faces?

    Answer. Ghana and its neighbors confront significant threats from 
violent extremists from the north, and piracy and illegal fishing in 
the Gulf of Guinea. Domestically, the COVID pandemic, corruption, 
unemployment, burdensome fiscal deficits and debt, an uptick in hateful 
rhetoric and actions against members of the LGBTQI+ community pose 
threats to Ghana's development goals and role as democratic model.

    Question. In your opinion, how should we strengthen our partnership 
with Ghana on counterterrorism operations in the region?

    Answer. Ghana is well-respected for its proactive involvement and 
positive leadership on security issues throughout West Africa. If 
confirmed, I will support Ghana's regional leadership role and will 
strengthen our partnership with Ghana to counter violent extremism by 
continuing integrated U.S. programs on inclusive economic development, 
rule of law strengthening, and security and law enforcement 
cooperation.

    Question. Where are the opportunities to do more with Ghana to 
counter threats in littoral West Africa?

    Answer. Ghana is internationally recognized for its commitment to 
advancing peace on the continent, and around the world, through 
participation in U.N. and AU peacekeeping missions. Ghana ranks among 
the top ten countries worldwide for its contributions to peacekeeping 
operations. Currently, Ghana is supporting U.N. peacekeeping missions 
in South Sudan, Lebanon, and Mali.
    Opportunities to do more with Ghana to counter threats in littoral 
West Africa include encouraging Ghana to support additional U.N. 
missions in the region as those environments evolve, as well as 
fortifying the Department of State's security assistance provided to 
Ghana's military and police forces through the International Military 
Education and Training (IMET) program, Foreign Military Financing 
(FMF), and the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) accounts. The Accra 
Initiative provides an important opportunity for locally-developed 
regional cooperation to counter violent extremism and bolster regional 
security. Ghana also plays an important role, as a model of democratic 
practice and through its leadership of ECOWAS, to counter democratic 
backsliding in the region.

    Question. If confirmed as ambassador, how can you, and the U.S. 
more broadly, continue to build Ghana's role as an active and 
constructive actor in West African regional affairs?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Ghana as it chairs the 
Economic Community of West African States, serves on the U.N. Security 
Council, and hosts the Secretariat of the African Continental Free 
Trade Agreement--roles that build Ghana's profile as an active and 
constructive actor in West African regional affairs. In addition, I 
will prioritize programs like the International Police Peacekeeping 
Operations Support program, through which the Department of State's 
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) 
provides training and assistance to the Ghana Police Service to improve 
the capacity of Formed Police Units and individual police officers 
deployed to U.N. peacekeeping missions.

    Question. Do you believe the United States should support robust 
democracy and governance assistance programs in comparatively stronger 
African democracies like Ghana? If so, what should be the strategic 
focus for these efforts?

    Answer. Yes. Ghana's long democratic tradition, robust media, 
religious tolerance, and strong civil society make it a leader in West 
Africa and a model for the continent. Supporting anti-corruption 
efforts, promoting respect for human rights and strengthening the rule 
of law are important to achieving all of our security and economic 
goals in Ghana. With democratic backsliding in the region, 
strategically supporting Ghana's leadership and example of robust 
democracy and governance is ever more important and, if I am confirmed, 
will remain the focus of assistance programming efforts.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you 
respond to Ghana doing something like this?

    Answer. Every country has the right to make constitutional changes 
as long as they are made through a consultative and broad process that 
includes all stakeholders, including civil society and opposition 
parties. However, constitutional changes designed to favor incumbents 
or extend terms erode democratic principles. If confirmed, I will 
advocate for regular, democratic transitions of power, which yield more 
accountability, stronger institutions, and less corruption.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. Promoting democracy and human rights has long served as the 
basis of American foreign policy. Election observation can promote 
public participation, encourage transparency and public confidence in 
the electoral process, and mitigate the potential for electoral 
violence. Both U.S. Mission observers and independent observation 
missions help deter fraud at polling stations and facilitate the 
collection of critical information on conditions. To ensure real 
democratic gains, it is important that our elections work not focus 
solely on Election Day, but also address institutional or conduct 
problems in the lead up to elections.

    Question. Would you support a U.S. funded, independent 
international election observation mission for Ghana's next general 
election?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would carefully consider how U.S. support 
to observation efforts can contribute to free and fair elections, and 
transparent electoral processes in Ghana.

    Question. Ghana made a modest improvement from previous years in 
Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index. How can 
the United States best support Ghana in its fight to curb corruption in 
government and the private sector?

    Answer. Changing the culture of corruption in Ghana is essential 
for attracting more foreign investment, promoting sustainable, 
inclusive economic growth, and eliminate Ghana's dependence on foreign 
assistance. The United States can best support Ghana in its fight to 
curb corruption in government and the private sector by encouraging the 
Ghanaian Government to reinforce existing anti-corruption institutions 
like the Office of the Special Prosecutor, promote transparency, and 
enforce anti-corruption laws. If confirmed, I will utilize all 
available tools and programs, including visa restrictions, to support 
Ghanaian efforts to combat corruption.

    Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to 
hold Ghanaian officials accountable for corrupt behavior? If confirmed, 
what would be your approach in using those tools?

    Answer. Driven by a combination of corrupt interest and political 
expediency, Ghana's adherence to contractual commitments has been 
inadequate and is concerning for U.S. and other foreign companies. If 
confirmed, I utilize all available tools and programs, including visa 
restrictions, to support Ghanaian efforts to combat corruption. I will 
work to strengthen Ghana's accountability institutions, including the 
Office of the Special Prosecutor.

    Question. How can the United States best support Ghana in curbing 
the corrupt behavior of those companies and government officials of 
malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt governments and 
business environments?

    Answer. Improving anti-corruption institutions, laws and 
regulations and their implementation is critical to improving Ghana's 
business environment, achieving Ghana's development goals and curbing 
the corrupt behavior of malign actors. If confirmed, I will push back 
on corrupt or coercive practices that damage our interests and those of 
our Ghanaian partners, including impingement on state sovereignty, 
economic coercion, and the abusive use of new security technologies.

    Question. How is the United States working with Ghana's Government 
to curb efforts by malign foreign actors seeking to use their country 
as a hub for propagating disinformation campaigns in the U.S. and other 
countries? As Ambassador, how will you prioritize this issue with the 
Ghanaian Government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize this issue with the Ghanian 
Government by supporting a central part of this effort: exposing malign 
foreign actors' tactics so that partner and allied governments, civil 
society organizations, academia, the press, and the international 
public can conduct further analysis of their own and thereby increase 
collective resilience to disinformation and propaganda.

    Question. How should the United States build on its existing 
defense and security cooperation with Ghana? Where are the 
opportunities and the risks?

    Answer. The United States should build on its existing defense and 
security cooperation to help Ghana and its neighbors counter violent 
extremism, combat transnational crime and strengthen the rule of law. 
These efforts are most effect when our security and law enforcement 
cooperation, inclusive economic growth and the rule of law (including 
anti-corruption) efforts are integrated. Ghana's military is known for 
its professionalism and is critical to our ability to counter global 
threats in the sub-region. Fortifying this cooperation poses 
significant opportunities and few risks.

    Question. The instability in the Sahel is now bleeding over into 
the Littoral states in the Gulf of Guinea. Because of this concern, 
these coastal countries, led by Ghana, have established the Accra 
Initiative to build capacity and support a more integrated approach to 
intelligence gathering and crisis response. Does the U.S. plan to 
support the Initiative with technical and material assistance. Is it 
considering bilateral assistance to Ghana to establish the Secretariat?

    Answer. The United States has provided bilateral assistance to 
Ghana to support the Accra Initiative since September 2020 through 
Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Those efforts help 
prevent further spread of violence in West Africa. If confirmed, I will 
engage relevant stakeholders to explore ways the United States can 
support Ghana and the Accra Initiative address this threat.

    Question. Would Ghana be a strong candidate for a bilateral free 
trade agreement with the United States? If not, why not? If so, why?

    Answer. Yes. Bilateral trade exceeded $1.5 billion in 2020 and with 
the U.S. recording a trade surplus of $112 million.
    In addition, Ghana hosts the secretariat of the African Continental 
Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which will modernize and streamline the 
continent's overall trade and economic systems and create a trading 
block of 1.3 billion people, creating opportunities for greater 
commercial ties between the United States and all of Africa.

    Question. What is your view on the role of the U.S. Prosper Africa 
initiative in driving increased trade and investment between the U.S. 
and Ghana? Do you believe the U.S. should focus more of its efforts 
vis-a-vis Prosper Africa toward large African U.S. economic partners 
like Ghana?

    Answer. The U.S. Prosper Africa Initiative drives increased trade 
and investment between the United States and Ghana by bringing together 
services and resources from across the U.S. Government to empower 
businesses with market insights, deal support, and solutions to 
strengthen business climates. Prosper Africa will advance opportunities 
to build new markets for American products, drive billions of dollars 
of investment in Africa, and support thousands of new jobs for both 
African and American workers.

China and the Indo-Pacific
    Question. China is keen to secure the affections of Africa's next 
generation of leaders. The Chinese Government claimed in 2019 that 
Ghana had the highest number of African students studying in China. How 
do you view such educational exchanges and opportunities playing in 
projecting ``soft power'' ?

    Answer. African countries are our partners in pursuing our shared 
interests--from security, global health, climate change, democracy, and 
economic growth. African publics continue to prefer the United States 
to the PRC, and democratic values to authoritarianism. If confirmed, I 
will capitalize on this soft power--engaging with youth, promoting 
exchanges and study in the United States, and promoting American 
business.

    Question. Do you agree or disagree that an increased proportion of 
Ghanaians attending U.S. colleges and universities would more closely 
tie the current and future relationship of the country to the U.S.?

    Answer. I agree that an increased proportion of Ghanaians attending 
U.S. colleges and universities would more closely tie the current and 
future relationship of the country to the United States.

    Question. If you agree, what can and should the U.S. do to boost 
opportunities for Ghanaians to study in the U.S.?

    Answer. With a population of 1.3 billion people whose median age is 
19 years old, African youth are one of the continent's most important 
resources. Expanding existing links and promoting new partnerships at 
the university level will strengthen Ghana's educational institutions 
as instruments of national development--enhancing regional prosperity, 
security, and stability. Such cooperation also promotes the U.S. value 
of academic freedom, which is under increasing threat across the world 
as global competitors expand their own educational programs targeting 
the continent's scholars and students. If confirmed, I commit to 
promoting this important American export and to strengthening academic 
ties between the U.S and Ghana.

    Question. China is one of, if not Ghana's biggest, trading partner 
and foreign investment source. While the United States enjoys long-
standing and consistently strong relations with Ghana, the country is a 
leading African buyer of U.S. goods, and there is typically a large 
U.S. trade surplus with Ghana. Despite this, the U.S. trade and 
investment relationship lags in comparison to the country's bilateral 
trade and investment relationship with China. What should the United 
States prioritize to improve its bilateral trade and investment 
relationship generally with Ghana, and in what ways can the U.S. 
improve American businesses interest and competitiveness to drive 
greater U.S. investment in Ghana?

    Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will meet the 
challenge the PRC presents by ensuring that American companies can 
compete on an even playing field, providing a meaningful alternative to 
the PRC's economic approach, and promoting entrepreneurship, and fair 
practices. I will be a vigorous advocate for American companies and 
innovation and will ensure U.S. public and private investments continue 
to support pandemic recovery efforts and Ghana's journey to self-
reliance. If confirmed, I will continue to help Ghana create an 
enabling environment for inclusive private sector-led growth by 
facilitating regional trade, improving access to credit, improving 
agricultural production and market access, enhancing domestic resource 
mobilization, and improving health and education outcomes.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Ghana and 
counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The United States should partner with likeminded countries 
to counter negative actions and influence of the PRC by calling out and 
confronting nondemocratic behavior and insisting that all economic 
actors on the continent adhere to the highest standards of 
transparency, anti-corruption, debt sustainability, environmental 
protection, and respect human rights, including labor rights. In 
addition, Ghana recently expressed an interest in establishing a 
partnership with NATO. If confirmed, I will encourage Ghana and our 
NATO allies to advance this partnership, which provides security 
benefits for NATO and Ghana.

State Department Management and Oversight
    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Ghana?

    Answer. My understanding is that morale throughout the Mission is 
strong, motivated by staff's commitment to the important mission of 
bolstering regional security and countering violent extremism, 
promoting inclusive economic growth and improving health outcomes. 
However, staff, particularly Locally Employed (LE) Staff whose families 
have not been vaccinated, remain very concerned about the risks 
associated with Ghana's very low vaccination rates and concerned about 
a full return to in-office work. COVID-19-related travel restrictions 
limiting opportunities for rest and recuperation and even regional 
change of scene also have a negative effect on morale.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Ghana?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Ghanaian Government to 
increase vaccination levels of the Ghanaian public. This will both help 
us achieve our broader public health goals and allow us to increase in 
person diplomacy since ``diplomacy is a contact sport.'' I will work to 
fill vacancies in a timely manner, recruiting diverse staff and 
ensuring they enjoy opportunities to do fulfilling work and provide 
policy input. I will also work hard to ensure that Locally Employed 
Staff salaries (currently negatively affected by rising inflation) 
remain competitive.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Ghana?

    Answer. In general, the best way to create a unified mission is to 
communicate broadly about what our goals are and successes and lessons 
learned as we work toward them. That is even more important with COVID-
19-induced teleworking inhibiting in person meetings where 
brainstorming and spontaneous exchanges of information are more free 
flowing. If confirmed, I will also rely heavily on ``thematic'' working 
groups, such as the Law Enforcement Working Group and the Countering 
Violent Extremism Working Group. These working groups will include law 
enforcement and security agencies as well as USAID, DoD, and the 
Embassy Deal Teams, to create synergies and ensure all elements of U.S. 
national power are used to advance U.S. interests in Ghana and the 
region.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I am direct and decisive. I welcome collaboration and 
demand information sharing and respect for others. I am fast and not 
particularly linear. I believe diplomacy is personal and that my 
contacts need to believe that I am a credible interlocutor, honest, 
forthright, and, where possible, helpful.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate 
subordinates, either in public or private.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure leading 
Embassy Lilongwe?

    Answer. I came to have a stronger belief that our development 
assistance programs are more effective when they are integrated. For 
example, production enhancements have little effect if they are not 
accompanied by improved market access (i.e., it does not help me to 
produce more tomatoes if I cannot get them to market) and assistance 
aimed to improve the health and education outcomes of girls and young 
women pays huge dividends in achieving all our other development goals. 
I am pleased that Ghana's Integrated Country Development Strategy 
integrates the Mission's security, inclusive economic growth and rule 
of law programs.
    When Malawi was slow to implement much needed reform of the 
agriculture sector despite looming famine, I learned that ``we cannot 
want it (reform, good programs, etc.) more than they do;'' policy 
change and development and other programs will be more effective when 
there is strong local/indigenous demand for them.
    I learned very positive lessons about how good, bold ideas can come 
from unexpected agencies/personnel. For example, our $90 million 
project to keep girls in school and break the cycle of HIV transmission 
from older men to younger girls to boys arose from Peace Corps at an 
Embassy Adolescent Girls and Young Women Task Force meeting.

    Question. How will your management style and approach differ from 
Embassy Lilongwe?

    Answer. With Ghana serving as host to the African Continental Free 
Trade Agreement Secretariat, Chair of ECOWAS, and member of the U.N. 
Security Council, if confirmed, I will focus more attention on regional 
and international issues than I did in Lilongwe.
    I will continue to rely on interagency working groups for policy 
development and operational coordination. Embassy Accra's Country Team 
is larger and more senior than Lilongwe's. I hope that agency and 
section heads will have more experience establishing and maintaining 
accountability measures; I will nonetheless remain attentive to these 
issues.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. I have served twice as Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and 
know that there is no more important relationship in the Mission. If 
confirmed, my DCM will be my alter ego. Through regular meetings, 
scheduled and ad hoc, I will ensure that we are in sync and that the 
DCM has full input into policy formulation and decision making. Where 
possible we will divide responsibilities, ensuring that important 
conclusions or insights from meetings are always shared.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the DCM to chair the Emergency 
Action Committee, Law Enforcement Working Group, and other Interagency 
Working Groups as required, participating myself when requested/
required. I will ensure that the entire Mission understands that the 
DCM enjoys my full faith and confidence and speaks for me, but that my 
door is always open if there are issues they do not feel comfortable 
raising with him/her.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. I believe it is important to provide employees with timely, 
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in to improve performance 
and reward high achievers.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Ghana. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. I agree that it is essential for diplomats to get outside 
of the Embassy to meet with host country officials, thought leaders and 
the public as well as diplomatic counterparts. This is an essential 
part of representing the United States and ensuring proper ``branding'' 
of our programs, initiatives, and companies. This is even more 
challenging with COVID-induced telework requirements, but in my 
experience, U.S. diplomats get outside of the embassy walls enough to 
fully accomplish their mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all available public diplomacy 
tools for in-person, virtual and media engagement. I will encourage in-
country travel and representation outside of the capital. I would be 
remiss if I did not note the importance of local staff in shaping and 
articulating our mission and programs and their important role as 
interface between American diplomats and local communities.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Ghana?

    Answer. Ghana enjoys a vibrant and free media, with over 350 radio 
stations, more than 120 television operators on air, and approximately 
250 newspaper and magazine publications, plus active and growing 
internet use and social media presence. Freedom of speech and 
expression, freedom of assembly and other fundamental freedoms are 
enshrined in Ghana's constitution. Although there are some reports of 
violence and threats of violence, or unjustified arrests or prosecution 
against journalists, they are generally free to be critical of the 
Government without fear of reprisal. Ghanaians generally have a 
positive impression of the United States.

    Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. U.S. diplomats face limited public diplomacy challenges in 
Ghana. Public Diplomacy exchange programs, like the Mandela Washington 
Fellowship and Fulbright exchanges are enormously popular and help to 
create a robust alumni network across the country in various areas of 
interest.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Post has latitude to tailor our public messaging to local 
issues and concerns. If confirmed, I will ensure that our public 
diplomacy posture continues to play a key role in promoting our many 
shared values and America's generous financial assistance and support 
across the range of issues.

Human Rights
    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Ghana was 
identified as Tier 2 due to lack of adequate resourcing for law 
enforcement as well as a lack of prosecutions of traffickers. How will 
you work with Ghana authorities to address these issues if you are 
confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. Ghana has maintained a Tier 2 ranking in the Trafficking in 
Persons Report since in 2018, indicating significant efforts to combat 
trafficking. Trafficking within the country is more prevalent than 
transnational trafficking, and the majority of victims are children 
subjected to forced labor. Children can fall prey to economic hardships 
in Ghana, and some are subjected to forced child labor within Ghana in 
the fishing, cocoa, artisanal gold mining, and agriculture sectors as 
well as in domestic service, street hawking, begging, pottering, and 
quarrying. Ghanaian girls, and to a lesser extent boys, are also 
subjected to sex trafficking within Ghana, including in the Central, 
Volta, and Greater Accra regions.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the Government to increase its 
resources to better train and equip the police force to investigate 
trafficking cases. I will also encourage the Government to provide 
appropriate shelters for trafficking victims. I will encourage 
assistance be provided to organizations working on the front lines to 
combat human trafficking.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Ghana 
is described as having religious freedom enshrined in the constitution 
but does lacks general understanding of respective religions in civil 
society. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster 
religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and 
the Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom 
situation in Ghana. Religious freedom and interfaith communication are 
among Ghana's greatest strengths. Muslim and Christian leaders 
emphasize the importance of religious freedom and tolerance and report 
communication and coordination among themselves as well as with those 
from smaller minority faiths on a wide array of matters. If confirmed, 
I commit to work with the Ambassador at Large for International 
Religious Freedom and Congress to emphasize the importance of religious 
freedom, addressing any religious freedom concerns, and further 
strengthen tolerance and respect among and for religious communities in 
Ghana.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Ghana was identified as 
having serious human rights concerns, including arbitrary or unlawful 
killings by the Government, cruel treatment or punishment by the 
Government, corruption, the worst forms of child labor, and more. If 
confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the 
host government?

    Answer. The Ghanaian Government generally respects human rights. 
Continuing problems include reports of arbitrary or unlawful killings 
by the Government or its agents; harsh and life-threatening prison 
conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious problems with the 
independence of the judiciary; violence and threats of violence, or 
unjustified arrests or prosecutions, against journalists; serious acts 
of corruption; violence against women; and existence of the worst forms 
of child labor. Although the Ghanaian Government has taken steps to 
prosecute and punish officials who commit human rights violations or 
abuses, whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the Government, 
impunity remains a problem. If confirmed, I will encourage the Ghanaian 
Government to address impunity and hold accountable those responsible 
for human rights violations and abuses.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. Ghana's Constitution provides for freedom of speech and 
expression and freedom of assembly for all Ghanaians, not just to 
certain groups. These freedoms are foundational to our two democracies 
and must be vigorously defended. If confirmed, I will direct the 
Embassy team to work closely with our like-minded partners and allies 
in civil society to ensure these rights are respect for all Ghanaians; 
support PEPFAR's anti-stigma and anti-discrimination support to members 
of the LGBTQI+ community and people living with HIV; and stand up 
against injustice toward women and girls, LGBTQI+ individuals, members 
of religious minority groups, and people of all races and ethnicities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Virginia E. Palmer by Senator Mike Rounds

    Question. Gaddafi was deposed in Libya in October 2011. Tens of 
thousands of Malians who had been working in Libya for a better living 
returned home. Many of these ethnic Tuaregs (TWAHH-regs) had even 
served in Gaddafi's military and returned to Mali with guns and 
artillery. Shortly thereafter, in January 2012, Tuareg rebels 
destabilized Mali, which paved the way for violent extremist groups to 
gain a foothold. Since then, the march of violent extremism has 
continued southward, destabilizing Burkina Faso and now threatening 
Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire, Togo and Benin. What effect, if any, did Libya's 
destabilization have on security in sub-Saharan Africa? Also, given 
this worrying trend, how can we strengthen our partnership with Ghana 
to counter violent extremism and terrorism in the region?

    Answer. Smuggled arms looted from Gaddafi's armories have impacted 
security in sub-Saharan Africa. The region's porous borders and the 
vast ungoverned regions of the Sahel have always complicated monitoring 
the movement of people and goods, including armaments from Libya, that 
have constituted the economy of the Sahel for hundreds of years.
    Ghana is well-respected for its proactive involvement and positive 
leadership in security issues throughout West Africa. Ghana is also 
internationally recognized for its commitment to advancing peace on the 
continent, and around the world, through participation in U.N. and AU 
peacekeeping missions. Ghana ranks among the top dozen countries 
worldwide for its contributions to peacekeeping operations with 
missions in South Sudan, Lebanon, and Mali. If confirmed, I will 
support Ghana's regional leadership role and will strengthen our 
partnership with Ghana to counter violent extremism by continuing 
integrated U.S. programs on inclusive economic development, rule of law 
strengthening, and security and law enforcement cooperation.

    Question. Many of Africa's biggest challenges--trade, migration, 
violent extremism--are transnational in nature. However, embassies are 
understandably focused on bilateral relations. Do you think a regional 
focus on Western Africa might be effective and what might you do as 
ambassador to develop a more regional view?

    Answer. Yes. A too narrow focus on bilateral issues allows our 
adversaries to exploit seams in policy and along national boundaries. 
For example, if customs and border security are improved and anti-
corruption measures enforced on one side of a border but not another, 
terrorists and criminals will still be able to take advantage of weak 
borders to move materiel and personnel. If confirmed, I will work to 
support the Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership and the Accra 
Initiative, a Ghanaian-led effort to strengthen the capabilities of 
Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Togo to combat violent 
extremism. These efforts will require close coordination with my fellow 
Ambassadors in the region, AFRICOM, the U.S. Coast Guard, U.S. agencies 
in Washington, and Congress. It is also important that these regional 
efforts integrate security sector support (maritime and border 
security, military, and law enforcement cooperation) and programs to 
strengthen the rule of law and combat corruption, improve cyber 
security, and spur inclusive economic growth.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Howard A. Van Vranken by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Despite Botswana's solid democratic reputation, some 
observers have suggested that press freedom has declined in recent 
years, pointing to the draconian media regulations, self-censorship by 
journalists, and the disturbing use of Cellebrite technology to unlock 
a journalist's phone to access their sources.

   Do you agree that Botswana has experienced a decline in freedom of 
        the press? What will you do, if confirmed, to pressure the 
        Government of Botswana to roll back its restrictions on press 
        freedom?

    Answer. Botswana's constitution and laws provide for freedom of 
expression. Media contacts reported 10 years of self-censorship and 
dwindling advertising revenues under former President Khama. Upon 
taking office in 2018, President Masisi initially demonstrated a 
welcoming approach to the media and press freedom. However, this has 
largely stalled and the promised Freedom of Information bill has not 
yet materialized. State-owned media generally feature uncritical 
reporting on the Government and are sometimes susceptible to political 
interference. Opposition political parties claim that state media 
coverage heavily favors the ruling party.
    If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Embassy work to support 
media professionalization through exchanges, trainings, and other 
initiatives, such as assisting the Office of the Presidency to set up a 
Presidential Press Office. Helping the Government of Botswana create a 
press office which is proactive, responsive, and a source for useful 
and credible information for the press and the public directly supports 
our Mission Goal 1: Botswana has institutions, policies, and practices 
which respond to the needs and improve equitably the lives of its 
inhabitants by addressing the need to strengthen institutions to 
promote accountable, transparent, and democratic governance.

    Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to Botswana, you would also 
represent the United States at the Southern African Development 
Community. Southern Africa faces myriad challenges to the stability of 
the sub-region, including the insurgency in Mozambique.

   Do you believe that SADC is an effective organization to promote 
        security, democracy, and prosperity in Southern Africa? Would 
        deeper engagement with SADC advance U.S. interests?

    Answer. SADC's goals of promoting regional cooperation and 
integration, economic growth, socio-economic development, and durable 
peace and security among its member states have never been more 
important. SADC has achieved notable successes promoting regional peace 
and security and economic development for the betterment of the SADC 
region's most important resource--its people. SADC's enduring support 
helped Lesotho negotiate vital government reforms and undertake a 
peaceful transition of political power, and in Mozambique the 
organization's deployment of a Standby Force is helping combat the 
ISIS-linked terrorist threat. SADC continues to promote regional peace 
and security as demonstrated by its positive role in helping Zambia and 
the Democratic Republic of Congo resolve a longstanding border 
disagreement. And through its Southern African Power Pool, SADC is 
mobilizing resources to address energy shortages that threaten regional 
development and economic integration.
    If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our engagement with SADC, 
including by advocating for the organization to play a proactive role 
in promoting good governance, respect for human rights, and democratic 
values, and in holding its members accountable when they fall short. By 
insisting that all its members respect human rights and the rule of 
law, SADC can send a powerful message that it intends to be a force for 
positive change for all citizens across southern Africa.

    Question. What are the major barriers to improving conditions and 
protections for women, sexual minorities, and indigenous people in 
Botswana? What will you do to promote equality for groups that face 
discrimination if confirmed?

    Answer. Botswana generally has a good human rights record and laws 
have been enacted to protect vulnerable populations. However, some 
problems remain. I am concerned about societal problems that threaten 
respect for human rights including high rates of gender-based violence; 
discrimination against women and children, persons with disabilities, 
persons with HIV/AIDS, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex 
persons; and trafficking in persons.
    There are also growing concerns among Botswana's public that COVID-
19 related movement restrictions and the Government's stated need to 
take on extra-legislative responsibilities as a response could impinge 
on some of their human rights, such as the freedom of peaceful 
assembly. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with the 
Government of Botswana and civil society organizations to address these 
concerns and promote equality for all. If confirmed, I will encourage 
them to focus their attention on the most pressing human rights 
concerns in Botswana and will look for synergistic opportunities to 
cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform, accountability, and 
respect for human rights.

Democracy & Human Rights
    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. While serving in Iraq in 2008-2009, I worked directly with 
local government leaders and NGOs to build democratic processes and to 
strengthen civil society organizations in support of representative and 
responsive local government. Working through implementing partners, we 
facilitated training for local leaders, established a free and 
independent radio station, and identified local youth leaders to 
participate in national training programs. Our goal, in part, was to 
decentralize decision-making and implementation authority from the 
central and provincial governments to empower and hold accountable 
leaders at the local government level for activities which directly 
impacted their constituents.
    During my second tour in Iraq in 2011-2012, I spearheaded our 
efforts to resettle exiled Iranian nationals from Iraq to third 
countries. Those individuals, who were wanted by the Iranian 
Government, were under direct threat because of their perceived 
political affiliation. Together with others in the U.S. Government and 
UNHCR, we worked to safeguard the individuals' human rights and to 
promote the protection of refugees and the rule of law. In part as a 
result of my work, dozens of individuals were relocated legally to the 
safety of third countries.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Botswana? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. Botswana has a long track record as one of Africa's 
enduring democracies. The people of Botswana are justifiably proud of 
this democratic track record. However, there remain issues to address. 
Concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights Report include undue 
restrictions on freedom of expression, the press, and the internet, 
including the existence of criminal slander and libel laws; 
interference with freedom of association; acts of corruption; and the 
existence of the worst forms of child labor, including the commercial 
sexual exploitation of children and forced labor.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Botswana? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to partner with governmental 
and non-governmental organizations in Botswana, where we are involved 
in political party strengthening and a number of democracy building 
activities, including youth outreach, promoting women's participation 
in the political process, supporting the development of women 
candidates for public office, and advocacy for independent 
parliamentary debates.
    Botswana's Parliament has only seven women members; three were 
elected in 2019, and the remainder appointed to specially elected seats 
by President Masisi. Gender based violence (GBV) also remains a major 
problem. Government figures from 2018 indicate that 37 percent of women 
in Botswana experience some form of GBV during their lives. This trend 
was exacerbated by lengthy COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020. The Government 
embarked on an anti-GBV campaign in late 2020, which included public 
awareness, dedicated GBV courts, and new operating procedures for 
police handling GBV cases and victims. If confirmed, I will continue to 
work with the Government of Botswana and civil society to combat this 
serious social scourge.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy has focused on improving the participation 
of women in politics and political life through public awareness 
campaigns, bilateral engagement with the political parties and 
government leadership, and a $250,000 African Regional Democracy Fund 
grant to provide political training to women interest in politics. We 
also supported women and youth through a series of COVID-19 relief 
grants offering youth training and entrepreneurial skills development 
through mask making clinics, and through a grant to a women's GBV 
clinic to create an automated 24-hour help hotline via WhatsApp.
    USAID's Democracy and Governance programming strengthens the 
capacity of governmental institutions, civil society groups, and 
regional organizations to promote democratic practices. This work is 
accomplished by better linking political parties to their constituents 
and develop platforms based on citizen needs; fostering land rights for 
indigenous populations; and promoting gender-equality and human rights. 
USAID is also assisting workers and communities impacted by mining to 
understand and assert their rights. If confirmed, I will continue to 
support this important work through USAID and other U.S. Mission 
programs and initiatives.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Botswana? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. The promotion of respect for human rights is a central 
pillar in our relations with Botswana. If confirmed, I will continue 
and strengthen the relationships built by the U.S. Government and our 
partners with Botswana, U.S., and international civil society members 
working in this space. I will also engage with labor unions and 
workers. I will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen the 
capacity of civil society organizations and amplify their voices, 
encourage the Government to collaborate with these organizations for 
the betterment of Botswana, and ensure that we coordinate our efforts 
with diplomatic and international missions.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue to strengthen the 
relationships our U.S. Mission has built with democratically oriented 
political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the 
efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive 
political environment throughout Botswana. If confirmed, I will 
advocate for the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly for all 
political actors, even those who do not agree with the Government. If 
confirmed, I will advocate through public statements, targeted small 
grants and other programming, and direct engagement with a diverse 
spectrum of Batswana leaders and community members for a political 
environment that is inclusive of women, youth, minorities, and Batswana 
who might otherwise be marginalized.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with 
Botswana on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Botswana?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with media practitioners, like-
minded missions, civil society, government, and international partners 
to underscore the importance of an independent, professional, and open 
media to a free and democratic society. If confirmed, I will seek 
resources to continue support to both Botswana's private and state-run 
media, including professional exchanges, targeted training programs, 
and seminars to educate journalists and media stakeholders about their 
rights. Batswana journalists have consistently participated in U.S. 
Government-sponsored professional exchange programs on investigative 
reporting, safeguarding freedom of expression, and the media's role in 
strengthening democratic institutions, and I will continue to 
prioritize these exchanges and training opportunities.

    Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and 
government counterparts on countering disinformation and malign 
propaganda by foreign state and non-state actors. If confirmed, I also 
commit to working with like-minded partners in Botswana to counter 
disinformation and malign propaganda campaigns.

    Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with 
Botswana on the right of labor groups to organize, including for 
independent trade unions?

    Answer. The United States has a long and strong tradition of 
supporting the rights of workers to exercise freedom of association, 
including to form and join independent trade unions. If confirmed, I 
will commit to engage with unions, relevant government offices, and the 
private sector to support labor rights. If confirmed, I will mobilize 
U.S. Government policies, programs and trade agreements to empower 
workers in all sectors to organize, successfully bargain with their 
employers, and improve working conditions.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Botswana, no 
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Protecting human rights and democracy is a priority for the 
U.S. Mission in Botswana. If confirmed, I will strive to defend the 
human rights and dignity of all persons in Botswana, no matter their 
sexual orientation or gender identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Botswana?

    Answer. Botswana is a generally tolerant country, and there are no 
recent reports of attacks against the LGBTQI+ community by authorities. 
However, there were reported societal incidents of violence, societal 
harassment, and discrimination. Lingering societal problems can 
threaten respect for human rights, including the rights of lesbian, 
gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons, and increase 
vulnerabilities faced by these populations. Botswana's legal statutes 
are mixed on the issue. The High Court struck down penal code section 
164 criminalizing consensual same-sex activity in 2019; the Botswana 
Court of Appeal has set a date for the appeal on October 12, 2021. If 
confirmed, I will strive to defend the human rights and dignity of all 
persons in Botswana, no matter their sexual orientation or gender 
identity.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Botswana?

    Answer. Protecting human rights and democracy is a priority for our 
mission in Botswana. The U.S. Mission has strong ties with LGBTQI+ 
civil society groups and relies on the 2019 landmark legal case to 
deepen social acceptance of LGBTQI+ persons in Botswana. If confirmed, 
I will continue these efforts with the goal that Botswana can become a 
model for other nations in Africa and show that decriminalization is 
possible.

Congressional Consultations
    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Botswana?

    Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State 
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all 
appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this 
committee.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Howard A. Van Vranken by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Botswana is one of four Sub-Saharan African countries 
identified as ``free'' in Freedom House's Freedom in the World 2021 
report. The State Department characterizes Botswana as ``an excellent 
democratic partner.'' Underlying a democratic system that has produced 
democratic elections, strong tolerance of the political opposition, and 
effective governance practices, is one that also often undermines 
democratic pluralism--one that ensures the ruling party remains firmly 
in power.

   What is your assessment of the resilience of Botswana's democracy?

    Answer. Botswana has a long track record as one of Africa's most 
successful and enduring democracies. Botswana is a constitutional, 
multiparty, republican democracy. Its constitution provides for the 
indirect election of a president and the popular election of a National 
Assembly. If confirmed, I will promote democratic values and seek to 
strengthen democratic institutions.

    Question. Are there any areas where you, as U.S. Ambassador if 
confirmed, will engage Botswana on issues related to freedom and 
democracy?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely in 
partnership with government and non-governmental organizations in 
Botswana on U.S. Government initiatives. These include political party 
strengthening and a number of democracy building activities, including 
youth outreach, promoting women's participation in the political 
process, supporting the development of women candidates for public 
office, and advocacy for independent parliamentary debates.

    Question. In Botswana's 2019 parliamentary elections, the ruling 
Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) received 406,561 votes (52.65 percent 
of total votes). What role does Botswana's first-past-the-post 
electoral system play in limiting power sharing with a growing 
proportion of votes by the political opposition in the country? What 
reforms does Botswana's electoral system need to ensure greater equity 
among the country's main political parties and actors?

    Answer. Botswana's Parliamentary system of elections is like those 
used in many countries across the world. However, critics in countries 
where first-past-the-post voting is applied, including in Botswana, 
argue that this system is unfair to smaller political parties and 
groups that are underrepresented in the political process, such as 
women and ethnic minorities. Opposition parties argue that this system 
gives the ruling party a voting majority in parliament which enables it 
to implement its own policy objectives even if they do not have popular 
support. Botswana plans a constitutional reform process in the near 
future. If confirmed, I would work with all stakeholders on ways to 
advocate this process encompasses a broad set of issues, including the 
electoral system.
    Following the 2019 elections, international observer missions made 
several recommendations for improvement of electoral processes, 
including related to funding of political parties, representation of 
women and youth in political parties, standardization of polling 
station procedures, improving registration and voter education 
procedures, among other legal and procedures reforms. Enacting such 
reforms will ensure that elections in Botswana produce results that 
enjoy broad support, including through representation of opposition and 
equity among political parties. If confirmed, I will seek to engage the 
Government and political parties on these issues in advance of the next 
elections.

    Question. What is your view on a democratic system like Botswana 
that has never undergone a partisan transition of power and has seen an 
unbroken parliamentary majority by the same ruling party and control 
over the executive since independence?

    Answer. Botswana's electoral system provides opportunities for 
changes in political power. In recent elections, opposition parties 
have made inroads in increasing parliamentary representation, 
particularly in 2014. However, factors such as opposition party 
cohesiveness, political financing, and incumbency have all helped the 
Botswana Democratic Party maintain its majority. If confirmed, I would 
continue our work with all stakeholders in ensuring that Botswana's 
political system remains fair and transparent.
    If confirmed, I will promote democratic values and seek to 
strengthen democratic institutions, including through electoral 
processes that have credibility and integrity in representing the will 
of the people of Botswana.

    Question. Do you believe the United States should support robust 
democracy and governance assistance programs in comparatively stronger 
African democracies like Botswana? If so, what should be the strategic 
focus for these efforts?

    Answer. Botswana has been a strong proponent of democracy and 
respect for human rights within Africa. If confirmed, I will earnestly 
work to continue U.S. Embassy programming that strengthens the capacity 
of governmental institutions, civil society groups, and regional 
organizations to promote democratic practices.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you 
respond to Botswana doing something like this?

    Answer. Botswana's strong democratic tradition includes term-limits 
that are respected by presidents, the political parties, and the 
electorate. I expect this respect for constitutional limits will 
continue. If confirmed, I will promote democratic values and seek to 
strengthen democratic institutions.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions? Would you 
support such a mission for Botswana's next general election?

    Answer. The U.S. Government supports efforts to ensure transparency 
in elections in all nations. Botswana's elections are regularly 
observed by external teams from the Southern African Development 
Community (SADC) and the African Union. Botswana welcomes and supports 
these missions and would likely be amendable to additional electoral 
observation if the conditions warrant such a mission.

    Question. In the area of conservation, Botswana is a critical 
partner. The Okovango River Delta in northwest Botswana is one of the 
world's largest inland river deltas, and serves as a critical source of 
biodiversity and home to Africa's largest remaining elephant 
population. However in Botswana, as in other countries across the 
continent, wildlife trafficking and human animal conflict are 
persistent challenges that have become more acute during the COVID 
pandemic.

   As U.S. Ambassador to Botswana, if confirmed, how will you engage 
        with our Botswanan partners on issues related to conservation?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work earnestly to continue the U.S. 
Government engagement with the Government of Botswana and civil society 
to protect the country's valuable natural resources, including its 
wildlife and endangered ecosystems, such as the Okavango Delta, 
inscribed on UNESCO's list of World Heritage Sites (WHS) in 2014.

    Question. How will you as U.S. Ambassador engage the Government of 
Botswana to ensure the country's elephant population is ethically 
controlled and the Government follows adequate measures to ensure long-
term conservation of their native elephant population?

    Answer. Sustainable management of Botswana's natural resources, 
including the Okavango Delta and the country's wildlife, is not only a 
critical conservation goal, but also vital for Botswana's long-term 
economic health. Tourism, primarily eco-tourism, accounted for 10 
percent of Botswana's GDP and 10 percent of its total employment pre-
pandemic.
    If confirmed, I will encourage community-based natural resource 
management efforts that can make an important contribution to 
conservation and growth of the tourism sector, as well as to rural 
development and poverty eradication. If confirmed, I will work with 
U.S. agencies to promote best practices on wildlife conservation and 
management, including for Botswana's elephant population.

    Question. What more should the Government of Botswana do to curb 
poaching and wildlife trafficking? How can the United States build on 
existing efforts to support Botswana in its fight against both poaching 
and trafficking of wildlife? What more can the United States do to help 
enforce existing national and international anti-wildlife trafficking 
laws in Botswana?

    Answer. Botswana is committed to wildlife protection, and we 
appreciate the Government of Botswana's ongoing efforts on this issue. 
If confirmed, I pledge to continue supporting important wildlife 
trafficking assistance to Botswana, including training and building 
capacity in law enforcement personnel, both in country and regionally.
    Trends across the continent indicate better organized, more lethal, 
and sophisticated poaching and wildlife trafficking criminal 
organizations. Botswana considers these organizations a national 
security threat. If I am confirmed, I will commit to working with my 
government counterparts to deter and dismantle these criminal 
organizations in Botswana.

    Question. What additional tools can the U.S. draw on to provide 
support to Botswana in both preserving biodiversity and improving 
livelihoods for the Botswanan people

    Answer. Botswana has unique biodiversity and remains highly 
vulnerable to climate change, especially with regard to access to water 
for drinking, irrigation, and climate change's effects on complex 
biospheres such as the Okavango Delta. If confirmed, I will continue to 
engage with our partners including government, commercial, and civil 
society groups in support of the conservation goals of the DELTA Act.

    Question. What opportunities exist for the United States to build 
on its defense cooperation with Botswana?

    Answer. There are opportunities to strengthen our already robust 
defense partnerships through the International Military Education and 
Training (IMET) and the National Guard State Partnership Program. There 
are opportunities for PEPFAR and the Department of Defense HIV/AIDS 
Prevention Program (DHAPP) to implement HIV prevention programs to 
combat HIV/AIDS within the defense forces. Botswana would also welcome 
participation in additional regional military exercises.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Botswana was 
identified as Tier 2 due to a ``lack of formal procedures to identify 
and refer victims to care and devoted substantially less funding for 
victim care than in the previous reporting period.'' How will you work 
with the Government or appropriate entities to address these issues if 
you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. The Government of Botswana does not fully meet the minimum 
standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making 
efforts to do so. Botswana remained a Tier 2 country in the 2021 TIP 
Report and has publicly reiterated its commitment to reaching Tier 1. 
In the 2021 reporting period, the Government of Botswana referred all 
identified victims to NGOs, funded and implemented the anti-trafficking 
national action plan, and provided additional services to victims who 
participated in trials against their traffickers. However, the 
Government did not convict any traffickers and identified significantly 
fewer victims than in the 2020 reporting period.
    If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Botswana to create 
and institutionalize procedures to identify trafficking victims and 
train stakeholders on such procedures, increase funding for NGOs to 
which the Government refers trafficking victims for shelter and 
services, and significantly increase efforts to investigate, prosecute, 
and convict traffickers through continued engagement with the 
Government, civil society, and international partners.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Botswana was identified as tolerant of religious freedom. What is your 
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work 
with the Ambassador At Large to continue to bolster religious freedom 
in-country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and 
the Department continues to closely monitor religious freedom in 
Botswana. As noted, Botswana provides for freedom of thought and 
religion, with certain exceptions, protects against governmental 
discrimination, and has a high degree of religious tolerance and robust 
interfaith relations. If confirmed, I commit to work with the 
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to 
emphasize the importance of religious freedom, addressing any religious 
freedom concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and respect among 
and for religious communities in Botswana.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Botswana was identified 
as having serious human rights concerns, including infringement or 
suppression of freedom of expression, press, the internet, association, 
as well as corruption and child labor.

   If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances 
        with the host government?

    Answer. Botswana generally has a good human rights record. However, 
some problems remain. These include occasional allegations of excessive 
use of force and abuse by security personnel, police corruption, and 
shortcomings in the judicial process, including lengthy delays and 
failure to inform defendants of their pretrial rights.
    I am concerned about societal problems that threaten respect for 
human rights including high rates of gender-based violence; 
discrimination against women and children, persons with disabilities, 
persons with HIV/AIDS, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex 
persons; and trafficking in persons.
    There are also growing concerns among Botswana's public that COVID-
19 related movement restrictions and the Government's stated need to 
take on extra-legislative responsibility as a response could impinge on 
some of their human rights, such as their freedom of peaceful assembly. 
If confirmed, I will continue these efforts as I engage the Government 
of Botswana to address concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights 
Report.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. The U.S. Embassy maintains excellent relationships with all 
of Botswana's major civil society organizations. These organizations 
rely on us to act as a voice of conscience both in the public sphere 
and in our engagement with the Government. If confirmed, I will 
continue to work closely with Botswana's community of civil society 
organizations and will encourage them to focus their attention on the 
most pressing human rights concerns in Botswana and will look for 
synergistic opportunities to cooperate with these groups to advocate 
for reform, accountability, and respect for human rights.

    Question. Government resettlement schemes, policies that undermine 
aboriginal minorities' cultural practices and identities, and economic 
disenfranchisement are all areas where the Government has increasingly 
marginalized the aboriginal San and Basarwa people. In what ways should 
the United States work with the Government of Botswana to improve the 
rights and economic survival of these aboriginal people?

    Answer. The U.S. Government continues to follow the situation of 
the San in Botswana, including the legal dispute between some San 
communities and the Botswana Government over their families' rights to 
reside within Botswana's Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR). The 
Botswana Government has agreed to abide by all relevant court rulings 
regarding the San rights to live within the CKGR, but it has 
interpreted these rulings narrowly. If confirmed, I will continue to 
support the ongoing dialogue between the Botswana Government and San 
representatives regarding community welfare and living conditions.

    Question. In March this year, Botswana became the 46th African 
country to sign on to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI 
cooperation agreement will undoubtedly boost relations between the two 
countries and focus on infrastructure construction and other projects 
traditionally supporting the BRI. How will you ensure the United States 
interests and relationship with Botswana is not undermined by these 
deepening ties with China?

    Answer. The Government of Botswana sees China as an important 
partner and investor, but there has been unhappiness within Botswana 
about PRC business practices, after problems with several high-profile 
PRC construction projects. If confirmed, I will work to build upon our 
decades-long investment in African human capital (health and education) 
in order to strengthen our ties with Botswana, including through 
initiatives like the Power Africa Mega Solar program.

    Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee Majority Report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Botswana and 
counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The United States and our European partners share an 
interest in supporting Botswana's efforts for financial transparency, 
respect for human rights, respect for freedom of expression, and 
efforts to counter corruption. We are concerned about the PRC's 
influence on these areas in Botswana. If confirmed, I would continue to 
work with European nations and the Government of Botswana to strengthen 
Botswana's resilience to malign external influence. If confirmed, I 
will work with European and other likeminded partners to speak up 
against China's malign actions and attempts to undermine the 
international rules-based system, including through advancing U.S. 
economic interests, countering China's aggressive and coercive actions, 
sustaining our military engagement, and engaging on U.S. positions in 
the U.N. system.

    Question. According to Reporters sans frontiers (RSF), press 
freedom declined significantly under President Ian Khama. While 
violations of press freedom have declined under President Masisi, there 
remain significant obstacles to freedom of the press in Botswana, 
including a legal framework that has no law on access to information 
and draconian laws such as the 2008 Media Practitioners Act. As U.S. 
Ambassador to Botswana, if confirmed, how will you engage the Botswanan 
Government on issues of freedom of information and freedom of the 
press?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Embassy work to 
support media professionalization through exchanges, trainings, and 
other initiatives, such as assisting the Office of the Presidency to 
set up a Presidential Press Office. Helping the Government of Botswana 
create a press office which is proactive, responsive, and a source for 
useful and credible information for the press and the public directly 
supports our Mission Goal 1: Botswana has institutions, policies, and 
practices which respond to the needs and improve equitably the lives of 
its inhabitants by addressing the need to strengthen institutions to 
promote accountable, transparent, and democratic governance.

    Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

   What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Botswana?

    Answer. COVID-19 has exacted a heavy toll on U.S. Mission Botswana, 
as many members of our community have lost loved ones. While there is 
currently a downward trend in cases across the region, Botswana's 
COVID-19 case count remains the highest in the Southern African region.
    COVID-19 exacerbated some of Botswana's infrastructural weaknesses 
like telecommunications, healthcare, and food availability. The Mission 
has adapted to this new environment, with staff building stronger ties 
with each other as they rely on one another more than they did prior to 
the pandemic. The U.S. Mission continues to prioritize Embassy morale 
through tools such as regular town halls, which provide a platform for 
staff to connect with leadership and for speakers to discuss resilience 
and coping mechanisms.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Botswana?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the official 
community will be of primary importance. I will seek to support 
employees and their families to create an inclusive and welcoming 
culture where individuals are safe and can achieve professional and 
personal goals. As I expect one of my sons (who is 15 years old) and my 
wife, Rebecca, will accompany me (and my other children will spend 
significant time with me in Botswana), I will focus on schooling and 
educational needs for children and work with U.S. and Batswana 
officials to expand U.S.-accredited education where possible.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Botswana?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all 
agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies and 
tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I will engage all 
employees and stakeholders to conceive and articulate clearly what we 
will do, and how we will do it. If confirmed, I will create a culture 
of inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

   How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I aspire to create a leadership culture in which all are 
encouraged to contribute, create, and grow. My ideal is a workplace in 
which people achieve shared objectives while respecting and valuing 
everyone's contributions. This requires from leadership and employees a 
recognition of individuals strengths and areas of development, and a 
respect for shared values, inclusion, and our institutions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. There is no acceptable place for `berating' subordinates, 
either in public or in private.

    Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as the 
director of NEA-SCA/EX?

    Answer. While Executive Director of NEA-SCA/EX, I learned quickly 
the limits of my own ability to achieve goals without delegating 
responsibility and authority when appropriate. My experience leading 
that organization affirmed to me that subordinates need space to learn 
and grow, and that results which fall short of full success represent 
valuable opportunities to adjust styles and inculcate a culture of 
continual learning and improvement. I refined the ability to delegate 
and build a spirit of inclusion during my time as Executive Director.

    Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with 
deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I expect to collaborate closely with the 
Deputy Chief of Mission to conceive goals, then implement and oversee 
tactics and activities to achieve those goals. If confirmed, I will 
work with the Deputy Chief of Mission to articulate and maintain high 
ethical standards and create a culture of inclusion and respect. If 
confirmed, I will lean on the Deputy Chief of Mission's deep area 
expertise and seek her counsel before developing or implementing 
policy. I believe Deputy Chiefs of Mission are most effective, 
productive, and valued when they are permitted to work with 
independence, while understanding that the Chief of Mission is 
ultimately responsible in all ways for the work of the Mission.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the Deputy Chief of Mission to 
lead our internal effort to address the COVID pandemic. I will also ask 
her to lead recruitment efforts for Foreign Service and other agencies' 
diplomatic personnel. If confirmed, I will collaborate with her closely 
on policy implementation, engagement with the Government of Botswana, 
and outreach to key groups-particularly youth-through traditional and 
social media.
    In order to create and continue employee excellence at the 
Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for 
Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in 
Botswana.

   In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy 
        walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively 
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the 
country to which they are assigned.
    The safety and well-being of our U.S. Mission staff is paramount. 
Thus, during COVID-19, especially during the recent third wave, we have 
limited our external engagement and official travel to mission 
critical. However, during normal times our U.S. Mission community is 
actively involved in external engagement with our government, civil 
society, and media partners and members of the international community 
throughout the country. In the meantime, we have been actively involved 
in external engagement on virtual platforms and in small group settings 
to maximize safety.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, and as health and safety conditions permit, I 
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person 
with local populations. Until then, we will maintain active engagement 
through virtual media. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit people 
in each district of Botswana and use those visits to facilitate 
contacts for other U.S. diplomats.
    COVID-19 limited physical interactions and poor telecommunications 
infrastructure made virtual interactions difficult. However, nearly all 
Mission personal have been vaccinated and the number of vaccinated 
Batswana is also increasing. This should improve our ability to access 
more people locally as in-person interactions will remain the preferred 
form of engagement in Botswana.
    Once the COVID-19 situation improves we intend to fully re-engage 
with all our stakeholders throughout the country in-person. I will 
prioritize our Embassy's travel and site visits to our partners and 
beneficiaries in the field, on priority issues including our HIV/AIDS 
response and wildlife trafficking, to improve our collective 
understanding of the myriad issues at stake, underscore U.S. leadership 
on these issues, and to monitor U.S. Government funds.
    Once we achieve a healthy threshold of vaccinated people, we plan 
to return to hosting more representational events as they have 
historically been well received, especially our Fourth of July 
celebrations. A resumption in issuing tourist and business visas will 
also increase our interaction as it will raise interest in the United 
States.

    Question. In recent years, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), 
an intergovernmental standards-setting body on anti-money laundering 
matters (AML), of which the United States is a member, identified 
Botswana as strategically deficient on AML. How is the United States 
supporting AML compliance efforts in Botswana and what steps will you 
take as ambassador to ensure the country continues to make improvements 
in this area?

    Answer. The United States supports Botswana's efforts to strengthen 
its compliance with international AML standards, including through U.S. 
Department of Treasury technical assistance. If confirmed, I will work 
diligently to ensure the U.S. Embassy continues to support Botswana's 
efforts to bolster its anti-money laundering capacity.

    Question. Do you think the Department should require chiefs of 
mission have experience in the region to which they are nominated?

    Answer. The Department of State looks for officers who exemplify 
the six Core Values (accountability, character, community, diversity, 
loyalty, service) and the Department's Leadership and Management 
Principles (model integrity, plan strategically, be decisive and take 
responsibility, communicate, learn and innovate constantly, be self-
aware, collaborate, value and develop people, manage conflict, and 
foster resilience) when selecting Chiefs of Mission. Candidates for COM 
positions must possess: outstanding interpersonal skills; deep regional 
and functional professional experience; demonstrated effectiveness in 
leading people, policies, and programs; proven skills in public 
diplomacy, navigating the interagency process, leading and motivating 
teams; talent for advocating U.S. foreign policy interests, including 
promoting democracy and good governance, rule of law, and economic 
interests; and the ability to operate at the senior U.S. national 
security policy level. The Department also seeks COM candidates who 
have championed diversity and will continue to foster diverse and 
inclusive teams and hold people accountable for performance and 
conduct. COM nominees are able to apply these values and principles in 
any geographic region to advance U.S. interests.

    Question. With little experience in the sub-Saharan Africa, how are 
you approaching this assignment?

    Answer. Mission Botswana has a strong team which I am looking 
forward to meeting and leading. I am confident that our respective 
experiences will complement each other.
    I have engaged in an accelerated program to learn as much as 
possible as quickly as possible about the region through the Foreign 
Service Institute and consultations with regional experts. If 
confirmed, I will broaden that engagement to include regional experts 
throughout and outside the U.S. Government.

    Question. Do you consider your lack of experience in the region a 
handicap in starting your position as COM?

    Answer. I come to this assignment with a long history of success in 
leading people and managing programs and resources to achieve goals. 
Those experiences are directly applicable to this challenging 
assignment. I also approach this assignment cognizant that the region 
is richly complex, and I will need to seek advice, counsel, and 
recommendations from a range of experts from throughout and outside the 
U.S. Government in order to succeed.
    The State Department prides itself in developing adaptable 
generalists who bring the breadth of their experience to every 
assignment. There are naturally strong arguments for having regional 
experts, but I am confident that I can bring new approaches to bear 
based on my experience at other posts. My work in the Department's 
Executive Secretariat also gave me a unique perspective on how Africa 
fits into our overall foreign policy, experience which I believe make 
me a strong advocate for the needs of Mission Botswana.

    Question. If confirmed, would you consider your lack of experience 
in Africa in identifying a deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. The Department of State provides a list of suitable Deputy 
Chief of Mission candidates for a Chief of Mission to select when those 
positions become open. If confirmed, I will select a DCM who 
compliments my skills, experience, and knowledge to ensure the U.S. 
Mission in Botswana is best placed to advance U.S. interests.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts.

   What is the public diplomacy environment like in Botswana? What 
        public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. The strong U.S.-Botswana bilateral relationship facilitates 
a positive public diplomacy environment. The Botswana public is 
generally receptive to U.S. Government programs and messaging on our 
policy priorities. The challenges that do exist include capacity issues 
like an organization's ability to maintain and implement grants on 
behalf of the U.S Government; the lack of a flourishing civil society 
which limits our ability to offer diverse programming; and the poorly 
developed press corps. However, journalists are eager to gain 
additional training and experiences through USG media exchange 
programs. COVID-19 has severely impacted the Mission's ability to 
conduct in person exchanges and outreach, and poor internet 
connectivity and availability make virtual programming challenging.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. The Embassy's Public Affairs Office does a good job 
balancing these occasionally differing objectives. The Mission's 
strategic planning working group meets monthly to discuss important 
policy objectives and to decide how to best deliver messaging to the 
public. Due to our strong bilateral relationship, the Botswana public 
is largely receptive to our messaging. As a Mission, we focus most of 
our messaging on our priority policy goals and objectives including our 
health partnerships under PEPFAR, women's empowerment, democracy and 
governance, environmental issues, regional security, and strengthening 
the economy. However, we also deliver messaging on Washington's policy 
priorities. The Botswana public is also receptive to these messages. 
Most public messaging is delivered via our influential social media 
platforms including Facebook and Twitter, but also via traditional 
media including radio, television, and newspaper interviews, which is 
dominated by state media.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Howard A. Van Vranken by Senator Mike Rounds

    Question. Botswana's HIV prevalence rate is improving but remains 
the fourth highest in the world, with 19.9 percent of adults HIV-
positive in 2020. What is your assessment of the importance and 
effectiveness of U.S. support to combatting HIV/AIDs and other public 
health emergencies in Botswana, including the COVID pandemic?

    Answer. U.S. support through PEPFAR has played and will need to 
continue to play an important role in supporting Botswana's HIV/AIDS 
response. While Botswana is a high HIV-burdened country, it has been 
making significant progress toward controlling its HIV epidemic and 
that control must be sustained. The health systems and capacities that 
have been strengthened for the HIV/AIDS response have also been 
instrumental in helping to respond to other health threats, including 
COVID-19. Botswana funds approximately 60 percent of its national 
response to HIV/AIDS and PEPFAR has strategically filled service 
delivery gaps and provided technical support to scale up and strengthen 
services.



                               __________





                              NOMINATIONS

                              ----------                              


                      THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2021

                                       U.S. Senate,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., via 
Videoconference, Hon. Brian Schatz presiding.
    Present: Senators Schatz [presiding], Cardin, Murphy, 
Booker, Van Hollen, and Hagerty.

            OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN SCHATZ,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM HAWAII

    Senator Schatz. Good morning. This hearing of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
    We are here to consider four important nominees--Ambassador 
Laura Holgate to be the U.S. Representative to the Vienna 
Office of the U.N. and the U.S. Representative to the 
International Atomic Energy Agency; Caryn McClelland to be the 
U.S. Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam; David Young to be U.S. 
Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi; and Claire Pierangelo to 
be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the 
Union of the Comoros.
    Congratulations to the four of you on your nominations. Our 
thanks for your willingness to serve and to the members of your 
families because this is a family sacrifice as well.
    I understand that our distinguished former colleague 
Senator Nunn is here to introduce Ambassador Holgate this 
morning. So we will turn to him first before any opening 
statements.
    Senator Nunn?

                  STATEMENT OF HON. SAM NUNN,
                FORMER U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA

    Senator Nunn. Thank you very much, Chairman Schatz. Can you 
hear me okay? I am not----
    Senator Schatz. We can hear you fine.
    Senator Nunn. Great. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, 
Ranking Member Hagerty, Senator Cardin, and others on the 
Foreign Relations Committee.
    I am honored to present Laura Holgate to this committee, 
and I strongly recommend that she be confirmed as our Nation's 
Ambassador to the Vienna Office of the United Nations and the 
International Atomic Energy Agency.
    Mr. Chairman, our Nation is fortunate to have a nominee 
with the experience, the knowledge, and the diplomatic skills 
that Laura would bring to this important role if confirmed by 
the Senate. Laura has served more than 30 years in critical 
national security positions, both inside and outside 
government. She has broad experience. She has skilled 
leadership. Laura has sound judgment, and she has an 
international reputation as a very capable diplomat and 
persuasive advocate of U.S. priorities.
    She also brings a background and spirit of nonpartisanship. 
I know that firsthand, Mr. Chairman, because I have worked 
closely with her, and she has worked so closely with Senators 
and staff over the years.
    So, Mr. Chairman and Senator Hagerty, I have known Laura 
for almost all of her professional career. She was part of the 
Ash Carter Harvard University team that worked closely with my 
partner Senator Dick Lugar and with me to persuade Congress to 
create what became known as the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat 
Reduction Program.
    Laura later led this program at the Pentagon and was part 
of the team that achieved one of the most significant global 
security steps of our era--Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine 
getting rid of all of their nuclear weapons and joining the 
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. So Laura has been at the 
forefront of policy innovation as well as implementation to 
reduce nuclear, biological, and chemical threats for really her 
entire career.
    When the Nuclear Threat Initiative was created in the year 
2001 by Ted Turner and by me, I knew Laura was one of the most 
capable people that we could ever find. So I persuaded her to 
become one of the first employees of NTI. Laura's strong 
relationships with colleagues in the U.S. departments and 
agencies on Capitol Hill and really around the world helped her 
work with others to improve nuclear security and keep weapons 
and weapons-usable material, most important, out of the hands 
of terrorists globally.
    At NTI, Laura led a number of international threat 
reduction projects that helped make the world safer, and I am 
just going to mention a couple. In 2001, she directed NTI's 
important role in the removal of two bombs' worth of highly 
enriched uranium from a poorly secured facility in Serbia. This 
project, led by the U.S. Government with cooperation from 
Serbia, Russia, and the IAEA, laid the foundation for the U.S. 
Government's program known as the Global Threat Reduction 
Initiative.
    Most recently, she helped produce our NTI's Nuclear 
Security Index, which is recognized globally, I believe, as the 
premier open source resource and tool for tracking and 
improving the security of some of the deadliest materials in 
the world.
    Importantly, Mr. Chairman and Senator Hagerty, Laura has 
continued her lifelong commitment to broadening the number of 
talented women in the nuclear security field, enhancing our 
national and our global security. Laura knows that giving women 
a fair shake strengthens our national security and also 
strengthens our Nation.
    Laura served from 2009 to 2016 at the National Security 
Council, where she exhibited strong leadership in coordinating 
U.S. Government efforts to reduce weapon of mass destruction 
threats and prevent catastrophic terrorism. In particular, she 
led preparations for the four nuclear security summits under 
President Obama, which made significant progress in securing 
nuclear materials globally.
    We do not get much encouraging news, but Mr. Chairman, over 
the last 20 or so years under both parties, both Presidents, 
Republicans and Democrats, we have moved from 50 nations with 
nuclear material known as highly enriched uranium to 23 
nations. Still a lot of challenges, but Laura has played a huge 
role in all of that.
    In conclusion, Chairman Schatz and Senator Hagerty and 
members of the committee, I am confident that Laura is fully 
prepared to serve in this critical role. I strongly support her 
nomination by President Biden, and I urge the committee's 
support. And of course, I urge strongly her confirmation by the 
full Senate.
    So thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Senator Nunn, and 
thank you for your public service and leadership over many, 
many years.
    We will now turn to my opening remarks, followed by Senator 
Hagerty.
    Ambassador Holgate previously served as the U.S. 
Representative to the IAEA and Vienna Office of the U.N. in 
2016. She also served as Director for Weapons of Mass 
Destruction, Terrorism, and Threat Reduction on the NSC, where 
she led the preparation of four nuclear security summits. The 
IAEA is facing a number of challenges to one of its core 
missions, ensuring that states comply with their 
nonproliferation treaty commitments to maintain only peaceful 
nuclear programs.
    Iran is currently blocking IAEA access to many of its 
nuclear facilities, and North Korea moves ahead with its 
nuclear capabilities. Ambassador Holgate brings a wealth of 
experience to this important role, and we look forward to 
hearing about how she plans to engage the IAEA on 
nonproliferation matters and the peaceful use of nuclear 
science and technology to solve today's challenges, including 
climate change.
    Pleased to see Caryn McClelland, a career Foreign Service 
officer, nominated as our next Ambassador to Brunei. In her 
distinguished career at State, she has served in senior-level 
positions in the Indo-Pacific and Europe as well as on oceans 
and international environmental issues and commercial and 
business affairs, all of which position her well for this 
assignment.
    In particular, her background working energy issues, as we 
seek to work with Brunei to transition its economy to a zero-
carbon future, is invaluable. I look forward to hearing her 
thoughts on that issue today.
    I am also interested in her views on Brunei's approach to 
trafficking in persons and LGBTQ issues under Sharia law, 
issues this committee continues to monitor closely.
    Next, we have David Young. David Young is a career member 
of the Senior Foreign Service. He currently serves as the 
charge d'affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Lusaka, Zambia, and 
previously served as the charge d'affaires at the U.S. Embassy 
in Pretoria, South Africa, and Deputy Chief of Mission at the 
U.S. Embassy in Abuja, Nigeria. His extensive experience in 
Southern Africa will serve him well if confirmed as our next 
Ambassador to Malawi.
    At a time when many African countries are experiencing 
democratic backsliding, Malawi stands out as having achieved a 
democratic transition, thanks to the vigilance of its citizens 
and the independence of its institutions. Still, Malawi faces 
serious challenges, including widespread poverty, corruption, 
and the threat of climate change and natural disasters, such as 
Cyclone Idai in 2019.
    And despite meeting its goals to control HIV/AIDS, Malawi 
still has one of the world's 10 highest HIV prevalence rates. I 
look forward to hearing how, with sufficient engagement and 
assistance, the United States can help Malawi turn its recent 
democratic success into long-term stability and prosperity.
    Lastly, Claire Pierangelo is a career member of the Senior 
Foreign Service. She currently serves as Principal Officer at 
the Consulate General in Lagos, Nigeria. Madagascar is facing 
difficult circumstances, and our Embassy urgently needs an 
experienced diplomat like Claire Pierangelo. High-stakes 
competition between political elites has dangerously 
destabilized Madagascar, with alleged coup and assassination 
plots pushing the country to the brink of a political crisis.
    Even more alarming is Madagascar's vulnerability to climate 
change. Southern Madagascar is on the edge of a deadly famine, 
one of the first to be caused by climate change rather than 
man-made conflict, according to the U.N.
    The Union of the Comoros, where Ms. Pierangelo would also 
represent the United States, if confirmed, faces governance 
challenges such as corruption and authoritarianism. It is 
becoming vulnerable to climate change, which is spurring 
irregular migration and affecting access to food and to water. 
I hope to hear how the United States can help these two 
countries to confront these challenges.
    So while the four of you have a number of challenges ahead, 
I am confident that your knowledge and experience will serve 
you well as you take them upon confirmation.
    I now turn to the ranking member, Senator Hagerty, for his 
opening comments.

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. It is an honor to be with both of you. Mr. 
Chairman, I also want to thank the nominees for being here 
today. As you said, it is a great commitment, and it is a 
family commitment, and I appreciate and congratulate all of you 
for your nomination.
    I would like to start with the nominee for Representative 
of the United States to the International Energy Agency. This 
position has a unique responsibility in advancing the security 
of the United States by promoting the safe, secure, and 
peaceful use of nuclear technologies.
    I would like to share just a little bit of my own 
background from this perspective. Not long after my arrival in 
Tokyo as the U.S. Ambassador to Japan, North Korea tested a 
thermonuclear weapon, highlighting for me the continued 
challenges and threats that we face from nuclear proliferation 
around the world.
    The United States and our allies need to work very closely 
together on this, and I look forward to hearing from the 
nominee about how best to prevent states from diverting their 
civil nuclear energy programs to military purposes as we 
approach the 21st century.
    Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be the 
Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. The United States and Brunei 
work closely together on a bilateral and regional agenda to 
tackle some of the most pressing issues, particularly in light 
of Brunei's role in ASEAN. I look forward to hearing from Caryn 
on ways to advance the U.S.-Brunei relationship. I have had the 
opportunity to work with Caryn in the past. I look forward to 
hearing from her today.
    I would also like to turn to the nominee to be Ambassador 
to Malawi. The United States continues to partner with Malawi 
in order to advance accountable democratic governance, to 
foster private sector growth, and to advance health, education, 
energy, and environmental sectors in Malawi. I am interested in 
hearing from the nominee on these subjects when we get to them.
    Last, I would like to focus on the nominee to be the 
Ambassador to Madagascar. And as Madagascar continues to play--
transition toward a free democracy, the United States will play 
a critical role as one of the largest providers of assistance 
to Madagascar. I look forward to hearing from our nominee about 
ways to bolster the partnership between the United States and 
Madagascar.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield my time back to you. Thank you.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Senator Hagerty.
    All of our nominees will be provided an opportunity to give 
their testimony. We asked them to be as brief as possible. We 
are about to enter into a series of five votes to keep the 
Government open. So that if we can do this expeditiously, we 
will not have to hand the gavel back and forth.
    So we will start our testimony from our nominees. We ask 
you to summarize your statement in 5 minutes or even less. All 
of your full statements will be included in the record without 
objection, and we will proceed in the order that you appear on 
the hearing notice, beginning with Ambassador Holgate.

STATEMENT OF HON. LAURA S.H. HOLGATE OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO 
   BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE 
     INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY, WITH THE RANK OF 
 AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF 
 AMERICA TO THE VIENNA OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE 
                       RANK OF AMBASSADOR

    Ambassador Holgate. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, 
and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you 
today to serve--as the President's nominee to serve as the U.S. 
Permanent Representative to the United Nations, the 
International Atomic Energy Agency, and other international 
organizations in Vienna.
    I am grateful to President Biden and to Secretary Blinken 
for their confidence that they have placed in me, and I am 
especially grateful to Senator Nunn for his mentorship over the 
years and for his generous remarks this morning.
    This is a critical moment for the United States' interests 
in the IAEA and other U.N. offices in Vienna. Iran, nuclear 
energy, space, cyber crime, climate change, the opioid 
epidemic--none of these challenges can be adequately met by the 
United States acting alone. We helped create the U.N. system to 
align the interests and combine the strengths of multiple 
nations to address global challenges, and I firmly believe that 
these institutions are more necessary today than ever.
    My experience inside and outside the United States 
Government has prepared me to play this vital role in Vienna. 
If I am confirmed in this position, I pledge to strengthen and 
broaden the partnerships with other member states and with the 
Vienna-based U.N. agencies and further develop the coalitions 
that we need to achieve U.S. priorities.
    Key among these goals is to work to make sure the IAEA has 
the mandate and the capacity to address evolving challenges and 
the greater demands being placed upon it. The IAEA must have 
the technical, human, and financial resources it needs to 
implement global safeguards, including in critical areas such 
as Iran and to be prepared to return to North Korea should a 
monitoring agreement be reached there.
    The IAEA's Directorates of Nuclear Energy, Safety and 
Security, and Safeguards must work better together to guide and 
monitor the safe and secure expansion of next-generation 
nuclear energy in a way that helps address climate change 
without increasing nuclear risk.
    If confirmed, I will press international organizations in 
Vienna to continue to make progress on management reforms, 
transparency, and accountability. I will encourage intensified 
efforts towards achieving greater gender and regional diversity 
and greater representation of U.S. citizens, especially at 
senior and policymaking levels. And I will revitalize the 
International Gender Champions chapter, which I helped found 
during my previous appointment.
    The achievement of these and other U.S. priorities will 
face the growing influence of Russia and China in multilateral 
organizations, and I believe the U.S. must be even more 
present, active, and visible at these fora. And if confirmed, I 
will strengthen the essential relationships with traditional 
diplomatic partners and work hard to build new connections with 
countries who are eager to see U.S. leadership on the issues 
they care about.
    Mr. Chairman, I am eager to return to the post I held so 
briefly and optimistic about the opportunities to re-engage the 
diplomatic and U.N. community, many of whom I know well. I am 
grateful to this committee for its attention and to my family, 
friends, and colleagues observing these proceedings online for 
their love, support, and inspiration as I pursue a return to 
public service.
    Thank you very much.
    [The prepared statement of Ambassador Holgate follows:]


             Prepared Statement of Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of the committee: 
I am honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee to 
serve as the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
(U.N.), the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and other 
International Organizations in Vienna. I am grateful to President Biden 
and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
    This is a critical moment for the United States' interests in the 
IAEA and the other U.N. offices in Vienna. Establishing confidence that 
Iran's nuclear activities are solely peaceful and remain so, 
strengthening the global nuclear architecture that promotes security of 
nuclear materials and facilities, supporting the safe and secure 
expansion of nuclear energy and other peaceful nuclear technologies, 
promoting effective efforts to combat transnational crime and 
corruption, and supporting innovative peaceful applications of space 
science demand active, focused leadership and engagement by the United 
States to promote our national interests and advance our contributions 
towards shared global priorities. Indeed, none of these challenges can 
be adequately met by the United States acting alone--we helped create 
the U.N. system to align the interests and combine the strengths of 
multiple nations to address global challenges, and I firmly believe 
that these institutions are more necessary today than ever.
    My experience inside and outside the United States Government has 
prepared me to play this vital role in Vienna. I have focused on 
reducing nuclear, biological, and chemical threats since 1989, when I 
wrote my MIT masters thesis on chemical weapons destruction. From the 
Pentagon to the Energy Department to the White House, and--briefly--in 
Vienna, I have spent over 15 years designing, leading, and coordinating 
federal programs to reduce and eliminate nuclear, chemical, and 
biological weapons, through bilateral and multilateral cooperation. In 
my 12 years at the nongovernment Nuclear Threat Initiative, I have 
developed and piloted creative solutions to nuclear challenges, many of 
which have been adopted by the United States and the IAEA.
    Mr. Chairman, it was my distinct honor to have been supported by 
this committee and confirmed by the Senate in 2016 to the position for 
which I am now again being considered, and I served for six months in 
that role, leading UNVIE's talented team of Foreign Service Officers, 
locally engaged staff, and civil servants from multiple U.S. agencies.
    If I am confirmed in this position, I pledge to strengthen and 
broaden the partnerships with other member states and with the Vienna-
based U.N. agencies, and further develop the coalitions that we need to 
achieve U.S. priorities. Key among these goals is to work to make sure 
the IAEA has the mandate and the capacity to address evolving 
challenges and the greater demands being placed on it. The IAEA must 
have the technical, human, and financial resources it needs to 
implement global safeguards, including in critical areas such as Iran, 
and to be prepared to return to North Korea, should a monitoring 
agreement be reached there. The IAEA's Directorates of Nuclear Energy, 
Safety and Security, and Safeguards must work better together to guide 
and monitor the safe and secure expansion of next-generation nuclear 
energy in a way that helps address climate change without increasing 
nuclear risks. The IAEA's Directorates of Technical Cooperation and 
Nuclear Sciences and Applications must strengthen initiatives to safely 
and securely provide the benefits of nuclear technology to all, 
including innovations to speed the diagnosis of pandemic health 
threats.
    If confirmed, I will press international organizations in Vienna to 
continue to make progress in management reforms, transparency, and 
accountability. I will encourage intensified efforts toward achieving 
greater gender and regional diversity, especially at the senior and 
policy-making levels, and revitalize the International Gender Champions 
chapter, which I helped found during my previous appointment.
    The achievement of these and other U.S. priorities will face the 
growing influence of Russia and China in multilateral organizations. I 
believe the U.S. must be even more present, active, and visible in 
these fora and if confirmed, I will strengthen the essential 
relationships with traditional diplomatic partners and work hard to 
build new connections with countries who are eager to see U.S. 
leadership on issues they care about.
    Mr. Chairman, I am eager to return to the post I held so briefly, 
and optimistic about the opportunities to reengage the diplomatic and 
U.N. community, many of whom I know well. I am grateful to this 
committee for its attention, and to my family, friends, and colleagues 
observing these proceedings on-line for their love, support, and 
inspiration as I pursue a return to public service.


    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Ms. McClelland?

STATEMENT OF CARYN R. MCCLELLAND OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER 
  OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
       THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO BRUNEI DARUSSALAM

    Ms. McClelland. Thank you very much.
    Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished 
members of the committee, I am honored to be here today before 
you as President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. 
Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. If confirmed, I look forward 
to working closely with this committee to advance U.S. 
interests in Brunei.
    I would also like to take this opportunity to thank my 
family, friends, mentors, and colleagues whose support and 
guidance has been critical throughout my career. Most 
importantly, I want to recognize my daughter, Marlowe, who has 
shared this adventure with me for the last 13 years, and my 
parents, Robert and Catherine. Without their constant love, 
support, and encouragement, I would not be here today.
    The U.S.-Brunei relationship has flourished over the years 
as we continuously work together to promote a more stable, 
peaceful, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. We have enjoyed 
more than 170 years of close cooperation since our countries 
signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Commerce, and 
Navigation in 1850. The United States was also among the first 
countries to establish diplomatic relations with Brunei after 
it became fully independent from the United Kingdom in 1984.
    Our partnership with Brunei and our support for ASEAN 
centrality remain a cornerstone of our Indo-Pacific policy. The 
United States works closely with Brunei, especially during its 
role as the ASEAN chair in 2021. Brunei's time leading ASEAN 
coincided with the two most acute challenges to face ASEAN 
since its inception, the coup d'etat in Burma and COVID-19.
    Brunei has been a steady and constructive partner on both 
issues. Our shared commitment to addressing some of the 
region's most pressing challenges will continue to yield 
cooperation, including on pandemic response, confronting the 
climate crisis, and resolving the conflict brought on by the 
coup and violence in Burma.
    The robust security, economic, and people-to-people ties 
between our two countries are at the core of our relationship 
with Brunei. Our defense relationship is described in our 
Memorandum of Understanding on Defense Cooperation, and our 
military-to-military ties have become a cornerstone of the 
U.S.-Brunei bilateral relationship.
    Prior to the pandemic, Brunei conveyed a strong desire to 
increase participation in military exercise and engagements 
with the United States, particularly with respect to enhancing 
maritime domain awareness. While many in-person defense 
exchanges have either been postponed or canceled due to the 
COVID-19 restrictions, Brunei remains committed to our defense 
partnership, as witnessed by its recent purchase of U.S.-origin 
defense equipment and its continued participation in our 
bilateral maritime exercises.
    We have a shared interest in maintaining peace and 
stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and respect for 
international law, including freedoms of navigation and 
overflight and other lawful activities in the South China Sea. 
If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to strengthen our 
partnership in these areas with the Bruneian Government and 
work with Brunei to uphold the rules-based international order 
that has underpinned the region's security and prosperity.
    We have also fostered a positive economic relationship with 
Brunei and enjoy a robust trade in goods such as aircraft, 
machinery, technology, iron, steel, and others. U.S. goods and 
services trade with Brunei totaled an estimated $262 million in 
2020.
    We have frequently worked with Brunei and other regional 
economies to lower barriers to trade and investment across the 
Indo-Pacific region, leveling the playing field for U.S. 
companies and supporting job growth at home. If confirmed, I 
hope to further expand our bilateral trade relationship and 
advance an economic agenda that promotes shared prosperity, 
leverages economic potential, and builds inclusive and 
resilient economies, especially as the entire region works 
toward pandemic recovery.
    If there is one thing the past year and a half has taught 
us, it is the true value of personal relationships. Our 
cultural, educational, and people-to-people ties with Brunei 
are critically important to advance both mutual understanding 
between our nations and our bilateral relationship. In a 
country with limited exposure to the United States, engaging 
the next generation of Bruneian leaders and change-makers is 
vital.
    Prior to the pandemic, approximately 50 Bruneians 
participated annually in U.S.-sponsored exchange programs, 
including the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, the 
International Visitor Leaders Program, and Fulbright Program, 
and other professional and academic exchanges. The U.S. Embassy 
in Brunei also maintains a robust network of more than 300 
alumni of U.S. Government exchange programs and works regularly 
with Bruneian civil society to collaborate on addressing issues 
of mutual concern, such as empowering women, promoting 
entrepreneurship, and protecting the environment, among other 
issues. If confirmed, I intend to leverage these exchange 
programs and other initiatives to broaden our people-to-people 
ties in the future.
    Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear here 
today, and I look forward to your questions.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. McClelland follows:]


               Prepared Statement of Caryn R. McClelland

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to be here before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. I 
am deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for placing 
their confidence in me to serve the United States in Brunei. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee to 
advance U.S. interests in Brunei.
    I would also like to take this opportunity to thank my family, 
friends, mentors, and colleagues, whose support and guidance has been 
critical throughout my career. Most importantly, I want to recognize my 
daughter Marlowe, who has shared this adventure with me for the last 13 
years, and my parents Robert and Catherine. Without their constant 
love, support, and encouragement, I would not be here today.
    The U.S.-Brunei relationship has flourished over the years as we 
continuously work together to promote a more peaceful, stable, and 
prosperous Indo-Pacific region. We have enjoyed more than 170 years of 
close cooperation since our countries signed the Treaty of Peace, 
Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation in 1850. The United States was 
also among the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with 
Brunei after it became fully independent from the United Kingdom in 
1984.
    Our partnership with Brunei and our support for ASEAN centrality 
remain a cornerstone of our Indo-Pacific policy. The United States 
works closely with Brunei, especially during its role as the ASEAN 
Chair in 2021. Brunei's time leading ASEAN coincided with the two most 
acute challenges to face ASEAN since its inception--the coup d'etat in 
Burma and COVID-19. Brunei has been steady and constructive partner on 
both issues. Our shared commitment to addressing some of the region's 
most pressing challenges will continue to yield cooperation, including 
on pandemic response, confronting the climate crisis, and resolving the 
conflict brought on by the coup and violence in Burma.
    The robust security, economic, and people-to-people ties between 
our two countries are at the core of our relationship with Brunei. Our 
defense relationship is described in our Memorandum of Understanding on 
Defense Cooperation, and our military-to-military ties have become a 
cornerstone of the U.S.-Brunei bilateral relationship. Prior to the 
pandemic, Brunei conveyed a strong desire to increase participation in 
military exercises and engagements with the United States, particularly 
with respect to enhancing maritime domain awareness. While many in-
person defense exchanges have either been postponed or cancelled due to 
COVID-19 restrictions, Brunei remains committed to our defense 
partnership as witnessed by its recent purchase of U.S.-origin defense 
equipment and its continued participation in our bilateral maritime 
exercises. We have a shared interest in maintaining peace and 
stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and respect for international 
law, including freedoms of navigation and overflight and other lawful 
activities in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will look for 
opportunities to strengthen our partnership in these areas with the 
Bruneian Government and work with Brunei to uphold the rules-based 
international order that has underpinned the region's security and 
prosperity.
    We have also fostered a positive economic relationship with Brunei 
and enjoy a robust trade in goods such as aircraft, machinery, 
technology, iron, and steel, among others. U.S. goods and services 
trade with Brunei totaled an estimated $262 million in 2020. We 
frequently work with Brunei and other regional economies to lower 
barriers to trade and investment across the Indo-Pacific region, 
leveling the playing field for U.S. companies and supporting job growth 
at home. If confirmed, I hope to further expand our bilateral trade 
relationship and advance an economic agenda that promotes shared 
prosperity, leverages economic potential, and builds inclusive and 
resilient economies--especially as the entire region works toward 
pandemic recovery.
    If there is one thing the past year and a half has taught us, it is 
the true value of personal relationships. Our cultural, educational, 
and people-to-people ties with Brunei are critically important to 
advancing both mutual understanding between our nations and our 
bilateral relationship. In a country with limited exposure to the 
United States, engaging the next generation of Bruneian leaders and 
changemakers is vital. Prior to the pandemic, approximately 50 
Bruneians participated annually in U.S. Embassy-sponsored exchange 
programs, including the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative 
(YSEALI), the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), the 
Fulbright Program and other professional and academic exchanges. The 
U.S. Embassy in Brunei also maintains a robust network of more than 300 
alumni of U.S. Government exchange programs and regularly works with 
Bruneian civil society to collaborate on addressing issues of mutual 
concern, such as empowering women, promoting entrepreneurship, and 
protecting the environment, among other issues. If confirmed, I intend 
to leverage these exchange programs and other initiatives to broaden 
our people-to-people ties in the future.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. I look forward 
to your questions.


    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Ms. McClelland.
    Mr. Young?

 STATEMENT OF DAVID JOHN YOUNG OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF 
   THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, 
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
     THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI

    Mr. Young. Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and 
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear 
before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next 
Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi.
    I appreciate the confidence the President and my colleagues 
at the Department of State have shown in me through this 
nomination, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with 
you and other Members of Congress and staff to advance U.S. 
interests in Malawi.
    As I appear before you today, I wish to acknowledge the 
steadfast support I have received throughout my career from my 
wonderful life partner, my wife, Diane Weisz Young; and our 
children, Paul and Sarah; as well as my brothers, Keith and 
Terry; and in-laws Howard, Ann, and Gregg Weisz. The 
inspiration and love I have received from my family have 
inspired my public service across 32 years working for the 
Department of State.
    The United States has a wide range of overlapping interests 
in Malawi, from strengthening democracy and promoting respect 
for human rights to support for market economics and inclusive 
growth, from investments in health and education to support for 
the country's peacekeeping efforts across the African 
continent. Our assistance programs mirror these interests, and 
our governance programming bolsters the country's democracy and 
helps our Malawian partners promote respect for human rights, 
combat corruption, and promote better performance by government 
agencies. Our bilateral trade and investment engagements hold 
promise to help lift Malawians out of poverty and to help 
American companies interested in investment.
    Malawi today stands at a high point in its international 
profile and regional leadership. Its independent judiciary 
overturned the flawed 2019 presidential election, and the 
victory of President Lazarus Chakwera in 2020 marked only the 
second election re-run on the continent and the first to unseat 
an incumbent. The peaceful transition of power that followed 
was a testament to Malawians' commitment to democratic ideals.
    A primary responsibility of any Ambassador is the 
protection of American citizens and American interests. In 
Malawi, that now includes joining the global fight to combat 
the spread of COVID-19. And for decades, we have supported 
Malawi's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS. In so doing, we have saved 
millions of lives, and we have become the partner of choice for 
health programming. I was pleased to see the recent arrival in 
Lilongwe of more than 300,000 U.S.-provided Johnson & Johnson 
COVID-19 vaccine doses.
    Malawi's heavy dependence on agriculture offers 
opportunities for U.S. Government and private sector 
engagement. American expertise can invest and advance efforts 
towards crop diversification, generate greater revenue, and 
fight poverty through improved yields.
    Having worked on African issues for the past decade, and 
with more than 5 years' service in Southern Africa, I am also 
cognizant of the worker exploitation occurring in this sector. 
If confirmed, I will work with Malawian, American, and 
international partners to combat human trafficking and other 
human rights violations.
    The United States has enjoyed decades of close 
collaboration with the Malawian military, and their defense 
force's apolitical posture following last year's--the 2019 
election had a huge impact on the transition to democracy. 
Malawian soldiers contribute to peacekeeping operations in some 
of the world's most dangerous places, and if confirmed, I hope 
to find new ways for Malawi to further enshrine itself as a net 
exporter of security.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear 
before you today, and I would be honored to answer any 
questions.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Young follows:]


                  Prepared Statement of David J. Young

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members of 
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President 
Biden's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi. I 
appreciate the confidence the President and my colleagues at the 
Department of State have shown in me through this nomination. If 
confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other members of 
Congress and staff to advance U.S. interests in Malawi.
    As I appear before you today, I wish to acknowledge the steadfast 
support I have received throughout my career from my wonderful life 
partner, my wife Diane Weisz Young, and our children Paul and Sarah, as 
well as my brothers Keith and Terry, and in-laws Howard, Ann, and Gregg 
Weisz. The inspiration and love I have received from my family have 
inspired my public service across 32 years working for the Department 
of State.
    The United States has a wide range of overlapping interests in 
Malawi--from strengthening democracy and promoting respect for human 
rights to support for market economics and inclusive growth, from 
investments in health and education to support for the country's 
peacekeeping efforts across the African continent. Our assistance 
programs mirror these interests. Our governance programming bolsters 
the country's democracy and helps our Malawian partners promote respect 
for human rights, combat corruption, and promote better performance by 
government agencies. Our bilateral trade and investment engagements 
hold promise to help lift Malawians out of poverty and to help American 
companies interested in investment. The U.S. encourages Malawi to move 
along a sustainable development trajectory that curves toward expanding 
trade as a means to increase prosperity. Our investments in Malawi's 
human capital help to build a healthy, educated, and self-reliant 
population.
    Malawi today stands at a high point in its international profile 
and regional leadership. Its independent judiciary overturned the 
flawed 2019 presidential election, and the victory of President Lazarus 
Chakwera in 2020 marked only the second election re-run on the 
continent and the first to unseat an incumbent. The peaceful transition 
of power that followed was a testament to Malawians' commitment to 
democratic ideals. President Chakwera assumed leadership of the 16-
member Southern African Development Community in August and in this 
role is helping contribute to pro-market, good governance reforms in 
Malawi and across the region. If confirmed, I will work to expand our 
partnership with President Chakwera's Government to advance these 
mutual interests.
    The primary responsibility of any ambassador is the protection of 
American citizens and American interests. In Malawi, that now includes 
joining the global fight to contain the spread of COVID-19. For decades 
we have supported Malawi's efforts to combat HIV/AIDs. In doing so we 
have saved millions of lives, and we have become the partner of choice 
for health programming. I was pleased to see the recent arrival in 
Lilongwe of more than 300,000 U.S.-provided Johnson & Johnson COVID-19 
vaccine doses. If confirmed, I will serve as a faithful steward of 
these investments to ensure and expand the impact of our citizens' 
unmatched generosity.
    Malawi's heavy dependence on agriculture offers opportunities for 
U.S. Government and private sector engagement. American expertise can 
advance efforts towards crop diversification, generate greater revenue, 
and fight poverty through improved yields. Having worked on African 
issues for the past decade, and with more than five years' service in 
southern Africa, I am also cognizant of the worker exploitation 
occurring in the sector. Malawi must do more to combat human 
trafficking, including protecting vulnerable workers and prosecuting 
those responsible for forced labor. If confirmed, I will work with 
Malawian, American, and international partners to support these 
efforts.
    The United States has enjoyed decades of close collaboration with 
the Malawian military. The Malawian Defense Force's apolitical posture 
following the annulment of the 2019 elections and the subsequent 
transfer of power speaks to the strength of its independence and its 
unshakeable commitment to democracy. Malawian soldiers contribute to 
peacekeeping operations in some of the world's most dangerous places. 
Like others, I mourn the death of a Malawian peacekeeper killed in the 
Democratic Republic of the Congo in May this year. If confirmed, I hope 
to find new ways for Malawi to further enshrine itself as a net 
exporter of security.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you 
today. I would be honored to respond to any questions.


    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Young.
    Ms. Pierangelo?

   STATEMENT OF CLAIRE A. PIERANGELO OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER 
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
   COUNSELOR, NONMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND 
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC 
OF MADAGASCAR AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL 
COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF 
    THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNION OF THE COMOROS

    Ms. Pierangelo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, 
and distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to 
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee as 
Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the Union of 
the Comoros.
    Please let me thank my family and my friends who have 
supported me throughout my career. My parents, the late Dr. 
Anthony and Mrs. Rose Cobino Pierangelo. My beloved sons, Luca 
and Nicholas, who have been my intrepid travel companions and 
my most avid supporters. And my brothers and their families and 
my friends, who have always made sure that we had a welcoming 
home to come home to.
    Mr. Chairman, I have served across four continents. I have 
led teams working on economic reform, public health crises, 
violent extremism, radicalism, terrorism, and the challenges 
posed by the lack of democratic institutions and the rule of 
law. As a San Diego native, I was an avid student of the 
challenges of wildlife conservation through the work of the San 
Diego Zoo Global Wildlife Alliance, and I have carried that 
passion with me throughout my career.
    If confirmed to be concurrently Ambassador to Madagascar 
and Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros, I will safeguard 
U.S. interests, and I will strengthen our relationship with the 
peoples and governments in these nations. We enjoy positive 
relationships with Madagascar and Comoros as we partner with 
them to address their many domestic, regional, and global 
challenges.
    We have an opportunity in the next few years to support the 
Malagasy and Comorian people in their upcoming presidential 
elections in order to reinforce democratic principles, to 
advocate for full and open political participation, and to 
press for the protection of human rights. Strong democratic 
institutions and stability are the precursors to resilient and 
sustainable development.
    If confirmed, my team and I would support the independent 
democratic aspirations in Madagascar and Comoros and would seek 
to counter malign influences and disinformation.
    These two nations sit at the maritime crossroads between 
the Indian Ocean, Africa, and the Atlantic, and they deserve 
our increased strategic attention. The sea lanes linking these 
regions are an important geostrategic maritime transit route. 
The region's largest deep-water port is situated at the 
northern tip of Madagascar. Oil and gas reserves in the area, 
including potential large reserves off of the coast of 
Madagascar, have attracted interest and investment from 
countries who do not always prioritize these nations' long-term 
security interests.
    Stability in the region is also threatened by climate 
change, creating serious humanitarian, economic, and 
environmental crises. An extended drought in Southern 
Madagascar has thrown 1.4 million people into food insecurity 
and has caused internal migration that threatens unique 
ecosystems. COVID-19 has brought significant health and 
economic challenges, and there is an urgent need for additional 
vaccine doses.
    Of course, if confirmed, encouraging U.S. trade, protecting 
U.S. investment, and promoting greater economic self-
sufficiency would be top priorities. We have robust development 
assistance programs and collaborate closely with other 
international partners.
    If confirmed, I can commit to advancing these efforts, as 
well as combatting threats to Madagascar's biodiversity. I 
would look forward to working with the Peace Corps to resume 
its historically vibrant programs in Madagascar and in Comoros.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of 
the committee, thank you so much for the opportunity to speak 
with you today. If confirmed, I would serve proudly as the U.S. 
Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the Union of 
the Comoros. I welcome advice from you and your staff on United 
States' interests in this region.
    And one of the highlights of my Foreign Service career has 
always been facilitating the visits of Members of Congress in 
the countries where I served, and I would hope to host you and/
or your staff in the future.
    And I welcome any questions. Thank you, sir.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Pierangelo follows:]


                Prepared Statement of Claire Pierangelo

    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the 
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's 
nominee as Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the Union of 
the Comoros.
    Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank my family and friends who have 
supported me throughout my career: My parents, the late Dr. Anthony and 
Mrs. Rose Pierangelo, who lived their lives helping others and who 
would have been thrilled to be here today. My beloved sons Luca and 
Nicholas Pierangelo, who have been my intrepid travel companions and my 
most avid supporters. My brothers and their families and my friends who 
always made sure we had a welcoming home upon our return.
    Mr. Chairman, I have served across four continents, from Cold War 
Europe to a newly independent Haiti to a Southeast Asia in transition 
and now in a challenged West Africa. These were often tough, sometimes 
dangerous environments. I have led teams working on economic reform, 
public health crises, violent extremism and terrorism, and the 
challenges posed by lack of democratic institutions and rule of law. I 
have worked closely with our Department of Defense colleagues on 
disaster management, maritime security and as an assistant professor at 
the National War College. As a San Diego native, I was an avid student 
of the challenges of wildlife conservation through the San Diego Zoo 
Wildlife Alliance and I have carried that passion throughout my career.
    If confirmed to be concurrently Ambassador to the Republic of 
Madagascar and Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros, I will safeguard 
U.S. interests and strengthen our relationships with the peoples and 
governments in these nations. We enjoy positive relationships with 
Madagascar and Comoros as we partner with them to address their many 
domestic, regional and global challenges.
    With the upcoming presidential elections in Madagascar in 2023, and 
in Comoros in 2024, we have an opportunity to partner with the Malagasy 
and Comorian people to reinforce democratic principles, to advocate for 
full and open political participation, and to press for the protection 
of human rights. Fair and transparent electoral processes would 
strengthen democracy and support stability, a precursor to fostering 
resilient and sustainable development. If confirmed, my team would 
support the independent democratic aspirations in Madagascar and 
Comoros and would seek to counter malign influence and disinformation.
    These two nations sit at the maritime crossroads of the Indian 
Ocean, Africa and the Atlantic and deserve our increased strategic 
attention. The sea lanes linking Madagascar, Comoros and East Africa 
are an important geostrategic transit route for tankers and other 
maritime traffic. The region's largest deep-water port is situated at 
the northern tip of Madagascar. Oil and gas reserves in the area, 
including potential large reserves off western Madagascar itself, are 
attracting interest and investment from countries who do not always 
prioritize these nations' long-term security.
    Stability in the region is also threatened by climate change, 
creating serious humanitarian, economic, and environmental crises. 
Southern Madagascar has suffered an extended drought, throwing more 
than 1.4 million people into food insecurity and causing internal 
migration that threatens unique ecosystems. COVID-19 has brought 
significant health and economic challenges to Madagascar and Comoros 
and there is an urgent need for additional vaccine doses to protect 
their populations and combat this threat to the global community.
    If confirmed, encouraging U.S. trade, protecting U.S. investment, 
and promoting greater economic self-sufficiency would be top 
priorities. The U.S. Mission to Madagascar, largely through USAID, has 
robust development assistance programs, and collaborates closely with 
other international partners. Our efforts are focused on providing 
basic healthcare, primary education, and emergency food aid in the 
south; combatting wildlife trafficking and corruption; and promoting 
good governance, and economic development. If confirmed, I commit to 
advancing these efforts, as well as combatting threats to Madagascar's 
biodiversity, including illegal fishing, deforestation, and 
unsustainable harvesting of its unique flora and fauna. I would look 
forward to working with the Peace Corps to resume its historically 
vibrant programs in Madagascar and Comoros.
    Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the 
committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. If 
confirmed, I would serve proudly as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic 
of Madagascar and the Union of the Comoros. I welcome advice from you 
and your staff on the United States' interests in Madagascar and 
Comoros. One of the highlights of my Foreign Service Career has been 
facilitating the visits of members of Congress to the countries where I 
served and I hope to host you or your staff in the future. I welcome 
any questions.


    Senator Schatz. Thank you to all of our testifiers.
    Before I start my own questions, I have some general 
questions that speak to the importance that this committee 
places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive 
branch. I would like to ask each of you to provide a simple yes 
or no answer to the following questions.
    Do you agree to appear before this committee and make 
officials from your office available to the committee and 
designated staff, when invited?
    Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
    Ms. McClelland. Yes.
    Mr. Young. Yes.
    Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
    Senator Schatz. Do you commit to keeping the committee 
fully and currently informed about the activities under your 
purview?
    Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
    Ms. McClelland. Yes.
    Mr. Young. Yes.
    Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
    Senator Schatz. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful 
consultation when policies are being developed, and not just 
providing notification after the fact?
    Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
    Ms. McClelland. Yes.
    Mr. Young. Yes.
    Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
    Senator Schatz. Finally, do you commit to promptly 
responding to requests for briefings and information requested 
by the committee and its designated staff?
    Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
    Ms. McClelland. Yes.
    Mr. Young. Yes.
    Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you.
    My first question is for Ambassador Holgate. Ambassador, 
one of the most difficult issues that the IAEA has to manage is 
verifying and monitoring Iran's nuclear program. The Director 
General of the IAEA said in a recent report that Iran is 
stonewalling its investigation into past activities and 
jeopardizing important monitoring work. Can you talk about how 
the United States can best support the IAEA's effort to monitor 
Iran?
    Ambassador Holgate. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I agree that this is a critical requirement and important 
mission of the U.S. team, both here in Washington and in 
Vienna. And I know that the team has been working very closely 
with Director General Grossi to be sure he has everything he 
needs to do that in the way of political as well as financial 
and technical support.
    I think it is critical, too, for--if I were to be 
confirmed, for the U.S. Ambassador in Vienna to lead 
coordination with the other diplomatic community there in 
Vienna and to provide support and information as requested by 
the agency to help them do their work. This is obviously a 
whole-of-government effort that is led here in Washington. I 
have not been fully briefed on the details of the U.S. policies 
and decision-making there, but I know what it is like to be the 
Vienna face of those policies, and if confirmed, I am fully 
ready to play that role.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    The IAEA's Peaceful Uses Initiative has helped more than 
150 countries harness nuclear science to address real world 
challenges. We have seen radiotracers help track marine 
plastics, radiolabeled molecules help to improve vaccines 
against infectious diseases, and climate is another area where 
there is a lot of potential not just in terms of nuclear 
energy. Can you talk about how the IAEA can help countries to 
use nuclear science and technology to combat the climate 
crisis?
    Ambassador Holgate. Mr. Chairman, I think that is a really 
important and fascinating topic. When I was in Vienna before, 
that was my very first visit offsite was to the U.N.'s--the 
IAEA laboratory in Seibersdorf outside Vienna, where they are 
undertaking this research, and the U.S. has been at the 
forefront of raising funds to update that laboratory. The new 
so-called renewals lab is now operating and has significantly 
increased its capability to train member states' 
representatives in some of the technologies that you have 
described, whether sterile insect technique or isotopic tracing 
or the full range of application of nuclear science.
    I am proud that the U.S. Government has been supportive of 
this effort through the Peaceful Uses Initiative and through 
its voluntary contributions to the technical cooperation 
budget. And if confirmed, I would continue to advocate for such 
contributions and to make sure that those who receive the 
contributions understand that they come from the United States 
and that they represent support by the United States of their 
development ambition.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Ambassador Hagerty?
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Schatz.
    And I would like to come back to the first question that 
you brought up with Ms. Holgate pertaining to Iran and their 
malign behavior. The Biden administration is seeking to rejoin 
the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. It is an agreement that did not 
receive the advice and consent of the United States Senate. It 
is an agreement that I feel is deeply flawed.
    Since 2018, the IAEA, which is the world's nuclear 
watchdog, has continued to investigate new evidence of 
undeclared nuclear materials and activities in Iran. In 2019 
and in 2020, the IAEA found evidence of undeclared uranium 
particles in three sites in Iran, which could indicate 
potential covert Iranian nuclear activities.
    So far, Iran has stalled the IAEA's investigation, 
including their access to nuclear science. Iran has removed and 
covered up evidence, and Iran has provided so-called 
explanations that the nuclear watchdog deems not technically 
credible.
    Under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, Iran is required 
to declare to IAEA inspectors its use of nuclear material, its 
sites where it uses such material, and sites where it carries 
out sensitive nuclear activities. And I want to be clear here, 
Iran's obligations to the IAEA are completely separate from the 
nuclear deal, and they endure regardless of what happens with 
the Iran nuclear deal status.
    So, Ambassador Holgate, I would like to come back and just 
be clear. Do you agree that Iran is actively frustrating, even 
stonewalling, the IAEA's ongoing investigation of undeclared 
Iranian nuclear activities?
    Ambassador Holgate. Ranking Member Hagerty, I do understand 
that that is the case.
    Senator Hagerty. I am glad you agree. Do you believe that 
Iran is in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty?
    Ambassador Holgate. I think the issues that are going on 
with both current and historical activities create grave 
concerns about Iran's commitment to safeguards and to peaceful 
uses, and that is why the United States has been supporting 
Director General Grossi's efforts to return Iran to a 
compliance state with its safeguards requirements.
    Senator Hagerty. Well, I certainly think what you are 
saying is that they are not in compliance. They certainly 
cannot be in compliance if they are not willing to answer IAEA 
questions on undeclared nuclear activities. Would you agree 
with that?
    Ambassador Holgate. Sir, I have not been briefed on the 
intelligence details of the current concerns about Iran. So I 
would hesitate to draw a strong conclusion on that.
    Senator Hagerty. Well, let us move on. The IAEA's Director 
General has issued several reports on Iran that make it clear 
that that IAEA has serious outstanding concerns regarding 
possible undeclared nuclear material and the activities that 
are taking place in Iran today. Due to Iran's lack of 
cooperation, the fact that Iran is limiting verification and 
access by international nuclear inspectors, the IAEA's Director 
General has reported that the agency is having a difficult time 
ensuring that Iran's nuclear program is exclusively peaceful.
    And in a recent development, the IAEA said last Sunday that 
Iran has failed to honor the terms of a deal struck 2 weeks ago 
to let international nuclear inspectors into Iran to access and 
repair equipment for monitoring nuclear materials and 
activities. Again, activities that likely are being diverted to 
military purposes.
    Iran and the IAEA have made this recent deal as Iran faced 
the prospect of a formal censure by the IAEA Board of Governors 
for its obstructionism. So, Ambassador Holgate, if you are 
confirmed, do you commit to advocating for the United States to 
use its voice and vote on the 35-nation IAEA Board of Governors 
in order to hold Iran accountable for its ongoing noncompliance 
with its nuclear obligations and to censure Iran for repeatedly 
frustrating the international watchdog's ongoing investigation 
of Iran's undeclared nuclear activities?
    Ambassador Holgate. Senator Hagerty, I can certainly say 
that, if confirmed, I will use the U.S. voice and vote in the 
Board of Governors to promote a full return of Iran to IAEA 
safeguards compliance and to make sure the Director General has 
the tools he needs to do that.
    Senator Hagerty. Well, I appreciate that. I think it is 
incumbent upon the United States to hold egregious 
proliferators like Iran accountable. The position that you will 
be going into will provide that opportunity, and I certainly 
hope and expect that you will use every bit of United States 
influence to make certain that we hold actors like Iran and 
their malign behavior to full account.
    Thank you, and I yield my time back, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
    Senator Cardin?
    Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
    And to all four of our nominees, thank you for your careers 
of public service. We very much appreciate your willingness to 
continue to serve our country. You all are certainly very well 
experienced and qualified for the positions that you have been 
nominated to.
    Ms. Holgate, I am going to continue with the IAEA for one 
moment, if I might? In July, I did have an opportunity to be in 
Vienna, and I did meet with the Director General Grossi. And I 
must tell you, I am impressed by his leadership at the IAEA. 
But I want to come at this from a little bit different 
position.
    He made an interesting observation, and I want to get your 
view on this. That the IAEA itself, you talk about having the 
capacity to deal with, for example, the JCPOA, and he pointed 
out that the IAEA was constructed based upon member countries 
being friendly or cooperative to how the IAEA would operate, 
that they would be willing partners.
    Well, obviously, Iran is not a willing partner. So my 
question to you, and this follows up a little bit on Senator 
Hagerty's point. Do we need to look at some changes at the 
IAEA, recognizing that Iran is not an honest broker here, that 
they will never be an honest broker, and that we need to have 
the authorities within IAEA that would not necessarily be 
needed in a country that is more cooperative?
    Ambassador Holgate. Thank you, Senator Cardin. That is a 
very interesting question and one that I have not yet discussed 
with the State Department colleagues that I would be working 
with, if confirmed.
    The IAEA is nested within the broader U.N. system, and the 
responsibilities for actions, mandatory actions are sited with 
the U.N. Security Council. The IAEA Board of Governors has the 
opportunity to refer issues to the Security Council when they 
are not available to be addressed within the mandate of the 
agency.
    I think there are interesting opportunities with the 
upcoming Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty review conference to 
consider whether the underlying treaty that governs these 
issues can be strengthened and accountability tools can be 
added or improved. And I would look forward to participating in 
any conversations around those topics, if I am confirmed in 
this role.
    Senator Cardin. Would you commit to this committee that 
when you are confirmed, that you will come back to us with your 
evaluation as to the capacity of the IAEA to be able to enforce 
agreements in regards to Iran so that we have an honest--it can 
be done in an open or closed session, but that you would share 
with us your belief as to how effective the IAEA can be under 
its arrangement under United Nations in monitoring the 
activities of Iran?
    Ambassador Holgate. Senator, if I am confirmed, I would be 
happy to make that commitment to you and the committee.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you. I appreciate that.
    Ms. Pierangelo, I want to talk a little bit about 
Madagascar and also Comoros. Both countries have significant 
corruption problems. President Biden has indicated that 
corruption is a core national concern of the United States, a 
national security interest concern of the United States.
    We are asking those missions that are in countries that 
have significant challenges on corruption to build up their 
internal capacity within the mission to deal with corruption. 
So do we have your commitment that this will be a high 
priority, if you are confirmed, to be able to have the capacity 
within your mission to understand the challenges in the 
countries and to be able to provide technical help and 
assistance for anti-corruption measures?
    Ms. Pierangelo. Senator Cardin, I would look forward to 
that, if confirmed. You know, fundamentally accountable 
institutions sustained by a commitment to the rule of law, 
transparency are essential to creating a climate whether you 
are talking about political stability or economic stability. We 
need to have that as a precursor.
    So our mission I know is working very diligently on this 
issues, and sir, we would welcome any additional resources. And 
I certainly would commit that once I am on the ground, if 
confirmed, I will do my own personal assessment with my team to 
assess what we need and how we would deploy it.
    So, thank you, sir. That would be very welcome.
    Senator Cardin. And I will just end on this. There is 
legislation that our committee has already acted on that would 
require our missions to rate how well countries are doing in 
regards to fighting corruption based upon a tier rating system 
similar to what we use in trafficking in humans. I would ask 
that you help us and support us in getting that type of 
legislation to the finish line.
    I recognize you will not have a direct role to play in 
this. Believe me, I understand that. But if we had that in 
place, then it makes it easier in your bilateral relationship 
to point out that this is a policy requirement that requires 
attention in every country that the United States have 
missions.
    With that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back my time.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Do we have 
Senator Van Hollen online?
    [No response.]
    Senator Schatz. Senator Booker?
    [No response.]
    Senator Schatz. Any other members of the Foreign Relations 
Committee wishing to ask the nominees any questions?
    [No response.]
    Senator Schatz. Ranking Member Hagerty, anything else?
    Senator Hagerty. I would just applaud your chairmanship 
today, Senator Schatz. I appreciate all the candidates being 
with us.
    I am going to submit a number of additional questions 
through the QFR process, and I want to congratulate you on a 
very well-conducted hearing.
    Thank you.
    Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. Pleasure to work with 
you, and thanks to the staff of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee as well as my staff and everybody for being willing 
to serve, and especially their families.
    If there are no more questions for our witnesses, the 
record will remain open until the close of business on Friday, 
October 1 for questions. I would urge the nominees, if you get 
questions for the record, to answer them fully and 
expeditiously so that we can consider your nominations at a 
business meeting and get you marked up and get you confirmed as 
quickly as possible.
    With the thanks of the committee for your willingness to 
serve, this hearing is adjourned.
    Ambassador Holgate. Thank you very much.
    Ms. Pierangelo. Thank you, sir, and to all the members of 
the committee, thank you for your time.


    [Whereupon, at 10:46 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]



                              ----------                              



              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Serious concerns have been raised about the ability of 
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to verify and monitor 
Iran's comprehensive safeguard agreement. Iran continues to stonewall 
the IAEA's investigation into undeclared nuclear materials and 
activities that were uncovered in 2018 and is refusing to allow the 
IAEA to access critical monitoring equipment. The Joint Statement 
between Iran and IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi issued on 
September 12th, 2021 was wholly inadequate in addressing these issues.

   How is Iran's stonewalling of the IAEA, which it has suffered no 
        penalty for, impacting the credibility of the agency?

    Answer. I believe the IAEA is highly credible in the implementation 
of its verification ``watchdog'' mission and it is in the U.S. interest 
that it remain so. For that reason, if confirmed, I will strongly 
support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of 
possible undeclared nuclear material and, along with the rest of the 
international community, expect full Iranian cooperation with 
inspectors-without delay-as the IAEA works toward conclusions.

    Question. What impact is Iran's refusal to cooperate with the IAEA 
having on the global non-proliferation regime?

    Answer. IAEA safeguards are implemented for the purpose of 
providing assurances regarding the peaceful use of nuclear energy and 
are an essential element of maintaining the credibility and 
effectiveness of the global nonproliferation regime. Iran is obligated 
under its NPT-required safeguards agreement to declare to the IAEA 
nuclear material and nuclear activities in Iran. Iran's failure to 
provide substantive or technically credible responses to the IAEA's 
questions related to possible undeclared nuclear materials and 
activities in Iran is cause for serious concern because of both what it 
suggests for Iran's intentions and its implications for the global non-
proliferation regime. Thus, it is vital that Iran provide such 
responses to the IAEA, and if confirmed, I will strongly support the 
IAEA's ongoing investigation and, along with the rest of the 
international community, expect full Iranian cooperation with 
inspectors without delay.

    Question. Iran is currently denying IAEA requests for access to 
nuclear sites and is resisting providing the IAEA with a complete 
nuclear declaration. Do you think other states will follow Iran's 
example?

    Answer. Article III of the Non-Proliferation Treaty requires all 
non-nuclear weapons states to accept IAEA safeguards in order to ensure 
that nuclear material is not diverted for non-peaceful uses. If 
confirmed, I will continue the United States' long-standing support for 
the IAEA and its mandate to ensure that all countries, including Iran, 
adhere to their safeguards obligations.

    Question. Why was a resolution criticizing Iran's unwillingness to 
cooperate with the IAEA withdrawn before the last IAEA Board of 
Governors meeting?

    Answer. As I was outside of government at the time of the last IAEA 
Board of Governors meeting, I am not in a position to comment on any 
internal deliberations among Board members regarding potential actions 
related to the IAEA's ongoing attempts to engage Iran on unresolved 
questions related to its safeguards agreement. If confirmed, I will 
strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in Iran into 
indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and, along with the 
rest of the international community, expect full Iranian cooperation 
with inspectors-without delay-as the IAEA works toward conclusions. 
President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran 
never acquires a nuclear weapon.

    Question. In your opinion what impact are Iran's limitations on the 
IAEA having on the agency's ability to monitor and verify Iran's 
nuclear program?

    Answer. I share the concerns reported by IAEA Director General in 
September that Iran's decision to stop implementing its nuclear-related 
commitments under the JCPOA, including the Additional Protocol, is 
seriously undermining the IAEA's verification and monitoring 
activities. If confirmed, I will work to press Iran to provide the IAEA 
with full and immediate cooperation as it seeks to both monitor and 
verify Iran's JCPOA nuclear commitments as well as resolve ongoing 
questions related to Iran's safeguards agreement.

    Question. The IAEA monitors Iranian compliance with the July 2015 
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) provisions. Some the 
provisions of the nuclear agreement require addition IAEA access beyond 
those of Iran's comprehensive safeguards agreement. Tehran has stopped 
complying with many of these provisions while at the same time vastly 
expanding its nuclear program.

   Do you believe the United States should rejoin the JCPOA if Iran 
        refuses to allow a full IAEA investigation into the undeclared 
        nuclear materials and activities it uncovered in 2018?

    Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring 
that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and that the JCPOA is still 
the best diplomatic option for addressing the threats posed by Iran's 
nuclear activities. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's 
ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of possible undeclared 
nuclear material and, along with the rest of the international 
community, expect full Iranian cooperation with inspectors-without 
delay-as the IAEA works toward conclusions.

    Question. Is the current gap in IAEA monitoring of Iranian 
centrifuge activities increasingly the level of uncertainty around how 
many and what types of centrifuges Iran has produced and assembled this 
year?

    Answer. The IAEA Director General reported in September that lack 
of access to the IAEA's monitoring equipment is seriously compromising 
the IAEA's ability to maintain continuity of knowledge over Iran's 
nuclear-related activities. If confirmed, I will work to press Iran to 
provide the IAEA with full and immediate cooperation as it seeks to 
both monitor and verify Iran's JCPOA nuclear commitments as well as 
resolve ongoing questions related to Iran's safeguards agreement.

    Question. Do you agree that Iran over the last 12 months has made 
significant technical progress in key nuclear areas? If so will this 
progress require alterations to the JCPOA in order to sustain the 
original objective of a 12 month breakout time?

    Answer. Iran's continued efforts to advance its nuclear program, 
and in particular its uranium enrichment capabilities, are a cause for 
serious concern. Although I defer to the intelligence community on 
questions related to the impact of Iran's nuclear advances on its 
fissile material breakout timeline, the Biden administration has been 
clear that such advances make it more difficult to restore the 
nonproliferation benefits originally achieved by the JCPOA. If 
confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Malley and his team to ensure 
the strongest possible IAEA verification and monitoring of Iran's 
nuclear program.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
          to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. Iranian officials have recently sexually harassed and 
intimidated female IAEA inspectors. What should we do if this behavior 
continues?

    Answer. I am very concerned about reports that IAEA inspectors are 
experiencing inappropriate treatment at the hands of Iranian security 
personnel. Such behavior and any attempt to intimidate IAEA inspectors 
is unacceptable and, if confirmed, I will work in close coordination 
with other members of the IAEA Board of Governors to ensure that the 
Board takes appropriate action in the event that the Director General 
reports additional incidents. The IAEA Director General and the 
Secretariat will have the United States' full support on these matters.

    Question. On 9/26/2021, the IAEA said Iran had failed to honor the 
terms of a deal struck two weeks ago letting IAEA inspectors in to 
service monitoring equipment in the country. Iran and the IAEA had made 
this recent deal as Iran faced the prospect of a formal censure by the 
IAEA Board of Governors.

   Given Iran's failure to abide by this agreement, should the U.S. 
        use its voice and vote to pursue a formal censure by the Board 
        of Governors?
   Why or why not?

    Answer. The Biden administration has been clear that Iran must 
follow through on the commitments it made in the September 12 Joint 
Statement with the IAEA, including by providing the IAEA with needed 
access to service its monitoring equipment and inviting the Director 
General to Tehran for discussions related to unresolved safeguards 
issues. If confirmed, I will work in close coordination with Special 
Envoy Malley as well as the IAEA Board of Governors to insist that Iran 
provides full and immediate cooperation with the IAEA as it seeks to 
verify both Iran's safeguards agreement as well as its JCPOA nuclear-
related activities.

    Question. The IAEA said in a September report, ``Since 23 February 
2021, the Agency's verification and monitoring of activities have been 
seriously undermined as a result of Iran's decision to stop the 
implementation of its nuclear related commitments.'' Given this 
statement, how much confidence can we have in present Iranian 
negotiations and statements?

    Answer. I share the concerns reported by IAEA Director General in 
September that Iran's decision to stop implementing its nuclear-related 
commitments under the JCPOA, including the Additional Protocol, is 
seriously undermining the IAEA's verification and monitoring 
activities. If confirmed, I will work to press Iran to provide the IAEA 
with full and immediate cooperation as it seeks to both monitor and 
verify Iran's JCPOA nuclear commitments as well as resolve ongoing 
questions related to Iran's safeguards agreement.

    Question. Will you commit to supporting a thorough IAEA 
investigation in Iran to ascertain the nature and status of its nuclear 
program, including necessary requests for access to military sites, 
personnel, and documentation, to ensure the end of Tehran's nuclear 
weapons program and activities?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing 
investigation in Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear 
material, including all requests for information and access deemed 
necessary by the Director General and the Secretariat. As the IAEA 
Board of Governors has made clear, Iran must provide full cooperation 
with the IAEA without further delay.

    Question. What would you do to encourage the IAEA to investigate 
Iran's potentially ongoing nuclear weaponization work, which the 
nuclear archive indicates Tehran hid and dispersed at research 
institutes, universities, and military sites after 2003?

    Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards 
agreement to declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear 
activities in Iran. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's 
verification and monitoring activities in Iran, including the IAEA's 
ongoing efforts to investigate questions related to undeclared nuclear 
materials and activities in Iran.

    Question. Considering Iran's failure to address the IAEA's 
questions on undeclared nuclear materials and activities, do you 
believe Iran is in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty?

    Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in light of the IAEA's ongoing 
safeguards investigations and Iran's failure to provide the IAEA with 
the cooperation necessary to resolve them. Iran must engage and 
cooperate fully with the IAEA in a way that leads to credible, concrete 
progress and toward resolution of these issues. I have full confidence 
in the IAEA to pursue any indications of undeclared or diverted nuclear 
material that could contribute to any renewed Iranian pursuit of a 
nuclear weapon.

    Question. Do you think the Biden administration should commit to 
not lifting or waving sanctions on Iran until Iran--among other 
demands--fully and credibly complies with the IAEA's requests to 
resolve the outstanding issues on undeclared nuclear materials and 
activities?

    Answer. I share the views of the Biden administration and the IAEA 
Board of Governors that Iran must provide full cooperation with the 
IAEA without further delay. If confirmed, I will strongly support the 
IAEA's ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of possible 
undeclared nuclear material and will work closely with our partners and 
allies as well as the IAEA to ensure that Iran provides the IAEA with 
the necessary cooperation.

    Question. Is it possible for the IAEA Board of Governors to truly 
hold Iran accountable, if the Board's main recourse is snapping back 
all U.N. sanctions on Iran and ending JCPOA--a deal that the Biden 
administration has said it hopes to revive?

    Answer. The IAEA Board of Governors has the ability to hold Iran 
accountable to its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA and its 
NPT-related safeguards obligations, including through authorities it 
has under the IAEA Statute with respect to safeguards compliance and 
its actions in support of the JCPOA participants. If confirmed, I will 
work to ensure that the IAEA makes full use of its authorities as it 
works to monitor Iran's implementation of its JCPOA nuclear-related 
commitments and continues its investigation of questions related to 
undeclared nuclear material in Iran.

    Question. Doesn't the desire to revive the JCPOA actually create a 
dynamic that discourages IAEA Member States from taking Iran's 
safeguards violations to the U.N. Security Council?

    Answer. Iran's legal obligations under its safeguards agreement 
with the IAEA are separate from its JCPOA nuclear-related commitments. 
Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards agreement to 
declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear activities in Iran. If 
confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in 
Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and, 
along with the rest of the international community, expect full Iranian 
cooperation with inspectors-without delay-as the IAEA works toward 
conclusions.

    Question. What would you do to end Iran's use of extortion--
escalating to take threatening and dangerous actions, then demanding 
concessions from the U.S. to solve and problem it created?

    Answer. Iran's nuclear escalations have implications for both its 
nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA and its legal obligations 
under its safeguards agreement with the IAEA. If confirmed, I will 
strongly support the IAEA's monitoring and verification activities in 
Iran so that our response to Iran's actions with respect to its nuclear 
program is informed by timely and detailed reporting from the IAEA.

    Question. What is your position on the use of the snapback 
mechanism at the U.N.? Does the U.S. have the authority to call for its 
use?

    Answer. The snapback mechanism was designed to provide leverage to 
help ensure Iran performed its commitments under the JCPOA. The Trump 
administration invoked snapback in a way that was never contemplated by 
the deal, namely after unilaterally exiting it. Virtually none of our 
allies or partners recognized this invocation of snapback. The Biden 
administration believes that the United States will be in a stronger 
position to counter the full range of threats posed by Iran, including 
its nuclear program, by working in close concert with our allies and 
partners. On specific questions related to the legal authority 
available to the United States in connection with the snapback 
mechanism under U.N. Security Council resolution 2231, I would defer to 
the U.S. Mission to the United Nations as well as the Department's 
Office of the Legal Adviser.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Edward J. Markey

    Question. Iran has made a number of breaches of its commitments 
under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) after President 
Trump unilaterally withdrew the United States from the agreement in 
2018 and re-imposed sanctions. In your view, is a diplomatic resolution 
or the use of military force the most effective and lasting way to 
prevent a nuclear armed Iran?

    Answer. The administration believes that diplomatic efforts to 
achieve a mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA are the best path 
forward at this time to prevent Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear 
weapon.

    Question. On Sept. 15th, the United States, United Kingdom, and 
Australia announced AUKUS--a trilateral security agreement that will 
supply Australia with nuclear propelled submarines. As the U.S. 
Ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), will you 
encourage Australia to adopt the Additional Protocol to its IAEA 
Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement and/or take other steps that require 
strong nonproliferation standards for other non-nuclear weapon 
countries who may seek a nuclear propulsion program of their own?

    Answer. Australia was the first country to bring into force an 
Additional Protocol to its IAEA Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement, 
doing so in December 1997. As President Biden said in announcing this 
partnership: ``Our governments will now launch an 18-month consultation 
period to determine every element of this program . . . . We'll all 
undertake this effort in a way that reflects the longstanding 
leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification 
standards, in partnership and consultation with the International 
Atomic Energy Agency.'' As announced, over the 18-month consultation 
period, the shared objective of maintaining the strength of the non-
proliferation regime and Australia's exemplary non-proliferation 
credentials will be central to the three countries' discussions. If 
confirmed, I will work to reinforce this effort.

    Question. I am concerned about press reports that the Kingdom of 
Saudi Arabia is moving quickly to master the early stages of the 
nuclear fuel cycle with cooperation from China and outside IAEA 
safeguards. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to 
encourage Saudi Arabia to rescind its Small Quantities Protocol and 
adopt the Additional Protocol?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia is a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty (NPT) and a strong security partner of the United States. Under 
the NPT, it is obligated not to acquire nuclear weapons and to accept 
IAEA safeguards to verify the non-diversion of nuclear material to 
weapons purposes. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that Saudi 
Arabia continues to abide by these important nonproliferation 
obligations and encourage Saudi Arabia to take further steps, including 
rescinding its Small Quantities Protocol and bringing into force an 
Additional Protocol.

    Question. Given Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman's statement in 
2018 that ``if Iran developed a nuclear bomb, we will follow suit as 
soon as possible,'' what concerns, if any, do you have that a maturing 
Saudi Arabia nuclear program would remain exclusively peaceful?

    Answer. Saudi Arabia is a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation 
Treaty (NPT) and a strong security partner of the United States. Under 
the NPT, it is obligated not to acquire nuclear weapons and to accept 
IAEA safeguards to verify the non-diversion of nuclear material to 
weapons purposes. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that Saudi 
Arabia continues to abide by these important nonproliferation 
obligations and encourage Saudi Arabia to take further steps, including 
rescinding its Small Quantities Protocol and bringing into force an 
Additional Protocol.

    Question. As the Senior Director on the National Security Council 
in the Obama administration, you served as the ``Sherpa'' or organizer 
for the Nuclear Summit process that saw roughly fifty countries 
eliminate and secure fissile material from their civilian stocks. Given 
the difficulty to reach consensus in the Conference on Disarmament on a 
fissile material cutoff treaty, would you support an ad hoc convening 
of countries, modeled on the Nuclear Security Summit process, to lead 
countries to make commitments that secure and reduce highly enriched 
uranium and plutonium, and perhaps weapons, from their non-civilian 
stocks?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to cooperate with 
countries aimed at securing and eliminating excess weapon-usable 
nuclear material, including by encouraging additional subscribers and 
actions under IAEA Information Circular (INFCIRC) 912 ``Joint Statement 
on Minimizing and Eliminating the Use of Highly Enriched Uranium in 
Civilian Applications'' and related INFCIRCs, such as INFCIRC/908 
``Joint Statement on Mitigating Insider Threats'' and INFCIRC/909 
``Joint Statement on Transport Security of Nuclear Materials,'' that 
resulted from the Nuclear Security Summit process. I will also support 
the IAEA's convening additional International Conferences on Nuclear 
Security and Review Conferences of the Amended Convention on Physical 
Protection of Nuclear Materials, which create opportunities for 
countries to make pledges regarding their voluntary application of IAEA 
nuclear security guidelines to non-civilian nuclear materials. 
Similarly, national reporting under United Nations Security Council 
Resolution 1540 offers a platform for national statements regarding 
non-civilian nuclear materials. If confirmed, I would encourage states 
to follow the lead of the United States in reporting on their measures 
for securing and reducing non-civilian nuclear materials.

    Question. If confirmed, in what ways will you work to educate 
Members of Congress and the American public about the technical 
advances of the International Monitoring Stations (IMS) and the 
International Data Centre since the U.S. Senate last considered a 
resolution of ratification of CTBT in 1999? Based on your experience, 
what degree of confidence does the United States have that it can 
detect a low-yield nuclear explosion and how would unlocking the on-
site inspection provision of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty 
(CTBT), through entry into force, assist with verification?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to highlight the 
significant technological advances in both the U.S. National Technical 
Means (NTM) as well as the capabilities of the International Monitoring 
System (IMS) that the CTBT establishes. The IMS is now nearly 90 
percent complete, composed of more than 300 facilities, employing four 
separate technologies, that provide data and analytical products to the 
CTBT signatory States. While no remote monitoring system has the 
capability to detect nuclear explosions with extremely low yield, once 
in force the treaty's on-site inspection capability will allow the 
deployment of inspectors using a broad array of close-in techniques and 
equipment to look for evidence of a nuclear explosion.

    Question. If North Korea has observed a moratorium on nuclear test 
explosions since 2017 but it remains one of the eight Annex II 
countries who have yet to ratify the CTBT required for the treaty to 
enter into force. Should North Korea's adoption of the CTBT be priority 
in future U.S. negotiations with North Korean on its nuclear program, 
and if not, why not?

    Answer. The Biden-Harris administration believes that a global, 
legally binding ban on nuclear explosive testing is in the national 
security interest of the United States. Entry into force of the CTBT 
will enhance our efforts to prevent the further proliferation of 
nuclear weapons. The administration will take all appropriate 
opportunities to encourage ratification by the remaining Annex 2 
states, including North Korea.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Ted Cruz

    Question. Since 2007, it has nearly always been the position of the 
United States that Iran is not a member in good standing within the 
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Even pursuant 
to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran would not have 
returned to being a member in good standing until the International 
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reached a ``Broader Conclusion'' (BC) 
verifying the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. In 
April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative for Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing to the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past 
noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT 
obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to 
past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive 
device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives 
for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel 
related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''

   Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?

    Answer. The United States has, including in the 2021 Compliance 
Report, indicated concern with regard to Iran's compliance with Article 
III of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Given Iran's past non-
compliance with its obligations under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required 
safeguards agreement and its present failure to fully address the 
IAEA's current questions related to implementation of that safeguards 
agreement, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the 
NPT cannot be described as ``good.''

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If 
no, please explain why.

    Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will help 
implement U.S. policy to support the IAEA's work to monitor and assess 
Iran's compliance with its NPT-required safeguards agreement. Iran must 
cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the serious, outstanding 
issues related to potential undeclared nuclear material in Iran. As a 
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT, Iran is obligated not to 
manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons. Under the JCPOA, Iran 
reaffirmed this commitment, and if confirmed, I will work to prevent 
Iran from ever obtaining a nuclear weapon.

    Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear 
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive 
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please 
explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Iran's long history of denial and concealment regarding its 
past nuclear weapons program is of serious concern. If confirmed, I 
will fully support the IAEA as it uses its safeguards authorities to 
investigate any indication of undeclared nuclear material or activities 
in Iran. I am committed to preventing Iran from ever acquiring a 
nuclear weapon.

    Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of 
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good 
standing of the NPT? If yes, please explain why. If no, please explain 
why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons and its 
NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy 
Agency. If confirmed, I will fully support the IAEA as it uses its 
safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared 
nuclear material or activities in Iran.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from 
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please 
explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons and its 
NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy 
Agency. If confirmed, I will fully support the IAEA as it uses its 
safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared 
nuclear material or activities in Iran.

    Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to 
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, 
please explain why. If no, please explain why.

    Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the 
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production 
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination 
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must, 
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking 
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the 
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons and its 
NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy 
Agency. If confirmed, I will fully support the IAEA as it uses its 
safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared 
nuclear material or activities in Iran.

    Question. In 2015, you testified before the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee. When asked about the issue of Iran's possible 
military dimensions, you responded: ``the JCPOA is focused on the 
future rather than the past.'' In 2017, you wrote, ``The unusually 
intrusive verification measures contained in the JCPOA are a specific 
response to Iran's decades of deception regarding its nuclear 
activities,''

   Given we do not have a comprehensive accounting of Iran's PMD 
        program, and taking into consideration Iran's decades of 
        deception to the IAEA on its nuclear program, how is it 
        possible to have an accurate appraisal of Iran's activities as 
        they evolve, when the international community lacks a baseline 
        for verification efforts?

    Answer. The IAEA has reported significant concerns regarding 
potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and we 
have full confidence in the Agency to pursue its critical verification 
and monitoring responsibilities there. It is essential that Iran fully 
comply with its legally binding obligations under the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty and its comprehensive safeguards agreement with 
the IAEA to resolve these important matters without further delay. If 
confirmed, I will support the IAEA's monitoring and verification 
activities in Iran.

    Question. Despite the Board of Governor's December 2015 Final 
Assessment, which closed the chapter on PMDs in order to move forward 
with implementation of the JCPOA, the issue of Iran's possible military 
dimension remains outstanding.

   If confirmed, do you plan to reopen the PMD file? If not, why not?

    Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring 
that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will 
strongly support the IAEA's monitoring and verification activities in 
Iran so that the IAEA can provide the strongest possible assurance that 
all nuclear materials in Iran remain in peaceful uses, and that Iran is 
not undertaking any undeclared nuclear activities.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
         to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Chris Van Hollen

    Question. Under the new AUKUS partnership, the United States and 
United Kingdom will help Australia construct and operate nuclear-
propelled submarines. This initiative presents an opportunity to set a 
strong precedent for establishing a system of IAEA safeguards on naval 
nuclear reactors under the jurisdiction of non-nuclear weapon states 
party to the NPT. Such a system should balance the need to protect 
sensitive military technology and facilities with the need to ensure 
against the diversion and misuse of nuclear materials used in naval 
propulsion.

   Would the supply of fabricated naval nuclear fuel by the United 
        States or United Kingdom pose less of a proliferation risk than 
        the development by Australia of indigenous enrichment and fuel 
        fabrication capabilities designed to produce its own naval 
        nuclear fuel?

    Answer. As President Biden said in announcing the AUKUS 
partnership: ``Our governments will now launch an 18-month consultation 
period to determine every element of this program . . . We'll all 
undertake this effort in a way that reflects the longstanding 
leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification 
standards, in partnership and consultation with the International 
Atomic Energy Agency.'' As announced, over the 18-month consultation 
period, the shared objective of maintaining the strength of the non-
proliferation regime and Australia's exemplary non-proliferation 
credentials will be central to the discussions. If confirmed, I will 
support the United States' longstanding policy of seeking to limit the 
spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies around the world 
because of the proliferation risks those technologies pose.

    Question. Would the reapplication of IAEA safeguards on spent fuel 
once discharged from naval nuclear reactors help address proliferation 
risks?

    Answer. As President Biden said in announcing the AUKUS 
partnership: ``We'll all undertake this effort in a way that reflects 
the longstanding leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous 
verification standards, in partnership and consultation with the 
International Atomic Energy Agency.'' As the three partners have 
committed to engage with the IAEA throughout the coming months, and if 
confirmed, I will be fully committed to setting a high standard for 
international verification and implementing all obligations to the IAEA 
under our respective safeguards agreements.

    Question. Do you believe the use of seals and other black-box 
safeguards equipment and techniques would help the IAEA maintain 
``continuity of knowledge'' over the naval nuclear fuel cycle while 
protecting classified or sensitive military information and facilities?

    Answer. As President Biden said in announcing this partnership: 
``We'll all undertake this effort in a way that reflects the 
longstanding leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous 
verification standards, in partnership and consultation with the 
International Atomic Energy Agency.'' As the three partners have 
committed to engage with the IAEA throughout the coming months, and if 
confirmed, I will be fully committed to setting a high standard for 
international verification and implementing all obligations to the IAEA 
under our respective safeguards agreements.

    Question. A longstanding objective of United States 
nonproliferation policy has been to make universal the adoption of the 
Additional Protocol (AP) and to establish it as a condition of 
international nuclear supply. There has been considerable progress on 
this front, and currently 137 states and Euratom have in force an AP 
with the IAEA.
    Nevertheless, there remain major holdouts who have evinced little 
interest in bringing into force an AP with the IAEA. Brazil and 
Argentina possess significant nuclear infrastructures and enrich 
uranium indigenously, while Egypt and Saudi Arabia are looking to 
expand their own nuclear programs. Moreover, Russia and China are 
engaging in nuclear commerce with countries that do not have APs in 
force.

   What enticements and sticks can we use to encourage these holdouts 
        to bring into force APs with the IAEA?

    Answer. Achieving universal adherence to the Additional Protocol 
(AP) is a high priority for the United States. Zimbabwe recently 
brought the number of APs in force to 138. The United States raises 
this objective at all levels, including the Secretary of State, in 
diplomatic engagement on nonproliferation. In particular, the United 
States raises it in bilateral engagement with countries that have not 
yet brought an AP into force, including those mentioned here. If 
confirmed, I will continue to stress that implementation of the AP 
would build confidence and facilitate cooperation on the peaceful use 
of nuclear technology, and I will support the Department of Energy's 
active program to help states implement comprehensive safeguards 
agreements and APs. This assistance helps states that have limited 
technical capacity and helps dispel concerns and misconceptions about 
the AP.

    Question. A longstanding objective of United States 
nonproliferation policy has been to make universal the adoption of the 
Additional Protocol (AP) and to establish it as a condition of 
international nuclear supply. There has been considerable progress on 
this front, and currently 137 states and Euratom have in force an AP 
with the IAEA.
    Nevertheless, there remain major holdouts who have evinced little 
interest in bringing into force an AP with the IAEA. Brazil and 
Argentina possess significant nuclear infrastructures and enrich 
uranium indigenously, while Egypt and Saudi Arabia are looking to 
expand their own nuclear programs. Moreover, Russia and China are 
engaging in nuclear commerce with countries that do not have APs in 
force.

   How can we make progress on establishing the Additional Protocol as 
        a condition of international nuclear supply?

    Answer. The United States is committed to establishing the 
Additional Protocol (AP) as a condition of nuclear supply and plays a 
leading global role in stressing the AP as an instrument that 
facilitates increased peaceful nuclear cooperation. If confirmed, I 
will continue to work with nuclear suppliers to highlight the 
importance of the AP as a condition of nuclear supply both bilaterally 
and multilaterally, including in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. In 2015, the Iran nuclear deal artificially closed the 
IAEA's investigation into the ``possible military dimensions'' of 
Iran's nuclear program in 2015. But in 2018, the importance of re-
opening this investigation became clear and obvious after Israel's 
revelation to the world that Iran possessed a massive secret archive on 
its efforts related to making nuclear weapons. If confirmed, will you 
commit to supporting an in-depth IAEA investigation in Iran to 
ascertain the nature and status of its nuclear program, including any 
necessary requests for access to military sites, to nuclear scientists 
and other personnel, and to documentation, in order to ensure the end 
of Iran's nuclear weapons program and Iran's activities related to 
nuclear weapons capability? Please begin your response with a yes or 
no.

    Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring 
that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will 
strongly support the IAEA's monitoring and verification activities in 
Iran so that the IAEA can provide the strongest possible assurance that 
all nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful uses, and that Iran is 
not undertaking any undeclared nuclear activities.

    Question. Many United Nations agencies that deal with international 
drug trafficking and other international crimes are headquartered in 
Vienna, including the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, the International 
Narcotics Control Board, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, the U.N. 
Transnational Organized Crime Convention Conference of States Parties, 
and the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice. Illegal 
narcotics, particularly fentanyl and related substances, are taking a 
dramatic toll on American youth. Much of this can be attributed to 
China, including fentanyl precursors and expertise to manufacture these 
substances. When you previously held this position, how did you 
leverage these organizations to fight this scourge of fentanyl and 
related substances, including holding China and other nations 
accountable for their actions in fueling it? If confirmed, how would 
you use policy, budget, and personnel decisions by these agencies to 
address the fentanyl crisis and opioid overdose epidemic? Do you 
commit, if confirmed, to using every possible measure at these 
organizations to combat the fentanyl production and smuggling that is 
affecting every state, and to keeping me and other committee members 
informed of your efforts?

    Answer. The United States supports initiatives implemented by the 
U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and its associated bodies that 
provide member states with guidance, resources, and tools to address 
the challenge of synthetic drugs and reduce global trafficking in 
synthetics and precursor chemicals. During my previous tenure, the 
United States led a successful global effort to place two of the main 
precursor chemicals used to produce fentanyl under international 
control and urge countries to take innovative national action against 
fentanyl and its precursors. If confirmed, I will further cooperate 
with the Vienna-based organizations and other member states to enhance 
member state capacity and collective action to counter the threat these 
substances pose, as well as engage with Congress to keep them informed.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Caryn R. McCelland by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. If confirmed, one issue that you will immediately 
confront is China's inroads into Brunei and China's malign influence 
throughout Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific. Brunei sits on the 
South China Sea, much of which China falsely claims. Although Brunei 
has not been involved in the frequent incidents that some other South 
China Sea claimants have, it is an active participant in negotiations 
between ASEAN and China over these issues and over a possible Code of 
Conduct for parties in the region, especially as this year's chair of 
ASEAN. How would you characterize Brunei's approach to the disputes in 
the South China Sea? If confirmed as Ambassador, would you encourage 
Brunei to play a more active role in diplomacy in the South China Sea? 
Do you believe Brunei is willing to play such a role?

    Answer. Like other South China Sea littoral states, Brunei's 
maritime claims overlap with the PRC's expansive and unlawful maritime 
claims. Both the United States and Brunei have a clear national 
interest in the peaceful resolution of disputes, unimpeded lawful 
commerce, and compliance with international law, including freedoms of 
navigation and overflight and other lawful uses of the sea. Brunei has 
been an active participant in ASEAN activities related to the South 
China Sea, including the ongoing negotiations of an ASEAN-China Code of 
Conduct. If confirmed, I will support Brunei's efforts to advocate for 
its rights and those of other Southeast Asian claimants in the South 
China Sea.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to David John Young by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Corruption continues to be a major challenge for Malawi, 
with recent administrations facing high-profile corruption scandals and 
with low-level corruption being a daily reality for regular Malawians. 
What anti-corruption activities is the Unites States currently 
supporting in Malawi? Are they adequate in your view? If confirmed, in 
what areas will you advocate the U.S. focus its anti-corruption 
investments?

    Answer. U.S. Mission programs, including a recently launched 
program with the Malawian Police Service, work to combat Malawi's 
endemic corruption. Training programs through the Public Affairs 
Section and other offices highlight the corrosive effect of corruption 
on Malawi's investment climate. USAID provides technical assistance to 
the Malawian Government, including embedded advisors who work hand in 
hand to combat corruption and pursue asset recovery. USAID works with 
local governments to put in place more accountable and transparent use 
of government resources. If confirmed, I plan to seek further avenues 
to combat corruption and improve governance at all levels.

    Question. Like many countries in Africa, Malawi is facing a massive 
youth bulge. According to some estimates, more than half the population 
under the age of 18. Are there adequate educational and employment 
opportunities for Malawi's youth population? What U.S. assistance 
programs are focused on addressing any gaps in such opportunities? If 
confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that U.S. assistance 
programs adequately address the potential destabilizing economic and 
political impacts the youth bulge can have in the face of inadequate 
economic opportunities?

    Answer. Malawi faces major challenges in educating its youth, and 
illiteracy is widespread. USAID funds a wide variety of education 
programs benefitting students at the primary, secondary and tertiary 
levels. USAID has helped every primary schoolchild in Malawi have 
access to a schoolbook for the first time in the country's history. We 
partner with U.S. universities to expand digital online learning for 
all Malawi's public universities, particularly focusing on women 
students and those from marginalized communities. If confirmed, I will 
work to ensure that U.S. assistance programs address the challenges of 
the youth bulge, so that young people have path to improved educational 
and employment opportunities.

    Question. What areas of U.S. assistance have been particularly 
impactful in Malawi with regards to economic diversification and 
growth? If confirmed, what areas will you recommend for increased U.S. 
investment?

    Answer. Malawi completed a $350 million Millennium Challenge 
Corporation Compact in 2018 that improved the enabling environment for 
economic growth through increased capacity to build, operate, and 
regulate the power sector. USAID is working through a variety of 
programs to diversify the economy away from subsistence agriculture to 
more valuable cash crops. USAID works to aggressively engage and 
strengthen the private sector to create greater economic opportunities, 
including in aquaculture, fisheries and ecotourism. If confirmed, I 
will advocate strongly for the introduction and expansion of projects 
like these that seek to diversify and grow Malawi's economy and raise 
Malawians out of poverty.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. While in Zambia as Charge d'Affaires, I led our Mission's 
efforts to support a free and fair election in August 2021. This 
involved major coordination across 20 months, and we played important 
roles behind the scenes to push back against ruling party harassment, 
press for a result that reflects the will of the people, and help 
independent media stay in business. I have played roles in helping 
obtain prisoner releases of LGBTQI+ individuals in Zambia on two 
occasions, and while in Hanoi, I helped secure the release of two dozen 
Vietnamese prisoners who had been detained on political and religious 
grounds. During my tenure in Abuja, I helped intervene to prevent the 
arrest of the speaker of the national assembly in Nigeria.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Malawi? These challenges might include 
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions, 
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human 
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

    Answer. Over the past year, the Chakwera administration has made 
significant gains restoring Malawi's democratic trajectory and 
implementing good governance reforms. However, endemic corruption, lack 
of local capacity, and insufficient funds impede the implementation of 
President Chakwera's anti-corruption agenda. Pre-existing patronage 
networks now seek to stall ongoing reform efforts, and declining 
development assistance from the United Kingdom and likeminded missions 
has imperiled the efforts of independent accountability institutions. 
Fortunately, the United States remains Malawi's partner of choice on 
these issues, and if confirmed, I will advocate strongly for further 
efforts towards democratic reforms and institutionalization.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Malawi? What do you hope to accomplish through these 
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific 
obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. If confirmed, I hope to press the ruling government to 
appoint and confirm heads of watchdog agencies including the Financial 
Intelligence Agency and the Office of the Auditor General. I also hope 
to expand our efforts to professionalize the institutions that uphold 
Malawi's democracy, including the Electoral Commission, media outlets, 
and democracy activists. I have seen firsthand the significant impact 
of trainings from U.S.-based institutions like the National Democratic 
Institute (NDI), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the 
Solidarity Center, and the Center for International Private Enterprise 
(CIPE), and if confirmed I plan to advocate for these organizations' 
continued engagement in Malawi.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will work to identify and support reputable 
Malawian and international partners who share our commitment to helping 
Malawi build an inclusive, responsive, and resilient democracy. As I 
have done in my other leadership roles, I plan to ensure our Mission 
has strict accountability measures in place for the disbursement, 
monitoring, and evaluation of bilateral assistance. I will seek to 
ensure that all staff are held to the highest possible standards and 
equipped with the most up to date training and tools. I will also 
prioritize assistance that bolsters Malawi's ability to push back 
against the corrosive forces of corruption and the malign influence of 
strategic competitors, including the People's Republic of China.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Malawi? What steps will you take to pro-actively address 
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or 
regulatory measures?

    Answer. Yes. Nongovernmental and civil society organizations play a 
critical role in upholding democracy, especially in developing 
countries. During my decade of work on African issues I have worked 
closely with NGO counterparts to solicit information, raise awareness, 
and advance U.S. objectives. We do our best work when we hear from all 
actors on the ground, so I plan to maintain my open-door policy for 
Malawian activists and encourage my colleagues at Embassy Lilongwe to 
do the same. If confirmed, I also hope to find ways to use the wealth 
of American and international expertise to build capacity for heroes of 
democracy in Malawi.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. Yes. Inclusivity--both for frequently marginalized groups 
and opposition parties--is a cornerstone of my personal leadership 
style and Department policy more broadly. The United States has a 
vested interest in the promotion of inclusive, resilient democracy in 
Malawi and across the continent. If confirmed, I will work closely with 
our State Department, interagency, international, and Malawian partners 
to advance these efforts. In Malawi, this will mean further U.S. 
support to key institutions like the Electoral Commission and Malawi's 
historically independent judiciary. It will also mean advocating for 
American and international support for the civil society groups and 
watchdog institutions that uphold government accountability.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with 
Malawi on freedom of the press and address any government efforts 
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal, 
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with 
independent, local press in Malawi?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with 
Malawi on the right of labor groups to organize, including for 
independent trade unions?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Malawi, no matter 
their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Malawi?

    Answer. Members of the LGBTQI+ community in Malawi face many of the 
same pressures felt by their counterparts throughout southern Africa. 
Societal pressure, stigma, and discrimination create a climate of fear 
for many members of these communities, and many LGBTQI+ individuals 
justifiably believe that they cannot freely express their sexual 
preferences, gender identity, or true selves. There continue to be laws 
that criminalize consensual same-sex sexual activity as ``unnatural 
offenses,'' even though they are not actively enforced. An ongoing lack 
of access to justice means that members of this community are unable to 
adequately seek justice when they become victims of discrimination or 
persecution.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Malawi?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to meet regularly with members 
of the LGBTQI+ community in Malawi and learn from them how the U.S. 
Mission can best be helpful in the local context they face. As I have 
learned from my work in Zambia and Nigeria, it is critically important 
to be in touch with LGBTQI+ leaders in a country to know how to be 
helpful and not to do harm. If confirmed, I will make inclusive 
programming a core tenet of the Mission's internal and external ethos, 
and I will work with interagency, international, and Malawian partners 
to support LGBTQI+ champions and expand U.S. funded programming that 
supports members of the community.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Malawi?

    Answer. Yes.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to David John Young by Senator James E. Risch

    Question. In November 2020, I published Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee Majority Report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Malawi and 
counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The U.S. Mission in Lilongwe works closely with likeminded 
European partners, to support Malawi's democracy through investments in 
the electoral commission, judiciary, civil society, and accountability 
institutions. If confirmed, I will work with likeminded partners to 
counter malign influence, promote free market and democratic values, 
and support the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts. Further 
efforts to combat corruption will improve the investment climate and 
advance our goals of fiscal transparency. If confirmed, I will work 
closely with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation to 
support U.S. private sector opportunities in Malawi and to ensure 
Malawi has active U.S. alternatives to Beijing-based creditors.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power?

    Answer. Actions by a President in power to change the laws to allow 
him or her to remain in office extralegally pose an inherent threat to 
any democracy's health. A healthy democracy abides both by the will of 
its people and the underlying legal foundations upon which it rests. 
This requires the active participation of all citizens to safeguard 
democracy.

    Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to Malawi doing 
something like this?

    Answer. Any effort that might seek to upend the existing democratic 
order would undermine the legitimacy of Malawi's democracy. If 
confirmed, in such a scenario I would work with colleagues in 
Washington and local and international partners to defend democracy and 
push back against extralegal efforts to thwart the will of the people.

    Question. What lessons will you draw from your experience as Charge 
d'affairs in Zambia in your role as U.S. Ambassador to Malawi, if 
confirmed?

    Answer. The recent democratic Presidential election in Zambia shows 
that U.S. Government programming, combined with activist U.S. private 
and public diplomacy, can help support and safeguard democratic values. 
These efforts played an important role in the Zambian political 
transition and the election of President Hakainde Hichilema. Zambia, 
like Malawi, has a comprehensive program to combat HIV/AIDS through the 
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), and there are many 
similarities between the programs in the two countries. The two U.S. 
Missions in Zambia and Malawi also work to expand two-way trade and 
investment and strengthening the private sector in both countries is a 
key goal.

    Question. Do you agree that democracy and governance programming is 
an essential element of an assistance portfolio? Why?

    Answer. Yes. The United States has a vested interest in advancing 
democracy around the world. As President Biden said in his address 
before the 76th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, 
democracy remains the best tool we have to unleash our full human 
potential. Democracies value and protect the intellectual, social, and 
economic contributions of their citizens. Democracies are also 
inherently more stable and responsive to the demands and expectation of 
their polities. Investments in democracy programming ensure the 
longevity and impact of our assistance programs across all sectors.

    Question. What opportunities as U.S. Ambassador to Malawi do you 
envision for yourself, if confirmed, in supporting democratic processes 
and the development of resilient democratic institutions in Malawi?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will press the ruling government to appoint 
and confirm heads of watchdog agencies including the Financial 
Intelligence Agency and the Office of the Auditor General. I will also 
expand our efforts to professionalize the institutions that uphold 
Malawi's democracy, including the Electoral Commission, media outlets, 
and democracy activists. I have seen firsthand the significant impact 
of trainings from U.S.-based institutions like the National Democratic 
Institute (NDI), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the 
Solidarity Center, and the Center for International Private Enterprise 
(CIPE). If confirmed, I will advocate for these organizations' 
continued engagement in Malawi.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions?

    Answer. Election observer missions play a critical role in our 
efforts to support democracy, especially in developing countries. 
Independent observers provide critical quantitative and qualitative 
insight about the functioning of electoral processes. This data allows 
the United States and our international partners to determine whether 
an election is free and fair, and whether electoral results in a 
country accurately reflect the will of its people. By supporting these 
efforts, we communicate the centrality of democracy promotion and 
support in our foreign policy.

    Question. Would you support such a mission for Malawi's next 
general election?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working closely with the 
Office of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (OGAC) 
at the U.S. Department of State to ensure that the U.S. country team in 
Malawi's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS are efficient, effective, aligned 
and complementary to the work of OGAC?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Will you work to ensure that each of the agencies 
operating under Chief of Mission authority--notably USAID and CDC--
meaningfully contribute to, but also adhere to, PEPFAR's Country 
Operating Plan (COP) process?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. Will you also ensure that each of the agencies operating 
under Chief of Mission authority in Malawi uphold their commitments to 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that all future funding for the 
Secondary Education Expansion for Development (SEED) program will be 
derived from funds appropriated for basic and secondary education, 
rather than for PEPFAR?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission 
Malawi?

    Answer. The isolation, hardship, and fear caused by COVID-19 have 
had a particularly adverse effect on our overseas Missions, including 
in Malawi. The current lull in local infection rates, seasonal rotation 
of staff, and the lifting of government-imposed lockdowns have improved 
morale. Nevertheless, remote work in a developing country is a 
distinctly difficult and isolating experience for American and Malawian 
staff alike.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Malawi?

    Answer. If confirmed, I plan to make staff morale a central focus 
of my tenure. American diplomats and our interagency colleagues in the 
field make incredible sacrifices to advance our nation's objectives. If 
confirmed, I will begin by building trust with all levels of the 
Embassy's staff and soliciting local ideas for how we overcome our 
shared challenges and more effectively accomplish our mission.

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Malawi?

    Answer. Throughout my career I have upheld a ``One Team'' approach 
that values the contributions, voice, and role of every individual. 
Effective and responsive management is critical in this effort. 
American and Malawian managers should be equipped with the most 
effective tools and held to the highest standards. The follow-on 
effects of COVID-19 have accelerated isolation at our overseas 
missions, and if confirmed, I hope to make interagency relationships a 
central focus of my tenure.

    Question. How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. I believe strongly in a One Mission, One Team approach, and 
in my leadership roles over the past decade in Missions in Africa, I 
have sought to put this principle in practice. I have worked to set up 
cross-cutting interagency teams to advance our shared interagency 
Mission goals, including working groups that have advanced our 
democratic and electoral goals in Nigeria and Zambia, and our Northeast 
Working Group in Nigeria. I believe strongly in 360 communication, 
empowering and listening to all team members, and working closely with 
Locally Employed Staff, who provide the continuity and ongoing capacity 
of our Missions' work.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with deputy chief 
of mission?

    Answer. Having served in leadership roles at multiple Missions in 
Africa, including three times as a deputy chief of mission, I am deeply 
committed to empowering and supporting the deputy chief of mission to 
help improve the work of the Mission. The relationship between the 
chief of mission and deputy chief of mission is critical to the success 
and morale of a Mission. If confirmed, I will build a relationship 
based on honesty, accountability, and collegiality, and I will equip my 
deputy to act decisively on the wide array of policy, security, and 
management issues we face.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will sit down immediately with my deputy 
chief of mission and jointly work with him or her to develop a 
collaborative plan for how we lead the Mission together. In general, I 
would seek to have the deputy chief of mission serve as the ``chief of 
operations'' of the Mission, ensuring that the Mission implements and 
executes the goals of our work together as a Mission team. I hope to 
work with the deputy chief of mission to identify issue areas where the 
deputy would take lead in policy development, public outreach, and 
performance management. This could focus on a variety of agency 
programs, but I believe it important that the two of us jointly assess 
the particular areas once we are on the ground working together.

    Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees 
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to 
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their 
roles?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes.

    Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our 
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

    Answer. In the countries where I have served, I have come to 
appreciate the importance of in-person relationships. I prioritize such 
these engagements, and I have been committed throughout my career to 
wide ranging work in this area. I recognize that diplomats around the 
world face many challenges to their safety and security, and we must 
mitigate the risks as we do our jobs outside the embassy walls. 
Security and health concerns have restricted diplomats' ability to 
safely move around outside the embassy walls in some countries. I 
applaud the contributions of the members of Diplomatic Security, the 
United States Marine Corps, and others who keep us safe overseas.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. If confirmed, the safety of American and locally engaged 
personnel under my purview will be my top priority. I will lead by 
example in accessing local populations, and I will encourage my 
colleagues to expand our in-person access across all of Malawi. That 
said, we will of course remain cognizant of the particular logistical 
and security challenges our Mission faces in Malawi. Prioritizing staff 
training and the procurement of safe and reliable housing and 
transportation equipment will advance these efforts.

    Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Malawi? 
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

    Answer. Malawians are eager to learn more about and engage with the 
United States. Malawi's low internet penetration rate requires a 
reliance on radio broadcasting and in-person travel. Embassy events 
receive significant attendance and local coverage. Public diplomacy 
staff have strong professional relationships with members of public and 
privately owned media outlets. The advance of high-speed cellular 
service through Malawi will broaden our reach, especially with Malawi's 
outsized youth population.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Effectively conveying our public diplomacy messages 
requires fluency in both U.S. policy and best practices on the ground. 
Achieving both takes intentional work at all levels of the Mission. In 
my previous leadership roles, I have prioritized forging relations with 
my Washington-based colleagues, and I have encouraged my staff members 
to do the same. I have also advocated within the Department for the 
unique role played by Mission staff members, who have unmatched 
contextual knowledge of what strategies are most effective. These 
relationships pay dividends as we work to shape and deliver effective 
messages.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Malawi was 
identified as Tier 2 due to inadequate government efforts to address 
sex trafficking, reporting, or identifying victims or traffickers by 
the Government, and more. How will you work with the host government to 
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize our work to combat human 
trafficking as one of my top policy emphases. I will immediately and 
frequently communicate the importance of combatting human trafficking 
through private and public diplomacy. I have worked extensively on 
human trafficking issues in each leadership position I have held over 
the past decade, and I have found that offering solutions is a 
necessary companion to identifying problems. The U.S. Government and 
U.S.-based institutions offer a wealth of expertise, and if confirmed, 
I hope to connect Malawian partners with experts who can offer support 
on how to prevent trafficking, prosecute traffickers, and protect 
victims.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Malawi was identified as having community tension regarding religious 
freedom. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster 
religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Malawi boasts a long history of interreligious tolerance, 
though within communities there are societal pressures to adopt locally 
dominant religious practices. If confirmed, I plan to draw upon my 
experience in previous assignments to advance religious freedom. I 
served as Director of the Office of International Religious Freedom and 
deeply value the shared advocacy that Missions and Washington 
colleagues do on behalf of religious freedom. In Nigeria, we developed 
programs of Christian-Muslim dialogue and peacebuilding to address 
widespread farmer-herder violence in the Middle Belt of the country. 
The support and expertise of Department principals, including the 
Ambassador-at-Large, are crucial to these efforts.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Malawi was identified as 
having significant human rights abuses including harsh and life-
threatening prison and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest or 
detention; significant acts of corruption; lack of investigation and 
accountability for violence against women; and criminalization of same-
sex sexual conduct. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address 
these instances with the host government?

    Answer. In my prior positions, I have found that offering solutions 
and support is the most effective approach to advancing our objectives. 
Malawi faces serious human rights challenges, many of which derive from 
a lack of local capacity to uphold laws and the enshrined rights of 
individuals. To address these concerns, if confirmed, I will work to 
identify the key institutions that warrant our support. The U.S. 
Mission in Lilongwe has preexisting programming with some of these, 
including the Malawian Police Service, and if confirmed I hope to 
expand these programs. Malawi also needs significant legal reform to 
protect the rights of all citizens, including women and persons in 
same-sex relationships.

    Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will lead the U.S. Mission team in 
continuing to strengthen close relationships with civil society 
organizations and to maintain an open-door policy for our Malawian 
partners. These individuals frequently have unparalleled access, 
relationships, and information, and they can play a key role in 
advancing human rights and a wide range of our objectives.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to David John Young by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. Malawi is among the poorest countries in the world, and 
our bilateral relationship is heavily focused on development issues. 
The challenges women and girls face are particularly crucial to 
address. On September 28, I introduced legislation, along with a group 
of senators that includes Senators Rubio and Portman from this 
committee, to formalize the Women's Global Development and Prosperity 
(W-GDP) initiative. W-GDP--which was established in February 2019 as a 
groundbreaking, whole-of-government approach to advancing women's 
economic empowerment--reached 12 million women worldwide during its 
first year and seeks to reach 50 million women by 2025. This 
legislation would advance women's economic empowerment by removing 
educational and skills barriers to female participation in the 
workforce; promoting women's entrepreneurship and increasing female 
access to capital and markets; and reforming laws and practices that 
prevent women's full and free participation in the global economy. What 
key economic challenges do Malawian women and girls face? Drawing on 
examples from your past service, how would you seek to work with 
Malawians to promote women's economic empowerment?

    Answer. Women and girls in Malawi face economic challenges, 
societal discrimination, and limited access to capital, education, and 
professional opportunities. Insufficient child and health care mean 
many women and girls carry disproportionate familial duties. As I have 
done in other assignments in Zambia, Nigeria, and South Africa, if 
confirmed I will work to use U.S. Mission resources through USAID and 
through Public Affairs Section training programs to empower women, 
expand skills training, create mentorship networks, and provide small 
grants to start-up businesses run by women. If confirmed, I will also 
work with development partners to expand programs that support female 
students, entrepreneurs, activists, and civil society leaders.



                               __________


       Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Claire A. Pierangelo by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. People in southern Madagascar are experiencing famine-
like conditions. What is your assessment of how effective the Malagasy 
Government has been at organizing a response? Are there actions the 
U.S. Mission could take to help improve the response? What are the 
potential second-order impacts of famine on the country as a whole, and 
what steps would you take, if confirmed, to mitigate them?

    Answer. This is not only a difficult challenge, but an existential 
one as well. The Malagasy Government has limited capacity to address 
the drought-induced food insecurity facing southern Madagascar. In 
addition to providing significant financial support, the U.S. Mission 
has encouraged other donor countries to support this humanitarian 
crisis and continues to work closely with NGOs and U.N. agencies such 
as the World Food Program to address the immediate need and develop 
plans to assist the population adapt to drought conditions. The most 
significant impact is internal migration, which threatens unique 
ecosystems.
    I would work with the U.N., NGOs, other donor countries, and U.S. 
agencies like USAID to determine what more we can and should be doing. 
I would also work with the Malagasy Government to assess their efforts 
on assisting displaced persons and concurrently protecting endangered 
environmental resources.

    Question. Madagascar was slow to join the COVID-19 Vaccines Global 
Access initiative, (COVAX), and President Andry Rajoelina spent the 
early months of the COVID-19 pandemic touting an herbal remedy for the 
disease. He also criticized vaccines. If confirmed, what steps will you 
take to encourage the Government to take a science based approach to 
containing and mitigating the COVID-19 pandemic, and take steps to plan 
for the effective procurement and distribution of vaccines once they 
are available?

    Answer. The situation has improved recently. Madagascar received a 
U.S. Government donation of 302,400 doses of the Johnson and Johnson 
vaccine in late July and there has been strong public acceptance of it. 
I will proactively seek opportunities to encourage the Government of 
Madagascar to promote vaccines and utilize the mission's excellent 
connections within the health community and our public diplomacy tools 
to support this message. I will commit Mission resources to help the 
Government of Madagascar address the challenge of an underdeveloped 
health system and poor transportation infrastructure, which inhibit 
large-scale, rapid distribution of vaccines, particularly to rural 
areas far from the capital Antananarivo.

    Question. Competition between political elites in Madagascar has 
had violent and destabilizing consequences in the last twelve years, 
including a coup in 2009. This year, President Rajoelina claimed that 
security forces foiled a coup plot against him. What is your assessment 
of the level of political stability in Madagascar-is another coup 
likely? If confirmed, what steps will you take to reduce tensions 
between political elites?

    Answer. Although the Government of Madagascar claimed there was a 
coup attempt this summer, the Rajoelina administration appears 
relatively stable and we assess that a successful coup is not likely in 
the near term. I commit to building relationships with all political 
parties in Madagascar and engaging with the diplomatic community to 
facilitate discussion among the political elites.

    Question. Presently, the United States has limited diplomatic 
engagement with Comoros, and provides little in the way of foreign 
assistance. Would an expansion of ties be in the interest of the United 
States? What are potential areas of cooperation? If confirmed, would 
you increase engagement with the Comorian Government?

    Answer. There are excellent opportunities to expand our diplomatic 
engagement with Comoros to the benefit of U.S. interest, particularly 
in the arena of maritime security due to its location on the Mozambique 
Channel, which is a major trafficking artery. Assistance in expanding 
capacity in maritime security, establishing transparent and accountable 
institutions, and in basic health and education would be immediate 
priorities in expanding our bilateral relationship.

    Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in 
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has 
been the impact of your actions?

    Answer. Early in my career I served in Haiti in the post-``Baby 
Doc'' era where we worked to support its fledgling democracy. Later in 
my career, in both Vietnam and Indonesia, the issues of democracy and 
human rights were at the top of our agenda. Whether advocating for 
human rights for our local staff or for the population at large, this 
is something I take very seriously and has been a priority in every 
post that I have served. I realize these issues are front and center in 
Madagascar and Comoros, so my team and I would have a lot to work to 
do, if I were confirmed. I commit to prioritizing these issues in both 
countries.

    Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy 
or democratic development in Madagascar and Comoros? These challenges 
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and 
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil 
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as 
possible.

    Answer. As Senator Cardin has noted, corruption is a significant 
issue in Madagascar and Comoros. Both countries also face challenges in 
the electoral process, with disinformation from malign actors in 
Madagascar, and opposition party boycotts in Comoros. If confirmed, I 
will use upcoming elections in Madagascar in 2023 and in Comoros in 
2024 to support both countries in strengthening their democratic 
institutions to ensure the elections ultimately reflect the will of 
their citizens.

    Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support 
democracy in Madagascar and Comoros? What do you hope to accomplish 
through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing 
the specific obstacles you have identified?

    Answer. My first step would be to assess the current challenges to 
democracy in Madagascar and Comoros and develop an action plan to 
address these challenges. I expect that action plan would include 
outreach to opposition parties and civil society as well as programs to 
encourage greater transparency in government.

    Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources 
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants 
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to 
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in 
processes to administer such assistance?

    Answer. I would review the current allocation of government 
assistance, gather input from my team and civil society partners, and 
assess how to prioritize these limited resources. I would look to find 
a balance between humanitarian assistance on one hand and programs to 
build the Government of Madagascar's capacity and establish good 
governance practices on the other.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society 
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the 
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil 
society in Madagascar and Comoros? What steps will you take to pro-
actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society 
via legal or regulatory measures?

    Answer. Yes, I would make it a priority to meet with civil society 
members in Madagascar and Comoros to understand their challenges and to 
most effectively utilize USG programs that support their work. I will 
staunchly defend the rights of civil society and take appropriate 
actions to ensure their ability to operate freely in Madagascar and 
Comoros.

    Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically 
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you 
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for 
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political 
parties?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to meeting with democratically oriented 
political opposition figures and parties in both countries. With 
elections coming up in 2023 and 2024, I would work with my team to 
create a plan to establish relationships with opposition parties, 
including diaspora groups. I also commit to advocate for diverse 
participation in the political process.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with 
Madagascar and Comoros on freedom of the press and address any 
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom 
through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting 
regularly with independent, local press in Madagascar and Comoros?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to actively engage with the media and 
staunchly defend freedom of the press. I also commit to regularly 
meeting with the independent, local press in both Madagascar and 
Comoros.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil 
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and 
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the 
country?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to engage with a variety of government and 
non-government counterparts to counter disinformation, whether 
disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors.

    Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with 
Madagascar and Comoros on the right of labor groups to organize, 
including for independent trade unions?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to actively engage with the Governments of 
Madagascar and Comoros to support the rights of labor groups to 
organize, including for independent trade unions.

    Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to 
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Madagascar and 
Comoros, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

    Answer. Yes, I commit to use my position to defend the human rights 
of all Malagasy and Comorian people, no matter their sexual orientation 
or gender identity.

    Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, 
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Madagascar and Comoros?

    Answer. In Madagascar, no law prohibits same-sex sexual conduct for 
those aged 21 and older. . Nonetheless, members of the LGBTQI community 
report they face social stigma and discrimination, particularly within 
their own families. In Comoros, same-sex sexual activity is illegal, 
although authorities do not actively enforce the law. Due to societal 
pressure, LGBTQI persons generally do not reveal their sexual 
orientation.

    Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ 
people in Madagascar and Comoros?

    Answer. I commit to regularly meeting with LGBTQI organizations and 
advocating for their rights in Madagascar and Comoros.

    Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully 
brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in 
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador 
to Madagascar and Comoros?

    Answer. Yes, I would welcome the opportunity to fully brief members 
of Congress and/or their staff each time I am in Washington for 
consultations.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
      Submitted to Claire A. Pierangelo by Senator James E, Risch

    Question. Given the administration's redefined Prosper Africa 
policy, how will you prioritize U.S. investment into Madagascar, and 
ensure there is a level playing field given the pervasive levels of 
corruption that exist in Madagascar's institutions and its judiciary? 
Further, will you focus on the settling of the standing investment 
disputes with US companies, including Symbion Power?

    Answer. Corruption in Madagascar is a significant obstacle for U.S. 
business, and I recognize that accountable institutions, sustained by a 
commitment to the rule of law and transparency, are essential to 
creating a business climate conducive to foreign investment. I commit 
to working with the Government of Madagascar to reinforce the need for 
accountable institutions and provide U.S. expertise in developing 
transparent government. I also commit to support U.S. companies to 
settle investment disputes.

    Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when 
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends 
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend 
the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you 
respond to Madagascar or Comoros doing something like this?

    Answer. Constitutional changes should be made through a 
consultative process that includes civil society, opposition parties 
and all other stakeholders. Constitutional changes designed to favor 
incumbents or extend terms against the will of the people erode 
democratic principles and undermine stability. If confirmed, I will 
advocate for regular, democratic transitions of power, which yield more 
accountability, stronger institutions, and less corruption.

    Question. In November 2020, I published Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A 
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report 
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation, 
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more 
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with 
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Madagascar and 
Comoros, and counter the malign influence of China?

    Answer. The United States should partner with likeminded countries 
to counter negative actions and influence of the PRC. We need to call 
out and confront nondemocratic behavior and insist that all economic 
actors on the continent adhere to the highest standards of 
transparency, anti-corruption, debt sustainability, environmental 
protection, and respect for human rights, including labor rights.

    Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded, 
independent international election observation missions? Would you 
support such a mission for Madagascar's next national election?

    Answer. Promoting democracy and human rights has long been a core 
task of American foreign policy. Election observation can promote 
public participation, encourage transparency and public confidence in 
the electoral process, and mitigate the potential for electoral 
violence. Both U.S. Mission observers and independent observation 
missions help deter fraud at polling stations and facilitate the 
collection of critical information about the conduct of the elections. 
To ensure real democratic gains, it is important that our elections 
work not focus solely on Election Day, but also address problems in the 
lead up to elections that inhibit the ability of all parties to compete 
on an equal basis.

    Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over 
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your 
understanding of morale throughout Mission Madagascar?

    Answer. I am impressed with the resiliency of the team in 
Madagascar in general but in particular during the difficult last 18 
months under COVID-19. Morale remains good at post thanks to the 
efforts of the former Ambassador and the current Deputy Chief of 
Mission.

    Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission 
Madagascar?

    Answer. At every one of my posts, taking care of our teams has been 
my top priority. First, I would assess where things stand today with 
both the American and local staff in both Madagascar and Comoros 
through direct communication and interaction. And then together, we 
would see what changes, if any, were necessary. The bottom line is 
always communication and interaction. Even at the height of terrorism 
in Indonesia and direct attacks in my consular district when I was 
principal officer in Surabaya, my team and I were united and mutually 
supportive. That is always my number one goal..

    Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision 
at Mission Madagascar?

    Answer. I successfully faced this challenge in my last three 
overseas leadership positions in large and complex, multi-post 
missions--Indonesia, Vietnam and Nigeria. Creating a true ``One Team, 
One Mission'' approach takes a unified strategic approach, time, effort 
and honesty. The results are always worth the work. I would aim to do 
the same at Mission Madagascar.

    Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission. 
How would you describe your management style?

    Answer. Whether I was supervising a section of 10 or a Mission of 
900, my approach has always been to be as communicative and transparent 
as possible and to welcome and incorporate the great contributions of 
my team. I solicit input first and then carefully listen to my staff 
before making decisions. However, ultimately, I must take 
responsibility for our decisions and back up my team. I am also fully 
aware of when I must make the difficult decisions.

    Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to 
berate subordinates, either in public or private?

    Answer. No. Any action that does not convey respect or 
professionalism is not only unacceptable, it is simply 
counterproductive. This goes not only for supervisors but also for 
other staff, including our local staff.

    Question. How do you envision your relationship with Deputy Chief 
of Mission?

    Answer. The COM-DCM relationship is extremely important because it 
sets the tone for the Mission. If confirmed, I would create a close 
partnership with the incumbent, relying on him for both policy and 
personnel guidance and the critical ``truth-to-power'' reality checks. 
The DCM is the eyes and ears of the Mission and I intend listen.

    Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you 
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. As a former DCM and two-time principal officer, I know what 
a critical role the DCM should play in both bilateral policy issues and 
internal Mission management. The DCM should not be chained to their 
desk but should be representing the Mission outwardly as well. Just as 
the DCM should lead and mentor our midlevel and more junior staff, they 
must have the opportunity to lead at the Mission level to prepare 
themselves for more senior positions.

    Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at 
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) 
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do 
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate, 
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage 
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

    Answer. This is a topic dear to my heart. As Director of the Office 
of Performance Evaluation in the then-Bureau of Human Resources, I led 
the team responsible for major reform of the EER, promotion and awards. 
I personally introduced the changes with outreach to more than 10,000 
foreign service employees over two years. Those reforms were just a 
first step to creating a more responsive system such as the new 
Meritorious Service Increase award process and I am happy to say that 
these efforts are ongoing. Key to all these efforts is the push for 
supervisors to be honest, fair, and responsive in their evaluations. 
The Department continues to prioritize this effort, as do I personally.

    Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear, 
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve 
performance and reward high achievers?

    Answer. Yes, I believe that is very important. I have not only 
supported such efforts but have championed them and tried to educate my 
colleagues on this issue. It is critical not only to the assessment of 
the rated employee but to the development of supervisors and future 
Department leaders.

    Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts 
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials, 
non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience, 
do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to accomplish 
fully their missions?

    Answer. If you ask my team my overriding motto, they would tell you 
in unison ``If you are sitting behind your desk, you are not doing your 
job.'' At every post that I have worked in or led, this has been true. 
Our best work is done when we are engaged with our host country and its 
nationals. That is often a challenge, especially in large Missions, 
where we must respond to the demands of Washington and the interagency 
24/7. I believe that the Chief of Mission must set the expectation, 
provide the resources, and if need be, pick up the slack in order for 
our staff to get out of the office, interact with the people and 
support U.S. interests.

    Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S. 
diplomats to better access all local populations?

    Answer. In most cases, it is simply a matter of time and resources. 
If confirmed, I, along with my DCM, will make sure our team have enough 
of both.

    Question. Do you think the Department should require Chiefs of 
Mission have experience in the region to which they are nominated?

    Answer. In my experience, the overriding qualification for any COM 
must be proven leadership and management experience. That is not 
something that can be learned on the job. Secondarily, experience in 
strategic policy making that can be applied to any post or situation 
should be considered. If one can combine those two skills with regional 
experience, that would be ideal. However regional experience on its own 
should not be considered sufficient, in my opinion.

    Question. With little experience in the sub-Saharan Africa, how are 
you approaching this assignment?

    Answer. I have served across four continents and led Missions in 
three postings. That includes senior leadership in arguably our most 
important partner in Africa, Nigeria, where I run a multi-agency post 
of 400 American and local staff plus 200 security contractors. Lagos is 
larger than 80 percent of our sub-Saharan Africa posts, including 
Madagascar, and is important to our overall Africa policy. If 
confirmed, I will bring my years of experience in Africa and elsewhere 
to this challenging assignment.

    Question. Do you consider your lack of experience in the region a 
handicap in starting your position as COM?

    Answer. I bring extensive strategic leadership and more 
specifically, experience in the complex, sometimes dangerous, and 
always challenging Nigerian environment to the table. In Vietnam, I led 
a team of more than 900 staff in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, both as 
Deputy Chief of Mission and as Charge d'Affaires for more than one 
year. In Surabaya, I led a team of 120 in two posts (including Bali) 
through terrorist attacks, pandemics, and natural disasters.

    Question. If confirmed, would you consider your lack of experience 
in identifying a Deputy Chief of Mission?

    Answer. Yes, that would be one of many factors I would consider. I 
have extensive experience in recruiting, hiring, mentoring and 
supporting my senior staff. Many of my former staff and mentees are now 
in leadership positions of their own including multiple Deputy Chiefs 
of Mission and Deputy Assistant Secretaries. I also have an extensive 
network and knowledge of our next level of leaders through my time in 
the Human Resources Bureau and as assistant professor and Acting Deputy 
Commandant at the National War College.

    Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign 
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in 
Madagascar? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face 
there?

    Answer. Mission Madagascar's public diplomacy program is small but 
robust. As in many countries, there is always more demand for 
engagement, training, and exchange programs but the Mission is actively 
engaged. If confirmed, I will move back to more in-person programs, but 
virtual programs will continue to be an important tool. Challenges are 
more physical than philosophical at this point, with poor 
infrastructure, transportation challenges and distances posing some 
obstacles to travel and programming.

    Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus 
the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy 
messages for foreign audiences?

    Answer. Post has latitude to tailor public messaging to local 
issues and concerns. If confirmed, I will ensure that our public 
diplomacy posture continues to play a key role in promoting our many 
shared values and America's generous financial assistance and support 
across the range of issues.

    Question. As Ambassador, what would be your approach to dividing 
your time and attention between Madagascar and Comoros?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make this one of my first on-the 
ground assessments. COVID-19 restrictions hampered the Mission's 
outreach to Comoros, but two teams have travelled since May, and the 
current Charge d'Affaires will be visiting the first week of October. I 
look forward to her and the DCM's thoughts on the best way forward.

    Question. How frequently would you plan to travel to Comoros to 
meet in-person with partners?

    Answer. It would be my goal to visit as often as is feasible. Just 
as important is making sure that our team at all levels travel 
regularly, not just the Chief of Mission.

    Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Madagascar 
remained on Tier 2 due to lack of accountability of complicit 
government officials, as well as failure to end facilitating child sex 
trafficking, among several other key areas of potential improvement. 
How will you work with the Government to address these issues if you 
are confirmed as Ambassador?

    Answer. I commit to work with the Government of Madagascar to make 
improvements in preventing trafficking in persons. I would continue to 
support our efforts to increase transparency of government institutions 
and to alleviate poverty, which together address the roots of this 
issue.

    Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, 
Madagascar was identified as having religious freedom issues within 
civil society. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if 
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster 
religious freedom in-country?

    Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and 
the Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom 
situation in Madagascar. I commit to working with civil society and the 
Malagasy Government to ensure all citizens enjoy freedom of religious 
thought and expression as provided in the country's constitution. My 
understanding is that there are several, discrete challenges for 
specific religious groups in Madagascar and that the country overall is 
accepting of religious diversity. If confirmed, I will work with the 
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to 
emphasize the importance of religious tolerance and to address 
religious freedom concerns in Madagascar.

    Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Madagascar was 
identified as having a litany of human rights abuses, including 
impunity for security forces and within government ranks. If confirmed, 
what steps will you take to address these instances with the host 
government?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will assess the situation and develop an 
action plan to reduce the instances of extrajudicial killings, which 
would likely include improving training for Malagasy security forces.

    Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil 
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the 
ground?

    Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to meet with civil 
society members in Madagascar and Comoros to understand their 
challenges and to most effectively utilize USG programs that support 
their work. I will staunchly defend the rights of civil society and 
take appropriate actions to ensure their ability to operate freely in 
Madagascar and Comoros.



                               __________


            Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
       Submitted to Claire A. Pierangelo by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Question. Madagascar is one of the most interesting places in the 
world, with unique flora and fauna and a very distinct culture and 
population, but it also remains a very poor country. Trade--and the 
jobs that it sustains--are key to self-sustaining development. Good 
jobs solve so many social challenges. In what manner and in what 
sectors might you seek to increase U.S. trade with and investment in 
Madagascar? What role do you see for potentially greater trade and 
investment engagement in Madagascar via U.S. programs like Prosper 
Africa and Power Africa?

    Answer. Commercial engagement is one of the top Mission goals and 
as an economic officer, I have always put that at the forefront of my 
professional efforts. I was pleased to learn that the Mission team has 
put a strong focus on increasing its outreach, including to U.S. 
businesses. If confirmed, I would work hard to ensure fair treatment by 
local officials and others to counter weak rule of law and corruption. 
Sustainable development would be our goal. In Nigeria, my team and I 
have worked with Prosper Africa and Power Africa programs and I would 
welcome seeing how we can bring that expertise and opportunity to 
Madagascar.

    Question. The Comoros Islands sit in a strategic location in the 
Indian Ocean, particularly with respect to combatting piracy and the 
threat it poses to international sea commerce. What are your views on 
the programmatic focus and impact of America's International Military 
Educational Training (IMET) program in Comoros, especially on military 
professionalization and counter-piracy initiatives in the Indian Ocean?

    Answer. The objective of the U.S. IMET training program is to 
professionalize the Comorian military, especially its maritime forces. 
This is particularly important due to the country's strategic location 
in the Mozambique channel, a major piracy artery. The Mission's 
Department of Defense staff are working hard within the constraints of 
their finite resources to build cooperative security partnerships with 
Comoros and with like-minded allies in the region. Our current 
bilateral partnership with Comoros on maritime security issues is 
strong, and developing their capacity is a long-term project. If 
confirmed, I would welcome working with our Department of Defense 
colleagues on the ground, as I have done in Indonesia, Vietnam, and 
Nigeria.



                               __________