    [Senate Hearing 117-288]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]

                                                            S. Hrg. 117-288

            NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART II

    =======================================================================

                                    HEARINGS

                                   BEFORE THE

                         COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                              UNITED STATES SENATE

                        ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 FIRST SESSION

                                   ----------

                                    Part II

                     July 27, 2021 thru September 30, 2021

                                   ----------

           Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                       Available via the World Wide Web:
                             http://www.govinfo.gov

                      NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS,
                             FIRST SESSION--PART II

                                                            S. Hrg. 117-288

            NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART II

    =======================================================================

                                    HEARINGS

                                   BEFORE THE

                         COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                              UNITED STATES SENATE

                        ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 FIRST SESSION

                                   __________

                                    Part II

                     July 27, 2021 thru September 30, 2021

                                   __________

           Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

            Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov

                              ______

                 U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
    47-862 PDF           WASHINGTON : 2022

                    COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

                ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
    BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland             JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
    JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire            MARCO RUBIO, Florida
    CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware           RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
    CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut          MITT ROMNEY, Utah
    TIM KAINE, Virginia                      ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
    EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts          RAND PAUL, Kentucky
    JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                     TODD YOUNG, Indiana
    CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey               JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
    BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                     TED CRUZ, Texas
    CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland               MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                             BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
      Jessica Lewis, Staff Director [Damian Murphy replaced Jessica Lewis
              as Staff Director on September 21, 2021.]
           Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
                       John Dutton, Chief Clerk

                                 (ii)

                                C O N T E N T S

                                  ----------

    Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
      other material submitted for the record are located at the end
      of each hearing transcript.

                                     PART I

    January 19, 2021--Blinken, Hon. Antony J., of New York, nominated
      to be U.S, Secretary of State--hearing transcript printed as a
      separate document in two parts:

        Part I: https://bit.ly/3yKm75m

        Part II: https://bit.ly/3OIPCd6

    January 27, 2021--Thomas-Greenfield, Hon. Linda, of Louisiana,
      nominated to be U.S. Representative to the United Nations--
      hearing transcript printed as a separate document: https://
      bit.ly/3AsQRsH

    March 3, 2021....................................................     1

        Sherman, Hon. Wendy R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy
          Secretary of State.........................................     9

        McKeon, Hon. Brian, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
          be Deputy Secretary of State (Management and Resources)....    13

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................    60

    March 23, 2021...................................................   171

        Power, Hon. Samantha, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
          Development................................................   176

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   207

    April 15, 2021...................................................   263

        Nuland, Hon. Victoria, of Virginia, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Political Affairs).....................   269

        Zeya, Uzra, of Virginia, nominated to be Under Secretary of
          State (Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights).....   272

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   292

    April 28, 2021...................................................   353

        Jenkins, Hon. Bonnie D., of New York, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Arms Control and International
          Security)..................................................   357

        Fernandez, Hon. Jose W., of New York, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Economic Growth, Energy, and the
          Environment); Alternate Governor of the International Bank
          for Reconstruction and Development; Alternate Governor of
          the Inter-American Development Bank; and Alternate Governor
          of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development....   360

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   379

                                     (iii)

    May 19, 2021.....................................................   425

        Nichols, Hon. Brian A., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (Western Hemisphere Affairs)..   431

        Sison, Hon. Michele Jeanne, of Maryland, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (International Organization
          Affairs)...................................................   434

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   462

    June 9, 2021.....................................................   493

        Andre, Hon. Larry Edward Jr., of Texas, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia..............   498

        Brewer, Hon. Maria E., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho.......................   500

        Mushingi, Hon. Tulinabo S., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Angola, and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and
          Principe...................................................   503

        Aubin, Hon. Elizabeth Moore, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria..   505

        Young, Eugene S., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Republic of Congo......................................   508

        Lamora, Christopher John, of Rhode Island, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon.....................   510

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   520

    June 15, 2021....................................................   549

        Robinson, Hon. Todd D., of New Jersey, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (International Narcotics and
          Law Enforcement Affairs)...................................   552

        Holmgren, Brett M., of Minnesota, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research).............   555

        Kritenbrink, Hon. Daniel J., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and Pacific
          Affairs)...................................................   558

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   583

    July 13, 2021....................................................   617

        Smith, Gentry O., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Diplomatic Security)...................   622

        Bitter, Hon. Rena, of the District of Colombia, nominated to
          be Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs).........   625

        Medina, Monica P., of Maryland, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Oceans and International Environmental
          and Scientific Affairs)....................................   628

        Knapper, Marc Evans, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam............   631

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   647

    July 20, 2021....................................................   669

        Adams-Allen, Paloma, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be Deputy Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
          International Development (Management and Resources).......   672

        Donfried, Dr. Karen, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be Assistant Secretary of State (European Affairs and
          Eurasian Affairs)..........................................   675
        Phee, Hon. Mary Catherine, of Illinois, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) and a member
          of the Board of Directors of the African Development
          Foundation.................................................   677

        Witkowsky, Anne A., nominated to be Assistant Secretary of
          State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations), and to be
          Coordinator for Reconstruction and Development.............   680

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   695

                                  ----------

                                    PART II

    July 27, 2021....................................................   739

        Gifford, Hon. Rufus, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
          of Protocol and to have the rank of Ambassador during his
          tenure of service..........................................   745

        Satterfield, Lee, of South Carolina, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (Educational and Cultural
          Affairs)...................................................   748

        Coleman, Hon. Isobel, of New York, nominated to be Deputy
          Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
          Development (Policy and Programming).......................   751

        Lu, Hon. Christopher, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the U.N. for U.N. Management and Reform,
          and to be the Alternative Representative to the Sessions of
          the General Assembly of the U.N............................   753

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   768

    July 28, 2021....................................................   789

        Salazar, Hon. Kenneth Lee, of Colorado, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the United Mexican States....................   795

        Lewis, Jessica, of Ohio, nominated to be Assistant Secretary
          of State (Political-Military Affairs)......................   798

        Lu, Hon. Donald, of California, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (South Asian Affairs)...................   801

        Escobari, Hon. Marcela, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
          International Development (Latin America and the Caribbean)   803

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   823

    August 5, 2021...................................................   859

        Raynor, Hon. Michael, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently and
          without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
          Republic of Guinea-Bissau..................................   863

        Ostfield, Marc, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Paraguay................................   866

        Fitrill, Troy Damian, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Guinea..................................   868

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   879

    September 15, 2021 (a.m.)........................................   889

        Noyes, Hon. Julieta Valls, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (Population, Refugees, and
          Migration).................................................   896

        Bauer, Hon. Denise Campbell, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the French Republic, and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco...................   899

        Smith, Julianne, of Michigan, nominated to be U.S. Permanent
          Representative to the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty
          Organization, with the rank and status of Ambassador.......   902

        Leaf, Hon. Barbara A., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Near Eastern Affairs)..................   905

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   929
    September 15, 2021 (p.m.)........................................   997

        Kang, Dr. C.S. Eliot, of New Jersey, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (International Security and
          Nonproliferation)..........................................  1000

        Scheinman, Hon. Adam, of Virginia, nominated to be Special
          Representative of the President for Nuclear
          Nonproliferation, with the rank of Ambassador..............  1002

        Bernicat, Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom, of New Jersey,
          nominated to be Director General of the Foreign Service....  1005

        Crocker, Hon. Bathsheba Nell, of the District of Columbia,
          nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the
          U.N. and other International Organizations in Geneva, with
          the rank of Ambassador.....................................  1007

        Carpenter, Dr. Michael, of the District of Columbia,
          nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Organization for
          Security and Cooperation in Europe, with the rank of
          Ambassador.................................................  1010

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1028

    September 22, 2021...............................................  1067

        Nides, Hon. Thomas R., of Minnesota, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the State of Israel..........................  1079

        Cohen, David L., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
          to Canada..................................................  1082

        Telles, Dr. Cynthia Ann, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica...................  1084

        Udall, Hon. Tom, of New Mexico, nominated to be Ambassador to
          New Zealand and without additional compensation to be
          Ambassador to the State of Samoa...........................  1115

        Margon, Sarah, of New York, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor..  1118

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1130

    September 28, 2021...............................................  1249

        Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
          and Development, with the rank of Ambassador...............  1256

        Gitenstein, Hon. Mark, of Washington, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the European Union, with the rank of
          Ambassador.................................................  1259

        Flake, Hon. Jeffrey Lane, of Arizona, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey.......................  1262

        McCain, Cindy Hensley, of Arizona, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the U.N. Agencies for Food and
          Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure
          of service.................................................  1265

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1285

    September 29, 2021...............................................  1311

        Sullenberger, Capt. C.B. III, of Texas, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative on the Council of the International Civil
          Aviation Organization with the rank of Ambassador during
          his tenure of service......................................  1318

        Gawande, Dr. Atul A., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
          International Development..................................  1321

        Cronin, Hon. Claire D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to Ireland......................................  1323

        Logsdon, Kent Doyle, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova......................  1336

        Cromer, Sharon L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Republic of The Gambia.................................  1339

        Palmer, Hon. Virginia E., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana........................  1341

        Van Vranken, Howard A., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.....................  1344

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1352
    September 30, 2021...............................................  1411

        Holgate, Hon. Laura S.H., of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency,
          with the rank of Ambassador, and to be U.S. Representative
          to the Vienna Office of the U.N. with the rank of
          Ambassador.................................................  1415

        McClelland, Caryn R., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam............................  1418

        Young, David John, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Republic of Malawi.....................................  1420

        Pierangelo, Claire A., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros.....................  1423

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1431

                                  ----------

                                    PART III

    October 5, 2021 (a.m.)...........................................  1455

        Stewart, Mallory A., of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and
          Compliance)................................................  1458

        Bondy, Steven C., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Kingdom of Bahrain..................................  1461

        Carty, Lisa A., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council,
          with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate
          Representative to the Sessions of the U.N. General Assembly
          during her tenure of service...............................  1463

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1485

    October 5, 2021 (p.m.)...........................................  1525

        Hovenier, Jeffrey M., of Washington, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.......................  1529

        Murphy, Michael J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
          to Bosnia and Herzegovina..................................  1532

        Pantaleon, Hon. Julissa Reynoso, of New York, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain, and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador the Principality of Andorra.....................  1535

        Kennedy, Victoria Reggie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Austria......................  1538

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1558

    October 20, 2021 (a.m.)..........................................  1583

        Burns, Hon. R. Nicholas, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the People's Republic of China...............  1587

        Emanuel, Hon. Rahm, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador
          to Japan...................................................  1626

        Kaplan, Jonathan Eric, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Singapore....................  1630

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1651

    October 20, 2021 (p.m.)..........................................  1735

        Mahoney, Hon. Patricia, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Central African Republic.................  1739

        Vrooman, Hon. Peter Hendrick, of New York, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique...................  1741

        Haas Peter D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the
          People's Republic of Bangladesh............................  1744
        Chung, Julie, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.............  1747

        Shukan, Brian Wesley, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Benin...................................  1756

        Fitzsimmons, Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy, of Delaware,
          nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic........  1759

        Gilmour, Hon. David R., of the District of Columbia,
          nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial
          Guinea.....................................................  1762

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1771

    October 26, 2021.................................................  1837

        Stanley, Marc R., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the
          Argentine Republic.........................................  1840

        Rashad, Hussain, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
          Large for International Religious Freedom..................  1846

        Wong, Chantale Yokmin, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be U.S. director of the Asian Development Bank, with the
          Rank of Ambassador.........................................  1849

        Kugler, Dr. Adriana Debora, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
          Executive Director of the International Bank for
          Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years.....  1852

        Toloui, Hon. Ramin, of Iowa, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Economic and Business Affairs).........  1857

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1873

    November 2, 2021.................................................  1941

        Barrett, Hon. Thomas, of Wisconsin, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg................  1947

        Harpootlian, Jamie L., of South Carolina, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia.....................  1950

        Miller, Scott, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the
          Swiss Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without
          additional compensation as Ambassador to the Principality
          of Liechtenstein...........................................  1952

        Ramanathan, Erik D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden........................  1955

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1968

    December 1, 2021.................................................  1985

        Nathan, Scott, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
          Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development
          Finance Corporation........................................  1990

        Bass, Hon. John R., of New York, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Management)............................  1993

        Brzezinski, Hon. Mark, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.......................  1995

        Adler, Michael M., of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Kingdom of Belgium.....................................  1998

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2024

    December 14, 2021 (a.m.).........................................  2067

        Blome, Hon. Donald Armin, of Illinois, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.............  2074

        Garcetti, Hon. Eric M., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of India........................  2077

        Gutmann, Dr. Amy, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Federal Republic of Germany.........................  2080

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2094
    December 14, 2021 (p.m.).........................................  2151

        Hill, Hon. Christopher R., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia.......................  2156

        Taylor, Michele, of Georgia, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council with the
          rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service............  2159

        Albright, Alice, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
          Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge
          Corporation................................................  2162

        Donnelly, Hon. Joseph, of Indiana, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Holy See............................................  2164

        Whyche-Shaw, Oren E., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
          Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five
          years......................................................  2180

        Ebong, Enoh T., of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
          Director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency..........  2182

        Nucete, Leopoldo Martinez, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
          Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank
          for a term of three years..................................  2185

        Jorge, Maria Fabiana, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-
          American Development Bank..................................  2188

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2196

                                  NOMINATIONS

                             TUESDAY, JULY 27, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m., in
    Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L.
    Cardin presiding.
        Present: Senators Cardin [residing], Shaheen, Murphy,
    Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.
        Also present: Senator Graham.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
    come to order.
        We are convened today to consider four of President Biden's
    nominations: the Honorable Rufus Gifford of Massachusetts to be
    the chief of protocol; Ms. Lee Satterfield of South Carolina to
    be an assistant secretary of state; the Honorable Isobel
    Coleman to be deputy administrator of the United States Agency
    for International Development; and the Honorable Christopher Lu
    to be representative of the United States of America to the
    United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform. Senator Hagerty
    and I both agree that we will defer our opening statements
    because we have some of our distinguished--have two of our
    distinguished colleagues that are with us to introduce. And
    since I might have some judicial nominations before the
    Judiciary Committee this year, I will recognize Senator Graham.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA

        Senator Graham. Thank you. I owe you one. Okay. Well, thank
    you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member. I really appreciate this.
    It is a big treat for me. Ms. Satterfield is from South
    Carolina, a University of South Carolina graduate with a degree
    in journalism. Her father was a legendary football coach at
    Furman that won a national title, and she is being nominated to
    be the assistant secretary for the Bureau of Educational and
    Cultural Affairs at State. She has been endorsed by the last
    six assistant secretaries for the position, the Alliance for
    International Exchange, Public Diplomacy Council, and the
    Public Diplomacy Association of America, and Trey Gowdy. I do
    not know how much you care about the last one, but he is a good
    golfer, for whatever that matters. But the reason Trey is doing
    this, she is well respected in our State, and we are proud of
    the fact that President Biden chose her for this job, and I
    look forward to helping.
        In this position--she has been involved in this space for a
    long time. She launched the Center for Diplomatic Engagement,
    the Center for Global Leadership. She has executive branch
    experience. Prior to this nomination in the Obama
    administration, she served as acting assistant secretary of
    state and deputy assistant secretary of state in the Bureau of
    Educational and Cultural Affairs, so she knows what she is
    talking about. She has also served as deputy chief of staff of
    protocol of the United States. During the Clinton
    administration--you must have been a child back then. During
    the Clinton administration, she served as the chief of staff
    for the Secretary of Labor, and as special assistant to the
    President, and staff director for the White House Office of
    Public Liaison.
        I cannot think of a more qualified, decent person to have
    this job representing our Nation at a critical moment as we
    engage the world, and I wholeheartedly support this nomination.
    And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for letting me speak first.
        Senator Cardin. Well, Senator Graham, we very much
    appreciate you coming to the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee. Thank you. Senator Markey for an introduction.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. It is
    my pleasure to introduce Ambassador Rufus Gifford, a native of
    the great Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and to welcome his
    husband, Stephen, his mom, Ann, and his father, Chad, all of
    whom call the Bay State home. Rufus' two golden retrievers are
    no doubt watching at home on C-SPAN 2 as we gather.
        It is not every day this committee considers a nominee with
    as eclectic a career as Rufus Gifford. His credits include
    Hollywood producer, reality TV star show, ambassador,
    congressional candidate, and cookbook co-author. It was an
    unconventional route to today. After graduating from Brown
    University in the mid-1990s, he set out for Hollywood to
    produce the next great American film. He jokes that he wanted
    to make classics like Chinatown or Ordinary People. Instead,
    instead he gave American audiences Daddy Care 2 and Dr.
    Dolittle 2. Jokes aside, after his time in Tinsel Town, Rufus
    discovered his true calling in politics and public service.
        After honing his skills as a--as a staffer on the Kerry
    Campaign in 2004, he met then Senator Barack Obama in 2007,
    which began a decade-long professional journey with the 44th
    President. In 2013, President Obama nominated Rufus to be U.S.
    Ambassador to Denmark, and he was unanimously confirmed by the
    United States Senate. Shortly after arriving in Copenhagen,
    Rufus agreed to be the headliner of a reality TV show, I Am the
    Ambassador. Rufus often reminds people that it is more of a
    documentary than a reality TV show. I Am the Ambassador may
    have lacked the cliffhangers and the drama of the Kardashians,
    but it did earn him the Danish equivalent of an Emmy. The
    show's innovative approach to public diplomacy gave Danish
    viewers, particularly young people, and all-access pass into
    the life of a U.S. Ambassador and the U.S. diplomatic presence
    in the country. In a country of just 5 million people, 200,000
    Danes tuned in each episode to watch as the Ambassador toured
    the country to speak at town halls, meet with migrant children,
    and visit Greenland to witness the effects of climate change.
    The series also showed the Ambassador advance core U.S.
    interests, such as lobbying the Danish defense minister to
    continue his country's steadfast support of the U.S. coalition
    in Iraq and NATO forces in Afghanistan. One Danish viewer said
    that ``It is the type of show you would watch with your mother-
    in-law, and she would say, oh, he is a lovely man, that Rufus
    Gifford.''
        When it came to a decision of where to exchange marital
    vows, Rufus and Steven picked Copenhagen Town Hall, the
    historic venue where the first legal same-sex civil union in
    the world was issued in 1989. If only Rufus as a teenager in
    the 1980s could know the acceptance and happiness he would find
    in 2015 as he married the love of his life surrounded by family
    and friends, ambassadors, and even Crown Prince Frederick and
    Crown Princess Mary of Denmark, and that President Biden would
    later place faith in him to serve in a highly public role as
    the chief of protocol. What a testament to the progress we have
    made.
        Rufus' effusive personality makes him the perfect choice
    for this new role. In Copenhagen, Rufus opened the ambassador's
    residence to thousands of visitors. As chief of protocol, he
    will once again play host to foreign dignitaries at the White
    House and Blair House. His hand will be the first outstretched
    to greet a prime minister, president, or monarch. The position
    to which Rufus is nominated is, therefore, a reflection of our
    country to the world, the first impression, and what a first
    impression it will be. To echo a Danish fan of his, ``He is a
    lovely man, that Rufus Gifford.'' Congratulations on your
    nomination, Rufus. I look forward to what I hope will be your
    swift confirmation.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Markey, for the
    introduction. As you know, our committee vets all nominees. A
    lot of times all we do is read a lot of articles. This is going
    to be much more enjoyable to see your video clips as we review
    your qualifications. At this point, I will introduce my
    colleague, Senator Van Hollen, for an introduction.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank
    you and Senator Hagerty, Senator Shaheen, members of the
    committee. I am grateful for the opportunity to introduce to
    the committee the President's nominee to serve as the next
    permanent representative to the United Nations for management
    and reform, Mr. Christopher Lu. Chris possesses the leadership,
    the experience, and the dedication and character required for
    this role, and I am confident that he will serve our country
    well if confirmed.
        While Chris is now a resident of Virginia, he grew up in
    Senator Cardin's and my State of Maryland. He comes from
    Rockville, Maryland where his parents settled after arriving in
    this country from Taiwan. Chris cut his teeth early on the
    Thomas S. Wootton High School debating team and then went on to
    pursue his bachelor's degree at Princeton University. It was
    during that time there that our paths first crossed in the
    summer of 1986, 35 years ago. Chris was an intern in the office
    of Maryland senator, Mac Mathias, where I at the time was
    working as the legislative assistant for defense and arms
    control. Even back then, Chris stood out for his intellect and
    passion for service. We got to work together on a range of
    issues and became friends. From this internship in Senator
    Mathias' office, he went to Harvard Law School before launching
    his career in public service, a career that would span 2
    decades in all three branches of government.
        He first worked as a clerk for Judge Robert Cowan of the
    U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit and gained
    experience here on Capitol Hill as the deputy chief counsel of
    the House Oversight and Reform Committee. He later became a key
    aide to then Senator Barack Obama, a role that would take him
    from the Capitol to the White House. From 2009 to 2013, he
    served in the executive branch as the White House Cabinet
    secretary and as assistant to the President, and during the
    first term of the Obama administration, Mr. Lu co-chaired the
    White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific
    Islanders. In 2014, Chris was unanimously confirmed by the
    United States Senate to be deputy secretary of the U.S.
    Department of Labor, a position of key responsibilities,
    overseeing an agency with 1,700--excuse me--17,000 employees
    and a $112 billion budget. He performed his duties with
    distinction and professionalism. He is currently the Teresa A.
    Sullivan practitioner senior fellow at the University of
    Virginia Miller Center.
        Members of the committee, I have long appreciated and
    admired Chris' 20-year career in public service and I am
    thankful as a citizen for his enduring commitment to serving
    our country. But despite his very distinguished public service
    career, Chris never forgot where he started out, as an intern
    here on Capitol Hill. He always credited that first internship
    with Senator Mathias for giving him his start in public
    service, and he also placed special emphasis on the fact that
    Senator Mathias' office paid its interns even at that time.
    Without that stipend, without that support, Chris could not
    have afforded to take that summer internship, which led him on
    his way. A few years later, Senator Schatz, Senator Murphy,
    members of this committee, and others sponsored and we passed
    legislation to enable all congressional interns to be paid, and
    one of the people I was thinking about at that time was Chris
    Lu. And when he heard about our efforts, he reached out and we
    did a video supporting that legislation, which passed.
        Chris' commitment to public service and his desire to open
    the doors of opportunity to others and future generations are
    what make him such an exceptional leader. And, members of the
    committee, he is exactly the kind of person we want
    representing our country in the United Nations. I am pleased to
    strongly support his nomination, and I urge the committee to do
    so as well.
        Mr. Chairman if I could ask unanimous consent to also enter
    into the record two letters of support for Chris Lu. One is
    from over a dozen Asian-American and Pacific-Islander advocacy
    groups. The other is from former high-ranking officials in
    Republican administrations who worked with Chris at the
    University of Virginia. Thank you, members of the committee,
    and I urge you to support this fine nomination.
        Senator Cardin. Senator Van Hollen, thank you very much for
    that introduction. I am sure that my interns who are watching
    this hearing appreciate the history of why they are receiving
    some compensation. And let me just also put it--my observations
    of Senator Mathias. He was an inspiration not only to you and
    to our nominee, but to many of us in public service in
    Maryland, an outstanding United States senator.
        With that, let me welcome all four of our nominees again,
    and thank you very much for your willingness to serve during
    this extremely challenging period in America's history. We
    recognize it is not easy and it is a family commitment, so we
    thank you and your families for your willingness to serve our
    Nation. Each of the positions that you have been nominated for
    are critically important to United States. The chief of
    protocol is responsible for advising the President, the Vice
    President, the Secretary of State, and other high-ranking
    officials on matters of national and international protocol,
    creating an environment for successful diplomacy. We have
    significant challenges today to succeed in diplomacy. The
    Office of Assistant Secretary of State for Education and
    Cultural Affairs promotes personal, professional, and
    institutional ties between private citizens and organizations
    of in the United States and abroad, and presents U.S. history,
    society, art, and culture to foreign audiences, international
    exchange programs, such as the Fulbright, the Humphrey,
    International Visitor Leadership, and Exchange Visitor Program,
    provides opportunities for individuals from foreign countries
    to live, study, and work in the United States, and provides
    similar opportunities for U.S. citizens abroad.
        The deputy administrator of United States Agency for
    International Development is one of the key leaders in our
    USAID family, specifically responsible to oversee policy and
    programming, including relief response and resilience, the
    Bureau of Development, Democracy, and Innovation, the Bureau
    for Global Health, which our committee is going to be taking up
    legislation later this week, and regional bureaus, among
    others, that are the responsibility of the deputy
    administrator. And the representative of the United States at
    the United Nations for management and reform is a critically-
    important position. It is one of the five positions with the
    rank of Ambassador at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in
    New York. The Ambassador directs the Missions Management and
    Reform Section, which was established to ensure that a senior
    official at the United States U.N. focuses on issues of
    management and reform within U.N. system.
        So, we have key positions and we have qualified nominees,
    and we thank you again for your willingness to serve. And with
    that, let me turn it over to the ranking member, Senator
    Hagerty.

                    STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

        Senator Hagerty. Senator Cardin, thank you very much, and I
    want to thank all the nominees for appearing before this
    committee today. I want to thank you for your service and for
    your willingness to step up and serve our great Nation.
        First, I would like to start with the nomination of the
    chief of protocol. This position has the unique responsibility
    of advancing American foreign policy goals by creating an
    environment conducive for American diplomacy. As the former
    U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I recognize that protocol can be
    incredibly challenging with its own set of complex and
    intricate issues. It is an essential component of a successful
    foreign policy, and I look forward to hearing the nominee's
    views on how he will perform the role of chief of protocol.
    Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be the
    assistant secretary of state for educational and cultural
    affairs. As authoritarian states, such as China and Russia,
    look to systematically curb freedom and democracy throughout
    the world, it is imperative that the United States continue to
    bolster its people-to-people diplomacy. We should look for
    opportunities to spread the values and ideals of the United
    States by facilitating various academic, cultural, sports, and
    professional exchange programs. I am very interested to hear
    how the nominee intends to advance U.S. foreign policy
    objectives through educational and cultural programs.
        I would like to turn to the nomination to be deputy
    administrator for policy and programming at USAID. We know that
    thoughtfully-targeted and -designed foreign assistance can help
    advance the national security, the economic security, and the
    humanitarian interests of the United States. This means that
    ensuring resources that are properly aligned with the broader
    strategic objectives the United States will be implemented
    properly. I look forward to hearing from the nominee on this
    matter. And now, I would like to turn to the nominee to be
    representative to the United Nations for U.N. Management and
    Reform. This is a position that requires keen judgment and an
    even temperament. As authoritarian states look for ways to
    increase their influence in the United Nations, the United
    States will need to exercise its leverage, including its
    administrative and budgetary leverage, to protect the integrity
    of the United Nations. At the same time, the United States
    should look for support from our allies and its partners to
    shoulder the financial burden of maintaining and funding the
    United Nations. As these discussions and negotiations over the
    administrative and budgetary aspects of the U.N. continue, it
    will be critical for the representative of the United States to
    maintain a strong position to ensure that the United Nations is
    properly and efficiently managed.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Senator Hagerty. We
    will now proceed to our nominees. Your entire statement will be
    made part of our record.
        And without objection, the two letters of support mentioned
    by Senator Van Hollen will also be made part of our record.

        [The information referred to is located at the end of this
    hearing transcdript]

        Senator Cardin. At this time, let me recognize Ambassador
    Gifford, who was previously introduced by Senator Markey.

    STATEMENT OF HON. RUFUS GIFFORD OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO
    BE CHIEF OF PROTOCOL AND TO HAVE THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING
                         HIS TENURE OF SERVICE

        Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of
    the committee, for the opportunity appear before you today, and
    thank you, Senator Markey, for the very kind introduction.
        Eight years ago, almost to the day, I sat grateful and
    humbled before this distinguished committee as President
    Obama's nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark.
    Today, I sit before you doubly humbled and grateful to be
    nominated by President Biden to once again serve the country I
    love. If confirmed as President Biden's nominee for chief of
    protocol for the United States, I am eager to showcase the best
    of America and all of America, while reaching out to our
    friends, allies, and partners throughout the world. I also wish
    to extend gratitude to Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working with the Secretary and the
    over 50,000 State Department employees made up of civil and
    Foreign Service professionals, locally-engaged staff, eligible
    family members, and contractors to continue bringing America
    back to the table.
        I am joined here today by my veterinarian husband, Dr.
    Stephen DeVincent, who was a fellow at the State Department
    when we first met and who is joining me for the second time on
    this great journey. And I am joined by my mom and dad, Ann and
    Chad Gifford. I want to thank all three of them for supporting
    me today.
        Today, in these unprecedented times, traditional diplomacy,
    like so much else in our great country, has been challenged by
    COVID-19. However, the United States has remained strong and
    resilient through the pandemic and has proven that we can work
    in new and creative ways. In Denmark, I led our amazing team of
    Americans and locally-engaged staff to strengthen our bilateral
    relationship and modernize diplomacy while fully embracing the
    fact that diplomacy starts and ends with human relationships,
    face-to-face interactions, shaking hands, and breaking through
    our differences. These are the fundamental ways to carry out
    the art of protocol, but I also believe that we now have the
    ability to leverage new tools and technology to build and
    strengthen our relationships at home and abroad.
        We also have a responsibility to model and represent
    America's diversity by being more inclusive and equitable at
    every opportunity. This can begin from the moment protocol
    engages with each and every visiting delegation. If confirmed,
    I pledge to support the administration's foreign policy goals
    and reach new audiences using both traditional and modern
    diplomatic methods of engagement. To do that, I believe I must
    fully invest in the people who have been at the core of the
    Office of Protocol for years, across administrations,
    empowering them and building a true team, one with clarity of
    mission to work together and advance American foreign policy
    interests.
        Today, the Office of the Chief of Protocol has seven
    divisions which focus on elements specific to protocol
    diplomacy. The Blair House, the presidential guest house, has
    hosted official delegations since it was sold to the U.S.
    Government in the mid-1900s. The Blair House operates similar
    to a boutique hotel and can serve as a representational venue
    or provide contingent lodging. The Ceremonials Division
    executes events for both the White House and the Secretary of
    State involving the Diplomatic Corps and visiting high-level
    officials, as well as presidential inaugurations, state
    funerals, and other ceremonies. Ceremonials officers advise on
    flag etiquette, forms of address, and event logistics.
    Diplomatic Affairs is responsible for maintaining the
    Diplomatic Corps order of precedence and the publication of the
    Foreign Diplomatic List. It coordinates the accreditation of
    bilateral chiefs of mission, heads of delegation, charge
    d'affaires, and deputy chiefs of mission and their dependents.
    It directs the process for new bilateral chiefs of mission and
    heads of delegation, including arrivals and presentations of
    credentials to the President at the White House.
        Diplomatic Partnership, a revived division, is responsible
    for outreach to the Diplomatic Corps domestically and will
    engage audiences, both through social media and other forum. It
    has several programs, including Experience America, State of
    the administration, issues roundtables, and the American
    Heritage Series. Major Events is responsible for planning and
    executing multilateral summits, major conferences, and other
    large-scale events. Most recently, Major Events Division
    carried out the largest virtual summit, virtual official event,
    with the April 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate, reaching out to
    40 world leaders. The Visits Division assistant accompanies
    presidential delegations abroad. It works closely with other
    Federal agencies and takes a role in the logistical planning of
    bilateral meetings with the President, First Lady, Vice
    President, and Secretary of State, as well as officials and
    state visits and large-scale international meetings and
    summits. Finally, the Management Division keeps all the other
    divisions running, making sure they have all the needed
    resources. If confirmed as the chief of protocol, I pledge to
    lead the team of experienced protocol staff to showcase the
    very best America has to offer.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again
    for the--for the opportunity to appear before you today and for
    your consideration of my nomination. If confirmed, I look
    forward to serving the United States and working with Congress
    to help advance our foreign policy. I look forward to your
    questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Gifford follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Hon. Rufus Gifford

        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for the
    opportunity to appear before you.
        Eight years ago almost to the day, I sat grateful and humbled
    before this distinguished committee as President Obama's nominee to be
    Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark. Today, I sit before you, doubly
    humbled and grateful to be nominated by President Biden to once again
    serve the country I love. If confirmed as President Biden's nominee for
    the Chief of Protocol for the United States, I am eager to showcase the
    best of America--and all of America--while reaching out to our friends,
    allies, and partners throughout the world.
        I also wish to extend gratitude to Secretary of State Antony
    Blinken. If confirmed, I look forward to working together with the
    Secretary and the over 50,000 State Department employees made up of
    civil and foreign service professionals, locally engaged staff,
    eligible family members and contractors to continue bringing America
    back to the table.
        I am joined here today by my veterinarian husband Dr. Stephen
    DeVincent, who was a fellow at the State Department when we first met
    and who is joining me for the second time on this great journey. I am
    also joined (virtually?) by my Mom and Dad and several close friends. I
    want to thank them for supporting me today.
        Today, in these unprecedented times, traditional diplomacy--like so
    much else in our great country--has been challenged by COVID-19.
    However, the United States has remained strong and resilient through
    the pandemic and has proven that we can work in new and creative ways.
    In Denmark, I led our amazing team of Americans and locally engaged
    staff to strengthen our bilateral relationship and modernize diplomacy
    while fully embracing the fact that diplomacy starts and ends with
    human relationships, face to face interactions, shaking hands and
    breaking through our differences. These are the fundamental ways to
    carry out the art of protocol, but I also believe that we now have the
    ability to leverage new tools and technology to build and strengthen
    our relationships at home and abroad.
        We also have a responsibility to model and represent America's
    diversity by being more inclusive and equitable at every opportunity.
    This can begin from the moment protocol engages with each and every
    visiting delegation.
        If confirmed, I pledge to support the administration's foreign
    policy goals and reach new audiences, using both traditional and modern
    diplomatic methods of engagement. To do that, I believe I must fully
    invest in the people who have been at the core of the Office of
    Protocol for years, across administrations, empowering them and
    building a true team--one with clarity of mission to work together to
    advance American foreign policy interests.
        Today, the Office of the Chief of Protocol has seven divisions
    which focus on specific elements of protocol diplomacy.
        The Blair House, the Presidential guest house, has hosted official
    delegations since it was sold to the U.S. Government in the mid 1900s.
    The Blair House operates similar to a boutique hotel and can serve as a
    representational venue or provide contingent lodging.
        The Ceremonials division executes events for both the White House
    and the Secretary of State involving the diplomatic corps and visiting
    high level officials, as well as Presidential inaugurations, state
    funerals, and other ceremonies.
        Ceremonials Officers advise on flag etiquette, forms of address,
    and event logistics.
        Diplomatic Affairs is responsible for maintaining the Diplomatic
    Corps Order of Precedence and the publication of the foreign Diplomatic
    List. It coordinates the accreditation of bilateral Chiefs of Mission,
    Heads of Delegation, Charges d'affaires and Deputy Chiefs of Mission
    and their dependents. It directs the agrement process for new bilateral
    Chiefs of Mission and Heads of Delegation, including arrivals and
    presentations of credentials to the President at the White House.
        Diplomatic Partnership, a revived division, is responsible for
    outreach to the diplomatic corps domestically and will engage audiences
    both through social media and through other forums. It has several
    programs, including Experience America, State of the administration,
    Issue Roundtables, and American Heritage Series.
        Major Events is responsible for planning and executing multi-
    lateral summits, major conferences, and other large-scale events. Most
    recently, the Major Events division carried out the largest virtual
    official event through the April 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate,
    reaching out to 40 world leaders.
        The Visits division assists and accompanies Presidential
    delegations abroad. It works closely with other federal agencies and
    takes a lead role in the logistical planning of bilateral meetings with
    the President, First Lady, Vice President, and Secretary of State, as
    well as Official and State visits and large-scale international
    meetings and summits.
        Finally, the Management division keeps all the other divisions
    running, making sure that they have all needed resources.
        If confirmed as the Chief of Protocol, I pledge to lead the team of
    experienced protocol staff to showcase the very best America has to
    offer.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the
    opportunity to appear before you today and for your consideration of my
    nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to serving the United States
    and working with Congress to help advance our foreign policy.
        I look forward to your questions.

        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Ambassador Gifford. We will now
    hear from Ms. Satterfield, who was previously introduced by
    Senator Graham.

    STATEMENT OF LEE SATTERFIELD OF SOUTH CAROLINA, NOMINATED TO BE
    ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL AFFAIRS)

        Ms. Satterfield. Sorry. I would like to thank Senator
    Graham for his introduction. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member
    Hagerty, and members of the committee, thank you for giving me
    the opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's
    s nominee to be assistant secretary of the Bureau of
    Educational and Cultural Affairs. I am honored to be considered
    by the Senate for this important position and grateful to
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence that
    they have placed in me. I would like to thank my family--my
    husband, Patrick, our sons, Jack and Connor--and all of my
    supportive extended family, friends, and colleagues.
        I have worked in various capacities in the consequential
    field of international engagement for over a decade and
    dedicated the majority of my almost 30-year career to public
    service. If confirmed it would be the honor of a lifetime to
    lead a bureau whose mission is to increase mutual understanding
    between the people of the United States and people around the
    world through educational, professional, and cultural
    exchanges. My experience has prepared me to carry on the proud
    tradition of excellence at the Bureau. As president of Meridian
    International Center, I led efforts to connect leaders through
    cultural exchange and collaboration, driving solutions to
    shared global challenges and fostering international
    cooperation for the past 6 years.
        I am a passionate champion for using U.S. policy priorities
    through people-to-people exchanges. Having previously served in
    ECA as deputy assistant secretary and acting assistant
    secretary, I know these programs of engagement are an integral
    part of our diplomacy, which President Biden has placed at the
    center of U.S. foreign policy. And I hold the many dedicated
    professionals who make these programs successful in the highest
    regard. Public diplomacy is a strategy, and like foreign policy
    professionals, public diplomacy practitioners must survey the
    global terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive
    advantages in meeting threats and challenges.
        Those advantages are numerous. The United States has the
    highest-quality, most open and diverse system of higher
    education in the world. We are and must remain the destination
    of choice for the best and brightest students. We can welcome
    international students and protect our national interests. The
    United States economy is infused with an entrepreneurial spirit
    that attracts, inspires, and innovates. American culture is the
    most pervasive and influential culture in the world. English is
    the language of the world, opening doors and minds. American
    values are the foundation of a world that rejects violence and
    extremism, and that embraces liberty, individual dignity, and
    democracy. ECA exchanges are purposefully designed to leverage
    all of those inherent strengths of our country. Exchanges have
    an unparalleled ability to convey and share the American
    experience, ultimately making our country more secure and
    globally competitive.
        As set forth in the Interim National Security Strategic
    Guidance, we are engaged in a global competition for influence
    and power with authoritarian states, such as Russia and China.
    To meet this current challenge, our most powerful assets remain
    those that have guided and strengthened our Nation since the
    beginning: our democratic principles. If confirmed, I will
    thoughtfully evaluate conditions for scaling up in-person
    exchanges, prioritizing health, safety, and welfare, and build
    on lessons learned from ECA's successful virtual programs. I
    will ensure ECA programs represent, promote, and support
    equity, diversity, and inclusion, while also advancing those
    principles within the workforce. I will demonstrate responsible
    stewardship of taxpayer dollars by measuring and evaluating
    program performance through a data-driven approach.
        As Secretary Blinken stated, among the best investments we
    make are in our exchange programs. I will continue ECA
    activities that benefit the American people and the U.S.
    economy, contributing directly to local economies and fostering
    business and educational opportunities, and I will promote
    those opportunities to U.S. citizens. I will build on ECA's
    robust global alumni network. Successful exchange programs are
    not one-and-done events, but rather an initial investment in
    foreign audiences and a community of potential foreign policy
    allies. One in three current world leaders are part of the over
    1.5 million alumni of ECA exchanges. If confirmed, I will aim
    to strengthen people-to-people ties and advance our country's
    foreign policy goals under the leadership of Secretary Blinken
    and in consultation with Congress.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Satterfield follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Lee Satterfield

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you
    today as President Biden's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of the
    Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. I am honored to be
    considered by the Senate for this important position, and grateful to
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have
    placed in me.
        I would like to thank my family: my husband, Patrick, our sons Jack
    and Conor, and all of my supportive extended family, friends, and
    colleagues.
        I have worked in various capacities in the consequential field of
    international engagement for over a decade and dedicated the majority
    of my almost 30-year career to public service.
        If confirmed, it would be the honor of a lifetime to lead a Bureau
    whose mission is to increase mutual understanding between the people of
    the United States and people around the world through educational,
    professional, and cultural exchanges.
        My experience has prepared me to carry on the proud tradition of
    excellence at the Bureau. As President of Meridian International
    Center, I have led efforts to connect leaders through cultural exchange
    and collaboration, driving solutions to shared global challenges and
    fostering international cooperation for the past six years.
        I am a passionate champion of advancing U.S. policy priorities
    through people-to-people exchanges. Having previously served in ECA as
    Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting Assistant Secretary, I know these
    programs of engagement are an integral part of our diplomacy which
    President Biden has placed at the center of U.S. foreign policy, and I
    hold the many dedicated professionals who make these programs
    successful in the highest regard.
        Public diplomacy is a strategy, and like foreign policy
    professionals, public diplomacy practitioners must survey the global
    terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive advantages in
    meeting threats and challenges. Those advantages are numerous.

       The United States has the highest-quality, most open and diverse
            system of higher education in the world. We are, and must
            remain, the destination of choice for the best and brightest
            students. We can both welcome legitimate international students
            and protect our national interests from malign influence.

       The United States economy is infused with an entrepreneurial spirit
            that attracts, inspires, and innovates.

       American culture is the most pervasive and influential popular
            culture in the world.

       English is the language of the world, opening doors and minds.

       American values are the foundation of a world that rejects violence
            and extremism and that embraces liberty, individual dignity,
            and democracy.

        ECA exchanges are purposefully designed to leverage all those
    inherent strengths of our country. Exchanges have an unparalleled
    ability to convey and share the American experience, ultimately making
    our country more secure and globally competitive.
        As set forth in the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance,
    we are engaged in a global competition for influence and power with
    authoritarian states such as Russia and China. To meet this current
    challenge, our most powerful assets remain those that have guided and
    strengthened our nation since the beginning - our democratic
    principles.
        If confirmed, I will:

       First, thoughtfully evaluate conditions for scaling up in-person
            exchanges prioritizing health, safety, and welfare and continue
            building on lessons learned from ECA's successful pivot to
            virtual and hybrid programs during the pandemic.

       I will ensure ECA programs represent promote and support equity,
            diversity, and inclusion while also advancing those principles
            within the workforce.

       I will demonstrate responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars by
            measuring and evaluating program performance through a data-
            driven approach. As Secretary Blinken stated, ``Among the best
            investments we make are in our exchange programs.''

       I will continue ECA activities that benefit the American people and
            U.S. economy, contributing directly to local economies and
            fostering business and educational opportunities, and I will
            promote those opportunities to US citizens.

       I will build on ECA's robust global alumni network and continue
            upgrading alumni engagement platforms. Successful exchange
            programs are not one and done events, but rather an initial
            investment in foreign audiences and a community of potential
            foreign policy allies. One in three current world leaders are
            part of the over 1.5 million alumni of ECA exchanges.

        If confirmed, I will aim to strengthen people-to-people ties and
    advance our country's foreign policy goals under the leadership of
    Secretary Blinken and in consultation with Congress. Thank you, and I
    look forward to answering your questions.

        Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony. We
    will now hear from the nominee--President Biden's nominee for
    deputy administrator for policy and programming at USAID,
    Ambassador Isobel Coleman, who is a foreign policy and global
    development expert with more than 25 years of experience
    working in government, the private sector, and nonprofits. Most
    recently, she served on the Biden transition team, leading the
    review of the U.S. mission in the United Nations--to the United
    Nations. From 2014 to 2017, she was the U.S. Ambassador to the
    United Nations for management, reform, and special political
    affairs. During this time, she represented the United States in
    the U.N. General Assembly on budgetary matters and the U.N.
    Security Council on Africa and peacekeeping issues. From 2018
    to 2020, she was the chief operating officer of GiveDirectly,
    an international nonprofit group that deals with poverty by
    providing unconditional cash transfers to the extreme poor.
        It is a pleasure to have Ambassador Coleman before us.

    STATEMENT OF HON. ISOBEL COLEMAN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE A
         DEPUTY ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
           INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (POLICY AND PROGRAMMING)

        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Chairman Cardin, and
    Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members of the
    committee. I am honored to appear before you as President
    Biden's nominee to be deputy administrator for policy and
    programming at USAID. I am grateful to President Biden and
    Administrator Power for their trust in me at this important
    moment. I would also like to thank the SFRC staff who have so
    strongly supported the mission of USAID and have been stalwart
    partners to the Agency.
        I would not be appearing before you today without the love
    and support of my family, who have encouraged me every step. My
    wonderful husband, Struan, who is here with us today, and my
    terrific children, Cullen, Struan, Julian, Josie, and Adrian;
    my siblings, Carolyn, Richard, and Douglas; and my loving
    parents, Michael and Edie; and mother-in-law, Jenny. I thank
    you all.
        Over the past 20 years, my work as a writer, diplomat, and
    NGO leader has taken me to trouble spots around the world from
    Afghanistan and Yemen to South Sudan and Eastern Congo. I have
    had the privilege of visiting more than a dozen USAID missions,
    and I have seen up close the incredible work of USAID staff and
    partners, from programs training young women to provide
    lifesaving maternal care in rural Afghan villages, to democracy
    programs helping young people understand their newfound
    political rights in Tunisia. These and other American
    investments not only improve the lives of millions, but also
    advance our own interests. We at home are more secure and more
    prosperous when democracy and economic opportunities expand for
    others around the world.
        Today, the work of USAID is more important than ever.
    COVID-19 continues to ravage the world's most vulnerable
    populations. The pandemic's secondary effects, including loss
    of incomes, food insecurity, and widespread school closings,
    are exacting a steep toll in many communities. Untethered
    corruption is destabilizing countries around the world, and
    conflict is now driving more than 80 percent of humanitarian
    needs. My career has helped prepare me to lead the Agency to
    confront the challenges facing our global development efforts
    at this time.
        I have written extensively about economic reform and
    democratization, and I am probably best known for my decades-
    long work to underscore the advantages of investing in women
    and girls globally. My years in the private sector have helped
    me to hone my management skills. My time as a diplomat at the
    U.N. exposed me to the benefits and challenges of
    multilateralism and instilled in me the imperative of
    leveraging our resources to marshal those of other countries.
    And as an NGO working across Africa, I gained firsthand
    appreciation for the acute challenges facing USAID partners in
    delivering assistance to those devastated by conflict and
    humanitarian disasters. If confirmed, I will bring these
    experiences to bear at USAID to ensure that our programming
    continues to be more innovative and effective, that it is
    aligned to administration and congressional priorities, and to
    mobilize other governments, international organizations, and
    the private sector to be force multipliers of our work.
        I will also lead on ensuring a culture of diversity,
    equity, and inclusion across the Agency. Meeting today's
    demands, from helping partner countries adapt to climate
    change, to countering democratic backsliding, depends on
    finding innovative ways to do more with less. To that end, I
    will strive to ensure that the Agency is breaking down
    programmatic silos to realize the multiplier effect of our work
    across bureaus and sectors.
        I am clear-eyed about the competitive challenges posed by
    China, Russia, and other authoritarian regimes, and I will make
    sure that USAID is deploying the best of America, including
    technical expertise, financing, corporate partnerships, and
    innovation alongside our generous grants, to provide an
    alternative to predatory development models that breed and
    exacerbate corruption. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you
    and your colleagues to ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are
    being deployed effectively to advance American foreign policy
    interests while doing the most good for the most people. I will
    bring to my role the same commitment to transparency,
    bipartisanship, and collaboration with this committee that I
    brought to my prior role in government.
        I thank you again for this opportunity to appear before
    you, and I look forward to answering your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Coleman follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of Isobel Coleman

        Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members
    of the committee: I am honored to appear before you as President
    Biden's nominee to be Deputy Administrator for Policy and Programming
    at USAID. I am grateful for President Biden and Administrator Power's
    trust in me at this important moment. I would also like to thank the
    SFRC staff who have so strongly supported the mission of USAID and have
    been stalwart partners to the Agency.
        I would not be appearing before you today without the love and
    support of my family who have encouraged me at every step: my wonderful
    husband Struan; my terrific children Cullen, Struan, Julian, Josie, and
    Adrienne; my siblings, my loving parents Michael and Edie, and my
    mother-in-law Ginnie. I thank you all.
        Over the past 20 years, my work as a writer, diplomat, and NGO
    leader has taken me to troubled spots around the world--from
    Afghanistan and Yemen, to South Sudan and Eastern Congo. I have had the
    privilege of visiting more than a dozen USAID missions and I have seen
    up-close the incredible work of USAID staff and partners--from programs
    training young women to provide life-saving maternal care in rural
    Afghan villages; to democracy programs helping young people understand
    their new-found political rights in Tunisia. These and other American
    investments not only improve the lives of millions but also advance our
    own interests. We at home are more secure and prosperous when democracy
    and economic opportunities expand for others around the world.
        Today, the work of USAID is more important than ever. Covid-19
    continues to ravage the world's most vulnerable populations. The
    pandemic's secondary effects, including loss of incomes, food
    insecurity, and widespread school closings, are exacting a steep toll
    in many communities. Untethered corruption is destabilizing countries
    around the world, and conflict is now driving more than 80 percent of
    humanitarian needs.
        My career has helped prepare me to lead the Agency to confront the
    challenges facing our global development efforts at this time. I have
    written extensively about economic reform and democratization, and I'm
    probably best known for my decades-long work to underscore the
    advantages of investing in women and girls globally. My years in the
    private sector have helped me to hone my management skills. My time as
    a diplomat at the U.N. exposed me to the benefits and challenges of
    multilateralism and instilled in me the imperative of leveraging our
    resources to marshal those of other countries. And, as an NGO leader
    working across Africa, I gained first- hand appreciation for the acute
    challenges facing USAID partners in delivering assistance to those
    devastated by conflict and humanitarian disasters.
        If confirmed, I will bring these experiences to bear at USAID to
    ensure that our programming continues to be more innovative and
    effective, that it is aligned to administration and congressional
    priorities, and to mobilize other governments, international
    organizations, and the private sector to be force multipliers of our
    work. I will also lead on ensuring a culture of diversity, equity, and
    inclusion across the Agency.
        Meeting today's demands--from helping partner countries adapt to
    climate change, to countering democratic backsliding--depends on
    finding innovative ways to do more with less. To that end, I will
    strive to ensure that the Agency is breaking down programmatic silos to
    realize the multiplier effect of our work across bureaus and sectors. I
    am clear-eyed about the competitive challenges posed by China, Russia,
    and other authoritarian regimes, and will make sure that USAID is
    deploying the best of America--including technical expertise,
    financing, corporate partnerships and innovation alongside our generous
    grants--to provide an alternative to predatory development models that
    breed and exacerbate corruption.
        If confirmed, I pledge to work with you and your colleagues to
    ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are being deployed effectively to
    advance American foreign policy interests while doing the most good for
    the most people. I will bring to my role the same commitment to
    transparency, bipartisanship, and collaboration with this committee
    that I brought to my prior role in government.
        I thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you and I
    look forward to answering your questions.

        Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments. We
    will now turn to the Honorable Christopher Lu, who was
    previously introduced by Senator Van Hollen.

     STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER LU OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
     REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED
       NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM, WITH THE RANK OF
      AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE THE ALTERNATIVE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE
        UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL
    ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS
     REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED
                 NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM

        Mr. Lu. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
    members of the committee, it is an honor to appear today. I
    would like to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and
    Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. I am
    grateful to Senator Van Hollen for his kind words and his
    tireless efforts to create opportunities for future public
    servants. And, most importantly, I would like to thank my wife,
    Katie Thompson, who is here today, for her steadfast support.
        I am the proud son of immigrants who came to this country
    more than 60 years to start a new life. Government service is
    literally in my blood. My father, who was a civilian employee
    at the Department of Defense, believed that working for the
    Federal Government was the best way to repay the country that
    had been so good to him. I have tried to follow my father's
    example during my 20 years of Federal service where I have
    focused on improving how government addresses the needs of the
    American people.
        As deputy chief counsel of the House Oversight Committee, I
    conducted investigations to improve the effectiveness of
    Federal programs. During my time as legislative director for
    then Senator Obama, we worked with former senator, Tom Coburn,
    to pass legislation to improve the transparency of Federal
    spending and reduce no-bid contracts. As White House Cabinet
    secretary, I coordinated dozens of Federal agencies to ensure
    the effective delivery of services during the Great Recession.
    And at the Department of Labor, I was the chief operating
    officer of a $12 billion agency with 17,000 employees, and I
    oversaw the budget, personnel, procurement, and IT functions.
    If confirmed, I look forward to applying my experience to this
    critical position, representing the United States at the U.N.
        Since its founding, the United Nations has been an
    indispensable force for advancing peace and security and
    improving the lives of the world's most vulnerable people. The
    events of the past year have highlighted how interconnected our
    world is and how complex problems often can only be addressed
    in collaboration with other countries. A well-managed U.N. is
    in the best interest of the United States. It is also a smart
    investment for the American people who are the largest funders
    of the U.N. budget.
        Despite its many successes, the U.N. has struggled at times
    to live up to its founding ideals. In order to address the
    complex issues of the 21st century, the U.N. needs to operate
    more like a 21st century organization. If confirmed, I will
    push for greater transparency and accountability in how the
    U.N. spends its funds, makes its decisions, and operates its
    programs. Waste, fraud, and abuse should be rooted out and
    eliminated, anti-Israel bias must be rejected wherever it
    exists, sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers and
    staff must end, and constant vigilance is needed towards
    countries, like China and Russia, that seek to undermine the
    U.N. and the rules-based international order.
        I am well aware of the challenges of driving change in an
    organization where the United States is just one of 193
    members. However, as Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield told this
    committee in January, we must have the courage to insist on
    reforms that make the U.N. efficient and effective and the
    persistence to see the reforms through. Since its founding, the
    U.N. has endured and prospered because of American leadership.
    If confirmed, I look forward to utilizing my 2 decades of
    Federal management experience to ensure that the United Nations
    moves closer to reaching its full potential.
        Thank you for considering me for this position. I look
    forward to answering your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Lu follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Christopher P. Lu

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is an honor to appear today as the nominee to be the
    Permanent Representative to the United Nations for Management and
    Reform.
        I would like to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and
    Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. Most
    importantly, I would like to thank my family, especially my remarkable
    wife Katie Thomson, for their steadfast support.
        I am the proud son of immigrants who came to this country more than
    60 years ago to start a new life. Government service is literally in my
    blood. My father was a civilian employee at the Department of Defense
    because he believed that working for the federal government was the
    best way to repay the country that had been so good to him.
        I have tried to follow my father's example during my 20 years of
    federal service, where I have focused on improving how the government
    addresses the needs of the American people.
        As the Deputy Chief Counsel of the House Oversight and Reform
    Committee, I conducted investigations to improve the effectiveness of
    federal programs. During my tenure as the legislative director for
    then-Senator Obama, we worked with former Senator Tom Coburn to pass
    legislation to improve the transparency of federal spending and reduce
    no-bid contracts. As the White House Cabinet Secretary, I coordinated
    dozens of federal agencies to ensure the effective delivery of services
    during the Great Recession.
        At the Department of Labor, an agency with 17,000 employees and a
    $12 billion budget, I was the chief operating officer and oversaw the
    budget, personnel, procurement, and IT functions. We utilized an
    extensive performance management system, incorporated best practices
    from outside the federal government, and focused on employee morale. In
    the annual survey of federal employee engagement, the Labor Department
    rose from 17th place before I arrived to 6th place when I left.
        If confirmed for the role of Representative to the United Nations
    for Management and Reform, I look forward to applying my management
    experience to this critical position.
        Since its founding, the United Nations has been an indispensable
    force for advancing peace and security, improving the lives of the
    world's most vulnerable people, and confronting global problems like
    economic inequality, climate change and human rights. As Secretary
    Blinken said to the U.N. Security Council in May: ``No period in modern
    history has been more peaceful or prosperous than the one since the
    United Nations was created.''
        The events of the past year have highlighted how interconnected our
    world is and how complex problems often can only be addressed in
    collaboration with other countries. A well-managed United Nations is in
    the best interest of the United States. It is also a smart investment
    for the American people, who are the largest funders of the U.N.
    budget. Indeed, a 2018 GAO report found that it would cost the United
    States eight times as much money if we were to undertake unilaterally
    the U.N.'s peacekeeping missions.
        Despite its many successes, the U.N. has struggled at times to live
    up to its founding ideals. In order to address the complex issues of
    the 21st century, the U.N. needs to operate more like a 21st century
    organization. In recent years, Secretary-General Guterres has
    implemented important operational reforms. But more can and should be
    done, and U.S. leadership is critical to driving U.N. reform.
        If confirmed, I will push for greater transparency and
    accountability in how the U.N. spends its funds, makes its decisions,
    and operates its programs. The performance of programs should be
    evaluated using data. Waste, fraud and abuse should be rooted out and
    eliminated. Anti-Israel bias must be rejected wherever it exists.
        Instances of sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers and
    staff must end. And constant vigilance is needed of those nations, such
    as China and Russia, that seek to undermine the U.N. and the rules-
    based international order.
        I am fully cognizant of the challenges of driving change in an
    organization where the United States is just one of 193 members.
    However, as Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield told this committee in
    January: ``We must have the courage to insist on reforms that make the
    U.N. efficient and effective, and the persistence to see reforms
    through.''
        In the 75 years since its founding, the U.N. has endured, expanded
    its mission, and transformed itself because of American leadership. If
    confirmed, I look forward to utilizing my two decades of federal
    management experience to ensure that the United Nations moves closer to
    reaching its full potential.
        Thank you for considering me for this position, and I look forward
    to answering your questions.

        Senator Cardin. And thank you for your testimony. The
    committee has four standard questions that we ask all nominees.
    I will go down the line, ask if you could answer ``yes'' or
    ``no'' to these questions for the record.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
        Ms. Satterfield. Yes, I do.
        Mr. Lu. Yes.
        Senator Cardin. You cannot nod. You have to respond.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Yes, I do.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. Do you commit to keep this
    committee fully and currently informed about the activities
    under your purview?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
        Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Yes, I do.
        Mr. Lu. Yes.
        Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation while policies are being developed, not just
    providing notification after the fact?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
        Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Yes.
        Mr. Lu. Yes.
        Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to
    requests for briefings and information requested by the
    committee and its designated staff?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Yes.
        Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Yes.
        Mr. Lu. Yes.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Shaheen?
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
    congratulations to each of you on your nominations. I look
    forward to working with you, and I am sure the rest of the
    committee feels the same way. Ambassador Coleman, I would like
    to begin with you because one of the things you said in your
    opening statement, and you talked a little bit about this in
    your written testimony, is that you are going to strive to
    ensure the Agency is breaking down siloes to realize the
    multiplier effect of work across bureaus and sectors. And in
    your opening statement, you talked about the importance of
    investing in women and girls, which I am a big proponent of.
    Can you talk a little bit about how you could fully integrate
    women and girls across all aspects of USAID?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for that
    question on a topic near and dear to my heart. Investing in
    women and girls cannot be a side show, an afterthought. It
    really has to be the main event. There is so much compelling
    evidence today that shows that investing in women and girls
    creates positive cycles for countries, that it improves not
    only their own lives, the lives of their families, of their
    communities, but it leads to more prosperous countries and the
    world as a whole. So, when we look at efforts on food security,
    humanitarian assistance, global health, whatever it is that
    USAID is doing--climate change and resilience--women and girls
    have to be front and center. They are often the most vulnerable
    in their communities and ones we need to make sure that they
    are receiving attention. And we know that when efforts and
    programming is targeted to women and girls, the spillover
    effects for the whole family are tremendous.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I assume we can feel--
    rest assured that you will commit to making that a priority, if
    confirmed.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Absolutely, it will be one of our
    priorities. Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Ms. Satterfield, I totally
    agree with your comment about cultural exchanges being an
    initial investment in our foreign allies, and it is the best
    way for people around the world to learn about the United
    States and for Americans to learn about others around the
    world. But one of the challenges that we have had in New
    Hampshire is with the J-1 Visa Program. I think it is a
    terrific program, and we have a lot of employers who not only
    appreciate the ability to learn from the foreign visitors, but
    who also are able to give them jobs, and that has been an
    important aspect of our seasonal economy in New Hampshire with
    tourism. So can you talk about how you would work, if
    confirmed, with American businesses to address issues that we
    have had with the J-1 Visa Program over the last year so that
    we are not facing a winter and a spring next year where we have
    these same problems where young people are not able to get to
    the United States because we have embassies closed down and we
    cannot do the work to ensure that they can arrive in the United
    States?
        Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator, and I agree that the
    J-1 Visa Program, now called BridgeUSA, is a valuable foreign
    policy tool and an important public diplomacy program
    specifically to communities all across the country. I have seen
    recent reports about the shortage of international visitors in
    camps that are not being able to continue because of the
    shortage. And I feel for those parents and families and also
    those small businesses that affected. The BridgeUSA Program is
    poised to be stronger than ever. There have been significant
    improvements in the program over the last couple of years, and
    now those alumni are included as part of all of the State
    Department alumni and continuing engagement after they return
    home, so your point about a critical audience is key.
        If I am confirmed, I will work very closely with Consular
    Affairs to prioritize the J-1 visitors and to communicate with
    sponsors and communities about the various ways that we can
    ensure that these participants are able to come to the United
    States as soon as possible.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. As we continue to
    struggle with COVID, both here in the United States and around
    the world, will you also commit to working with State to
    develop a plan for how we will address this if we continue to
    have embassies closed around the world?
        Ms. Satterfield. Yes, Senator, I will.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. I would just
    reinforce what Senator Shaheen said on the--on the J-1's. I
    think many parts of our country depended upon the J-1's, but
    also the value of the exchange as well as the need in our
    country was clearly missed during COVID-19. Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. There we go. Thank you. Chairman Cardin, I
    just want to thank you for your remarks, and, Senator Shaheen,
    the J-1 issue is also a big issue in my State as well, and I
    echo your concern and appreciate the fact that, Ms.
    Satterfield, you will be willing to work with us on this, if
    confirmed. If I could first turn to Ambassador Gifford, chief
    of protocol plays a critical diplomatic role. You will be
    charged with advising not only national, but international
    diplomatic protocols. Our Nation will rely upon you. As the
    former United States Ambassador to Japan, I understand how
    difficult sometimes the nuances of diplomatic protocol can be,
    and it will be requiring you to have very keen judgment as you
    execute your duties, if you are confirmed. Also, I want to
    remind you that, if confirmed, you will be representing all
    Americans, and I hope that you will keep that in mind.
        And with that in mind, I would like to understand your
    views, Ambassador, on the importance of bipartisanship in the
    execution and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, and
    whether you will commit to work with me and the other members
    of this committee to make sure that bipartisan representation
    is critically represented in all of our diplomatic protocol
    issues.
        Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Senator. The answer to that
    is absolutely, 100 percent. As someone like you, who has served
    overseas and has seen the real beauty, and strength, and power
    of American diplomacy globally, as far as I am concerned,
    partisan politics has absolutely no place at the State
    Department, that politics famously stops at the water's edge.
    And then, of course, when we are living and working at the
    State Department, that holds true as well. The way I think
    about this is when we--if I am confirmed and I am privileged
    enough to take that oath of office, I pledge to serve, protect,
    defend the Constitution of the United States, I do not--no
    President, no ideology, certainly no political party. And for
    me, I think I have a record to back that up because that is
    what I did from 2013 until I left my post in 2017. And I commit
    to you wholeheartedly to do that once again if I am confirmed
    in this position.
        Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that, Ambassador. I have been
    very frustrated myself seeing former diplomats come back and
    behave in a partisan manner, and I think that that needs to be
    parked. And just as you say, you will be representing all of
    us, and I appreciate your wholehearted focus on that.
    Ambassador Coleman, if I could turn to you, please. I have
    enjoyed our opportunity to discuss matters related to the
    charter that you are looking to undertake. I would like to talk
    to you about two areas: China and Afghanistan. USAID funds a
    tremendous amount of effort to help ethnic Tibetans to maintain
    their culture, to maintain their entrepreneurial presence. It
    is this type of program that I wholeheartedly support, and I
    would love to hear your views on how you would look at
    continuing USAID's support for other groups that may be, in
    some way, oppressed or damaged in some manner by China's malign
    behavior.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator Hagerty, for that
    question, and I thank you for your time last week that we were
    able to spend to get to know each other a bit. It is a very
    important question. We have seen an increasing authoritarian
    turn in China and an erosion of human rights in that country.
    You mentioned the Tibetans, but, of course, the situation with
    the Uyghurs is very dire, too. USAID is doing what it can to
    support the Uyghur people, particularly those who are taking an
    activist role and those who have been oppressed by the country.
    Some of them have left the country, and USAID is taking efforts
    across China to ensure human rights programming where it can,
    but often outside the country.
        Senator Hagerty. I hope we can continue this conversation,
    particularly with the thought of how we can prevent the CCP
    from diverting or, in some way, frustrating those efforts. I
    will look forward to having those conversations with you should
    you be confirmed.
        Ambassador Coleman.  I look forward to it.
        Senator Hagerty. With respect to Afghanistan, I see a very
    challenging role there because we are making commitments to
    continue U.S. aid, but the Taliban has taken over half the
    districts there, putting our presence there under tremendous
    pressure. Have you had the opportunity to think about how you
    will deploy USAID resources under the current conditions in
    Afghanistan, particularly as you see them trending?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator, for that question,
    too. I have--I have spent a bit of time in Afghanistan. I have
    been there maybe half a dozen times over the past 20 years and
    have seen some very good work that USAID has done there. And I
    recognize that the situation is very fragile right now and
    rapidly changing. I think USAID has made some strong gains in
    Afghanistan and will do what it can, both through our own
    efforts on the ground, but also working through partners there,
    local partners, international NGOs, and U.N. agencies, to
    continue some of the good work that we have done. But if
    confirmed, I will certainly make Afghanistan a priority and to
    do contingency planning as the situation evolves.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Cardin. Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
    congratulations to all of you on your nominations. Ms.
    Satterfield, if I could begin with you, and thank you for the
    work you have done at the Meridian House. Let me pick up on
    that work and something I heard you say, which is that you
    believe that educational and exchange programs do play an
    important role in our foreign policy. I agree with you. If you
    look at the previous administration even before the pandemic
    hit, there was a big drop off in the number of students coming
    to the United States. In the very first year of the previous
    administration, international student enrollment in U.S.
    universities declined by 6.6 percent in the first academic
    year. We don't need to go into all the reasons for that, but my
    question to you is, is it your goal to restore a more robust
    enrollment of foreign students to the United States and to
    reinvigorate our exchange programs?
        Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator, for that question and
    bringing up this incredibly important point. The United States
    remains the number one destination for hosting international
    students, even though the numbers have dropped. Also, there is
    growing competition from other countries to recruit students to
    come there to study, and we cannot rest on laurels. It is
    absolutely my intent to continue to find ways to message to
    international students. We need strong outreach with accurate
    and comprehensive information. Frankly, like the statement that
    was put out yesterday by the State Department--a joint
    statement by the State Department and the Department of
    Education listing the ways that international students can come
    to the United States to U.S. universities and colleges and
    participate in a way, we can also network through Education
    USA, which is ECA's educational advising arm, and through our
    American Spaces, which are in over 600 places around the world.
    I absolutely commit, if confirmed, to making that a priority.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, terrific, because, as you say, we
    have seen a drop off in the number of enrollments even before
    the pandemic, and obviously we need to take into account health
    issues, but as you mentioned, we are seeing incredible
    competition around the world. Other countries see it as in
    their interest to attract students, and we have a whole lot to
    offer and also a window into, you know, some of the values that
    form our country in foreign policy--freedom of speech and other
    things. So, I really hope and am pleased that you are going to
    make that a priority.
        I also just want to mention to you that there is a very
    good exchange program with young African leaders, the Young
    African Leaders Initiative, YALI. You are probably familiar
    with it. I chair the Africa Subcommittee here and Senator
    Rounds is the ranking member, and we intend to--shortly to
    introduce legislation to codify that program. Congresswoman
    Bass introduced and passed that in the House and look forward
    to working with you. I hope I will have your commitment to work
    with us on that.
        Ms. Satterfield. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Ambassador Coleman, if I
    could--well, first let me start with Sudan. I had a chance to
    visit Sudan a little while back with Senator Coons, and, as you
    know, the United States through AID has committed $700 million
    to support the transition from dictatorship to democracy. This
    committee is currently reviewing some of the rough drafts of
    the proposal. We need to get it done quickly, in my view. Are
    you familiar with that proposal, and do you commit to working
    with this committee to make sure that we implement it fully?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator, for bringing up
    Sudan. It is one of the few bright spots actually on the
    horizon as it makes its transition from military rule to
    civilian governance, and if confirmed, I will absolutely make
    Sudan one of my priorities. I am familiar with the legislation.
    I do not know the details of it, but I do understand that $700
    million has been committed, and investments in helping the
    civilian government understand how to govern, and building
    institutional capacity, and working with civil society so that
    they can strengthen that democratic governance process there is
    critically important. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And my last question relates
    to what Senator Hagerty brought up with respect to Afghanistan.
    I do know if you have seen the move, Charlie Wilson's War, but
    for those of you who have not, I recommend it to you. It is a
    story about a House member who was successful in getting all of
    his colleagues to support the purchase of Stinger missiles to
    provide to the mujahideen, which did help drive the Soviets out
    of Afghanistan. But the very end of the movie is a--is a scene
    of him asking his colleagues to support funding for education
    and schools in Afghanistan, and he was unsuccessful at doing
    that. We know what happened after the Soviet--we pushed the
    Soviets out, and we sort of, you know, left the scene, and the
    Taliban filled the vacuum, and they gave--they, of course, gave
    sanctuary to al-Qaeda. So I--two questions. One is, what is
    AID's vision for its continued participation in Afghanistan?
    Number two, how are you going to navigate the security
    situation there?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator, for the question.
    You know, USAID, I understand, is looking at the situation very
    closely in Afghanistan and, as I said earlier, doing
    contingency planning. It is almost impossible to know what will
    happen at this point and any time frame. But it has invested
    $22 billion in that country over the past 20 years and have
    some remarkable gains to show for it in terms of significant
    declines in maternal mortality, more girls in school than ever
    before in that country's history, and seeking ways to make sure
    that those gains are not lost, that, in fact, that they are
    sustained, whether it is through direct interventions or
    working through partners on the ground through the multilateral
    system and the U.N. agencies, but also recognizing the
    possibility for refugee flows and being ready for that.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, I think we all have our hands
    full there with respect to what will unfold, but I appreciate
    your determination to stay engaged, security allowing. Thank
    you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Cardin. Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Madam Chair and Ranking Member Hagerty,
    thank you, and congratulations to the panel. This is a very
    highly-qualified panel. Ambassador Gifford, it is good to see
    you again, and I want to start with you. I would have asked
    exactly the question that Senator Hagerty did. Looking at the
    background of a Rufus Gifford that I did not know and seeing so
    much political activity, I would have asked, can you, you know,
    take an oath and be even handed in your work. I have had the
    virtue of working with Rufus significantly in the past, and I
    couldn't say this about everybody I have worked in a political
    capacity, but I can say it about Rufus Gifford that he is going
    to be very, very even handed in his approach to the job, which
    is what he did when he was Ambassador to Denmark. Your success
    there was very, very notable.
        Let me ask you this, Ambassador Gifford. You talked about
    the many external-facing roles of the protocol chief, but there
    is also this internal-facing role. You talked about the
    Management Division within the Office. In the past, there have
    been some controversies about internal management issues. Tell
    us what you would do, should you be confirmed, to foster a very
    professional and inclusive and even-handed environment in the
    office?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Senator, and this is a--
    this is an issue that is near and dear to my heart. I am
    certainly aware of the ongoing challenges. There are issues
    with morale, et cetera. And listen, I think that from a
    management standpoint, and I think this is--one important thing
    to note here is that service overseas, understanding the
    culture of the State Department, understand the expertise that
    I am walking into, if I am confirmed for this job, is where you
    start, I think. General respect for the civil servants who have
    been doing this work for years, understanding that if I am
    confirmed in this position, that I have a lot to learn still,
    that they are the career professionals, and I am coming in to
    lead, of course, but I still--but I need to be building that
    team and fostering that sense--that sense of just that word
    ``team.''
        And I have to say that over the--with the various teams
    that I have managed roughly the same size, diverse staffs in a
    variety of different ways, I like to say that I, at the
    beginning of any job like this, I take the bull by the horns
    and ensure that we change the tone and that we create an
    environment that is equitable, diverse, and empowering because,
    honestly, if we are going to accomplish the mission, that is
    what we have got to do. That is where were you got to start.
        Senator Kaine. Excellent. Thank you for that. Ms.
    Satterfield, your Bureau is very important, and it is very
    important to Virginia because we have a significant number of
    people who work on programs. For example, in Fulbright, we have
    53 Virginians doing Fulbrights during 2020 and 2021 Peace
    Corps, 114 Virginians in the 2020 Peace Corps Program. We have
    also hosted critical programs, including the Young African
    Leaders Conference that Senator Van Hollen asked you about at
    UVA in 2014 and at Virginia Commonwealth University in 2016.
    So, there is a lot I would like to ask, but I am just going to
    ask you about this. Talk to us about the challenges of the
    Fulbright Program during the time of COVID and how you intend
    to keep this program vibrant and active, even as the State
    Department is issuing new guidance and other agencies are
    issuing new guidance every day about travel restrictions that
    may need to be continued with some of the nations where we have
    Fulbright scholars.
        Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator. It is important to
    continue to provide ways that we can connect with people around
    the world and Americans, particularly through Fulbright. It
    happens to be the 75th anniversary of that program this year,
    and it is a strong and vibrant way that we reach out to other
    communities across the world. I remember recently I was
    speaking with some college students and talking about the role,
    I am confirmed, that I will play in the United States. As soon
    as I mentioned ``Fulbright,'' their eyes lit up. It has a--it
    resonates, not only here in the United States, but in all
    places around the world.
        The pandemic has created a challenge for doing in-person
    programming, but I think that--we hope that we will be able to
    continue in-person programs where possible, and continuing
    Fulbright and other public diplomacy programs will critical.
    And if I am confirmed, I will look forward to determining ways
    we can do that safely.
        Senator Kaine. Excellent. Well, I am going to--I am going
    to include Ambassador Coleman and Mr. Lu in a last comment or
    question. So, Mr. Lu, you are a wonderful public servant. Since
    you are nominated for a position that Ambassador Coleman has
    had, I hope you guys have lunch right after this and let her
    give you a lot of good advice about how to do it. Ambassador
    Coleman, here is something I am just interested in, and I just
    want to put it on your radar screen. There is a program at
    USAID called the New Partnerships Initiative, which is designed
    to invest in NGOs--small NGOs and local partners in the USAID
    humanitarian contracting space. There was a Foreign Policy
    article in May, just recently, that criticized USAID for
    distributing the NPI awards largely through large contractors,
    kind of undercutting the whole goal of the program, which is to
    focus on small contractors and local partners. Senators Rubio
    and I are going to introduce a bill this week called the New
    Partners--New Partnerships Initiative Authorization Act to
    really try to make sure that we are building capacity among
    creative and innovative new partners, and not just legacy
    partners, who do great work. But we want to create more
    innovation and more opportunity. And I hope that will be an
    area that you will focus on, should you be confirmed, and we
    will look forward to working with you on that.
        Senator Cardin. Ambassador Coleman, if I might start with a
    question in regards to how you intend to set priorities within
    USAID. And I mention this with President Biden making it clear
    that our foreign policy is going to be wrapped in our values,
    something that, I think, every member of this committee
    strongly supports. He has also indicated corruption is a core
    national security concern. If you look at what the trends are
    around the world, decline of democratic states, the rise of
    corruption in many countries, including some of our allies
    where we see a rise in corruption, good governance and the role
    USAID plays in anti-corruption becomes critically important.
    Later this week, our committee will be considering legislation
    to expand our role and USAID's role in global health, something
    we desperately need to do. My question is, we have a limited
    amount of resources today under USAID that is devoted to good
    governance and anti-corruption. How do you intend to prioritize
    good governance and anti-corruption to protect and expand the
    capacity of USAID to deal with this critical issue for our
    country?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator Cardin, for that
    terrific question. And also let me just start by thanking you
    for your leadership on this issue. Whether it is the Global
    Magnitsky Act or the Combatting Global Corruption Act, you have
    truly shown tremendous leadership on bringing corruption to the
    forefront of what needs to be a whole-of-government approach to
    combating this scourge around the world, so thank you.
        If confirmed, I know that corruption--anti-corruption
    efforts will be very central to a whole range of efforts. Not
    only has President Biden made this one of his priorities, but
    Administrator Power also created an anti-corruption task force
    and is really focused on this issue because it is such a
    challenging topic in so many parts of the world. And, you know,
    if confirmed, I would really dig into the programs that exist,
    look at what has been effective, look at new areas that we
    could invest more in, but really make this something that is
    mainstreamed throughout all of our work that we are doing
    because it is so important.
        Senator Cardin. I would just underscore that one of the
    areas that we really need to strengthen is the capacity of our
    embassies to deal with understanding the problems in their
    country and how we can best interact to deal with anti-
    corruption measures. So, one of the areas that could help USAID
    is if there was stronger capacity within missions to be able to
    provide that type of knowledge and help. I would just urge you
    to make that part of your priority selections to strengthen the
    State Department's ability to deal with anti-corruption.
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator. If confirmed, I
    will absolutely work with my State Department colleagues on
    that.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. Mr. Lu, I want to talk about a
    serious issue we have had at the United Nations. We have United
    Nations peacekeepers. As part of the way that the
    administratives are handled, there are a lot of countries that
    lobby to become peacekeepers, and yet we have seen sexual
    exploitations too often in regard to peacekeepers. So, I want
    to get your commitment and your response to how you will use
    your position at the United Nations to make sure that we
    protect the safety of the people on which the United Nations is
    operating with peacekeepers, and that safety will be the top
    concern, not just the politics of which countries are selected
    for peacekeeping.
        Mr. Lu. Senator, thank you for that question. The United
    States has a zero-tolerance policy when it comes to sexual
    exploitation and abuse. There have been improvements, I
    understand, in recent years under the Secretary-General's
    leadership in terms of preventing sexual exploitation and
    abuse, increasing transparency of allegations, suspending
    troops engaged in wrongdoing, often repatriating them and
    sometimes even withholding payments. All of that being said,
    far more needs to be done, and the progress that has been made
    in recent years, including under Ambassador Coleman's
    leadership, happens when the U.S. is actively engaged in the
    United Nations. So, you have my commitment, Senator, that if
    confirmed, this will be a top priority of mine, and I know it
    is of Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield as well.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. Ambassador Gifford, I want to
    ask you about diplomatic immunity. It is something that is
    absolutely essential for diplomats to be able to carry out
    their responsibilities, but we know the pressure that develops
    particularly when there is a particular incident. So how do you
    intend to provide guidance in regards to U.S. position globally
    on defending diplomatic immunity?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Well, I think--thank you for the
    question, Senator, and it is--it is critically important. I
    think one of the roles of the chief of protocol here is
    understanding that when issues of diplomatic immunity arise,
    and they will inevitably arise, that we have to manage what
    could become the significant frictions in a bilateral
    relationship. And how do you do that? This is so much, for me,
    about communication, that we are not policymakers in the chief
    of protocol, if I am confirmed. So, what I think needs to be
    prioritized is heightened communication between whatever
    Bureau, understanding the issue that has come up and dealing
    with it collectively. And I think in an issue like these
    involving incredibly-sensitive issues, that has got to be
    prioritized above and beyond all else.
        Senator Cardin. Senator Markey?
        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. Ms.
    Satterfield, your position at the Bureau of Educational and
    Cultural Affairs will allow you to establish import
    restrictions on cultural goods from foreign countries through
    the authorization of memorandums of understanding. Cultural
    property MOUs have the power to impact the cultural heritage of
    ethnic and religious minority populations, which the United
    States should aim to protect. If confirmed, will you urge the
    administration to appoint an advocate for religious and ethnic
    minorities as a public representative to the Cultural Property
    Advisory Committee to ensure that minorities populations are
    properly represented?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator. ECA is very proud
    of the work of the Cultural Heritage Center to protect and
    preserve global heritage. It is critically-important work, as
    you said. ECA can and should ply a strong role, particularly in
    cooperating with law enforcement to prevent the financing of
    transnational terrorism through looting and trafficking of
    antiquities. If I am confirmed, I look forward to working with
    Congress, other parts of the Department, and private entities,
    particularly through the advisory committee, to ensure a
    diversity of perspective when continuing the important work as
    it was laid out originally by Congress.
        Senator Markey. Okay. Thank you. Ms. Coleman, the United
    Nations Development Program and the World Health Organization
    recently reported that if low-income countries had similar
    COVID-19 vaccination rates as high-income countries, they could
    have added $38 billion to their collective GDPs in 2021.
    Through the G7, we have announced ambitious plans to share 1
    billion COVID-19 vaccine doses with low-income countries.
    Global vaccine inequity still remains a very serious challenge.
    With the rise of the Delta variant, addressing the vaccine
    equity issues are more urgent than ever. If confirmed, will you
    commit to prioritizing the push for increased vaccine
    manufacturing and equitable vaccine distribution in your role
    at USAID?
        Ambassador Coleman.  Thank you, Senator. Absolutely. There
    is perhaps no greater challenge today than the global pandemic
    and its secondary effects, and how it is ravaging countries
    around the world. And I would like to thank this committee and
    Congress for its generosity on providing the 500 million
    vaccines and the $4 billion to Gavi. So, it is incredibly
    important to get the rest of the world vaccinated, and I echo
    President Biden's comment to be--that the United States should
    be the arsenal of vaccination, and I will do everything I can
    to make that happen.
        Senator Markey. Thank you. And, Mr. Lu, climate change is
    an existential threat that continues to harm the quality of
    life for people all around the world. For that reason, our
    efforts to combat climate change must be closely aligned with
    efforts playing out in multilateral institutions like the
    United Nations. We also have to oversee any multilateral
    commitments to ensure they come to actionable fruition. How can
    we work to reform the U.N. system to ensure that climate
    commitments are monitored and measured so that they don't
    simply remain empty statements or words?
        Mr. Lu. Senator, thank you for that question. I certainly
    share your concerns. The Biden administration believes that we
    can be the most effective in multilateral organizations when we
    actively participate in them, and we have the greatest
    credibility in these organizations when we pay our dues in full
    and on time, so being an active player gives us that leverage.
    Climate change, in particular, is an important policy issue, as
    you well know, not only to the President, but to Ambassador
    Thomas-Greenfield. This is an issue that she has raised in the
    U.N. Security Council, but it is, frankly, an issue that cuts
    across so many different parts of the multilateral system. So,
    if confirmed to this position, I will use my position in terms
    of managing programs to ensure that those that relate to
    climate change are effectively managed and well funded.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you so much. And, Mr. Gifford, in
    your role, you are welcoming the rest of the world to the State
    Department, to the White House. We have gone through a
    turbulent time over a 4-year period, and now we are trying to
    re-stabilize all of our relationships. Could you just step back
    for a second and just lay out why you think that is important
    that we respect each nation in the world and that we treat them
    in a way that ensures ultimately that we will be able to elicit
    from them the kind of response the United States is looking for
    on policy issues all across the spectrum?
        Ambassador Gifford.  Thank you, Senator. This is, again,
    something very near and dear to my heart. There are two words
    over--during the time that I have been preparing for this
    hearing and whatnot that keep coming up, and those two words
    are ``dignity'' and ``respect.'' And I pledge to you that when
    I think about this job, when I think about how we interact with
    world leaders and partners--partner countries around the world,
    I will lead with dignity and respect. And I think that the soft
    power of diplomacy cannot be overstated, and, as you mentioned,
    you are the first hand that folks shake when they are walking
    down from their plane at Andrews or at Dulles or whatever it
    may be. And I think as Senator Hagerty said in his introduction
    that we create the environment conducive to diplomacy. And as
    far as I am concerned, that is the way you create that
    environment in which diplomacy can thrive. You do that with
    dignity and respect.
        Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, and thank each and
    every one of you for your willingness to serve. Thank you, Mr.
    Chairman.
        Senator Cardin. Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Cardin. I wanted to
    just follow up with a few additional questions. You are very
    kind to let me do that. First, if I could turn to you, Ms.
    Satterfield. It is wonderful to see you here. In your opening
    testimony, you commented about the global competition for
    influence that we find ourselves in with authorization
    countries, such as China and Russia. I would like to compliment
    your Department on the wonderful work that they have done with
    human exchanges, particularly the Fulbright Program and other
    exchange programs, that I have seen firsthand have an enormous
    impact. I would also like to make a comment, that there is an
    alumni network there that I see as immensely valuable, and I
    would look forward to working with you to driving value from
    that alumni network, because I think it could make a real
    difference for the United States' interests around the globe.
        Another thing you mentioned, and I compliment you for your
    operational experience. You talked about implementing standards
    and metrics to basically be a good steward of U.S. taxpayer
    dollars. As you look at this program and take a data-driven
    approach to how you measure and evaluate what happens, could
    you talk a bit about how you might use that approach to
    evaluate how we are doing versus China and Russia, two
    authoritarian countries that are trying to exert their
    influence, when you look at our programs relative to what they
    are doing?
        Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, senator. As it relates to
    measurement and evaluation, it is a critically-important point
    and one that the Bureau has been working very hard to come up
    with a way to have parity across the various programs. They are
    also different, and that is a good thing. We want a variety of
    opportunity because what works in one community might not work
    in another, but that has proven to be challenging for M&E. And
    the Bureau has done a really wonderful job, in my opinion,
    based on the information that I have received in preparing for
    this hearing, to create a program that is a new framework that
    will ECA to have more data at its fingertips so that we can
    make good data-driven decisions. And that will be rolled out
    Bureau-wide at the end of next year.
        Senator Hagerty. As a businessperson, I have always focused
    on competition. I think we should acknowledge what our
    competition is and measure our performance according to that
    competition, so I encourage you to continue to proceed in that
    fashion. Thank you.
        Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. Mr. Lu, if I could turn to you for a
    moment. I would like to talk with you about the Human Rights
    Council. The Biden administration has announced its intent to
    run for a seat on the Council this fall, and Secretary of State
    Blinken has also acknowledged that the Council is flawed, and
    he has promised to seek reform. In fact, in 2011, the Obama
    administration stated that the mandatory review of the Council
    failed to yield even minimally positive results. So, Mr. Lu, if
    you are confirmed, I would like to understand the type of
    reforms that you would like to seek as you look at improving
    the United Nations Human Rights Council.
        Mr. Lu. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. I agree, the United
    Nations Human Rights Council is a flawed organization, but we
    also need to recognize the important work that it has done in
    terms of shining a spotlight on abuses in Syria, Iran, North
    Korea, its promotion of women, LGBTQ individuals, but it has a
    persistent anti-Israel bias based on a permanent agenda item at
    its meetings. The Biden administration believes, as I said to
    Senator Markey, that the best way to reform these organizations
    is by engaging with them, and that is what we intend to do. It
    is also a flawed organization because of the membership. We
    have some of the most egregious human rights abusers who are
    members of the Human Rights Council.
        When Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has addressed this issue,
    she said, yes, it is uncomfortable sitting side by side with
    these people, but it is as uncomfortable for them to be sitting
    next to us and for us to be calling them out. And I understand
    that the record has shown that when the U.S. actively engaged
    in the Human Rights Council, that the number of anti-Israel
    resolutions decreases, but you are 100-percent right, this will
    be a challenge.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want
    to thank all of our nominees today for their appearance. Thank
    you.
        Senator Cardin. Let me again thank all of our witnesses
    for--nominees for your testimony today and, again, your
    willingness to serve.
        The committee record will remain open through Thursday for
    questions for the record, and we would ask that you respond to
    those questions as promptly as possible. We know that we have a
    backlog in the nomination process and confirmation process, so
    your cooperation will be deeply appreciated.
        [The information referred to follows:]
        Senator Cardin. And once again, we thank you very much for
    your willingness to serve.
        With that, the committee will stand adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:25 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Rufus Gifford by Senator James E. Risch

    Morale in the Office of the Chief of Protocol
        Question. Leadership and morale-building are important parts of any
    management position within the State Department. If confirmed, how
    would you lead the Office of the Chief of Protocol? What specific steps
    would you take to improve morale?

        Answer. There is nothing more important to me than the well-being
    of my team. Morale of our employees is also directly related to
    recruitment and retention. Drawing upon my experiences as the former
    ambassador to Denmark and from the private sector, leadership must
    model tenets that align mission goals with integrity, professionalism,
    and transparency.
        If confirmed, I plan to consult current leadership to understand
    where the Office of the Chief of Protocol has come from and where it
    still needs to go. I will make it clear that any type of partisan
    political influence or bias is unacceptable. I will assess personnel
    management and the current staffing situation. I will determine whether
    we need to address additional resource requirements. Finally, I will
    promote a collaborative environment where all of us can gel as a team
    and execute programs in a seamless fashion.
        There is no doubt that improving and maintaining morale will be
    difficult during the pandemic. However, I will ensure that we fully
    engage within the Department of State's ``Future of Work'' policy to
    build a more mobile and agile workforce, and direct appropriate
    resources for our office space and technology needs. These tools and
    resilience building resources will help me lead towards great morale.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Robert Menendez

    J1 Programs
        Question. J1 programs are some of the most effective and cost
    efficient public diplomacy programs the United States has. However, as
    you know, the COVID-19 pandemic, which brought on severe visa
    processing delays and challenges has deeply negatively impacted not
    only U.S. public diplomacy efforts but also small businesses, schools,
    and families across the United States who rely on these programs.

       The backlog of Summer Work Travel visas negatively impacted many
            small businesses in New Jersey and other tourist destinations.
            How will you, alongside the Bureau of Consular Affairs, work to
            utilize technology and security to prevent such a backlog in
            the future? Do you believe there is more can we be doing? Do
            you have the resources you need to do so?

        Answer. I recognize the important contributions that exchange
    visitors make to New Jersey businesses, and the positive impact they
    have on states and communities across the nation. The COVID-19 pandemic
    continues to severely affect consular operations at our embassies and
    consulates. I am informed that as the global situation continues to
    evolve, the Department is seeking ways to process visa applications
    efficiently around the world, consistent with both guidance from health
    authorities and with the U.S. travel restrictions currently in place. I
    understand ECA and Consular Affairs continue to work together on these
    issues, and I will continue that engagement and communication if
    confirmed.

        Question. Teacher exchange programs were also severely impacted by
    a backlog of visa processing and other challenges. Many K-12 classrooms
    are reliant upon these educational exchange programs. Will you commit
    to working to get the program back to pre-pandemic levels and look to
    scaling up these programs in the future?

        Answer. Yes. I recognize the important contributions the BridgeUSA
    Teacher program makes to K-12 classrooms. The Department is committed
    to ensuring as many visa applicants can be interviewed as health
    restrictions allow and has provided updates to sponsoring organizations
    to advise them on operational changes. If confirmed, I will continue to
    work with our consular colleagues and keep teacher category sponsors
    and prospective teacher participants informed.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator James E. Risch

    Meridian Recusal
        Question. If confirmed, do you pledge to recuse yourself from any
    funding or contracting decisions related to your previous employer,
    Meridian International Center?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, per my ethics agreement with the
    Department of State and the Office of Government Ethics, I would not
    participate in funding or contracting decisions related to Meridian
    International Center.

    Au Pair Program
        Question. Recently, several U.S. states have sought to regulate the
    au pair programs, despite the fact that it is a federal program. This
    has been accomplished in at least one state, to fairly disastrous
    effect for au pair families and participants there. In response, the
    Department of State has attempted to unify the program and clarify that
    federal au pair regulations preempt state and local laws. This
    clarifying regulation is essential to the program's continued
    viability. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting this clarifying
    regulation?

        Answer. The Au Pair program has for many years been an effective
    public diplomacy program, fostering the mutual understanding between
    people of the United States and other countries through in-person
    exchanges.
        The nature of the Au Pair program, fostering such exchange by
    placing young people in American homes and caring for young children,
    makes it unique and special. I am committed to ensuring the health,
    safety, and welfare of all participants.
        I am aware there is an effort underway to strengthen the Au Pair
    program through regulations, and, if confirmed, I look forward to
    working through that process with stakeholders and keeping Congress
    informed.

        Question. The issue of undue influence by foreign countries--
    particularly China--has become a central U.S. foreign policy issue in
    recent years. In addition to increased reporting by think tanks, the
    State Department has engaged directly with U.S. universities on these
    matters.

       If confirmed, do you plan to continue State Department engagement
            with the educational community on these issues?

        Answer. Yes. A clear understanding of the organizations and
    entities that Beijing uses to attempt to undermine U.S. policy is
    important. Of particular concern are activities that lack transparency
    and attempt to hide or downplay their affiliations and objectives. If
    confirmed, I would continue to work with State Department officials
    promoting transparency on this topic so that the educational community
    can make more informed decisions. For example, I understand that ECA
    issued an updated public guidance directive to Exchange Visitor Program
    (BridgeUSA) sponsors on Confucius Institutes (CI) in November 2020. The
    objective of this Guidance Directive was to provide sponsors more
    clarity regarding the possible regulatory violations presented in some
    CI operations so they can make informed choices about sponsoring
    exchange visitors coming on programs in support of CIs. I understand
    that this clarity of CI operations is one of several reasons for why a
    growing number of universities have decided to end their Confucius
    Institute affiliations.

        Question. The issue of undue influence by foreign countries--
    particularly China--has become a central U.S. foreign policy issue in
    recent years. In addition to increased reporting by think tanks, the
    State Department has engaged directly with U.S. universities on these
    matters.

       If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to highlight the
            risks of undue influence by foreign governments and other
            actors in U.S. universities and colleges?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support the Department's
    outreach work with interagency partners to increase transparency of
    foreign government actions and promote sharing of best practices so
    U.S. colleges and universities are well informed and can protect
    themselves and their students from undue foreign influence.

        Question. I introduced legislation designed to enhance State
    Department and congressional oversight of Mutual Educational and
    Cultural Exchange Act (MECEA) programs with the People's Republic of
    China (PRC).

       Does the Biden administration plan to reinstate these programs in
            the future?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Secretary's re-
    examination of the decision to terminate approval of the MECEA Section
    108a programs operated by China, with vigilance to potential
    counterintelligence and propaganda risks.

        Question. If so, and if confirmed, do you commit to consulting with
    Congress in advance of making such a decision?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's goal of
    working with this committee and Congress to ensure this administration
    meets the China challenge. As I committed at my nominations hearing, I
    will engage in meaningful consultation with Congress while policies are
    being developed.

        Question. How should the Department exercise greater scrutiny of
    these programs given potential counterintelligence risks and their use
    as propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Secretary's re-
    examination of the decision to terminate approval of the MECEA Section
    108a programs operated by China, with vigilance to potential
    counterintelligence and propaganda risks.

        Question. The United States has suspended permission of any PRC
    national on an ``F'' or ``J'' visa to study or conduct research in the
    United States where the individual's academic or research activities
    are likely to support a PRC entity implement or supporting the Chinese
    Communist Party's (CCP) ``military-civil fusion'' strategy. This policy
    prevents U.S. research and technological innovation from falling into
    the hands of our most serious military competitor. Do you commit to
    retaining this policy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's continuous
    review to ensure our policies protect the integrity of U.S. research
    and innovation along with our academic and research institutions.

        Question. What are your views on current measures in place to apply
    sufficient scrutiny to donations and contracts between U.S.
    universities and foreign entities?

        Answer. I am supportive of measures to ensure that donations and
    contracts between U.S. universities and foreign entities benefit the
    United States and are not subject to undue foreign influence. If
    confirmed, I will encourage efforts to educate and inform educational
    institutions about their possible exposure to undue foreign influence
    through such arrangements.

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Effect of the COVID-19 Pandemic
        Question. The pandemic significantly hampered the normal operation
    of most ECA-administered international exchanges, with many
    participants returning home to the U.S. and foreign participants having
    to be repatriated to their home countries before their programs were
    complete. ECA is now conducting exchange activity online in a virtual
    format as it proves feasible to do so.

       What are the lessons learned from ECA's pivot to virtual during the
            pandemic?

        Answer. When the COVID-19 pandemic temporarily halted most USG-
    funded in-person exchanges, ECA's innovation and flexible management of
    international exchanges powered a transition to new strategies,
    sustaining advancement of foreign policy objectives and achieving
    lasting benefits even amid the pandemic. Most ECA programs pivoted
    rapidly to virtual and hybrid models providing, or virtually
    replicating, the in-person exchange experience. This pivot was possible
    because ECA could leverage the relationships with stakeholders that
    were developed with previous in-person exchanges. ECA was also able to
    reach new audiences with some innovative virtual elements and will look
    to continue some of those elements after the pandemic recedes.
        In addition, with careful management by ECA staff and the
    monitoring and health protocols in place at U.S. host campuses, many
    foreign Fulbright participants were able to remain at their U.S. host
    colleges and universities and new foreign Fulbrighters and other
    academic exchange participants were able to participate in in-person
    programs, thanks to the flexibility and resilience of U.S. higher
    education institutions. As recognized by the Inspector's General review
    of ECA's response to the pandemic, the experience showed the strength
    of ECA's program management practices, as well as the high level of
    commitment and capacity by U.S. higher education to safely host and
    educate students.
        I understand ECA is evaluating how it can continue to use virtual
    engagement or hybrid models to expand the impact of exchange programs
    and help the Bureau reach new audiences. If confirmed, I look forward
    to working with Congress and other stakeholders to apply the lessons
    learned during the pandemic.

    American Spaces
        Question. There are more than 600 American Spaces around the world,
    which serve as virtual and in-person platforms to engage foreign
    nationals through a wide variety of U.S. State Department-sponsored
    programs and resources on important topics such as studying in the
    U.S., English language learning, and U.S. culture. This program,
    managed by the Office of American Spaces, moved to the Bureau of
    Educational and Cultural Affairs in May of 2019.

       How have American Spaces (or the American Spaces program) furthered
            U.S. foreign policy goals under the ECA Bureau?

        Answer. Through American Spaces, the U.S. Government is present in
    more than 610 programming venues worldwide, with over 14 million people
    participating in virtual programs in FY 2020. Since the Office of
    American Spaces joined the ECA bureau in 2019, the Department has been
    able to enhance its work in public diplomacy and integrate ECA
    programming in the areas of English language teaching, EducationUSA
    advising, alumni engagement, cultural programs, and sharing information
    about the United States to further U.S. foreign policy goals. As a
    result of American Spaces and the Regional Public Engagement Specialist
    (REPS) Foreign Service corps coming under ECA, the Bureau has also
    fostered increased cooperation between REPS and Regional English
    Language Officers, as well as the EducationUSA advising program, to
    achieve mission and Department goals.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Visa Processing
        Question. One of the issues that has been taking up much of my
    staff's time is the delay our constituents are facing in being able to
    reunited with family overseas or having family members visit them.
    Similarly, many businesses in New Jersey rely on seasonal workers and
    exchange visitors from all over the world. The Alliance for
    International Exchange is reporting a 75% decrease overall in visa
    processing for education and cultural exchange programs, which of
    course has major economic consequences.

       Can you share how you will address these capacity limitations?

        Answer. I recognize the important contributions that exchange
    visitors make to New Jersey businesses, and the positive impact they
    have on states and communities across the nation. The COVID-19 pandemic
    continues to severely affect consular operations at our embassies and
    consulates. The Department is committed to ensuring as many visa
    applicants can be interviewed as health restrictions allow, and has
    provided updates to sponsoring organizations to advise them on
    operational changes. I understand ECA and Consular Affairs continue to
    work together on these issues, and I will continue that engagement and
    communication if confirmed.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator James E. Risch

    Global Health
        Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public
    health research--such as gain-of-function research--in cooperation with
    countries that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have
    violated or failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or
    where the United States cannot certify that such country is in
    compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention?

        Answer. I understand that USAID does not fund Gain of Function
    Research, and that USAID does not fund work anywhere in the world that
    would make viruses more lethal or transmissible in humans.

        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure USAID's research and
    development grants are fully vetted and do not flow to partners or sub-
    grantees engaged in such research?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure that USAID funds do
    not support gain-of-function research, i.e. research that makes a virus
    more transmissible or pathogenic, through either the prime or
    subpartners.

        Question. The budget proposes a substantial increase for Family
    Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/RH), through both bilateral aid
    programs and contributions to the U.N. Population Fund. If confirmed,
    how will you ensure USAID compliance with current law, which prohibits
    the use of U.S. foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion,
    support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against the
    legalization of abortion overseas?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will follow the law and ensure compliance
    with all applicable laws and regulations, including those related to
    family planning and abortion.
        The administration takes seriously the legislative requirements
    related to voluntarism and informed choice in family planning
    activities and those related to abortion. I understand that the Agency
    has worked for decades to ensure compliance with all applicable laws,
    including the Helms and Siljander amendments.
        It is important that USAID continue to work closely with field
    missions and implementing partners to ensure awareness of statutory and
    policy requirements applicable to their programs.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to provide to this
    committee a complete, detailed spend plan for the funds received
    through the American Rescue Plan (ARP) for the international COVID-19
    response, to include all aspects of the response, from vaccine sharing
    to second order impacts?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure compliance with
    Congressionally-mandated reporting on COVID funding, including
    obligations and disbursements by operating unit, that the State
    Department and USAID submit every 60 days and I commit to regular
    briefings and consultations with the committee on the use of funds,
    which I understand is guided by the U.S. COVID-19 Global Response and
    Recovery Plan.

        Question. How would you assess the performance of COVAX to date?

        Answer. COVAX has performed as well as could be expected in light
    of ongoing constraints to the global vaccine supply. It is my
    understanding that while COVAX is below its original delivery
    projections, as a result of shortfalls in global vaccine production and
    disruption to its planned supplies, actions such as the G7 vaccine
    commitment to finance and provide more than two billion doses from the
    United States and G7 partners by the end of 2022 are critical to
    enabling the success of COVAX. If confirmed, I will support efforts to
    expand the availability of safe and effective vaccines globally to
    bring this pandemic to an end.

        Question. How can USAID ensure that COVAX is working expeditiously
    to get shots in arms while guarding against waste, fraud, and abuse?

        Answer. I have learned that USAID's $4 billion in contributions to
    Gavi/COVAX in 2021 were provided in tranches, which allowed USAID to
    ensure Gavi/COVAX obtained the funding needed from other donors to
    scale up global vaccine access, while closely monitoring COVAX's
    performance. USAID also participates in Gavi's Audit and Finance
    Committee, and, as a part of that, regularly reviews the risks involved
    in procuring and delivering COVID-19 vaccines. It is my understanding
    that Gavi/COVAX has established multiple methods for receiving reports
    of fraud, and all allegations are handled by Gavi's SAID to strengthen
    and reinforce existing systems related to fraud awareness and reporting
    to mitigate these threats to multilateral and bilateral vaccine
    campaigns.

        Question. How can USAID ensure that U.S. financial contributions to
    COVAX are not used to underwrite the purchase and distribution of
    substandard Chinese COVID-19 vaccines, particularly following the
    recent announcement that COVAX would, in fact, begin making major
    purchases of Chinese vaccines?

        Answer. I understand that the generous U.S. contribution to COVAX
    was not used to purchase vaccines made in China, and that the full
    U.S.-provided $4 billion had been allocated by COVAX prior to the
    facility's decision to purchase Sinopharm and Sinovac. I am not aware
    of any additional U.S. contributions planned for COVAX at this time. If
    confirmed, I will join my colleagues in continuing to forcefully raise
    concerns about procurement of lower-efficacy vaccines, and to urge the
    People's Republic of China to pick up its fair share of the global
    burden on vaccine access.

        Question. Under what circumstances would U.S. bilateral vaccine
    contributions be more appropriate than contributions via COVAX?

        Answer. I believe that the U.S. Government (USG) is most effective
    when both bilateral and multilateral efforts are able to support
    responsible and accountable partners. Multilateral funding allows the
    USG to leverage the financial commitments, technical expertise, and
    diplomatic engagement of many other partners, often achieving economies
    of scale and burden-sharing with other donors. Bilateral funding
    enables USAID field teams and ongoing local assistance efforts to
    address priorities that may not be effectively or efficiently covered
    through multilateral channels.

    Humanitarian Assistance
        Question. The U.N.'s Global Humanitarian Appeal of $36.1 billion
    for 2021 is the largest in history. What can USAID do to enhance the
    efficiency and effectiveness of U.S. humanitarian assistance, so we can
    spread our aid dollars farther, while also leveraging other donor
    support to meet historic humanitarian needs?

        Answer. With humanitarian needs throughout the world at an all
    time-high, USAID's ability to reach people in need and improve the
    efficiency of our programs is of utmost importance. If confirmed, I
    will continue to emphasize the importance of USAID to be responsible
    stewards of American taxpayers' dollars. That's why I believe that
    measuring and analyzing results--and adapting and innovating when
    programs fall short--is part of the day-to-day management of USAID's
    operations, including humanitarian assistance programs. I will also
    ensure, if confirmed, that USAID engages with other donors to leverage
    our assistance and help as many people in need.

        Question. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has released a
    memo which, among other things, directs the new OMB Made in America
    Office to ``review how best to ensure agency compliance with cargo
    preference requirements to maximize the utilization of U.S.-flag
    vessels, in excess of any applicable statutory minimum, to the greatest
    extent practicable.'' This is likely to increase pressure upon USAID to
    exceed existing cargo preference requirements for food aid under the
    Food for Peace Act, notwithstanding the fact that the Government
    Accountability Office (GAO) repeatedly has found that such requirements
    significantly increase the cost of food aid whilefailing to advance the
    purposes of the Cargo Preference Act of 1954.

       Do you agree that U.S. cargo preference requirements for food aid
            have outlived their statutory purpose?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to
    make USAID's programming to combat rising food insecurity and build the
    resilience of vulnerable communities as effective and efficient as
    possible. Each of the food assistance modalities--U.S. in-kind food,
    locally and regionally procured food, and cash-based programming--
    should complement the others in addressing food insecurity efficiently
    and effectively. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian
    need, USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency
    of our programs is of utmost importance. Cargo preference requirements
    increase the cost of programming U.S. in-kind commodities in
    humanitarian programs. If confirmed, I will look closely at every
    opportunity to stretch our food aid as far as possible.

        Question. In your view, how would an increase of cargo preference
    requirements impact the ability of USAID to meet historic levels of
    need for food aid?

        Answer. At a time of unprecedented humanitarian need globally, an
    increase in cargo preference would compromise USAID's ability to reach
    hungry people, as well as our ability to reduce logistical and cost
    efficiency in our programs. USAID pays almost 50 percent more per
    metric ton to ship commodities on U.S.-flag vessels than foreign-flag
    vessels. An increase in cargo preference requirements would directly
    result in increased transportation costs for food assistance programs,
    which would reduce the amount of resources USAID can dedicate to
    purchasing commodities and reaching beneficiaries with life-saving
    assistance.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with OMB to
    mitigate the deleterious impact of U.S. cargo preference requirements
    on food aid?

        Answer. I am committed to working with Congress and the
    interagency, including OMB, to make USAID's food assistance programming
    as effective and efficient as possible. The COVID-19 pandemic and
    mitigation measures have compounded the effects of climate-related
    disasters and complex emergencies, creating unprecedented global
    humanitarian needs.
        For example, an estimated 23 million additional people will require
    emergency food assistance compared to 2019. Each food assistance
    modality (U.S. in-kind food, locally and regionally procured food, and
    cash-based programming) is critical to USAID's ability to respond
    appropriately to each crisis.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to
    reform U.S. international food aid programs and bolster the Global Food
    Security Strategy in a manner that saves lives, supports early
    recovery, stimulates agriculture-led economic growth, and ultimately
    promotes self-reliance?

        Answer. Yes. The pandemic has exacerbated food insecurity and
    malnutrition worldwide, with the most vulnerable bearing the brunt of
    its impact. I understand that Feed the Future is leveraging its
    existing global portfolio to respond to the crisis in the following
    ways: (1) engaging governments on trade and inclusive economic growth
    policies; (2) engaging government and private sector partners to
    safeguard and increase access to nutritious food; (3) working with
    small and medium sized enterprises across the food system and unlocking
    private sector funds to accelerate economic recovery, growth and
    employment; (4) transitioning households and communities off of
    assistance through economic inclusion models; and (5) supporting
    governments to create and strengthen their existing social protection
    systems, including shock-responsive safety nets and risk financing. It
    will be critical to further leverage Feed the Future as countries
    rebuild economically in the long wake of the pandemic, and I understand
    that USAID is currently looking at ways to do this.

    Power Africa
        Question. In the face of growing Chinese influence and investment,
    and in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, there arguably has never been
    a more important time to advance U.S. strategic programs to reduce
    energy poverty, support transformative energy development, and
    stimulate economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the President's
    FY 2022 budget request proposes to reduce by 26 percent funding for one
    of the most important instruments the USG has in its arsenal to
    accomplish these goals--Power Africa--while simultaneously imposing
    carbon caps and renewable energy mandates that inevitably will push
    developing economies in sub-Saharan Africa closer to China.

       Should reducing energy poverty in sub-Saharan Africa be a priority
            for USAID?

        Answer. Absolutely. It is my understanding that Power Africa is
    well positioned to address energy poverty, bolster human development,
    and mitigate climate change impacts through private sector-led energy
    development that delivers reliable, uninterrupted energy and inclusive,
    catalytic and sustainable economic growth. I understand that Power
    Africa funds will promote mutual economic prosperity between the US and
    African partners, as well as promote two-way trade and investment to
    counter malign influences by advancing universal energy access through
    30,000 milliwatts in new clean energy generation and connecting 60
    million homes and businesses to electricity by 2030.

        Question. If so, how can that reasonably be accomplished while the
    administration redirects funding for Power Africa to undefined climate
    change objectives and abandons the bipartisan, bicameral agreement on
    an ``all-of-the-above'' approach under the historic Electrify Africa
    Act?

        Answer. It is my understanding that Power Africa is expected to
    play a leading role in the administration's climate change agenda while
    maintaining its focus on addressing energy poverty in Africa. If
    confirmed, I look forward to discussing how we can continue to advance
    Power Africa's goals and expand energy development in Africa.

    Venezuela
        Question. The authoritarian regime in Cuba reportedly has developed
    its own COVID-19 vaccine.

       If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that USAID will not
            provide any direct or indirect support to a COVID-19
            vaccination campaign in which the Cuban state-owned vaccine is
            used?

        Answer. It is my understanding that USAID will only support
    procurement and delivery of vaccines that meet rigorous quality
    standards, are safe and efficacious, and have been approved or
    authorized for emergency use by a stringent regulatory authority, such
    as the U.S. FDA or the World Health Organization. I understand that
    USAID has not provided, and has no plans to provide, direct or indirect
    support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign in which any Cuban vaccine
    is used. Cuba has not published its trial data for its vaccines, nor
    has the vaccine received an emergency use listing or authorization from
    the World Health Organization.

        Question. Will you also commit to ensuring that USAID will not
    provide direct or indirect support to a vaccination campaign in
    Venezuela that is non-transparent and discriminatory?

        Answer. I understand that USAID has no plans at this time to
    provide direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign
    in Venezuela, where current vaccination efforts are non- transparent
    and discriminatory. Venezuela is a self-financing participant in COVAX,
    which means that it does not receive donor-supported vaccines or other
    assistance. USAID would only provide COVID-19 vaccination support if
    Venezuela established a credible, impartial, and transparent national
    vaccination plan, implemented in partnership with, or under the
    auspices of, international partners.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure that USAID's support
    for the World Food Program in Venezuela will not strengthen the ability
    of the Maduro regime to exert control over the Venezuelan people?

        Answer. USAID support for the U.N. World Food Program (WFP) in
    Venezuela is intended to address the emergency food needs of vulnerable
    Venezuelan children impacted by the crisis. It is my understanding that
    WFP's programs are operationally independent from any Maduro regime
    programs and hence, will not strengthen the Maduro regime. I understand
    that WFP is maintaining its own independent supply chains and food
    distributions and WFP has indicated no instance of interference by the
    Maduro regime or attempt by the Maduro regime to gain reputational
    benefits during this pilot food assistance program.

    Afghanistan
        Question. While the Department works to inject hundreds of millions
    in foreign aid into Afghanistan--a reflection of its purported desire
    to recalibrate the bilateral relationship by investing more in
    development and assistance lines of effort--USAID OIG plans to scale
    back its presence in-country, reducing staffing and closing its sub-
    office in Kabul. All of this is occurring as the Taliban continues to
    make rapid advances on the ground. According to open source reporting,
    the U.S. intelligence community assesses that the Government in Kabul
    may fall in as little as six-to-twelve months after the U.S. and NATO
    military withdrawal, potentially triggering a humanitarian and security
    crisis.

       In light of the deteriorating security climate, how can USAID
            sustain the development gains made in Afghanistan over the past
            20 years, particularly as pertains to the hard earned rights of
            women and minorities?

       As we look to recalibrate our bilateral relationship with
            Afghanistan, what more can be done to support health,
            education, empowerment of women and girls, and government
            transparency?

       How can USAID conduct effective oversight of U.S. foreign
            assistance programs in Afghanistan, given its diminished
            presence on the ground?

        Answer. With support from the United States Government, the
    Government and people of Afghanistan--particularly women and girls--
    have made enormous gains over the last 20 years. Afghans are healthier,
    better educated, more prosperous, and enjoy greater freedoms than two
    decades ago. However, we must acknowledge that women and development
    gains are now under significantly increasing threats and the security
    environment is deteriorating. I understand that USAID's gender program
    in Afghanistan is robust and broad, with programming that extends
    across the entire country and includes education and political and
    economic participation. I understand that USAID intends to continue to
    work with women leaders, the private sector, and civil society
    organizations to adjust programs and approaches in order to continue
    supporting the rights and safety of women and girls. If confirmed, I
    will work with my colleagues across government to ensure that USAID is
    doing everything it can to protect the safety of our local partners and
    the brave civil society society leaders who continue to strive for a
    better life.
        I understand that USAID provides on-going and strategic program
    oversight despite security restrictions in Afghanistan, and that
    monitoring and oversight measures taken in Afghanistan include: vetting
    of implementing partners (IPs), multi-tiered monitoring efforts, and
    financial controls. I also understand that USAID will continue to use
    third- party monitoring to provide programmatic oversight where our
    partners and programs operate. These third-party monitors are local to
    each region and have been capable of accessing USAID programs across
    the country. If the security environment affects USAID partners' and
    programs' ability to operate, third-party monitoring efforts will
    correspondingly adjust.

    West Bank & Gaza
        Question. Since January 2021, the Biden administration has re-
    established relations with the Palestinian Authority (PA) and announced
    nearly $360 million in planned U.S. assistance. This move has occurred
    despite the lack of progress in PA reforms, including its toxic so-
    called ``pay to slay program.'' If confirmed, will you commit to
    working with this committee to ensure that any U.S. assistance for
    ``reconstruction'' efforts in Gaza are allocated in a manner that is
    consistent with U.S. national security interests and does not in any
    way benefit Hamas, politically or otherwise?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with this committee to
    allocate USAID's humanitarian and development assistance in a manner
    that is consistent with U.S. national security interests. I understand
    that the Department of State and the USAID Mission in the West Bank and
    Gaza (WBG) have a robust, 15-year-old, partner vetting process to
    mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources could inadvertently
    support Hamas or other terrorist groups. I also understand that USAID
    implementing partners in the WBG have aggressive risk- mitigation
    systems in place aimed at ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is
    reaching those for whom it is intended and that assistance is closely
    coordinated with the Government of Israel, who approves all materials
    that enter Gaza. If confirmed, I will abide by all legislation,
    including the Taylor Force Act, that governs how assistance can be
    deployed in the WBG.

    Syria
        Question. There is no replacement for cross-border mechanisms to
    deliver humanitarian assistance in Syria, particularly as cross-line
    assistance is costly, ineffective, and prone to manipulation. If
    confirmed, how will you ensure that U.S. assistance is not routed
    through Damascus and is instead delivered directly to those in need?

        Answer. Rising humanitarian needs and an increasingly complex
    operating environment continue to pose significant challenges for
    humanitarian actors throughout Syria who continue to reach the most
    vulnerable at great risk to themselves. The July 9 reauthorization of
    cross-border assistance through UNSC Resolution 2585 provided crucial
    relief for the Syrian people, but it does not completely fill the vast
    needs on the ground. That is why it is vital for the United States to
    continue to advocate for unimpeded humanitarian access through all
    possible means--including continued authorization and expansion of U.N.
    cross-border access and unhindered cross-line assistance. I understand
    that no U.S. assistance is routed through the Syrian Arab Republic
    Government. I also understand that all USAID humanitarian assistance is
    implemented through independent humanitarian organizations--such as
    U.N. agencies and NGOs--to reach those most in need in line with
    humanitarian principles.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Policy Framework
        Question. Administrator Power, in her confirmation hearing,
    emphasized that she would place special emphasis on four core
    challenges: the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, conflict and state
    collapse, and democratic backsliding. The previous administrator, Mark
    Green, had sought to deemphasize such global priorities and focus on
    country-specific challenges in response to some complaints of
    ``initiative fatigue'' due to what some described as the proliferation
    of competing priorities and presidential initiatives during the Obama
    administration. The USAID Policy Framework, issued in 2019, reflects
    Administrator Green's country-tailored approach and focuses on the
    broad goal of ``ending the need for foreign assistance'' by promoting
    self-reliance among aid recipients.

       As you work to develop the next Policy Framework, what do you view
            as the chief cross- cutting themes that are likely to emerge?
            Or do you agree with Ambassador Green that a country-by-country
            focus makes more sense?

       How do you see Administrator Power's four big challenges as fitting
            into USAID's next Policy Framework, particularly as they relate
            to other priorities set by Congress in recent years, such as
            basic education and food security?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with the
    Administrator Power, interagency colleagues, Congress and external
    stakeholders to develop an updated Policy Framework, if required. In my
    view, an emphasis on global priorities that meet the needs of the
    moment, evidence-based development practice and attention to country
    needs and regional trends are important and consistent with one
    another.

    Human Rights
        Question. A key priority for me is ensuring that supporting
    democracy and promoting human rights is at the forefront of our foreign
    policy. But as a lethal pandemic, economic and physical insecurity, and
    violent conflict ravaged the world in 2020, democracy and human rights
    defenders sustained heavy losses in their struggle against
    authoritarian regimes, shifting the international balance in favor of
    tyranny.

       What more can we do to further these efforts with our European
            partners?

       How can we better work within the OSCE to address these issues?

        Answer. I agree that a unified transatlantic alliance that acts
    from common principles of human rights protection and rule of law is
    the strongest bulwark against authoritarianism. I understand that USAID
    engages frequently with E.U. officials to seek to align policy and to
    increase burden sharing on key issues such as the COVID-19 global
    response, human rights, and democracy and governance. For example, I
    understand that two of USAID's flagship civil society programs are now
    leveraging significant funding from the U.K. Foreign Commonwealth
    Office and the European Union Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and
    Enlargement Negotiations. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring new
    opportunities to expand upon our partnership with our European partners
    to support civil society and democracy across Europe and Eurasia. The
    E.U.'s new seven-year budget articulates a commitment to human
    development and rule of law. This presents an additional opportunity
    for greater cooperation. As we see autocratization begin to spread
    within Europe, USAID can support our European counterparts in
    identifying concrete ways to re-engage citizens who feel they have been
    left behind, to bolster the structure and ability to serve of
    democratic institutions, and to investigate and shut down opportunities
    for kleptocracy. As you note, foreign malign influence continues to
    challenge democratic progress around the world. In Brussels, Secretary
    Blinken and E.U. leaders recently discussed challenges that the
    People's Republic of China presents to the rules-based order and agreed
    to resume U.S.-EU dialogue to coordinate approaches.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with Ambassador Carpenter
    and the U.S. delegation to the OSCE to identify new opportunities to
    engage with human rights defenders in increasingly restrictive
    countries to gather information, identify regional trends, and track
    unmet needs in dynamic environments.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Humanitarian Access in Ethiopia
        Question. As you know, the humanitarian situation in Tigray is
    dire. Despite improvements in physical access, the restrictive
    operating space for humanitarian actors to enter the region, move
    freely, communicate, access fuel and banking services necessary to
    implement assistance, and the blockage of vital supplies are creating
    the conditions for a humanitarian disaster, including widespread
    famine.
        Aid workers have been targeted and the aid operation politicized by
    parties to the conflict. Humanitarian experts have indicated that
    unless the operating environment improves in the next few weeks, it
    will be too late to prevent catastrophe.
        Access challenges and impediments to effective principled response
    are not new, but humanitarian need is higher than ever, and coordinated
    and effective U.S. government advocacy to facilitate respect for
    international humanitarian law and reduce barriers that prevent U.S.
    assistance from getting to those who need it most is critical.

       If confirmed, how would you elevate and address the urgent
            challenges facing aid delivery in Tigray within the interagency
            and in your external engagements?

       How can the agency leverage evidence and learning from conflict
            contexts like Tigray to create effective policy and strategies
            to reduce political and operational barriers to humanitarian
            aid delivery in future crises?

        Answer. The loss of life and mass displacement resulting from the
    conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region is profoundly disturbing and
    unacceptable. I understand the administration, with support from
    Members of Congress and U.N. representatives, has undertaken numerous
    diplomatic efforts to end the violence and facilitate humanitarian
    access. If confirmed, I would ensure USAID works in close conjunction
    with the interagency and the international community to push for a
    constructive political dialogue and a negotiated ceasefire between
    parties. I would also work to identify strategic pressure points to
    ensure unhindered humanitarian access to those in need and would
    advocate for all parties to cease hostilities and respect international
    humanitarian law.
        To learn from past conflict contexts, we must draw lessons from the
    Agency's past experiences and apply them to future work for greater
    impact. By capturing, organizing and disseminating evidence, and by
    engaging with peer interagency and other partners, we can build better
    humanitarian and peacebuilding programs, policies and strategies.

    Protecting Women in Afghanistan
        Question. This committee has been deeply concerned about the safety
    of women following the U.S.'s withdrawal. We are even more concerned
    about the safety of women that have worked on USAID cooperative grants.
    Currently, these partners are not eligible for the Special Immigrant
    Visa (SIV) program.

       What protections should be considered for them in light of the
            danger they may be facing for their work with the United
            States?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the additional challenges
    facing Afghan women in this increased environment of insecurity within
    Afghanistan, and I understand that USAID is committed to working with
    our partners who represent the women of Afghanistan and the interagency
    to explore short and long-term opportunities for increased protection
    including through refugee programs in coordination with the Department
    of State. A sustained deteriorating security environment will make the
    Agency's ability to provide development and humanitarian assistance
    more difficult. If confirmed, I commit to working with the
    administrator and experts at the Agency to conduct robust contingency
    planning for different scenarios so that USAID can continue its
    assistance. I commit to engaging at the highest levels to explore every
    possible opportunity for supporting the Afghans at particular risk for
    their work alongside USAID and our partners.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Christopher Lu by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Do you believe that any country, including the United
    States, should pay more than 25 percent of the peacekeeping budget?

        Answer. I believe all countries should pay their fair share of the
    peacekeeping budget. If confirmed, I will work to reach an agreement to
    lower the U.S. assessment rate as close to 25 percent as possible and
    ensure that other countries pay their fair share.

        Question. Do you support going beyond the 25 percent cap as imposed
    by Congress and signed into U.S. law which bears the current
    President's name?

        Answer. The President's FY 2022 budget requests a waiver of the 25
    percent peacekeeping cap to allow the United States to pay our full
    assessment. If confirmed, I will not undertake any action that
    contravenes U.S. law. I welcome the opportunity to work with Congress
    to meet our financial obligations, including addressing the substantial
    level of arrears that have accumulated over the past four years, and
    the cap on peacekeeping funding.

        Question. What is your position on repayment of current U.S.
    peacekeeping arrears?

        Answer. The President's FY 2022 budget requests a partial repayment
    of U.S. peacekeeping arrears. If confirmed, I welcome the opportunity
    to work with Congress to meet our financial obligations, including
    addressing the substantial level of arrears that have accumulated over
    the past four years.

        Question. Are there any specific steps you believe the U.N. should
    take to reduce the overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget? If so,
    what are they?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing and assessing all
    existing U.N. peacekeeping missions to ensure they are still necessary
    for the promotion of international peace and security. If confirmed, I
    will provide active U.S. engagement in Fifth Committee (Administrative
    and Budget) negotiations to ensure missions are appropriately
    resourced. For missions that we deem in the U.S. interest to maintain,
    I will ensure they are as effective and efficient as possible, while
    also providing the resources to fully implement their mandates,
    including well-trained and well-equipped troops and police and
    necessary assets.

        Question. Are there any specific U.N. peacekeeping missions you
    would support reducing or terminating? If so, what missions do you
    believe should be reduced or terminated?

        Answer. At this point, I do not have sufficient information to make
    a determination regarding the reduction or termination of any existing
    U.N. peacekeeping mission. If confirmed, I will work with State
    Department colleagues to assess the effectiveness of these missions to
    ensure they are still necessary for the promotion of international
    peace and security.
        U.N. peacekeeping operations are among the most effective
    mechanisms of burden-sharing in addressing the global challenges to
    international peace and security. The Department of State and USUN
    regularly work within the U.N. system, through the United States'
    permanent seat on the Security Council, engagement with the U.N.
    Secretariat, and the General Assembly, to ensure that missions are
    addressing evolving conditions on the ground and fulfilling mandated
    tasks. If a new mission is proposed, the Security Council's standard
    practice is to review its mandate annually before determining whether
    to extend it. This allows the United States to regularly assess
    progress toward mandated tasks and performance benchmarks and to use
    our leverage as a permanent member to adjust mandates as necessary.
        In recent years, U.N. peacekeeping missions have closed in Cote
    d'Ivoire, Haiti and Libera, and the peacekeeping mission in Darfur is
    in the process of closing now. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen
    and improve the effectiveness of U.N. peacekeeping operations, while
    providing missions with realistic and achievable mandates, as well as
    the necessary resources to fully implement those mandates.

        Question. The U.N. maintains several particular bodies and
    departments that focus on the Palestinians. These including the
    Division on Palestinian Rights (DPR), the Committee on the Exercise of
    the Inalienable Rights of Palestinian People (CEIRPP), and U.N.
    Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL).

       Will you work to challenge the existence and funding of these
            departments?

        Answer. The United States will continue the tradition of
    maintaining its role as an honest broker in the Middle East, both as a
    staunch supporter and defender of Israel, and as a promoter of the
    legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. The United States
    remains firmly and consistently committed to achieving a comprehensive
    and lasting peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians based on
    a two-state solution. If confirmed, I will assess the mandates of these
    particular U.N. bodies and departments, and make recommendations on
    them. I will support organizations and efforts that contribute to these
    goals.

        Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles
    in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical
    standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have
    overtly advanced Chinese Communist Party goals, rather than acting
    independently to advance the global good. It is clear the United States
    has had mixed success with elections for heads of International
    Organizations (IO) in the past and, as a result, is taking more robust
    and coordinated steps to advocate for qualified and independent
    candidates in U.N. bodies.

       If confirmed, will you prioritize robust strategies to secure
            qualified and independent candidates to lead U.N./IO bodies,
            especially highly specialized agencies?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize increasing U.S. efforts to
    identify and support qualified and independent candidates to lead U.N./
    IO bodies, including specialized and technical agencies. Such
    organizations and agencies play an important role in standard-setting
    across a broad range of issues that have an impact on our national
    security, including civil aviation and maritime safety; nuclear
    safeguards, safety, and security; internet freedom; digital and
    emerging technologies; intellectual property; and narcotics control and
    criminal justice.
        If confirmed, I will work with the rest of the Bureau of
    International Organization Affairs to identify qualified and
    independent candidates who are committed to advancing priorities
    including transparency and accountability in the U.N. system, engage
    with key U.N. leadership to communicate our personnel and elections
    priorities, coordinate with our partners to support likeminded
    individuals, and support efforts to strengthen the pipeline of talented
    American citizens interested in serving with the United Nations at all
    levels. I will also work with Congress, other federal agencies, the
    private sector, and non-governmental organizations to build support for
    these candidates so that the United States can compete effectively with
    other countries, including the People's Republic of China, to uphold
    the foundational values and principles of the U.N. system.

        Question. Countering malign influence within the U.N. system will
    require a robust whole-of-government approach as well as orchestrated
    cooperation between the U.S. and likeminded partners.

       If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these efforts
            within our Government and between governments to identify,
            recruit, and elect qualified, independent candidates to lead
            U.N. agencies?

        Answer. The Department has established a new office in the Bureau
    of International Organization Affairs--the Office of Multilateral
    Strategy and Personnel (IO/MSP)--focused on supporting qualified
    candidates for U.N. elections, multilateral appointments, and
    competitive positions, as part of a broader effort to strengthen the
    foundational principles and values of the U.N. and multilateral system.
    If confirmed, I will coordinate with the rest of the U.S. Government,
    including Congress and other federal agencies, the private sector, non-
    governmental organizations, and our allies and partners, to expand our
    recruitment networks and attract qualified and independent U.S.
    citizens and likeminded candidates with broader, more diverse
    backgrounds and support their election efforts from New York and across
    the globe. These efforts will include dynamic campaign strategies that
    leverage the whole of the U.S. Government's resources and influence to
    support U.S. citizen candidates and likeminded partners.

        Question. Additionally, please describe your intended efforts to
    bolster U.S. talent recruitment for more junior positions, such as
    those in the Junior Professional Officer program, in the U.N. and other
    International Organizations.

        Answer. Successfully increasing the number of U.S. citizens
    employed in the U.N. system requires a multifaceted approach that will
    involve identifying and advocating for qualified candidates for
    positions at all levels, including in junior roles. The Junior
    Professional Officer program is one of the key opportunities offered by
    the U.N. to encourage young professionals interested in serving in
    international organizations, and it provides them with hands-on
    experience across various U.N. agencies. If confirmed, I will
    coordinate closely with my colleagues in the International Organization
    Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder bureaus and agencies and consult
    with Congress to ensure we have sufficient resources, tools, and
    staffing to support more positions for American citizen JPOs in the
    U.N. system. With these resources, we can work strategically to
    increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the U.S. Government
    at key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities, expand our
    recruitment and outreach activities to ensure these opportunities are
    widely known and available to interested U.S. citizens, and provide
    tools and services to strengthen our competitiveness in placing
    qualified American citizens into the U.N. system. If confirmed, I also
    look forward to using my public statements and travel to champion the
    need for more young American professionals to work in the U.N. system.

        Question. Before fiscal year 2021, there was a 15 percent
    withholding requirement of U.S.-assessed contributions to the U.N.
    designed to enhance whistleblower protections. This is now gone.

       Do you support re-instating the 15 percent withholding until these
            certifications were made? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am a strong believer in whistleblower protections. If
    confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to examine the benefits and
    leverage that the conditional withholding of funds provides. Experience
    shows that temporarily withholding funds can sometimes be of use in
    advancing reform, except in those cases where withholding will
    negatively impact an important program that the United States
    specifically supports.
        My understanding is, because of the extraordinary nature of
    withholding funds, the withholding of funds from the World Intellectual
    Property Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization was
    a factor that the missions of other countries to those organizations
    took into account when deciding whether to support reforms that the
    U.S. missions to those organizations were advancing. In both instances,
    the support of other countries was essential to getting eventual
    agreement on needed reforms, especially in the areas of ethics and
    whistleblower protections.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work to address barriers to
    advance U.N. management reforms, especially those created by the
    different priorities among member states?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and likeminded member
    states that strongly support U.N. management reform. Recognizing that
    all member states will have their priorities, if confirmed, I will work
    to maximize the areas of agreement to advance our highest priority
    reforms. If confirmed, I will work closely with reform-oriented leaders
    and agents of change within the U.N. system to lend our support to
    their efforts, particularly within the General Assembly's Fifth
    Committee (Administrative and Budget). I also welcome the engagement of
    members of Congress in advocating for U.N. management reforms.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you measure success in
    implementing management reforms at the U.N.?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that international
    organizations within the U.N. system are accountable and responsible
    for the U.S. taxpayer resources they receive. This includes continuing
    the longstanding U.S. policy of promoting budget discipline and
    transparency, as well as continuing efforts to ensure that other
    countries pay their fair share. I also will work to ensure that the
    U.N. prioritizes program effectiveness, operational efficiency, and
    results-based budgeting.

        Question. What policies need to be implemented to maintain fiscal
    responsibility and accountability within the U.N. system?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure international
    organizations in the U.N. system adhere to best management and
    oversight practices in ensuring financial and managerial transparency.
    This transparency is achieved, in part, through annual in-depth reviews
    of the 34 regular budget sections that the U.N. Secretary-General
    submits to the General Assembly and Fifth Committee each spring and
    summer, along with accompanying reports that the Advisory Body on
    Administrative and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ) provides. These reports
    contain hundreds of pages of financial and programmatic details on each
    aspect of the U.N. regular budget. The U.S. Mission similarly conducts
    in-depth annual reviews of proposed budgets for U.N. peacekeeping
    missions in the fall. Additionally, the reports of the Office of
    Internal Oversight Services and the reports of the U.N. Board of
    Auditors, which contain the audited financial statements for the U.N.
    regular budget and each peacekeeping mission budget, are valuable in
    analyzing budget requests.
        The IO Bureau and U.S. Missions to U.N. System organizations in New
    York, Geneva, Rome, and Vienna similarly scrutinize the budgets and
    financial statements of the U.N. funds and programs and each of the
    U.N. specialized agencies. The U.S. Mission will also continue to
    support strong U.S. candidates for U.N. technical, budgetary, and
    oversight bodies. Our membership and leadership on these bodies enable
    us to promote fiscal discipline and accountability.

        Question. While the U.N. has taken steps to improve its efficiency,
    operational effectiveness, and accountability, the continuing need for
    reform is obvious to most observers, including strong supporters of the
    institution. The U.N. Secretary-General has committed to an agenda of
    reform. The U.S. push for reform is one of the main drivers behind the
    progress to date.

       In your opinion, what are the top three reforms that the U.N. could
            undertake in the coming two years that will have the greatest
            impact?

        Answer. During my two decades of federal service, much of my work
    has focused on improving the functioning of government organizations.
    If confirmed, I will work to advance reforms that make the U.N. more
    efficient and effective, including in its achievement of the goals U.N.
    member states have set for it, and ensure that the Secretary-General
    communicates the tangible benefits of implemented reforms to all
    stakeholders. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to hold the
    U.N. accountable to its mission and its member states.
        In particular, I believe we must do all we can to ensure the U.N.
    is (1) implementing the reform program that has been set out by the
    Secretary General, particularly to improve the U.N.'s capacity for
    conflict prevention (this includes strengthening the Resident
    Coordinator program, which will improve U.N. operations and
    coordination across the entire United Nations System through
    efficiencies and economies among the U.N. Secretariat and the United
    Nations Funds and Programs); (2) enhancing accountability in the use of
    resources through the elimination of waste and fraud and strengthened
    protections for whistleblowers; and (3) enhancing the standards for
    peacekeeper performance and improved accountability in combatting
    sexual exploitation abuse accompanied by strengthening prevention
    measures and protection for victims.
        If confirmed, my work will be guided by three principles:

       Working to ensure that all countries pay their fair share to the
            United Nations and that the U.N. exercises greater budget
            discipline. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging on the
            assessment negotiations which are scheduled to begin this fall.

       Supporting initiatives to transform the U.N. into an organization
            that can better meet the challenges of the 21st century. If
            confirmed, I will advocate for a greater prioritization of
            performance metrics that demonstrate tangible outcomes
            resulting from the delivery of mandated programs

       Countering the negative impact of countries like China and Russia
            that push ideologies that undermine the U.N.'s mission and the
            rules-based international order.

        If confirmed, I will consult with Congress about where we see the
    U.N. making satisfactory progress in these areas, and where additional
    efforts are needed.

        Question. How will you explain to the Secretary-General and the
    member states that continued reform is a precondition for full U.S.
    support of the U.N.?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States asserts
    its leadership role across the U.N. system. This will include paying
    our dues in full and on time, subject to the required Congressional
    appropriations and authorizations, to maximize our influence, and
    exerting that influence to continue advancing reforms and uphold the
    foundational values of the international rules-based order. I also
    welcome the engagement of members of Congress in advocating for U.N.
    reform in their discussions with the Secretary-General and member
    states.

        Question. What tactics would you use if reform efforts falter or
    lack urgency?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and likeminded member
    states who strongly support U.N. management reform. Recognizing that
    all member states will have their priorities, if confirmed, I will work
    to maximize the areas of agreement to advance our highest priority
    reforms. I will regularly consult with other parts of the U.S.
    Government, including Congress, as to other possible levers for
    achieving reform.

        Question. With an increase of the use of telework by the United
    Nations system, how will you work to create cost savings? In
    particular, will you explore closing or selling U.N. facilities which
    are not being used?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to achieve agreement by U.N.
    member states to make the most economic use of U.N. facilities,
    including analyzing lessons learned during the COVID-19 shutdowns that
    may help improve workplace flexibility and efficiency, while realizing
    cost savings through measures to reduce the U.N.'s footprint in
    headquarters locations. In New York, the U.N. has already ended two
    leases for office space, and measures are also being implemented in
    Geneva as part of the renovation project there, such as through the
    sale and leasing of space to other occupants.
        With the greater use of technology to conduct meetings, I also
    believe the U.N. needs to re-examine its overall approach to staff
    travel, in particular for conferences.

        Question. Over the years, some experts have questioned the ability
    of the U.N. Office of International Oversight to effectively monitor
    U.N. programs in part because the office is largely dependent on
    funding from the U.N. programs that it audits. Some governments,
    including the United States, maintain that this could lead to a real or
    perceived conflict of interest.

       What is your view on this issue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Office of
    Internal Oversight Services continues to receive its funding from the
    General Assembly, and thus the U.N. member states, so that it can
    freely audit the U.N. Secretariat. In general, the U.N. funds and
    programs have their own, internal audit offices, as do the U.N.
    specialized agencies. These internal audit offices are generally funded
    through the regular (assessed) budgets of the specialized agencies and
    the core (unearmarked) budgets of the U.N. funds and programs. The
    internal audit offices are ultimately accountable to the member states,
    not the secretariats, of these entities.
        Similarly, the U.N. Board of Auditors, which audits the financial
    statements and makes recommendations related to internal controls and
    other financial management practices of the U.N. and the U.N. funds and
    programs, is funded through the U.N. regular budget and reports to the
    U.N. General Assembly. The external auditors of the U.N. specialized
    agencies, which are usually the highly capable and independent national
    audit offices of countries such as the United Kingdom, India, and the
    Philippines, are also funded through the regular (assessed) budgets of
    the specialized agencies and report to each agency's member states.

        Question. Do you think U.N. internal oversight is sufficiently
    independent?

        Answer. I believe that any organization, including the United
    Nations, can do more to improve the effectiveness and independence of
    its internal oversight mechanism. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
    that the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) maintains maximum
    independence from the U.N. Secretariat while ensuring accountability to
    the United States and other U.N. member states. The Management and
    Reform Section at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations has been at
    the forefront of pressing for maximum independence of OIOS since its
    creation in 1994, with the goal of having OIOS operate like an
    Inspector General in the U.S. Government. A key opportunity to advance
    the independence and effectiveness of OIOS is in the negotiations each
    fall on General Assembly resolutions that define OIOS's mandate and
    responsibilities. The most recent resolution, A/Res/75/247 adopted on
    December 31, 2020, contains five paragraphs on operational
    independence, the most prominent of which is paragraph 6:

              6. Reaffirms the operational independence of the Office,
            stresses that its independence and objectivity are vital in
            ensuring that its internal oversight functions are carried out
            in a credible, factual and unbiased manner, and reaffirms the
            authority of the Office to initiate, carry out and report on
            any action to fulfil its responsibilities with regard to
            internal audit, inspection and evaluation, and investigations;

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Christopher Lu by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. If confirmed, will you be a strong advocate for us paying
    our dues to the U.N. in full and on time?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
    reasserts its leadership role across the U.N. system. This will include
    paying our dues in full and on time in order to maximize our influence
    and exerting that influence to advance reforms and uphold the
    foundational values of the international rules-based order.

        Question. What is your strategy for the upcoming triennial 2022-
    2024 scales of assessments negotiations to ensure that all countries
    pay their fair share?

        Answer. I understand that the administration is currently reviewing
    options to try to reach an agreement in the U.N. General Assembly to
    potentially lower future U.S. assessment rates. If confirmed, I will
    work to reach an agreement in the U.N. General Assembly to try to lower
    the U.S. assessment rates and ensure that other countries pay their
    fair share. I welcome the opportunity to work with Congress to take the
    steps necessary to allow the United States to meet our financial
    obligations.

                                   __________

    Letter from AAPI (Asian American and Pacific Islander) Organizations in
                     Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

      Letter from Former Senior Members of Republican Administrations in
                     Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Letter from the Congressional Asian Pacific and American Caucus (CAPAC)
                   in Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                                  ----------

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                            WEDNESDAY, JULY 28, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:11 a.m. in
    Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
    presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, and Cruz.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing on nominations of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
        We are here today to consider nominations for four very
    important positions. Secretary, former Senator, Ken Salazar to
    be Ambassador to Mexico, Ms. Jessica Lewis to be Assistant
    Secretary of State for Political and Military Affairs,
    Ambassador Donald Lu to be the Assistant Secretary of State for
    South and Central Asian Affairs, and Ms. Marcella Escobari to
    be an Assistant Administrator for the United States Agency for
    International Development for Latin America and the Caribbean.
        Congratulations on all your nominations. I know all of you
    have a distinguished history of public service. We appreciate
    your willingness to continue to serve your country, and those
    members of your family.
        I understand that Senator Bennet and Senator Hickenlooper,
    our colleagues from Colorado, will be introducing Secretary
    Salazar this morning. So we will go to them.
        Senior Senator from Colorado, Senator Bennet?

                   STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL BENNET,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO

        Senator Bennet. Thank you, Chairman Menendez for having me,
    the Ranking Member as well, for allowing Senator Hickenlooper
    and me to introduce Ken Salazar, President Biden's nominee to
    serve as the United States Ambassador to Mexico.
        Ken is no stranger to this body where he served with
    distinction, and Colorado is honored to call him our own. And I
    am grateful to call him a mentor and a brother. In my view,
    President Biden could not have made a better choice.
        The American Southwest embodies our braided history with
    Mexico, and I cannot think of anyone with a deeper connection
    to the region than Ken.
        Our history goes back over 400 years when Ken's family
    settled in New Mexico before America was even a country. Later,
    the family journeyed to Colorado, San Luis Valley, where they
    have farmed for five generations.
        If you drive down to the Valley and visit San Luis, which
    is Colorado's oldest town, there is a stone marker identifying
    the state's first irrigation ditch, The People's Ditch, etched
    into the stone or the names of farmers and ranchers who were
    entitled to draw water from that ditch, because they were the
    ones who dug it, and the name Salazar is among them.
        The Valley is a sparse, beautiful part of our state, but it
    was not an easy place to grow up. The Salazar family ranch in
    Los Rincones did not have electricity until 1982.
        Ken and his siblings grew up reading with oil lamps. They
    did not have phones, or television, but they did have the
    example of their parents, both incredible patriots. Ken's
    father, Henry, served in World War II and became a staff
    sergeant. He was so proud of his service to America, that he
    asked the family to bury him in uniform, which they did.
        When the war broke out, Ken's mother, Emma, also wanted to
    do her part. So she traveled to Washington by herself, when she
    was only 19, to work at the Pentagon. Neither of his parents
    had a college education, but they worked hard to provide their
    family with opportunities they never had, all eight of their
    children, including Ken, became first-time college graduates.
        They were so proud of everything Ken went on to achieve,
    from working as a lawyer at top western firms, to breaking
    barriers as the first Hispanic-American elected to statewide
    office, as Colorado's Attorney General, to become the first
    Mexican-American elected to the U.S. Senate outside of New
    Mexico, to joining President Obama's historic Cabinet as
    Secretary of the Interior.
        Ken is exactly who we need to strengthen our vitally
    important relationship with Mexico, which is critical to the
    stability and prosperity of our entire hemisphere. But as this
    committee appreciates, the relationship faces no shortage of
    challenges, from immigration, to trade, energy, resource
    management, public health, and the rule of law.
        Ken has worked and lived virtually all of these issues. As
    Colorado's Attorney General, Ken negotiated several extradition
    arrangements with Mexico, many of which remain in place today.
    In the Senate he led important immigration reform with Ted
    Kennedy and John McCain. He shaped major provisions of the Farm
    Bill. He helped craft by partisan energy bills. When he left to
    serve in the administration, Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell
    praised his leadership on the floor, and the Senate confirmed
    his nomination unanimously.
        As Interior secretary, Ken negotiated water-sharing
    agreements between the U.S. and Mexico, and strengthened
    bilateral cooperation around conservation to protect Big Bend
    National Park along the Rio Grande.
        I could go on, Mr. Chairman, but it comes down to this, you
    would struggle mightily to find someone more qualified than
    Ken. He has the experience and substance to hit the ground
    running, and a life story that represents America at our best.
        I urge the committee to advance his nomination with an
    overwhelming bipartisan vote. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. When I am up for a nomination, I
    want you introducing me, Senator Bennet.
        Senator Hickenlooper?
        Senator Bennet. I will be there.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN HICKENLOOPER,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO

        Senator Hickenlooper. Well, good morning, Mr. Chairman, and
    Ranking Member, and members of the committee.
        I am also equally honored to introduce Secretary Ken
    Salazar, President Biden's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to the
    United Mexican States. I have known Ken for over 30 years, from
    when we first had a jazz club in the basement of my restaurant,
    and he was raising money for a campaign to protect open lands
    in Southern Colorado called La Tierra. We got John Nichols to
    come speak, and raised--I think we raised 16 or $1,800.
        His older brother, John, who some of you remember, from
    serving in the House, was my Secretary of Agriculture, my first
    term as governor. Ken has been beside me on every campaign, and
    every major issue, every political battle I fought. And I have
    tried to be by his side as well.
        As Michael said, his family story is emblematic of the
    relationship between the U.S. and Mexico. His family settled in
    Southwest, United States was then New Spain in the 16th
    century. His ancestors helped found the City of Santa Fe.
    Michael described him growing up on Los Rincones without
    electricity. He did not mention that Los Rincones is a scrabble
    of about six buildings. The big city, Manassa, which is four
    miles away, almost has a population of a thousand.
        Again, the ranch down there is one of the most beautiful
    places in Colorado. My son, Teddy, learned to ride, ride a
    horse on this ranch when he was 11 years old. And of those
    eight children that Ken's parents, Emma and Henry raised, all
    eight graduated from college.
        And I was also--well, you ought to get him to tell the
    story at some point, but children six, seven, and eight were
    all born on the same long night, which is a story only he can
    tell. He served Governor Romer, both as chief counsel and as
    secretary of Natural Resources, and both in those roles, and as
    a U.S. Senator, and as the secretary of Interior, he never
    shied away from tough issues.
        He understands the importance of collaboration, and
    bipartisanship, pragmatism. He is a world-class negotiator,
    which I think he got from his mother, Emma. She was about 5
    feet 2 inches, and yet one of the strongest, most potent
    political forces in Colorado. She blessed two generations of
    candidates, and they were not always Democrats, but she blessed
    to two generations, she blessed me on my reelection in 2014
    when she was 91 years old.
        When he came to the Senate, Ken designated and chose
    Senator John McCain as his mentor, as a freshman senator, and
    the two worked together on immigration reform, both working
    with Republicans and Democrats, he convened ranchers and
    environmentalists throughout his term as secretary--as Interior
    secretary, on water issues, conservation issues, et cetera.
        From a ranch in Conejos County, Colorado, to the hallways
    of this chamber, Ken has had a package of experiences that make
    him uniquely qualified to be a remarkable Ambassador to Mexico.
    Mexico is an important ally and trading partner. Nuevo Laredo
    now is our largest port of entry, and in many--in so many
    cases, the United States and Mexico share priorities. And I
    think that it is a delicate point in the relationship now, a
    point that demands someone with the skills of Ken Salazar.
        All of us in Colorado are so grateful for all of his
    contributions, the things that he has done. He created
    something called Great Outdoors Colorado that, to this day, is
    perhaps the greatest public-private partnership around land
    conservation in the history of this country. In everything that
    he has done, he has been able to bring people together, resolve
    conflict, and create progress.
        And that is exactly what we need now. We are all fortunate
    to his, once again, answering the call to service, to take on
    this crucial role at this crucial time.
        I wholeheartedly support his nomination, and I hope that he
    gets widespread support from every single person on this
    committee.
        The Chairman. Well, thank you, Senator Hickenlooper. I did
    not think there was much that could be added after Senator
    Bennet, but you did a fantastic job of filling out the total,
    the total picture. So we know that both of you have very busy
    agendas and you are welcome to excuse yourselves at any time.
        With that, let me take a moment to introduce Ms. Jessica
    Lewis. It is with a mixture of deep pride and wistfulness that
    we are here today considering the nomination of Ms. Lewis to be
    the next Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of
    Political Military Affairs.
        I, like many others in both the Senate and the House, have
    had the good fortune of working closely with Ms. Lewis and
    benefiting from her exceptional wisdom, drive, and judgment.
    Ms. Lewis is recognized across party lines as one of the most
    effective and respected leaders on Capitol Hill, she is a
    trailblazer for women in national security. Indeed, if approved
    by the Senate, she will be the first woman confirmed to hold
    this position.
        You all know her as the majority staff director of this
    committee, and prior to that, as a senior national security and
    foreign policy advisor for then Majority Leader Harry Reid.
    What you may not know is that she came to Capitol Hill almost
    two decades ago to work for me as a foreign policy advisor and
    staff director of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee in the
    House of Representatives. So we are proud of all of Jessica's
    accomplishments since then.
        And while it would be impossible to catalogue all of these
    accomplishments here, I do want to highlight her leadership,
    her steady hand during this past year in particular, leading
    the staff to an incredibly productive year, while also
    providing invaluable advice on the committee's foreign policy
    priorities. I have been deeply impressed, and that is not an
    easy thing to do, but not at all surprised.
        I would like to highlight that Ms. Lewis' tireless
    dedication over her entire career to mentoring young
    professionals as well, elevating her colleagues, and empowering
    those who have not been traditionally represented in the field,
    are exemplary. And I have no doubt she will apply herself in
    the same way, and with equal success at the State Department.
        Secretary Salazar is a friend of mine, and of this
    committee, and I am deeply gratified by your nomination to be
    Ambassador to Mexico. It is a Testament to the Biden
    administration's seriousness about restoring a productive and
    respectful relationship with the people and Government of
    Mexico. One of the most important, expansive bilateral
    relationships we have.
        The task ahead of you is great. You will need to continue
    engaging on the critical issues of trade and migration that
    have been central in our bilateral relationship, while also
    engaging on the, often uncomfortable, issues that face both our
    nations, including the trafficking of drugs, weapons, and
    people, environmental threats, and issues of democracy,
    governance, and rule of law, including with respect to human
    rights and labor rights.
        I have no doubt that your vast experience in government,
    your personal ties to Mexico, and your commitment to bipartisan
    solutions will make you an excellent ambassador upon your
    confirmation.
        Of the Office of Political Military Affairs, for which Ms.
    Lewis has been nominated, are of vital importance to U.S.
    foreign and national security policy, and to this committee. It
    is a position with immense impact for safeguarding U.S.
    national security and promoting and accomplishing vital U.S.
    foreign policy objectives.
        In recent years, the Bureau's relationship and credibility
    with this committee has been strained, though it has been
    improving. I expect that with Ms. Lewis at the helm, the
    Bureau's level of cooperation with the oversight activities of,
    and consultation with this committee will improve considerably.
    And I will put that expectation to the test.
        Ambassador Lu, I am pleased to see you back again before
    this committee, this time to be the next Assistant Secretary
    for South and Central Asian Affairs, a region of critical
    importance and significant challenges. Indeed, the rapidly
    deteriorating situation in Afghanistan will require sustained
    Senate oversight for how the administration plans to mitigate
    the effects of the withdrawal.
        I, along with many members of this committee are especially
    concerned about the plight of women, and the minorities as the
    Taliban continues to gain military strength.
        In addition, as the administration evacuates the first
    group of Afghan SIV applicants, I continue to be concerned
    about the thousands of remaining Afghan SIV applicants and our
    Afghan human rights and democracy partners whose lives remain
    in grave danger from the Taliban.
        And as you know, any peaceful resolution to this conflict
    must be regional in nature, and will require the Assistant
    Secretary to be deeply engaged.
        Our relationship with India is growing, bolstered by a
    vibrant Indian-American community here in the United States, I
    expect our diplomats to deepen this relationship while
    remaining true to our core values, and raising concerns as
    necessary.
        In Bangladesh, I continue to advocate for labor rights in
    the establishment of unions to ensure that workers in every
    sector can work in safe conditions. There will be no shortage
    of challenges, but I am confident that your knowledge and
    experience in the region will serve you well as you take on
    this role.
        Ms. Escobari, your extensive experience helping countries
    in our hemisphere chart a path towards prosperity, including in
    your previous service as USAID Assistant Administrator for
    Latin America and the Caribbean Bureau, which make you
    exceptionally qualified for this position. As you know, the
    challenges we face in the region are growing by the day.
    Democratic backsliding has accelerated in many countries
    aggravating by the ongoing socioeconomic impact of COVID-19.
        With the recent assassination in Haiti, widespread protests
    and regime violence in Cuba, and authoritarian crackdown in
    Nicaragua, humanitarian emergency in Venezuela, and numerous
    challenges related to irregular migration, the Western
    Hemisphere today is less secure, less prosperous, and less
    stable than it had been in many years.
        We look forward to hearing how you will work to address
    those challenges, if confirmed.
        In closing, the four of you have immense challenges ahead,
    I am confident that your rich experiences will serve you well
    as you take on your new responsibilities upon confirmation. We
    look forward to your testimonies. And this is normally a little
    longer than we would in introducing, nominees, but you are
    coming into critical positions.
        So let me turn to the distinguished ranking member for his
    opening remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thanks to our
    witnesses for joining us today, and your willingness to serve,
    and of course your families who will share in that sacrifice.
        I want to start with the nomination of Assistant Secretary
    of State for South Asian Central Affairs. Personally, my top
    two foreign policy priorities are China and global health. And
    India is a major player in both of these priorities.
        So I look forward to hearing your views on how we can work
    with India to maintain a favorable balance of power in the
    Indian Ocean, and continued to partner in the fight against
    COVID, and other global health concerns, including vaccine
    development and manufacturing in India.
        It is also becoming clear that a hasty U.S. withdrawal from
    Afghanistan threatens to squander our hard-fought gains there.
    Ambassador Lu, we welcome your thoughts on the way ahead.
        Next, we have the nomination of Assistant Secretary of
    State for Political-Military Affairs. Our security partnerships
    are essential to protecting our vital national interests. They
    are also critical aspect of competition with China and Russia.
    We will often hear from our allies and partners over the
    problems and the speed of our security cooperation process. And
    often state is at the forefront of these problems.
        I look forward to hearing how you plan to strengthen our
    relationships with partners, and allies, and keep the U.S., the
    security partner of choice around the world. I have no doubt
    you have great qualifications for that task in as much as your
    service on this committee has shown that to be such.
        On the nomination of Assistant Administrator of USAID for
    Latin America and the Caribbean, if confirmed, you will have no
    shortage of challenges, especially the political and
    humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, the growing violence and
    poverty in Haiti surrounding the recent assassination of
    President Moyes, democracy in Cuba and Nicaragua, and holding
    governments in Central America accountable for addressing the
    drivers of irregular immigration.
        And for the nomination of a U.S. Ambassador to Mexico,
    Senator Salazar, Secretary Salazar, it is good to see you
    again. As neighbors, Mexico and the United States share an
    enduring interest in maintaining robust security and economic
    cooperation. I look forward to hearing your thoughts,
    especially on how to address the growing role of Mexican
    transnational criminal organization in the production and
    trafficking of fentanyl into the United States.
        I think all of us have been shocked by the state of
    politics in Mexico, with the huge number of assassinations that
    have taken place of people that are running for public office,
    and the current state of affairs there. It is staggering how
    many people have been killed.
        Ambassador--excuse me--Senator Salazar, your ability to
    handle these things, I have absolutely no question about. It
    has been a pleasure working with you on issues that were
    parochial to my state while you were Secretary of the Interior.
    I enjoyed serving with you briefly in this chamber.
        And with that I will yield back my time. Thank you, Mr.
    Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        All right, we will turn to our nominees. We will start with
    Secretary Salazar, and moved down the dais. We ask you to
    summarize your statement in about five minutes, so we can have
    a conversation with you. Your full statements will be included
    in the record without objection.
        And with that, we recognize Secretary Salazar.

     STATEMENT OF HON. KENNETH LEE SALAZAR, OF COLORADO, NOMINATED
       TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
         UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES

        Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and Ranking
    Member Risch, and all the members of this committee, for the
    time this morning. I appreciate your service and your
    leadership on this committee.
        I also want to acknowledge and thank my good friends,
    Senator Michael Bennet, and Senator John Hickenlooper for their
    long journey with me together, working on issues that we so
    much care about for Colorado and the United States of America.
        And I want to acknowledge my family back in Colorado, and
    the San Luis Valley, and in Denver. My wonderful wife,
    Esperanza, watching this hearing this morning with Melinda,
    Andrea, Mireya, and Selena, and Blake, and all of my family in
    the valley, thank you so much for being the wind beneath my
    wings for all of the journey that I have had in this wonderful
    life of mine.
        Let me also acknowledge my guests here today. Former
    colleagues from the U.S. Senate, as well as friends, Stephanie
    Valencia, Felicia Escobar and Dan Restrepo, I thank them for
    their help in my own--in my journey.
        So let me also say, this is a very proud moment for me,
    proud because President Joe Biden is a person who cares a lot
    about Mexico, Central America and Latin America, his many
    trips, even as Vice President trying to deal with these issues
    that have been around for--the United States for a very long
    time, are a testament to his attention to the North-South
    relationship and to the Western hemisphere.
        And so I am very proud to be able to work with him, to have
    the opportunity, if confirmed by this committee and the Senate,
    to be able to work on the issues that he so much cares about.
        And likewise, Vice President Kamala Harris, she and I knew
    each other back in her days as attorney general. And I know her
    interest in dealing with the issues, including the root causes
    in the relationship between the U.S., Mexico, Central America,
    and Latin America.
        So I very much look forward to being a part of their team,
    but I can only do that work effectively if I also work closely
    with the members of this committee, and that includes both the
    majority and the minority staff, it includes a you, Senator
    Menendez, Senator Risch, and each of the members of this
    committee. We may not always agree, but what I will make sure I
    do is that I have the opportunity to hear your voices and to
    work with you, to deal with these solutions, or these
    challenges, and create solutions that we have all been looking
    for.
        So let me just say a word about how I see the issues for
    the United States and Mexico. Our futures are inextricably
    bound together as two nations, as people that have a very
    common heritage.
        We are inextricably bound together because of the
    demographics of our two nations. We are inextricably bound
    together because of the migration patterns of the history of
    our two nations. We are inextricably bound together with our
    economic and jobs, dreams, and the prosperity for both nations.
    And we are inextricably bound together with the dream of
    security, and freedom from the fear of violence that we
    currently see on the border, on both sides of the border, and
    on the southern border of Mexico, as well as in other places in
    Latin America. And we are bound together by our history and by
    our heritage.
        I will not spend a long time talking about those issues,
    but very quickly on the demographics, we have about 170 million
    Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in both countries. It is
    interesting that of those 170 million more than one-fourth of
    the population resides here in the United States. And they come
    from families like mine that have been around, through our
    heritage, for 400, 700 years with our Native American, Mexican,
    and Spanish backgrounds, through the Mexican-American War in
    1848, and then for the last 170 years as American citizens.
        We are bound together because the issues of migration have
    brought us together historically through the push and pull of
    the history of migration into this country. It is an issue
    which still bedevils this country in terms of how we deal with
    a sustainable, orderly migration system, and in order to get to
    that point, we have to work closely with the Mexican Government
    to share our interest in dealing with those issues.
        We are bound together because of our economy and jobs. You
    know, they say that the Latino population is the mainstream
    economy in the United States, some 60 million strong, Cuban
    Americans, and Puerto Ricans, and Dominicans, and 60 million
    strong contributing greatly to the economy United States and to
    the future, political, and demographics of this country. So we
    need to make sure that we are integrating that community.
        And on security, we cannot deal with the security issues
    without having the Mexican Government working with us. It is
    incumbent upon them because it is a shared responsibility that
    we have to deal with the violence issues, both on that side of
    the border, as well as on this side of the border.
        So let me just conclude by saying, Mr. Chairman, and
    Ranking Member Risch. This is a very proud moment for me, it is
    a very proud moment because of our history, but it is also a
    very proud moment, as I look forward to the future, yes, full
    of challenges, but full of opportunities. It is a proud moment
    for us to bring the two nations closer together and to deal
    with a kind of reality that creates prosperity, security, and
    peace for the peoples of both the United States and Mexico.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Salazar follows:]

               Prepared Statement of the Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member and members of the committee, I am
    proud and humbled to appear before you today as President Biden's
    nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to Mexico.
        My history is deeply rooted in Mexico and the United States. My
    forebearers came from Mexico and Spain in the early 1600s and settled
    along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte near Santa Fe, New Mexico.
    Following the end of the Mexican-American War, they migrated north and
    established the settlement of Los Rincones in the San Luis Valley.
    Today, we still ranch and farm the same lands along the tributaries of
    the Rio Grande.
        My father was a proud soldier in World War II. My mother helped
    open the Pentagon as a public servant. After the war, they returned
    home. At home, our native language was Spanish. We were poor and worked
    in the fields and home alongside our parents. We were taught to dream
    big dreams and the timeless values of faith, hard work and education.
    All eight of their children became first generation college graduates.
        Like my parents, I am a proud American. If confirmed, I will work
    tirelessly to advance the interests of the United States and to
    strengthen the common bonds between the United States and Mexico. I
    recognize the difficult and enormous challenges ahead. I also am
    optimistic about the opportunities ahead for our two nations.
        In my view, it is time to create transformative change in the
    United States-Mexico relationship by ushering in a new era of
    partnership with our southern neighbor.
        That partnership must:

       address jobs and economic opportunity for the people of the United
            States and Mexico through trade, infrastructure, tourism, and
            investment;

       secure our shared borders and create an orderly, safe, and humane
            framework for migration;

       identify partnerships that address the scourge of violence and
            respects the rule of law; and

       engage in a global sustainability transformation for a viable
            planet while respecting the sovereignty of both nations.

        If confirmed, I will seek the advice and guidance of this committee
    and its members in my service to the United States. I look forward to
    working with President Biden and Vice President Harris and the United
    States Congress to advance the interests of the United States in
    Mexico. I also look forward to working with the Mexican Government to
    advance our shared interests in Mexico and here in the United States.
        Thank you.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Secretary Salazar.
        Ms. Lewis?

        STATEMENT OF JESSICA LEWIS, OF OHIO, NOMINATED TO BE AN
       ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (POLITICAL-MILITARY AFFAIRS)

        Ms. Lewis. Chairman Menendez. Thank you, first of all, for
    your kind words. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    members of the committee, I am honored and humbled to be here
    as the Biden-Harris administration's nominee to be Assistant
    Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs.
        I would like to thank President Biden for nominating me,
    and Secretary Blinken for his support. I was lucky enough to
    start my career on this committee, under then Chairman Biden
    when Secretary Blinken was the staff director on the committee.
        I would like to thank my father, Robert Lewis, for raising
    my sister and me; his strength and love after my mother, Molly
    Lewis, passed away when I was a child, made me who I am today.
    I am also lucky to have the love and support of my stepmother,
    who is truly my second mother, Patricia Lewis. And I am joined
    by my sister, Kaitlynn Griffith, who has been with me every
    step of the way.
        My greatest joy in life has been as a mother, and I would
    like to thank my 9-year-old son, Matthew, who is wisely
    enjoying a day of summer camp today instead of sitting through
    a hearing. And to my incredible community of friends, thank you
    for being my second family.
        I would like to personally thank Chairman Menendez, who
    hired me nearly 20 years ago as a staffer on the House Foreign
    Affairs Committee, and who trained me to be a staffer. The
    Chairman has the sharpest mind I have encountered, and has
    taught me to stand up for what I believe. I would not be here
    before the committee today if it were not for Senator Menendez.
        I would like to thank former Senator Harry Reid, who taught
    me the ways of the Senate during my nine years working for him,
    and Senator Cardin, who brought me on as staff director of this
    committee.
        And finally, I would like to thank the outstanding
    bipartisan staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, to
    my team, you are simply the best.
        To my Republican colleagues, working with you has taught me
    when we can come together, as we recently did on the China Bill
    which passed this committee with overwhelming support, we are
    at our very best.
        I have spent my entire career in public service, if
    confirmed I would be honored to continue that path at the State
    Department. I began my career teaching third grade in public
    schools, and believe my work as a teacher serves as the
    foundation for all I do today.
        I then worked at the Organization of American States
    running education, training, and technology programs in Latin
    America. Since then, I have spent nearly 20 years on The Hill
    and have worked on some of the most critical national security
    legislation of our time. I staffed the Conference Committee for
    the legislation that implemented the 9/11 Commission
    recommendations in the early-2000s, and recently negotiated
    passage of the Countering American Adversaries Through
    Sanctions Act only a few years ago.
        And, as Senator Reid's National Security advisor, I worked
    directly with the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees,
    the Defense Department, and our Intelligence Agency.
        The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs manages our arms
    sales, and security assistance, negotiates international
    security agreements, and manages our security relationships
    with other countries. The Bureau is also in charge of U.S.
    programs to help countries cope with the after effects of war
    through conventional weapons destruction programs.
        If confirmed, I would focus on four areas. First, as
    President Biden promised, a plan to enhance the consideration
    of human rights in our decision-making to ensure our arms sales
    are in our foreign policy interest, and in line with American
    values.
        Second, I am committed to reinvigorating the Bureau's
    relationship with this committee and with Congress.
        Third, I want to focus on strengthening the workforce at
    the Bureau, and specifically its efforts to improve diversity,
    equity, and inclusion.
        Fourth, I believe the judicious provision of U.S. defense
    equipment can deepen our relationships with our allies and
    partners, and support our foreign policy and national security.
    I believe if government can help to keep the global playing
    field level, our defense companies can continue to out-compete
    any rival while upholding our values.
        In conclusion, if confirmed, I am committed to leveraging
    the tools of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau in the
    service of U.S. foreign policy and American values.
        Thank you. And I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Lewis follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of Jessica Lewis

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
    I am honored and humbled to be here as the Biden-Harris
    administration's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for
    Political-Military Affairs.
        I would like to thank President Biden for nominating me, and
    Secretary Blinken for his support.
        I would like to thank my father Robert Lewis for raising my sister
    and me. His strength and love after my mother, Molly Lewis, passed away
    when I was a child, made me who I am. I am also lucky to have the love
    and support of my stepmother--who is truly my second mother--Patricia
    Lewis. I am joined by my sister Kaitlynn Griffith, who has been with me
    every step of my life. My greatest joy in life has been as a mother,
    and I would like to thank my 9-year-old son Matthew, who is wisely
    enjoying a day of summer camp today instead of sitting through a
    hearing. And to my incredible community of friends--thank you for being
    my second family.
        I would like to personally thank Chairman Menendez, who hired me
    nearly 20 years ago as a staffer on the House Foreign Affairs Committee
    and who trained me to be a staffer. The Chairman has the sharpest mind
    I have encountered and has taught me to stand up for what you believe
    in. I would not be here before the committee today if it were not for
    Senator Menendez.
        I would like to thank former Senator Harry Reid, who taught me the
    ways of the Senate during my 9 years working for him, and Senator
    Cardin, who brought me on as staff director of this committee.
        Finally, I would like to thank the outstanding bipartisan staff of
    the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. To my team, you are simply the
    best. To my Republican colleagues, working with you has taught me when
    we can come together--as we recently did on the China bill which passed
    this committee with overwhelming support--we are at our best.
        I have spent my entire career in public service; if confirmed, I
    would be honored to continue that path at the State Department. I began
    my career teaching third grade in public schools and believe my work as
    a teacher serves a foundation for all I do.
        I then worked at the Organization of American States running
    education, training, and technology programs in Latin America.
        Since then, I have spent nearly 20 years on the Hill and have
    worked on some of the most critical national security legislation of
    our time. I staffed the conference committee for the legislation that
    implemented the 9-11 Commission recommendations in the early 2000s and
    negotiated passage of the Countering Americas Adversaries Through
    Sanctions Act only a few years ago.
        And, as Senator Reid's national security advisor, I worked directly
    with the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees, the Defense
    Department, and our Intelligence Agencies.
        The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs manages our arms sales and
    security assistance, negotiates international security agreements, and
    manages our security relationships with other countries. The Bureau is
    also in charge of U.S. programs to help countries cope with the
    aftereffects of war through conventional weapons destruction programs.
        The Bureau is also unique because of its dedicated workforce. They
    have a well-deserved reputation for professionalism, and they have
    performed the challenging work of the Bureau across administrations.
        If confirmed, I would focus on four areas.

       First, as President Biden promised, I plan to enhance the
            consideration of human rights in our decision-making to ensure
            our arms sales are in our foreign policy interest and in line
            with American values.

       Second, I am committed to reinvigorating the Bureau's relationship
            with this committee and Congress.

       Third, I want to focus on strengthening the workforce at the
            Bureau, and specifically its efforts to improve diversity,
            equity, and inclusion.

       Fourth, I believe the judicious provision of U.S. defense equipment
            can deepen our relationships with our allies and partners and
            support our foreign policy and national security. I believe if
            government can help to keep the global playing field level, our
            defense companies can continue to outcompete any rival while
            upholding our values.

        In conclusion, if confirmed, I am committed to leveraging the tools
    of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau in the service of U.S. foreign
    policy and American values.

        The Chairman. Thank you. And as a good staffer, you came in
    under five minutes. So it is just amazing.
        Ambassador Lu, please go ahead?

    STATEMENT OF HON. DONALD LU, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
       THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
       NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (SOUTH ASIAN
                                AFFAIRS)

        Ambassaador Lu. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch,
    distinguished members of this committee, I am honored and
    humbled to be here today as President Biden's nominee to be the
    next Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian
    Affairs.
        I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for
    the confidence they have shown in me. I would not be here today
    without the love and support of my family. I am joined today by
    wife and best friend, Ariel. And we have two wonderful
    teenagers at home, Kip and Aliya. Unlike Security Salazar's
    kids, they are not watching, they are sleeping soundly at the
    moment.
        As the son of an immigrant to the United States, I am
    particularly proud to have served my country in the U.S.
    Foreign Service in the Peace Corps. During my 30 years at the
    State Department, I have worked in India, Pakistan, and Central
    Asia, advancing our agenda on counterterrorism, democracy, and
    anti-corruption.
        As someone who believes that the Foreign Service and the
    Civil Service should look like the face of America, I am
    committed to implementing the President's vision on diversity,
    equity, and inclusion.
        Mr. Chairman, with the President's decision to withdraw
    American troops from Afghanistan by September 11, we are faced
    with new risks and new opportunities. And in particular, we
    have an historic opportunity to rebalance our relations with
    the countries of this region to better reflect our long-term
    strategic priorities.
        First, it is in our national interest to continue to
    strengthen our fast-growing strategic, economic, and people-to-
    people ties with India, while also speaking forthrightly about
    human rights and our democratic values. As two great Indo-
    Pacific powers, we must strive to ensure that our Asian
    partners remain sovereign and free, and not dominated by a
    single power.
        As two great democracies, we must demonstrate through our
    example why democracy promotes peace, stability, and personal
    freedoms. And as two great free-market economies, we can build
    a more stable and inclusive global economy.
        As the producer of 60 percent of the world's vaccines,
    India is critical to the global fight against COVID-19, and if
    confirmed, I would work with India to end this devastating
    pandemic. And I commit to working with India and our partners
    to tackle the climate crisis.
        Second, on Pakistan: We have for more than 20 years defined
    our relations with this important partner primarily through the
    prism of counterterrorism and security. If confirmed, I will
    build on our long history of friendship with Pakistan to
    advance human rights, religious freedom, counterterrorism
    cooperation, and an improved business climate for American
    investors.
        Third, Afghanistan: I started my career working on the
    Afghan border in the Pakistani City of Peshawar. I saw then,
    first-hand, the desperate plight of Afghan refugees. I have a
    deep commitment to encouraging peace, security, human rights,
    and the rights of women and girls. If confirmed, I will work to
    advance our objectives in Afghanistan.
        Finally, in the other countries of South and Central Asia,
    Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan,
    Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives, we face
    competition from China and Russia like never before. We must
    recommit ourselves to robust engagement with these countries to
    support their sovereignty and independence in the face of many
    challenges.
        Critical new tools have been authorized in this effort,
    from the creation of the Development Finance Corporation, to
    this committee's important work on the Strategic Competition
    Act.
        If confirmed, I will work to make the United States a
    reliable international partner for the Governments and peoples
    of these countries, one who is willing to call out malign
    influence, and stand up for human rights and democracy.
        Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will take seriously my role
    as a steward of the public trust. I will safeguard our precious
    resources, our people, our embassies, and the strong reputation
    of the United States.
        I believe in the importance of our voice in support of
    human rights, religious freedom, and democracy, and if
    confirmed, I look forward to working with the Congress to build
    robust relations between the United States and the nations of
    South and Central Asia. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Lu follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of Hon. Donald Lu

        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
    committee, I am honored to appear here today as President Biden's
    nominee to be the next Assistant Secretary of State for South and
    Central Asian Affairs. I am grateful to the President and to Secretary
    Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
        As the son of an immigrant to the United States, I am particularly
    proud to have served my country in the U.S. Foreign Service and the
    Peace Corps. During my 30 years in the State Department, I have worked
    in India, Pakistan, and Central Asia advancing our agenda on
    counterterrorism, democracy, and anti-corruption. And as someone who
    believes that the Foreign Service and the Civil Service should look
    like the face of America, I am committed to implementing the
    President's vision on diversity, equity and inclusion.
        Mr. Chairman, with the President's decision to withdraw American
    troops from Afghanistan by September 11, we are faced with new risks
    and new opportunities. In particular, we have an historic opportunity
    to rebalance our relations with the countries in the region to better
    reflect our long-term strategic priorities.
        First, it is in our national interest to continue to strengthen our
    fast-growing strategic, economic, and people-to-people ties with India,
    while also speaking forthrightly about human rights and our democratic
    values. As two great Indo-Pacific powers, we must strive to ensure that
    our Asian partners remain sovereign and free, and not dominated by a
    single power. As two great democracies, we should demonstrate through
    our example why democracy promotes peace, stability, and personal
    freedoms. And as two great free-market economies, we can build a more
    stable and inclusive global economy. As the producer of 60 percent of
    the world's vaccines, India is critical to the global fight against
    COVID-19, and if confirmed, I would work with India to end this
    devastating pandemic. And I commit to working with India and our
    partners to tackle the climate crisis.
        Second, on Pakistan, we have for more than 20 years defined our
    relations with this important partner primarily through the prism of
    counterterrorism and security. If confirmed, I will build on our long
    history of friendship with Pakistan to advance human rights, religious
    freedom, counterterrorism cooperation, and an improved business
    environment for American investors.
        Third, on Afghanistan, I started my career working on the Afghan
    border in the Pakistani city of Peshawar and saw first-hand the
    desperate plight of Afghan refugees. I have a deep commitment to
    encouraging peace, security, human rights, and the rights of women and
    girls. If confirmed, I will work to advance our objectives in
    Afghanistan.
        Finally, in the other countries of South and Central Asia--
    Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Nepal,
    Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives--we face competition
    from China and Russia like never before. We must recommit ourselves to
    robust engagement with these countries to support their sovereignty and
    independence in the face of many challenges. Critical new tools have
    been authorized in that effort, from the creation of the Development
    Finance Corporation, to this committee's important work on the
    Strategic Competition Act. If confirmed, I will work to make the United
    States a reliable international partner to the Governments and peoples
    of these countries, one who is willing to call out malign influence and
    stand up for human rights and democracy.
        Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will take seriously my role as a
    steward of the public trust. I will safeguard our precious resources--
    our people, our embassies, and the strong reputation of the United
    States. I believe in the importance of our voice in support of human
    rights, religious freedom, and democracy. If confirmed, I look forward
    to working with the Congress to build robust relations between the
    United States and the nations of South and Central Asia.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Ms. Escobari?

    STATEMENT OF HON. MARCELA ESCOBARI, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED
     TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY
    FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT [LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN]

        Ms. Escobari. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    members of the committee, thank you for opportunity to testify
    before you today.
        It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve
    as Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean
    at USAID.
        My passion for development was sparked by growing up in
    Bolivia, one of the poorest countries in our hemisphere, the
    daughter of two pediatricians who worked in the country's
    public hospitals.
        They brought home a passion for making a difference one
    child at a time, but also the frustrations of seeing kids die
    more from disease than poverty. They wanted to prevent disease,
    not just treat it. My father started the first blood bank in
    our city, and my mother tried to change culture, implementing
    practices of hand-washing in maternity wards.
        My parents inspired me to tackle the root causes, not just
    the symptoms of poverty. So I want to thank those watching this
    today, my husband, Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and our
    friends and family, whose support and love are the reasons I
    can sit before you today.
        When I had the honor to serve in this role for the last
    year of the Obama administration, the region faced acute
    threats. Venezuela's economy had contracted by 60 percent, and
    300,000 people had fled the country. Hurricane Mathew had hit
    an already-battered Haiti, and Colombia was embarking on a
    fragile peace process.
        Now the stakes are even higher. The pandemic has hit Latin
    America harder than any other region in the world. 5.6 million
    people have fled Venezuela, a humanitarian crisis created by an
    oppressive and inept regime. The people of Cuba and Nicaragua
    are seeing renewed crackdowns on their most fundamental rights.
    And one of the strongest democracies in the region, Colombia,
    is being shaken by economic and social unrest.
        Our ability to extend a hand urgently and wholeheartedly,
    in partnership with our southern neighbors will largely
    determine the course of the region's recovery.
        I believe that the stakes are profound, nothing less than
    the faith of the region's citizens that liberal democracy, rule
    of law, and market-based economies can deliver on their most
    pressing needs.
        The inability, and in a few cases unwillingness of national
    governments to respond to these needs, have led to political
    instability that threatens the future of the region, as well as
    the security of the United States.
        So I sit before you with a sense of urgency. If confirmed,
    I will focus on these pressing issues: combating COVID-19,
    confronting the security and migration crisis in Central
    America, and strengthening governance across the region.
        My passion and conviction come from my parents, but my
    optimism that we can make a difference, is grounded in a career
    studying and implementing development. My early experiences in
    the private sector taught me the importance of creating
    conditions for investment and growth. In academia, I learned
    the value of good ideas, and while there are no silver bullets,
    there is a lot we know about what works and what does not.
        If confirmed, I will bring a focus on data and evidence, as
    well as the ability to iterate quickly on lessons learned.
    During my time at USAID, I had the privilege to work with
    dedicated and knowledgeable professionals, who regularly go
    above and beyond the call of duty.
        If confirmed, I will empower their efforts and contribute
    to a culture where respect, equity, diversity, and inclusion
    are part of our values and the way that we operate, both here
    and abroad.
        Since leaving the Obama administration, I have worked on
    the barriers to inclusion and opportunities faced by workers
    here in the United States. We often draw lines between so-
    called ``developed'' and ``developing'', between Global North
    and Global South. But in truth, there is no bright line when it
    comes to the crippling effects of poverty.
        The need for inclusive, sustained growth is as real in
    Appalachia as it is in Antigua. I hope to bring that humility
    to this job, the sense that every nation is a work in progress,
    and given the cross-border nature of our challenges, climate
    change, pandemics, cyber threats, our fates are linked, and our
    ability to work together, even more urgent.
        Thank you for the opportunity to testify. And I look
    forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Marcela Escobari

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for considering my nomination.
        It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve as
    Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Latin America and the
    Caribbean at USAID.
        My passion for development was sparked during my childhood in
    Bolivia, one of the poorest countries on the continent, as the daughter
    of two pediatricians who practiced in the country's public hospitals.
        They brought home a passion for making a difference one child at a
    time, but also the frustration of seeing children die more often from
    poverty than disease.
        They wanted to prevent disease, not just treat it. My father
    started the first blood bank in our city, and my mother tried to change
    culture--with simple things like handwashing practices, or promoting
    the use of breast milk.
        My parents inspired me to tackle the root causes--not simply the
    symptoms--of poverty.
        I want to thank them (who are watching this today),my husband,
    Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and our friends and family, whose
    support and love are the reasons I can sit before you today.
        When I had the honor to serve in this role for the last year of the
    Obama Administration, the region faced acute threats. Venezuela's
    economy had contracted by 60 percent, 300,000 people had fled the
    country. Hurricane Mathew had hit an already battered Haiti, and
    Colombia was embarking on a fragile peace process.
        Now the stakes are even higher. 5.6 million people have fled
    Venezuela- a humanitarian crisis created by an oppressive and
    incompetent regime. The people of Cuba and Nicaragua are seeing renewed
    crackdowns on their most fundamental rights. And one of the strongest
    democracies in the region, Colombia, is being shaken by economic and
    social unrest. The pandemic has struck Latin America harder than any
    other region in the world.
        Our ability to extend a hand--urgently and wholeheartedly--in
    partnership with our southern neighbors will largely determine the
    course of the region's recovery.
        I believe that the stakes are profound--nothing less than the faith
    of the region's citizens that liberal democracy, rule of law, and
    market-based economies can deliver on their most basic needs.
        Inequitable, and lackluster growth have left citizens frustrated
    and demanding better. And the inability or, in a few cases,
    unwillingness, of national governments to respond adequately has led to
    political instability that threatens the future of the region as well
    as the security of the United States.
        I sit before you with a sense of urgency.
        If confirmed, I will focus on these pressing issues: combating
    COVID-19, confronting the security and migration challenges in Central
    America, and strengthening governance across the region.
        This means empowering civil society to stand up to authoritarian
    regimes, while also helping democratic governments improve their
    capacity to deliver basic goods and services--from water to electricity
    to health.
        My passion and conviction come from my parents, but my optimism is
    grounded in a career studying and implementing international
    development.
        My early experiences in the private sector taught me the importance
    of creating conditions for investment and growth. In academia, I
    learned the value of good ideas, and while there are no silver bullets,
    there is a lot we know about what works and what doesn't in
    development. If confirmed I will bring a focus on data and evidence, as
    well as the ability to iterate quickly on lessons learned.
        During my time at USAID, I had the privilege to work with dedicated
    and knowledgeable professionals, who regularly go above and beyond the
    call of duty. If confirmed, I will empower their efforts and contribute
    to a culture where respect, equity, diversity and inclusion are part of
    our values and the way that we operate, both here and abroad.
        Since leaving the Obama administration, I've worked on the barriers
    to inclusion and opportunity faced by workers here in the United
    States.
        We often draw lines between so-called developed and developing,
    between the Global North and Global South, but in truth, there is no
    bright line when it comes to the crippling effects of poverty.
        The need for inclusive, sustainable growth is as real in Appalachia
    as it is in Antigua.
        I hope to bring that humility to this job--the sense that every
    nation is a work in progress, and given the cross-border nature of our
    challenges--climate change, pandemics, and cyber threats--our fates are
    linked, and our ability to work together, even more urgent.
        Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today, and I
    look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you, all. Let me start with
    a series of questions on behalf of the full committee. And a
    simple yes or no from each of you, but would suffice. I have
    these questions that speak to the importance of--that this
    committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
    Executive Branch, and that we expect and will be seeking from
    you. So I would ask each of you to provide just a yes or no
    answer.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        Mr. Salazar. Yes.
        Ms. Escobari. Yes.
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
    and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
        Mr. Salazar. Yes.
        Ms. Escobari. Yes.
        Ambassador Lu:
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation while policies are being developed, not just
    providing a notification after the fact?
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
        Ms. Escobari. Yes.
        Mr. Salazar. Yes:
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
    responding to request for briefings and information requested
    by the committee and its designated staff?
        Mr. Salazar. Yes.
        Ms. Escobari. Yes.
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        The Chairman. Yes. All right, thank you. All right, let me
    start off then, a round of five minutes.
        Secretary Salazar, in the last four years, there were
    serious problems in the U.S. cooperation with Mexico on
    migration issues, and previous administration threatened Mexico
    with sanctions over migration, implemented policies that forced
    asylum seekers to remain in dangerous Mexican border
    communities during their application process, and signed a
    series of agreements whose contents have never been provided in
    full to Congress.
        Some of these policies, in my view, were morally
    reprehensible as well as potentially on lawful. And while the
    Biden administration has taken steps to put things on a better
    path, we need a holistic strategy to strengthen bilateral
    cooperation on migration issues, and ensure that the United
    States upholds its international obligations and domestic laws.
        So can you take a moment? You referenced it somewhat in
    your own personal history, but to lay out the vision of how you
    view the United States and Mexico working together to have a
    productive and respectful manner to address the challenges
    related to irregular migration?
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. We need to
    find the synergy with Mexico to deal with a shared set of
    challenges. For Mexico there is displacement underway with
    people leaving Mexico and coming into this country because of a
    lack of opportunity there. The Mexican Government has an
    interest in making sure that their people stay there. No one
    would want to be going away from their home to a country far
    away unless they were fleeing poverty, or violence, or other
    forms of distress.
        And so what we need to do is to have a high-level dialogue
    with Mexico to address both the short-term issues that
    currently deal with issue of irregular migration, but also as
    the President and the Vice President have said, dealing with
    the longer-term issues of the root causes, and so working with
    my colleagues, hopefully if I get confirmed in the State
    Department, including the panel who is here today, so Secretary
    Blinken, and the President, and the Vice President, we hope to
    bring about that kind of dialogue that creates a holistic
    strategy to deal with the issues of migration.
        The Chairman. Let me turn to the question of violence and
    crime, violence and the influence of organized crime in Mexico
    have reached highly concerning levels. In the lead up to the
    June mid-term elections, over 100 politicians were murdered, 36
    of whom were running for office. These trend lines and the
    serious implications for our national security mandate that we
    find ways to strengthen U.S.-Mexico security cooperation.
        There are areas for easy--there are areas for easy
    consensus, such as strengthening efforts to address financial
    crimes tied to the drug trade, and expanding bilateral efforts
    to combat arms trafficking from the U.S. to Mexico.
        However, in other areas, we face potential obstacles to
    improving security cooperation, including a new Mexican law
    approved in December that appears to threaten bilateral
    cooperation and the linkages between drug traffickers and
    senior Mexican officials, as evidenced in the arrest of General
    Cienfuegos last year. I trust that upon your confirmation, you
    will give these issues your full attention, and keep the
    committee informed.
        Mr. Salazar. Mr. Chairman, yes, I will. This is an area
    where the administration is already engaged in high-level
    dialogues with Mexico on how we deal with these shared issues.
    And it is something that this committee obviously will be
    involved in. So I very much look forward to working with the
    administration and you to find the solutions.
        The Chairman. And finally, there is new data from the
    Center for Disease Control and Prevention, showing that in 2020
    over 93,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in the United
    States, making it the most lethal year for overdoses on record,
    opioids, and fentanyl in particular pose highly lethal risk to
    our citizens, and the U.S. Government has to undertake every
    effort possible to address this tragedy.
        We have to improve domestic to address illicit drug
    consumption, and we must expand efforts to combat the scourge
    of illicit production and trafficking of fentanyl and other
    opioids.
        Data indicates that drug traffickers are increasingly
    shipping fentanyl precursors from China to Mexico, where drug
    trafficking organizations are producing fentanyl and
    trafficking it to the United States. Given the threat to U.S.
    citizens posed by illicit fentanyl trafficking, I also trust
    you will raise this issue at the highest levels with Mexican
    officials upon your confirmation.
        Mr. Salazar. I will do, Mr. Chairman.
        All right, Ms. Lewis, just a quick question for you, I have
    several, but I want to go to the ranking member. The informal
    review process for arm sales has existed for decades, and is a
    vital consultative relationship between this committee and the
    Bureau of Political Military Affairs to work through questions,
    issues, and concerns about proposed arm sales before they are
    formally notified to Congress.
        That relationship suffered under the last administration,
    but it has improved dramatically under Secretary Blinken. Do I
    have your commitment to continue and deepen this consultation
    process with this committee?
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        The Chairman. The last administration infamously attempted
    to evade congressional oversight on multiple arms sales to
    Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates by abusing
    authorities intended only for emergency. There was no serious
    argument that these sales qualified as emergencies under the
    law. And this episode I would expect should never be repeated.
        Do you commit to only recommend using the emergency
    authorities under the Arms Export Control Act in true emergency
    situations, and not in an effort to evade Congress?
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Secretary Salazar, as you transition into this I am
    wondering if you are familiar with the backlog of U.S.
    extradition requests that the United States has out to Mexico.
    My state in particular has one unique case, but others also. We
    are struggling a bit with this, and certainly you can blame
    part of it on COVID, but they also seem to drag their feet.
        Are you familiar with this issue? And if not, I assume you
    will commit to get on board with it and see if we cannot move
    this along a little better.
        Mr. Salazar. Yes, Senator Risch. I am generally familiar
    with the issue. I will say that, as Colorado attorney general,
    I worked closely with your attorney general, now Attorney
    General Wasden, to develop among the attorneys general the--at
    the state level with our counterparts in Mexico, the Article 4
    prosecution units, which now exist in many of the attorneys
    Generals' offices around the country.
        And so I would look forward to bringing that experience in
    terms of the bilateral relationship to make sure that the
    extradition process as under the Constitution, actually are
    implemented.
        Senator Risch. I appreciate that. And certainly, that work
    that you did is one of the things that is driving all of this,
    and that is that it is streamlining the process, but it is
    still not moving as fast as we would like to see it. So
    appreciate your thoughts on that. And I hope you will move
    forward.
        Do you have any thoughts on the--the chairman made
    reference to this, a number of--I understand this is an
    internal issue within Mexico, but I think Americans were
    stunned to hear that in this electoral season, which they had
    their elections, I believe, on June 6th, and on the run-up to
    that there were 88 candidates assassinated who were running. I
    mean this is--this is not a hallmark of a democracy by any
    stretch of the imagination. What are your thoughts on that?
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Senator Risch. We need to make sure
    that we have a strong democracy here at home in the United
    States, and also that in Mexico, they are a sovereign, and we
    respect their sovereignty, but they, too, have a shared
    interest in making sure that the violence, including the
    assassinations of the last--that occurred during the last
    election are something that does not happen.
        And so it is something that I am certain we will be able to
    work with the Mexican Government as we enter into the dialogues
    between the United States and Mexico to address the issues of
    violence.
        Senator Risch. Thank you.
        Ambassador Lu, I want to talk for a minute about our
    withdrawal from Afghanistan. I noted this just within the last
    24, 48 hours, the Taliban met with the Chinese, a delegation
    from China. And I do not know what was on the agenda. I can
    about assure you what was not on the agenda was human rights,
    or treatment of the Uyghurs. What are your thoughts as far as
    China is now moving into that vacuum?
        Ambassaador Lu. Senator Risch, first thank you for your
    attention and interest in this important issue. I read with
    concern the same press articles about the Chinese meeting with
    the Taliban. I know that the countries surrounding Afghanistan,
    including China, share many of the same concerns we have about
    the deteriorating situation there.
        I can assure you, if confirmed, I will do everything in my
    power to encourage those countries to be messaging directly to
    the Taliban that any recognition, any assistance, any support
    is contingent upon the Taliban's participation in a peace
    process that results in a negotiated political settlement, as
    well as respect for the progress that has been made over the
    last years in respecting minority rights, the rights of women
    and girls, and counterterrorism.
        We do face the challenge of independent countries with
    different views in that region. But I firmly believe we share a
    common goal of having stability and peace in Afghanistan.
        Senator Risch. Thank you for your thoughts on that. My
    personal view, I think it is going to be a heavy lift trying to
    convince the Taliban that they will respect the gains that have
    been made in that country for women's rights. But it is our
    duty to press on with that. And I am encouraged to hear your
    words in that regard. I expect that that is what you will do.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
        The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, Ranking Member Risch,
    and congratulations to the nominees. What a wonderful panel.
        I am particularly happy to see my longtime friend, Senator
    Salazar, and also Ms. Lewis, who is just a stellar part of the
    Senate family, it is always nice to see you, and a member of
    the Senate family on the other side of the dais, being
    nominated for a position for which their work entitles them. So
    congratulations to all of you.
        Senator Salazar, let me start with you, with respect to one
    particular challenging aspect of the U.S.-Mexico relationship
    right now, and that is the targeting of the press and
    journalists in Mexico. I place a real high emphasis on
    protecting freedom of the press. Senator Graham and I
    introduced a bill in May, the International Press Freedom Bill
    to help make journalists safer overseas, and even create a
    special visa category to enable threatened journalists to find
    safe Haven in the United States.
        I am really concerned about attacks on journalists. And for
    years Mexico has been the deadliest country in the world for
    journalists. Eight journalists were killed in 2020. Three have
    been killed so far this year. I took a CODEL recently with six
    members, bipartisan, in Mexico at the beginning of July. And we
    met with civil society groups and groups of journalists, and
    they really laid out their concerns about this.
        Often the attacks are unsolved. They do not necessarily
    believe the attacks are by the Government, but they are often
    by criminal groups who are not then investigated. And they feel
    like there is a sort of impunity when it comes to analyses, and
    investigation, and certainly prosecution of these attacks.
        There is a unit within the--equivalent of the Attorney
    General's Office in Mexico that is supposed to focus on these
    attacks, but it is widely criticized for solving one or two
    high-profile cases, and then letting others go unaddressed.
        Should you be confirmed, and I will do all I can to make
    sure that you are, how might you address this particular issue
    to try to promote more safety for those journalists in Mexico?
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and thank you as
    well for your long-time service, and friendship, and guidance
    over the years on so many issues. You raise an issue that is of
    a very serious nature. Here in this country we all celebrate
    the fact that we have a First Amendment, and that we have
    freedom of the press. And it is something that is one of the
    most enshrined values of our society, and of democratic
    societies.
        And so when those who are moving forward with the reporting
    of the news, the journalists that you speak about have to live
    under threat and are in a position where their reporting ends
    up getting trampled upon in some way, by whoever it does it. We
    have a shared interest with Mexico, and Mexico, from my point
    of view, does not want to tolerate what is happening now with
    some of the violence against journalists.
        So I would commit to you, Senator Kaine, that I would work
    with the Mexican Government, at all levels to address this
    issue, and work closely with you to make sure that we are
    addressing this issue, not only in Mexico, but around the
    world.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Salazar. And here is a
    question for both Ms. Escobari and Senator Salazar, and maybe,
    Ms. Escobari, I will start with you.
        The U.S. is going to host the Summit for the Americas
    which, it happens every three or four years, the timing is a
    little bit variable now as to whether it will be late '21 or
    early '22. The U.S. has not hosted it since 1994. I think it is
    a particularly important time to have the Summit for the
    Americas because of COVID, and vaccine diplomacy, and
    backsliding democracies, and street unrests in many nations, so
    it is a really important time.
        Mr. Chair, I really look forward to taking up the Brian
    Nichols nomination soon. I know it was held over today at
    Senator Cruz's request, but for the U.S. to host the Summit for
    the Americas without a confirmed State Department Head over the
    Western Hemisphere Division would be a challenge.
        But as you think about participating, either from the USAID
    space or from--as Ambassador of Mexico and a Summit for the
    Americas, what would be the kinds of things that you would like
    to see on the agenda in that summit?
        Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Senator. And for your commitment
    to development through many years, and there are many
    priorities in the region. I think just to start I would say
    that COVID at times feels like priority one, two, and three,
    just because it has ravaged the region. The reasons are
    structural reasons why that has been the case, high
    urbanization, you know, informality, poor health systems, but
    really it has had not only the highest rates of deaths, but
    also the highest contractions of GDP anywhere in the world.
        So the ability together with the region, with our help,
    with other allies internationally, to help in the procurement
    of vaccines, and in the distribution of vaccines, and
    eventually in the manufacturing of vaccines, and their safe and
    equitable distribution, I think would be at the top of that
    list.
        Senator Kaine. I will submit the second half of the
    question to Senator Salazar, for the record, since I am over my
    time. But I appreciate the opportunity to visit with you all.
    Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Mr. Salazar. Mr. Chairman, might I just make a quick
    response to his question since I think it is relevant to most
    of the committee members?
        The Chairman. Of course, of course.
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
    Senator Kaine.
        The Summit of the Americas to me represents a great
    opportunity for Canada, the United States and Mexico to really
    stand up for the North American Continent. So as I participate
    in that process, if I am confirmed by the Senate, expected on
    the agenda, we will be talking about economic issues, jobs,
    trade, economic opportunity, migration and how we deal with
    those issues, both from Canada and from Mexico, the borders.
        I imagine we should be talking and we will be talking about
    security, given the high level dialogues that are going on. But
    in addition to that, the whole issue of conservation and
    environment. The shared borders are political borders, but the
    environment, and the ecology, transborder into Canada,
    transborder into Mexico are also very important. And so how we
    deal with that issue, in my view, should be a part of what we
    focus on, on the Summit for North America.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand we have Senator Young
    with us, virtually.
        Senator Young. Thank you, chairman. And welcome to our
    nominees.
        Senator Salazar, when I served along our Southern Border as
    a Marine Corps officer in the mid-1990s, I saw first-hand the
    impact of the border crisis on our own country, and on those
    who were crossing our southern border.
        Sadly, the scale of the crisis has become much greater
    today. This has indeed become what you might characterize as a
    50-state border crisis. The vast majority of migrants I
    understand are not coming from Mexico, but from other countries
    further south. And that means that our neighbor, Mexico, is
    suffering from a migration crisis of its own, including
    securing its own southern border, addressing humanitarian
    issues, just like we are, and dealing with the economic
    stresses of a surging migration across their southern states.
        The task is made even more challenging for that government,
    by the presence of predatory criminal trafficking groups in the
    region. How do you view Mexico's responsibility, Mr. Senator,
    inactions to secure its southern border? And if you can speak
    to the largest enforcement gaps where Mexico needs to focus to
    gain greater supervision over its southern border, I would
    really appreciate that.
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Senator Young. And thank
    you as well for your service.
        You start from a reality that we are facing with--facing in
    this country and have faced for a very long time, you described
    the situation at the border back in the 1990s, when you were
    serving around the border. And the reality of it is that these
    issues have been with us for a very long time. And that really
    underscores an important role of this committee, and a very
    important priority for the President and for the Vice
    President.
        And that is, long term, looking at the root causes of what
    is creating this problem. We have had these challenges for a
    very long time. And as you say, a very much affecting Mexico in
    terms of the migrant trail that we now see going across Mexico.
    So how we work with Mexico to develop a strategy that is
    effective both for the short term and the long term will be one
    of the highest priorities that I will take on as Ambassador to
    Mexico.
        The Mexican Government has said clearly that--and are
    providing significant resources into securing their own
    Southern border. They have said, and are working on trying to
    help their--the Central American countries to the south. And so
    we need to succeed on that mission in a collaborative way with
    Mexico, so that we can address the problem for the long term.
        And I commit, Senator Young, to working with you and the
    members of this committee to make sure we get that done.
        Senator Young. Well, thank you for that commitment. And I
    am appreciative of that. I know other members of the committee
    are as well.
        Let me dive into a couple of specifics. There are networks
    of spotters, guides, informants all within Mexico that are so
    severely degrading efforts of the U.S. Border Patrol to try and
    secure that border, which I think is in the interest of course
    just not--not just of the United States, but also of our
    Mexican neighbor.
        So if confirmed, what will you do to improve coordination
    and cooperation between the U.S. and Mexican Border Patrol
    authorities?
        Mr. Salazar. Senator Young, that underscores the importance
    of what the Biden administration is doing with Secretary
    Blinken and others, engaging in the high-level dialogue around
    security and violence issues. And we expect that we will spend
    a good amount of our time working on those issues. If I am
    fortunate enough to get confirmed by the United States Senate,
    I commit to you that that will be one of the highest priority
    issues.
        Senator Young. If you look at the surge that has occurred,
    really since earlier this year, I do understand this is an
    ongoing, longstanding problem, as I acknowledged from the
    beginning, but there has been a surge from the beginning of
    this year. Why does it appear that Mexico has been less willing
    to work with the Biden administration on this immigration,
    unauthorized, than the Trump administration?
        Mr. Salazar. Senator Young, I think as Chairman Risch said
    a few minutes ago, we need to have a holistic approach to the
    issues in Mexico. It is more than just the issue of securing
    the border. We need to have a safe, secure, and efficient
    border. And Mexico shares that interest with us, we share that
    interest, the administration is working hard to develop a
    northerly and fair and humane system of migration into this
    country. And we need to make sure that we are working together
    with Mexico and with the U.S. Senate to address that challenge
    that has been around for a very long time.
        Senator Young. Okay. I thank you for your time. I thank you
    for your service. You did not answer my final question about
    why it appears that Mexico has been less willing to work with
    the Biden administration, apparently, on this issue than the
    Trump administration. So perhaps if you want to weave that into
    your future comments, you can. Thank you so much.
        Mr. Salazar. I am happy to elaborate, Senator. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Senator van Hollen.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch; and congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
        Senator Salazar, great to see you back, thanks for stepping
    up again. We have just five minutes. I am going to concentrate
    my time on situation in South and Central Asia.
        Ambassador Lu, thank you for your terrific service as a
    member of the Foreign Service. You have made us proud.
        I see that Secretary Blinken is now in India to discuss a
    wide range of issues that are important to the United States-
    Indian relationship, and to discuss our common interests in the
    Quad. And I support that initiative.
        I would like to focus on the situation in Pakistan and
    Afghanistan. And I welcome your statement that our relationship
    with Pakistan should be beyond the one-dimensional security
    lens. And you indicate that, if confirmed, you will build on
    our long history of friendship with Pakistan to advance human
    rights, religious freedom, counterterrorism cooperation, and an
    improved business environment for American investors.
        And I look forward to working with you to achieve those
    goals. Of course, a key issue that impacts the United States,
    Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the surrounding area, is the U.S.
    withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan. And what that means. We
    had Ambassador Khalilzad before this committee in late April.
    And I just want to see if you are on the same page with him as
    to the situation here. So I have a couple of very, yes/no
    questions.
        First, do you agree that if Afghanistan descends into total
    chaos, even more than the conflict we see today, that that
    could mean an influx of thousands of refugees into Pakistan?
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
        Senator Van Hollen. Okay. And do you agree that it is in
    Pakistan's interest to achieve stability and a political
    settlement in Afghanistan?
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes, absolutely.
        Senator Van Hollen. And do you agree with Ambassador
    Khalilzad that in the Doha talks, Pakistan has facilitated the
    discussions between the Afghan Government and the Taliban?
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes. The African Government and the--
    certainly the Taliban and the United States, and I think we
    would like to see Pakistan do even more to facilitate Taliban's
    involvement in talks with other Afghan leaders. Yeah.
        Senator Van Hollen. And would you agree that a political
    settlement is the only viable long-term path forward?
        Ambassaador Lu. A hundred percent, yes.
        Senator Van Hollen. All right. So, one of the things that
    some of us were proposed on a bipartisan basis, Senator Young
    from Indiana, Senator Cantwell, myself, and others, is the idea
    to give all parties some kind of hope and a better economic
    future. People in Afghanistan, people in those border regions
    of Pakistan. And the idea is to establish what we call
    Reconstruction Opportunity Zones.
        And the idea is that textiles and certain other goods that
    are produced and manufactured in those areas would have duty-
    free access to the United States. In order to establish the
    potential of a peace dividend and a good future for people in
    the region.
        Ambassador Khalilzad said he supported the concept. I know
    the administration has been looking at it, had interest in
    pursuing this with you and the administration. Have you had a
    chance to look at their proposal, and what you think it could
    mean in terms of, you know, building a better future?
        Ambassaador Lu. Senator Van Hollen, first let me say huge
    thanks on behalf of my colleagues at the State Department. It
    is wonderful to have such a strong supporter of our relations
    with South Asia sitting in the U.S. Senate.
        I believe strongly that enhanced economic integration is
    one of the keys to a durable peace in Afghanistan and
    throughout the region. I support a deepening of economic ties
    between Afghanistan and Pakistan. And if confirmed, I will work
    to expand trade and investment between these two countries and
    the United States. I believe we should be exploring all of the
    options on the table.
        I am personally very interested in the legislation that you
    and other members of the Senate have proposed. And I look
    forward, if confirmed, to be providing technical feedback and
    dialogue to you and other members of the committee, from State
    Department, Department of Congress, and the USTR.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Do we have your commitment
    that you and the State Department would provide our staff with
    technical feedback on the legislation?
        Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Now, just in closing, you
    know, I think we have established the important role Pakistan
    can play in trying to facilitate some kind of negotiated
    settlement in Afghanistan. I think all of us hope for the best,
    although we all understand that there are huge risks that we
    are witnessing right now. But I cannot understand why, given
    that importance, President Biden has not yet contacted directly
    and called the Prime Minister Khan. Can you explain that? It is
    a mystery to me.
        Ambassaador Lu. Senator, I completely agree with you, the
    dialogue is essential between the United States and Pakistan at
    a high level. As you know, there have been several high-level
    administration discussions with Pakistan to include multiple
    engagements by Secretary Blinken with the Pakistani Foreign
    Minister. These talks have focused on critical issues.
        Senator Van Hollen. Mr. Ambassador, I do not--I am aware of
    all that but, as you know, the President has reached out to
    lots of foreign leaders. Given the importance of the future
    developments in Afghanistan to us, given the importance of the
    relationship with Pakistan, it seems to me a totally unforced
    error that the President of the United States has not made that
    phone call. There is no need for you to comment. I appreciate
    your service.
        And thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Ranking Member.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz?
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Ms. Chairman. Congratulations to
    each of the nominees. Senator Salazar, good to see you. I
    enjoyed visiting with you yesterday in my office.
        As you know, I am increasingly concerned about what appears
    to be a deliberate and a systematic campaign by the Mexican
    Government to undermine American companies and especially
    American energy companies. Just a few weeks ago the Mexican
    Government gave its state oil firm, Pemex, a major-shared oil
    find, over a private consortium led by Houston-based, Talos
    Energy, which had first discovered the crude and had already
    invested nearly $350 million in the project.
        This decision was just one of a series of moves that the
    Mexican Government has pursued to roll back Mexico's historic
    2013 energy sector liberalization reforms, which benefited both
    them and us. It goes without saying that these moves are in
    significant tension with both the Mexican Constitution and the
    USMCA.
        On July 29th, I joined Senator Cornyn, Senator Inhofe, and
    sent a letter to President Biden highlighting these concerns.
    The next morning President Lopez Obrador dismissed the letter
    saying quote, ``There is really no problem, and that the
    concerns are insignificant''.
        Let me start by asking you, do you agree with the Mexican
    President that the concerns about Mexico's tilt away from U.S.
    companies towards Mexican Government control of the energy
    sector towards open hostility to American companies, do you
    agree with the Mexican President that those concerns are
    insignificant?
        Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, the rule of law is important,
    obviously important to us here in the United States, and to
    interests here that are investing in Mexico, and my
    understanding is the ambassador, the U.S. Trade Representative
    for the United States has said that energy is covered under the
    United States-Canada-Mexico Agreements. So I think what we need
    to do is to raise these issues and make sure that we are
    protecting American investment in Mexico.
        Senator Cruz. So I am deeply concerned that right now the
    Mexican Government is feeling no meaningful pressure from the
    Biden administration to reverse its campaign, to undermine
    American energy firms, and so what I would like to ask you, is
    first of all, to what degree do you assess that the Mexican
    Government's moves in the energy sector are harmful both to
    them and us?
        Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, I intend to work on these
    issues, if confirmed, and if I get your support, coming out of
    this committee, and on the floor of the Senate. You know, I was
    very involved in the negotiation of the Gulf of Mexico
    Transboundary Agreement with Secretary Clinton and with the
    support of President Obama. It was because of those
    Transboundary Agreements which, frankly, had resolved an issue
    that had been outstanding for some 50 years, that we have had
    the investment of the movement that we have had in the energy
    sector.
        It is a complicated issue, but I intend to give it
    everything that I have to see how we can work with the Mexican
    Government that are sovereign, I respect their sovereignty, but
    we will work together to see whether we can find some solution
    to this challenge.
        Senator Cruz. So if you are confirmed as Ambassador, what
    specific steps do you expect to take to halt and reverse the
    Mexican Government's targeting of and discrimination against
    American energy firms?
        Mr. Salazar. Yeah, we will work closely with my colleagues
    in the Biden administration, both in the White House, as well
    as within USDR, and the State Department, the Commerce
    Department, to see how we can address these issues.
        Senator Cruz. Do you think it is a problem?
        Mr. Salazar. It is a problem, sir.
        Senator Cruz. Why is it that the Mexican Government seems
    to be moving away from American interest, and American
    priorities, and seems to be moving rapidly away from them in
    the last six months, during the Biden administration?
        Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, there is a reality that I do not
    believe that the United States has engaged in the kind of
    bilateral relationship with Mexico during the last four years
    under the former administration, or even before that. And so
    what we need to do is we need to engage in the kinds of
    dialogues that will make sure that we are developing
    sustainable issues and a sustainable framework between the
    United States and Mexico.
        We cannot afford to have our relationship with Mexico go
    into an abyss of dysfunction. And that is in the shared
    interest of both the United States and Mexico. And I commit to
    working not only with the President, and the Vice President, my
    colleagues in the State Department, Secretary Blinken, but with
    you, to see how we can come up with a kind of framework that
    will address the issues that this committee, both on the
    Democratic side, through Senator Menendez, and on the
    Republican side through Senator Risch, has an interest in
    dealing with, because if we do not deal with these issues in
    this very difficult time in the relationship between the U.S.
    and Mexico, we will be facing some very significant issues on
    down the road.
        Senator Cruz. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And
    congratulations to each of you on your nominations, we
    appreciate your willingness to continue in public service.
        I am going to give Senator Salazar a little rest for a
    minute, and start with you, Ms. Lewis. And again, we will miss
    you with the committee, but are delighted that you are going to
    be continuing to do your good work.
        I think you were with the committee when we passed the
    Women Peace and Security Act, which I am very proud of. It has
    been a bipartisan effort. We have seen it starting to be
    implemented in the Department of Defense, I think less so in
    the Department of State.
        And so can you talk about how you might be able to promote
    WPS goals and your strategy, if confirmed, to make sure that it
    is incorporated into global peace operations, and into
    international military education, conventional weapons, and how
    you would work with DOD?
        Ms. Lewis. Absolutely. First of all, Senator, thank you so
    much for your leadership on this issue. You really have been a
    guiding light for all of us.
        In the Bureau of Political Military Affairs, there already
    has been a focus on this issue. One of the changes they have
    implemented is to make sure that in the training that we
    provide that as we look at working with individual militaries,
    we make sure that the representation of women is equal to the
    representation of women in their services when we train them.
    And I was pleased to learn about that. That would be something
    I would want to continue and grow moving forward.
        I also think, as you look at all of the pieces of the work
    that the Bureau does, other issues such as the great work that
    the Bureau does demining, making sure that our civilians--
    civilians are protected from some of these landmines also has a
    great impact on local communities, but also specifically on
    women. And I know that is something that they take into
    consideration.
        And then finally, as I said, in my opening statement, I
    know that really looking at the workforce inside the Bureau
    would also be something that would be a priority for me. If
    confirmed, I believe I would be the first woman in this
    position, but I also am aware that the Bureau has an incredibly
    talented pool already. And it would be my job to look closely
    at the unique makeup of this Bureau, which includes civil
    service, foreign service, also a number of people in uniform
    who come over, to make sure that we are also looking at the
    issue of women moving forward and really using the talents of
    women inside the Bureau.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I appreciate that. And
    look forward to working with you. And as you know, the
    importance of this initiative is that when women are at the
    table we are more successful, in conflict areas, in ensuring
    that success is spread to all elements of the community. So
    thank you.
        Ms. Lewis. Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen. Senator Salazar, now that you have caught
    your breath. As you may be aware, New Hampshire has a real
    challenge with substance misuse. It has been an issue, not just
    in our state, but throughout the country. And we saw in 2020
    that we had more overdose deaths, drug deaths than we have had
    any time in our history.
        And one of the things that we know in New Hampshire is that
    many of the illegal substances that come into the United States
    come in through Mexico. And as I understand, there have been
    some tensions in recent years with Mexico in terms of how we
    can best work together to intercept and interdict those drugs.
    So can you talk a little bit about what your approach would be
    to addressing that with Mexico?
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen, for the
    question. The issue of drugs north is something that has been
    around for a very, very long time. And that issue is
    exacerbated in part by what China is doing in Mexico with
    fentanyl.
        Senator Shaheen. Right.
        Mr. Salazar. And all of those issues that are affecting the
    people of New Hampshire, and throughout the United States of
    America. It is a shared problem between the United States and
    Mexico, and I commit to working with the Mexican Government,
    and United States authorities to look for solutions to the
    problem.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I hope you will come back
    to this committee and let us know what resources we can help
    you with in order to continue to address that in a successful
    way.
        Mr. Salazar. Thank you. I will.
        Senator Shaheen. And Ambassador Lu, I have been very
    concerned about what is happening in Afghanistan now, as I am
    sure you are, as we look at the gains made by the Taliban. And
    one of my biggest areas of concern is what happens to the women
    and girls in Afghanistan. It has been one of the greatest
    successes of our efforts there, not only of the United States
    but the international community.
        So tell me what you think, what more you think we can do as
    the United States to raise concerns about what is happening
    there in the international community? How can we support
    ensuring that the freedoms that women and girls, and other
    ethnic minorities in the country enjoy now, are not totally
    erased as the Taliban continue to make gains?
        Ambassaador Lu. Senator Shaheen, I was really moved by your
    tribute to Afghan women who were killed by the telephone in the
    hearing in May with Ambassador Khalilzad. I actually knew one
    of those young women. Fatima Khalil was a senior at the
    American University of Central Asia in Kyrgyzstan, the posting
    I just left. I spoke at her graduation, one of the brightest,
    most capable and self-confident people I have ever met in my
    life.
        She had an American education, spoke fluent English, a
    worldview that was unlike anyone else. And she could have gone
    anywhere, done anything. And she decided what she really wanted
    to do is go back to her home country to work on human rights,
    and the rights of women and girls, and the Taliban killed her
    for that.
        Senator Shaheen. Right.
        Ambassaador Lu. So it is personal for me, as I know it is
    for many of us who have worked in and around this region, I
    share your deep concern about what is happening now in
    Afghanistan, and the women and girls who are now at risk. I
    think it is critical that we continue our robust assistance to
    the programs that we have been running for years in Afghanistan
    that have promoted such progress over 20 years, training,
    education, legal services.
        But now we have to expand that. We need to look at how we
    are caring for those who are at risk. And as we know, we are
    good at doing that all over the world, including in very
    difficult places, in Cuba, and Russia, and Iran, and North
    Korea, we need to up our game. And I know there are very smart
    people in the interagency right now, putting together plans
    about how we would use the U.S. refugee admissions process, or
    emergency humanitarian relief to try to mitigate some of these
    risks. And we look forward, if confirmed, to working with you
    and other members of Congress to put together that plan.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I look forward to that.
    My time is up, but I just want to relay to you what I heard
    from some of the women leaders in Afghanistan who were urging
    us in the United States to have our President, our Vice
    President, all of our high-level officials speak out in the
    international community about what the Taliban are doing and
    raise international awareness and condemnation for what is
    happening there. So I hope you will agree to do that if
    confirmed.
        Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And thank you for
    your leadership in this disregard. We appreciate your clarity
    and voice on this all the time.
        Some final questions, there is a vote going on.
        So, Ms. Lewis, I do not think you would get away that easy.
    When the Department of Defense through existing authorities,
    and seeking new ones, has assumed an outside role in providing
    security assistance to foreign countries, providing foreign
    assistance is, and in my view, always should be the purview of
    the Secretary of State and the State Department conferred by
    diplomats in the service of our foreign policy.
        I want to ask you. Will you use all means at your disposal,
    if confirmed, to conduct oversight on U.S. security assistance
    for foreign countries, and foreign persons, regardless of which
    U.S. agency is providing it?
        Ms. Lewis. Yes.
        The Chairman. And if confirmed, will you work closely with
    the committee to prevent any further loss or duplication of
    state security assistance authorities?
        Ms. Lewis. Absolutely.
        The Chairman. Okay. All right, one last question. You fully
    support the Taiwan's Relations Act, is that correct?
        Ms. Lewis. Yes, sir.
        The Chairman. And U.S. support for Taiwan self-defense?
        Ms. Lewis. Absolutely.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to treating Taiwan the same as
    every other state in the Arms Process Sale?
        Ms. Lewis. Yes, sir, consistent with the Taiwan Relations
    Act.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Lu, let me ask you. At this point as the
    security environment grows more precarious in Afghanistan, what
    leverage, what efforts can we realistically take to support
    members of civil society? Senator Shaheen just talked about
    Afghan women and girls, and I echo that, but also civil
    society. And what measures can we take to take care of those
    partners who worked for the National Democratic Institute, the
    International Republican Institute, CIPI, Internews and IFAS,
    they do not qualify for special immigrant visas, but they
    created extraordinary service at all times?
        Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely. Mr. Chairman, in my first job
    in the State Department, I worked in the American Consulate in
    Peshawar, Pakistan. In one of my jobs, I was an admin officer,
    was to support our staff of our embassy in Kabul, our local
    staff. And they had long since stopped working in the embassy.
    The embassy had been closed for three years at that point.
        But we maintained the commitment to our people. And that
    commitment went on for 12 years until we reopened our embassy,
    we paid their salaries, we took care of them. It is critical
    that we take care of the people who have shown loyalty, and
    service to us. Whether that is our own employees, people who
    have been interpreters and translators for the Military and the
    State Department, or it is folks that have worked in civil
    society supporting our programs. These were dangerous jobs even
    then, and they are even more at risk today.
        I hear you on, the fact that they would not qualify for
    special immigrant visas. I do think there is a discussion
    within the interagency and with the Congress about how to
    safeguard these people at risk. It is a broad category, and we
    are looking at the full range of possibilities. The U.S.
    Refugee Admissions Process, humanitarian parole, humanitarian
    emergency assistance.
        I welcome, if you, sir, or your staff have ideas about how
    we can make sure we are showing loyalty to those people, who
    have risked their own safety and their lives to support our
    common goals. I think it is not something we are going to get
    done alone as an administration. It will take the
    administration, plus Congress, and international partners to
    safeguard all of these people.
        The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that. We do, and we will
    share them. But, you know, these entities that are promoting
    the core values through the different roles they play, are
    important to be able to preserve, not only in this case, but
    send a global message that when you do this work, whatever it
    is in the world, however dangerous it is, that you in fact will
    be backed up. And I think that that is incredibly important.
        One last question for you, Ambassador, I have been very
    involved in supporting labor rights in Bangladesh. I appreciate
    the efforts since the Rana Plaza disaster, but there is a lot
    of work that remains to make sure, that Made in Bangladesh does
    not mean made in the blood of Bangladeshi workers.
        Do I have your commitment to press the Bangladeshi
    Government to allow unions to register and function without
    repression?
        Ambassaador Lu. Yes, you do, sir.
        The Chairman. Okay.
        And then finally, Ms. Escobari, I do not want you to think
    nobody cares about what you are doing. We do a great deal. I
    think you have extraordinary experience in the development
    aside of the role that you are going to play and you even
    referenced it in your remarks. And so I will not dwell on that,
    but I do want to say that part of what USAID is, it has to do
    with, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean, is the
    democracy side of it. And sometimes at AID, not under Samantha
    Power, but in the past I have feared that we have lost the
    democracy side of the USAID mission.
        When I see protests in Cuba, when I see what is happening
    in Haiti, when I see what is happening in Nicaragua, and
    elsewhere, I see a tremendous backsliding on the question of
    democratic governance and human rights. Can you speak a little
    bit as to how you will see your mission at AID in that regard?
        Ms. Escobari. Senator, thank you for your question, and for
    always speaking very forcefully on behalf of democratic rights
    and accountability in the region.
        I do see good governance as a prerequisite to progress on
    everything else. Corruption is corrosive for many reasons, but
    in particular because it undermines citizens' beliefs that
    governments can deliver for them. USAID's efforts have focused
    on the--you know, in supporting civil society, human rights
    defenders, free press, all of these efforts reinforce citizens'
    demand for democracy.
        And on the supply side, as you know, there are also great
    efforts on just improving the rule of law and making it more
    available. And if confirmed, I will double down on those
    efforts, and also pursue other new approaches that that can
    address the recent backsliding. That is very particular in
    key--in key countries that you mentioned.
        The Chairman. As I said to Administrator Power, I am keen
    on this issue, and I have both put in language support to help
    the Agency as well as in the appropriations process, so we look
    forward to working with you with that.
        Senator Cardin?
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And let me thank
    all four of our nominees for their willingness to serve and
    continue to serve our country. And I thank your families.
        I wanted, particularly, to acknowledge and thank Jessica
    Lewis for her extraordinary help to me and to our committee.
    You have the diplomatic skills to take on this new assignment.
    If you can handle the egos of the members of this committee,
    you can handle any challenge that you might confront in the
    State Department. So we wish you only the best.
        It is good to see my former colleague, Ken Salazar, before
    us. We always enjoyed his company in the Senate, and look
    forward to his service to our Nation in Mexico.
        I am going to ask one question to Mr. Salazar and Ms. Ms.
    Escobari. And that is to deal with corruption.
        Mexico is a great neighbor of ours. They have a serious
    problem on protection of human rights, particularly
    journalists, they have a corruption issue. Our hemisphere,
    unfortunately, has a systemic corruption issue in many
    democratic states. And I know the President has identified
    corruption as a national security core interest. We have in
    this committee passed additional resources to deal with
    corruption.
        I just really want to underscore the importance of this
    subject in your portfolios. I had a chance to talk to Mr.
    Salazar yesterday, or the day before, and we had a, I think, a
    good conversation on this subject.
        So, Ms. Escobari, if you could just share with us your
    strategies for how you are going to deal with countries that
    have free elections, but have elected--have not been able to
    deal with systemic corruption, which has led to significant
    erosion of human rights and stability in these nations.
        Ms. Escobari. You know, as I mentioned in my last comments,
    I do think good governance is a prerequisite for progress on
    everything else. In the last quarter of the 20th century, Latin
    America actually saw the greatest gains in liberal democracy,
    but these gains were not accompanied with the investments in
    human capital, physical capital to really create a middle
    class. And now we have political and economic elites that
    remain entrenched, corruption permeates everyday transactions.
    And unequal growth has left citizens frustrated. And this has
    become really fertile ground for authoritarian and populous
    leaders.
        So I think that focusing on the ability of these states to
    deliver the goods and services, but also to support civil
    society, to hold those governments accountable to deliver is
    the kind of ingredients that we need to strengthen rule of law
    at a time that all the pressures on these economies make them
    increasingly fragile.
        Senator Cardin. One of the areas that we really need to
    improve upon, is to build a capacity in our embassies, in each
    of these countries, to be able to identify the weaknesses of
    the countries in which they are representing the United States
    in, and to be able to work with our different agencies as to
    how we can work with the country to make significant progress
    on any corruption issues.
        It seems to me that is one of the areas that should be a
    priority of the position you have been nominated for. And just
    again, we welcome your commitment to really work to make a
    major difference in our capacity in each of these countries.
        Ms. Escobari. Yes. You have my commitment. And I think it
    is really beneficial that USAID has a presence and has had a
    presence in these countries for many years, and can add that
    perspective to regional embassies.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
        That brings this nominations hearing to a close. The record
    for the hearing will remain open until the close of business on
    Thursday, July 29th, which is tomorrow, I would urge members to
    get their questions in for the record today.
        I would urge the nominees, if you are in receipt of
    questions for the record that you answer them fully and
    expeditiously so that the committee can consider your
    nominations before a business meeting.
        With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
    adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Robert Menendez

    Violence and Crime in Mexico
        Question. Violence and the influence of organized crime in Mexico
    have reached highly concerning levels. In the lead up to the June
    midterm elections, over 100 politicians were murdered, 36 of whom were
    running for office. These trend lines and the serious implications for
    our national security mandate that we must finds ways to strengthen
    U.S.-Mexico security cooperation.

       Would you please lay out your priorities for strengthening our
            security cooperation with Mexico?

        Answer. I understand U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top
    national security priority, and neither country can successfully
    confront transnational organized crime alone. It is critical that
    efforts to dismantle transnational criminal organizations, address
    illicit drug production and trafficking, reduce impunity and
    corruption, and strengthen the rule of law receive the full cooperation
    of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to
    comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government on how we can
    best align our security and law enforcement efforts, so this
    cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of both our nations. I
    will also not hesitate to raise any concerns that I believe to be
    obstacles to our bilateral cooperation.
        If confirmed, I also look forward to engaging in a review with
    appropriate U.S. and Mexican officials to ensure specific programs are
    effective in addressing our shared challenges, and will look for
    opportunities with Mexico to make additional adjustments to our
    programming where necessary and appropriate to reflect changes in
    conditions and priorities.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In April, the Supreme Court of Mexico unanimously ruled
    in favor of the U.S. position concerning a long running trade dispute
    with Mexico involving fresh potato exports. If confirmed, would you
    make it a priority to ensure that the regulatory process in Mexico
    reinstates and maintain market access for U.S. fresh potato exports and
    U.S. potato growers in general?

        Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities as U.S. Ambassador
    to Mexico will be securing and maintaining fair market access for U.S.
    businesses in Mexico. Agricultural trade between the United States and
    Mexico is an important component to our overall trade relationship, and
    as Ambassador, I would work with the U.S. Trade Representative and the
    Department of Agriculture to ensure U.S. agricultural products are not
    disadvantaged.

        Question. American investors in Mexico are experiencing significant
    and growing regulatory challenges under the administration President
    Lopez Obrador, including increasing difficulties in getting permits for
    a range of activities. These actions are contrary to Mexico's
    obligations under the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement. If confirmed,
    would you make it a priority to ensure that Mexico abides by its
    obligations under the USMCA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the U.S.
    Trade Representative and other U.S. agencies to ensure Mexico fully
    adheres to its commitments under the USMCA. Mexico is one of the United
    States' most important trading partners and represents a crucial market
    for U.S. businesses. As Ambassador, one of my top priorities would be
    ensuring the full implementation of the USMCA.

        Question. Mexico has a broader definition of refugee than the
    United States and the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention. For example, Mexico
    recognizes a right to asylum based on ``generalized violence; foreign
    aggression; internal conflicts; massive violations of human rights; and
    other circumstances leading to a serious disturbance of public order.''
    As a result, many would-be asylum seekers arriving in Mexico from
    Central America could qualify as refugees in Mexico. If confirmed, do
    you commit to ensure the Government of Mexico enforces its own legal
    obligations towards would-be asylum seekers arriving in Mexico?

        Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Mexico, I will work with
    colleagues at the State Department and international organization
    partners to continue to support efforts to improve access to
    protection, humanitarian relief, and local integration opportunities
    for displaced persons and vulnerable migrants in Mexico. I understand
    that, through its international organization (IO) partners, the
    Department supports humanitarian assistance for refugees, asylum
    seekers, and vulnerable migrants. This assistance includes support for
    local integration for refugees and asylum seekers, as well as helping
    Mexico to strengthen the capacity of its asylum system.

        Question. In June 2020, the Treasury Department designated a number
    of Mexico-based individuals and entities that were part of a sanctions
    evasion network supporting the corrupt regime of Nicolas Maduro in
    Venezuela. Earlier this year, there were reports that at least three
    Cuban-flagged oil tankers designated by the Treasury Department for
    transporting Venezuelan oil to Cuba have been serviced in the Mexican
    port of Veracruz, in apparent violation of U.S. sanctions. If
    confirmed, do you commit to ensure robust understanding and enforcement
    of U.S. sanctions policy in Mexico?

        Answer. Mexico can play a critical role in helping to address some
    of the most complex issues in the region pertaining to democracy,
    governance, human rights, and the rule of law. Building an effective
    U.S.-Mexico partnership requires ensuring Mexico has a fulsome
    understanding of all U.S. policies, including those related to
    sanctioning authorities. If confirmed, I will ensure that the
    Government of Mexico fully understands U.S. sanctioning authorities and
    policies. I will also commit to working with Mexico to advance
    democratic and human rights priorities throughout the region.

        Question. Mexican transnational criminal organizations are
    producing increased quantities of fentanyl and cartels, such as the
    Sinaloa and the New Generation Jalisco Cartel, are the primary
    trafficking groups responsible for smuggling fentanyl into the U.S.
    from Mexico. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage Mexico take
    meaningful actions to tackle transitional criminal activities
    throughout its territory, including the production and trafficking of
    fentanyl and other illicit narcotics? Do you commit to periodically
    review International Narcotics and Law Enforcement programs in Mexico
    to ensure they are focusing on meaningfully reducing the flow of
    fentanyl and other synthetic opioids to the U.S.?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to encourage Mexico to take
    meaningful actions to tackle transnational criminal activities
    throughout its territory, including the production and trafficking of
    fentanyl and other illicit narcotics.
        If confirmed, I also commit to periodically reviewing INL programs,
    and all U.S. Government interagency counterdrug efforts in Mexico, to
    ensure they are focused on meaningfully reducing the flow of fentanyl
    and other synthetic opioids to the United States.

        Question. In December 2020, Mexico approved reforms to its national
    security law, limiting the power of foreign law enforcement agents in
    the country and restricting their ability to operate. If confirmed, do
    you commit to ensuring effective law enforcement cooperation with
    Mexico?

        Answer. Yes. I understand U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains
    a top national security priority. It is critical that efforts to
    dismantle transnational criminal organizations, reduce impunity and
    corruption, and strengthen the rule of law in Mexico receive the full
    cooperation of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to
    comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government to ensure our
    law enforcement cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of the
    United States and Mexico.

        Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
    Report, Mexico was identified as Tier 2 due to its overall increasing
    efforts but still not fully meeting the minimal standards for
    eliminating trafficking. What steps would you take as Ambassador, if
    confirmed, to engage with the host government and civil society
    organizations on bolstering efforts to improve prosecution and
    protection efforts?

        Answer. Trafficking in persons (TIP) is a heinous crime perpetuated
    throughout the region that must be addressed through a holistic
    approach. The Department of State supports various programs that help
    develop the capacity of investigators and prosecutors at the state and
    federal levels to combat this crime. The State Department also supports
    efforts to prevent human trafficking and assist victims through support
    for shelters.
        If confirmed, I pledge to support the administration's policy to
    counter TIP in Mexico, including the implementation of the Operations
    Group on Human Smuggling and Human Trafficking that Vice President
    Harris announced during her June visit to Mexico, and the
    recommendations from the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. I will
    work with my staff to identify areas where we can make headway in
    state- and federal-level prosecutions, including prosecutions of forced
    labor crimes and complicit officials, and in significantly enhancing
    comprehensive protection services for trafficking victims. I plan to
    discuss bilateral cooperation on the issue in high-level discussions
    and under a potential Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue. I will also
    engage Mexico on its commitments under USMCA's labor chapters,
    particularly as they pertain to forced labor.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
    Freedom report, Mexico was described as having instances of intolerant
    behavior towards religious minorities. What is your assessment of this
    particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the Office of
    International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
    country?

        Answer. I understand there were some instances of intolerance
    towards religious minorities highlighted in the 2020 Religious Freedom
    Report; however, Mexico has been a strong partner in promoting
    religious freedom in its own country and the region. If confirmed, I
    will work closely with the Office of International Religious Freedom to
    promote and protect religious freedom in Mexico. I pledge to work with
    the Mexican Government, religious leaders and communities, and civil
    society to ensure the country maintains momentum on assuring religious
    freedoms and address the instances where those freedoms may by
    threatened.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
    Mexico was identified as having committed severe human rights abuses,
    including impunity for government and military employees, corruption,
    torture by security forces, violence against journalists and human
    rights defenders, and more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to
    address these instances with the host government?

        Answer. The promotion of human rights is central to U.S. national
    security and prosperity. The United States uses a wide range of
    diplomatic tools to advance respect for human rights, including working
    directly with the Mexican Government and civil society. USAID and the
    Department of State have implemented projects to address various human
    rights concerns, including forced disappearances, violence against
    human rights defenders and journalists, and impunity, as well as public
    diplomacy programs to support and train human rights defenders.
        The Department promotes accountability for human rights violations
    and abuses by implementing human rights-related sanctions and visa
    ineligibilities, and Leahy Law assistance restrictions. Consistent with
    U.S. law and Department policy, prior to furnishing assistance to
    security force units and individuals, all candidates are subject to
    Leahy vetting to assess if there is credible information of gross
    violations of human rights. The Department also submits reports
    consistent with the requirements of the relevant annual appropriations
    act.
        If confirmed, I plan to utilize all the available tools at my
    disposal to promote human rights in Mexico and support all programs
    being implemented. I will seek to work with the Government of Mexico to
    ensure human rights is a central tenet in high-level security
    discussions, as well as look to relaunch the annual Bilateral Human
    Rights Dialogue, which last met in December 2017.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
    active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of
    journalists and human rights activist undermines freedoms of expression
    and association, as well as regional security.
        I am committed to supporting efforts to promote respect for human
    rights and press freedom. Through USAID, the U.S. currently supports
    Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for Journalists and Human Rights
    Defenders, and works with state-level counterparts to expand the
    protection measures available for these groups. USAID also supports the
    Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of
    Expression to investigate and sanction aggressions against journalists
    and defenders. My understanding is that we also build and support
    professional networks and provide training to equip journalists to face
    challenges and professional risks specific to Mexico. Working with the
    Committee to Protect Journalists, we support training on journalist
    safety, investigative journalism guidelines, and best practices to
    increase transparency and accountability.
        If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights and
    the rule of law and reduce impunity. I will continue calls for Mexican
    authorities to investigate and prosecute those responsible for crimes
    against journalists and human rights defenders wherever they occur, and
    will actively engage with civil society organizations working these
    issues.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. If confirmed, how will you address human rights concerns
    with the Lopez Obrador administration and ensure that U.S. funds are
    not supporting policies or entities that are committing abuses?

        Answer. The promotion of human rights is central to U.S. national
    security and prosperity. The United States uses a wide range of
    diplomatic tools to advance respect for human rights, including working
    directly with the Mexican Government and civil society. USAID and the
    Department of State have implemented projects to address various human
    rights concerns, including forced disappearances, violence against
    human rights defenders and journalists, and impunity, as well as public
    diplomacy programs to support and train human rights defenders.
        The Department promotes accountability for human rights violations
    and abuses by implementing human rights-related sanctions and visa
    ineligibilities, and Leahy Law assistance restrictions. It is my
    understanding that, prior to furnishing assistance to security force
    units and individuals, the Department conducts Leahy vetting to assess
    if there is credible information that such units committed gross
    violations of human rights. The Department also submits reports
    consistent with the requirements of the relevant annual appropriations
    act.
        If confirmed, I plan to utilize all the available tools at my
    disposal to promote human rights in Mexico and support all programs
    being implemented. I will seek to work with the Government of Mexico to
    ensure human rights are a central tenet in high-level engagement, as
    well as look to relaunch the annual Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue,
    which last met in December 2017.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with civil society
    groups, independent journalists, and human rights defenders that have
    been targeted by the Government?

        Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
    active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of
    journalists and human rights activist undermines freedoms of expression
    and association, as well as regional security.
        The Department is committed to supporting efforts to increase
    respect for human rights and press freedom. Through USAID, we currently
    support Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for Journalists and
    Human Rights Defenders and work with state-level counterparts to expand
    the protection measures available for these groups. USAID also supports
    the Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of
    Expression to investigate and sanction aggressions against journalists
    and defenders. We also build and support professional networks and
    provide training to equip journalists to face challenges and
    professional risks specific to Mexico. Working with the Committee to
    Protect Journalists, we support training on journalist safety,
    investigative journalism guidelines, and best practices to increase
    transparency and accountability.
        If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights and
    the rule of law and end impunity. I will work with the Department to
    continue calling on Mexican authorities to investigate and prosecute
    those responsible for crimes against journalists and human rights
    defenders wherever they occur, and actively engage with civil society
    organizations working these issues.

        Question. How can Congress help advance human rights concerns,
    including violence against journalists?

        Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
    active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. Congress can
    help advance administration priorities on human rights in Mexico by
    ensuring the Department and USAID maintain appropriate resource levels
    for security and development assistance, which include programming on
    human rights, the protection of journalists, and development of
    Mexico's capacity to investigate and prosecute aggressions against
    journalists and human rights defenders.
        I would also recommend Congressional members engage with Mexican
    authorities whenever possible to discuss human rights issues. If
    confirmed, I would invite Congressional delegations to come to Mexico
    to observe the human rights situation on the ground.

        Question. Will you commit to working with me to advance the
    Combating Global Corruption Act and to raising the profile of efforts
    to fight international corruption as a U.S. national security priority,
    particularly in Mexico?

        Answer. I understand Department of State priorities include
    supporting Mexico in addressing public corruption, transparency, and
    the rule of law. U.S. assistance programs train justice sector
    operators; establish, improve, and certify internal affairs
    departments; increase transparency and accountability through culture
    of lawfulness and ethics programs; and promote civil society and media
    participation. I understand all Mexican security officials receiving
    training or other assistance are subject to Leahy Law human rights
    vetting. I am also aware that the Department considers human rights,
    ties to organized crime, and corruption when implementing foreign
    assistance programs, as well as assesses the applicability of visa
    ineligibility authorities to target officials involved in significant
    corruption or gross violations of human rights.
        If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress to assess all
    potential tools that can be deployed to help in the fight against
    international corruption, as well as discuss potential areas of
    cooperation on anti-corruption in high-level engagements.

        Question. Do you see opportunities to work with the Organization of
    American States to further our anti-corruption agenda?

        Answer. The OAS has a unique and vital role and mandate in the
    Americas: to promote a hemispheric commitment to representative
    democracy, human rights, and development and security cooperation. More
    than any other multilateral organization, the OAS today is the premier
    forum through which the member states can work together to improve the
    lives of our citizens and bring to life the democratic principles
    articulated in the OAS Charter and the landmark Inter-American
    Democratic Charter.
        I understand the OAS's Inter-American Convention Against Corruption
    (IACC) adopts a comprehensive approach in which 34 member states work
    together to fight corruption. There are also opportunities in the OAS
    to work with countries to review legal frameworks and institutions
    through the Follow-up Mechanism for the Implementation of the IACC
    (MESICIC).
        With the Lopez Obrador administration having made anti-corruption a
    central tenet of his administration, if confirmed, I will work to
    engage with Mexico to ensure we use every available tool at the
    bilateral and multilateral levels to address corruption.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you address corruption concerns
    with the Lopez Obrador administration and ensure that U.S. funds are
    not ending up with corrupt entities and individuals?

        Answer. The United States supports Mexico's efforts to address
    corruption, transparency, and the rule of law. President Lopez Obrador
    has made anticorruption a focal point of his presidency. If confirmed,
    I will work with the Mexican Government to further discussions on
    anticorruption efforts and will continue to support U.S. anticorruption
    programming that assists Mexican Government and civil society efforts
    to counter corruption at federal, state, and local levels. If
    confirmed, I, and the Department, will continue to ensure all Mexican
    security officials receiving training or other assistance are subject
    to Leahy Law human rights vetting. Furthermore, I will continue to
    ensure we assess and mitigate the risk of corruption before providing
    assistance.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. What is your view of the current situation in Cuba?

        Answer. I have been watching the historic protests in Cuba and the
    Cuban Government's troubling response very closely. I can assure you
    that Cuba is among this administration's highest priorities. If
    confirmed, I will carry out the administration's aims to support
    peaceful protesters; to denounce human rights abuses, including
    violence, detentions, and Internet shutdowns and censorship; and to
    urge countries--even those opposed to U.S. sanctions--to support the
    Cuban protestors' demands for human rights and fundamental freedoms
    enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These are
    universal values every country should support.

        Answer. If confirmed, will you press the Mexican Government to
    support the bipartisan U.S. policy on Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will carry out the administration's aims to
    denounce human rights abuses, including violence, detentions, and
    Internet shutdowns and censorship; and to urge countries--even those
    strongly opposed to U.S. sanctions--to support Cuban protestors'
    demands for human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the
    Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

        Question. In your opinion, how has implementation of the USCMA been
    affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

        Answer. While the COVID-19 pandemic limited the possibility of in-
    person collaboration, I commend our interagency colleagues and their
    counterparts in Mexico and Canada for finding ways to advance the USMCA
    implementation process despite the challenges. For example, Mexico took
    significant steps to undertake its herculean task of labor reform.
    While the recent report shows there is still work to be done, what was
    accomplished in establishing the labor courts, especially under the
    circumstances, is laudable. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work
    with the interagency and our Mexican counterparts to continue the
    implementation process and address the areas where COVID-19 has
    complicated our joint efforts.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Ambassador to
    ensure that economic cooperation with Mexico under USMCA supports the
    growth of American businesses?

        Answer. Since the USMCA entered into force July 1, 2020, I
    understand it has proven a valuable tool for improving trade relations
    between the United States, Mexico, and Canada. As Ambassador to Mexico,
    I will work with the State Department, the U.S. Trade Representative,
    and other U.S. Government agencies to continue building areas for
    cooperation and ensure full regulatory compliance with the agreement. I
    will also prioritize engagement on labor issues and support USTR's
    efforts through the Rapid Response Mechanism to ensure U.S. businesses
    are on an equal footing.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. How do you see the relationship between making the United
    States ``the security partner of choice'' and ensuring that U.S.
    security partners respect human rights and international humanitarian
    law, especially when using U.S.-origin defense equipment?

        Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
    rights must be at the center of our foreign policy and have made it
    clear that the United States will cooperate with allies and partners
    where our priorities align and not shy away from defending U.S.
    interests and American values where they do not. Strong U.S. security
    partnerships around the world come with a multitude of benefits,
    including the opportunity to positively influence a country's human
    rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely with
    partners, set an example for human rights standards, and, when
    appropriate, provide training and education to enhance professionalism
    and adherence to human rights standards.
        If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our partner
    forces are taking steps to comply with international law and protect
    human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights concerns
    are given full weight in arms transfer decisions.

        Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that human
    rights concerns are given equal weight as other considerations when
    assessing potential arms sales?

        Answer. I understand the Administration is working to develop a new
    Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms transfer
    decisions reflect the Administration's foreign policy priorities,
    including the respect for human rights and the rule of law. Promoting
    the protection of human rights in our arms transfer process bolsters
    our own national security, as well as that of our partners. If
    confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision-making process to
    ensure human rights concerns are given full weight in arms transfer
    decisions, in accordance with the CAT Policy. I will also seek to
    assist partner forces in taking steps to comply with international law,
    build security sector governance capacity, and protect human rights.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
              Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Does the current global amount, allocation, and
    geographical distribution of State Department security assistance
    sufficiently account for the strategic challenges facing the United
    States and its allies and partners?

        Answer. State ensures that its security assistance strategically
    advances U.S. diplomatic and defense relationships, and that
    investments in foreign security forces advance U.S. foreign policy and
    national security interests, within the parameters set by the law and
    Congress. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that State's security
    assistance investments continue to focus on addressing strategic
    challenges facing the United States and its allies and partners, to
    ensuring our assistance and diplomatic efforts are the foreign policy
    tool of first resort, and to continuing to engage with Congress on this
    important issue.

        Question. Does the Department have sufficient visibility into
    Department of Defense security cooperation activities so that State can
    guide planning for those activities, not just concur or object prior to
    implementation?

        Answer. As I understand it, there is a coordination process that
    has been developed between the Departments of State and Defense,
    including State's participation in fora hosted by the Office of the
    Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and combatant commands, as well
    as the annual State-Defense Joint Security Sector Assistance Review.
    This process provides key State stakeholders the opportunity to
    participate in planning for security assistance activities prior to
    receipt of formal concurrence requests in order to ensure both
    departments' programs are complementary and mutually supportive. If
    confirmed, I commit to work to improve mechanisms that allow State to
    ensure that Defense's security assistance supports U.S. foreign policy
    goals and objectives.

        Question. Do you commit to maintaining the tiered review process,
    and ensuring that this committee retains its role as the body in the
    Senate charged with reviewing the policy implications of potential arms
    sales?

        Answer. I commit to maintaining the tiered review process, and I
    will work with the Committee in its role as the body in the Senate
    reviewing potential arms sales.

        Question. Does the Department and its interagency partners
    sufficiently prioritize and expedite sales essential to the vital
    national interests of the U.S. and its most critical allies?

        Answer. I understand the Department's top priority, working
    together with the interagency, is to advance vital national interests,
    including those shared by our allies, within the framework of existing
    laws. If confirmed, I will continue to seek efficiencies to improve the
    interagency process and work closely with our partners and allies to
    streamline vital capabilities for our critical partners that support
    U.S. foreign policy and security interests, and commit to continuing to
    engage with you and your office on this important issue.

        Question. Does the Department spend sufficient time and attention
    in working with critical allies to develop requirements together to
    address those capabilities most needed for our shared interests? Does
    the Department have the personnel, especially at posts, to build and
    maintain the relationships required to jointly develop requirements?

        Answer. The Department, working with colleagues at the Department
    of Defense, staffs embassies with Security Cooperation Officers (SCOs)
    who serve under Chief of Mission authority as well as their respective
    Combatant Command. These SCOs form the ``first line'' as key
    interlocutors with foreign Defense Ministries and services and are
    responsible for the development and maintenance of professional working
    relationships to advance U.S. strategic objectives and jointly develop
    requirements. If confirmed, I will work with the Department and DoD to
    ensure these vital positions are adequately trained and staffed to meet
    our foreign policy objectives

        Question. Do you support changing the arms sales process to require
    a resolution of approval for sales? Why or why not?

        Answer. It is my sense that arms transfers are a key part of our
    security cooperation with allies and partners--and it is our
    relationship with allies and partners around the world that gives the
    United States a critical edge over our competitors and adversaries. If
    confirmed, I will examine this matter and consult with the Committee.

        Question. Do you support restricting the arms sales emergency
    authority to those articles and services that can be delivered within
    60 days?

        Answer. I understand Congress's concern that the emergency
    authorities within the Arms Export Control Act be used to respond only
    to genuine emergencies. If confirmed, I would consult with subject
    matter experts in the Department of State and Department of Defense to
    identify whether there would be any negative policy or logistical
    implications to such limitations before giving any specific proposal my
    full support.

        Question. Should the United States seek the return of U.S.-origin
    defense articles if issues emerge with end use by the foreign country
    or international organization customer?

        Answer. I understand that there are many legal issues and other
    more practical matters of logistics and finance involved in such an
    option. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our foreign partners
    only use U.S.-origin defense articles and services for the purposes for
    which they were provided, and that the Department considers the full
    range of consequences if a partner cannot or will not protect U.S.-
    origin defense articles; if confirmed, as well, I commit to continuing
    to engage with Congress on this important issue.

        Question. Do you support imposing a new requirement for Leahy-like
    vetting for all U.S. arms sales?

        Answer. The President has made it clear that respect for human
    rights must be at the center of U.S. foreign policy, which includes
    policy decisions on arms transfers.
        If confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision process to
    ensure it adequately considers human rights and the risk of civilian
    casualties when making such decisions, including preventing U.S. origin
    items from being transferred to foreign security force units that have
    committed gross violations of human rights. I will also insist on
    adherence to our agreements on the use of U.S.-origin defense equipment
    by our allies and partners, compliance with both the laws of armed
    conflict and respect for human rights, and will consider the full range
    of consequences should violations occur. If confirmed, I will continue
    to engage with Congress on this important question.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you balance vital U.S. national
    interests when we have values-based disagreements or human rights
    concerns with partners? In your opinion, do security partnerships give
    us more influence when we have human rights disagreements with
    partners, not less?

        Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
    rights must be at the center of U.S. foreign policy. If disagreements
    with our partners arise, I believe we must address them openly and have
    frank conversations when necessary. The United States will cooperate
    with allies and partners where our priorities align and not shy away
    from defending U.S. interests and American values where they do not.

        Answer. Among the many benefits of U.S. security partnerships
    around the world is an opportunity for us to influence the training,
    doctrine, and professionalism of partner armed forces in ways that
    enhance adherence to human rights standards and build security sector
    governance capacity. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure we take
    every opportunity to leverage our security relationships to enhance
    human rights around the world.

        Question. Should the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
    (DRL) have a veto over arms sales?

        Answer. DRL plays an integral role in the arms transfer decision
    process, and their input is essential to ensuring human rights are
    considered.
        If confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision process and
    work closely with DRL to ensure human rights concerns are given full
    weight in arms transfer decisions.

        Question. Do you support reversing the Obama Administration's
    Export Control Reform initiative, and making large categories of
    articles FMS-only once again?

        Answer. As you are aware, the export control reforms initiated
    under the Obama Administration were completed, and the categories of
    items from the munitions list moved to Department of Commerce control
    are now being regulated under the Export Administration Regulations.
    Separately, if confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to
    work closely with our DoD colleagues to maintain an appropriate FMS-
    Only list that guarantees the successful development of partner
    capabilities and the protection of U.S. technology. If confirmed, I
    would be glad to continue to engage with Congress on this issue.

        Question. Many Americans believe U.S. allies free-ride off of U.S.
    military commitments. If confirmed, how would you plan to ensure
    sufficient burden-sharing by our allies?

        Answer. I support President Biden's call to reinvigorate our
    alliances. Security simply costs more in today's complex environment,
    and, if confirmed, I will work to reframe the burden sharing
    conversation at NATO to increase focus on capabilities, readiness, and
    force generation, in addition to defense spending. In that same spirit,
    when appropriate, I believe the United States should seek fair and
    equitable cost-sharing arrangements with our partners. We saw how this
    diplomatic approach secured quick results in the new multiyear cost
    sharing agreement with the Republic of Korea that was signed in April.
    If confirmed, the PM bureau, under my guidance, will continue to
    impress upon our allies that only with greater mutual investment in
    defense can we ensure our alliances are able to adapt quickly to a
    changing security landscape with the necessary capabilities and
    military readiness.

        Question. Is being a signatory to the Treaty for the Prohibition of
    Nuclear Weapons consistent with being a U.S. ally?

        Answer. While the United States understands and shares the desire
    to advance nuclear disarmament goals, we do not support the Treaty on
    the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). I believe the TPNW is
    incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence relationships that are still
    necessary for international peace and security, and it may reinforce
    divisions that hinder the international community's ability to work
    together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges. All
    NATO Allies share our opposition to the TPNW, and the U.S. position on
    this issue has spanned administrations. Seeking to ban nuclear weapons
    through a treaty that does not include any States Parties that possess
    nuclear weapons will not reduce nuclear arsenals.

        Question. What is the Department doing to expedite delivery of
    critical capabilities to those priority allies and partners most in
    danger from growing threats from the People's Liberation Army?

        Answer. There is no doubt that the People's Liberation Army's
    growing capabilities pose significant challenges to our allies and
    partners in the region. PM prioritizes security cooperation activities,
    including arms sales and security assistance to bolster our allies' and
    partners' capabilities to secure their land and maritime borders and
    increase Maritime Domain Awareness, security, the rule of law, and
    freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will
    support efforts to increase interoperability with partners, and force
    projection and posture in the region. Empowering our partners and
    allies in these ways serves to deter more aggressive PRC military
    behavior in the region.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to encourage Taiwan to
    invest in its own defense, and to acquire capabilities most suitable
    for defense against the Peoples Liberation Army?

        Answer. The United States has sold nearly $30 billion worth of arms
    to Taiwan since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's
    ability to defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged
    on total value alone. Taiwan should focus on an asymmetric defense
    concept and prioritize modern, resilient, and cost-effective
    approaches. As I understand it, our expanding security cooperation,
    which is calibrated to meet the threat from the PRC, seeks to encourage
    and support Taiwan in developing those capabilities. As part of that
    cooperation, if confirmed, I will encourage Taiwan to spend on defense
    an amount commensurate with the growing threat it faces and to
    prioritize the appropriate capabilities.

        Question. How can we best capitalize on Japan's increasing focus on
    Taiwan, and its efforts to improve its own defensive capabilities?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to working closely with allies
    to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values in the Indo-
    Pacific region. I believe Japan can be a critical partner in that
    respect. For the first time since 1969, a U.S.-Japan Leaders' statement
    referenced the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait;
    in addition, Japan's annual defense white paper stressed this year that
    ``stability of the situation around Taiwan is important, not only for
    the security of our country, but for the stability of the international
    community.'' If confirmed, I will commit to exploring opportunities to
    collaborate with Japan to reinforce peace and stability in the Taiwan
    Strait.

        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the U.S. Department of
    State consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could
    jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our
    relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially
    those in Southeast Asia?

        Answer. Advancing defense cooperation in Southeast Asia and
    supporting our defense partners throughout the Indo-Pacific remains
    critical to ensuring our national interests in safeguarding the rules-
    based international order and global peace and prosperity. If
    confirmed, and as I committed at my nominations hearing, I look forward
    to consulting extensively and meaningfully with Congress as we advance
    U.S. objectives in the Indo-Pacific.

        Question. Do you consider the Philippines to be a strategically
    important ally of the United States? Please explain your position.

        Answer. The U.S.-Philippine alliance is a relationship founded on
    shared strategic interests, shared history, culture, and strong
    connections between our nations. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the
    United States stands with the Philippines in the face of the PRC's
    provocations, pressure and unlawful maritime claims in the South China
    Sea. I understand that we share the Philippines' concerns regarding the
    PRC's problematic and coercive activity in the South China Sea, and
    that we will continue to work with our Philippine counterparts through
    bilateral and multilateral cooperation to ensure a free and open Indo-
    Pacific. At the same time, I take seriously the matter of human rights
    abuses in the Philippines and, if confirmed, will work with State to
    consistently raise this as an issue of great concern with their
    government.

        Question. The United States military currently cooperates with the
    Armed Forces of the Philippines on counterterrorism and maritime
    security. Multiple members of Congress have proposed limiting or
    cutting off U.S. security assistance to the Philippine military because
    of concerns over human rights abuses. Do you believe that taking such a
    step is in U.S. interests?

        Answer. A longstanding treaty ally, the Philippines continues to be
    a critical partner in the Indo-Pacific on an array of issues. I take
    seriously the matter of human rights abuses in the Philippines, and my
    understanding is that we consistently raise this as an issue of great
    concern with their government. When violations have occurred, the
    United States works with the Armed Forces of the Philippines to promote
    accountability for violators. My understanding is that PM does not
    provide assistance to the Philippine National Police. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that any provision of security assistance is closely
    aligned with the Administration's bilateral and regional foreign policy
    objectives, remains in compliance with the Leahy Law and maximizes
    human rights training in military-to-military security cooperation
    activities.

        Question. The United States military currently cooperates with the
    Armed Forces of the Philippines on counterterrorism and maritime
    security. Multiple members of Congress have proposed limiting or
    cutting off U.S. security assistance to the Philippine military because
    of concerns over human rights abuses. Do you believe that taking such a
    step would improve human rights conditions in the Philippines?

        Answer. I understand State consistently underscores the importance
    of respect for human rights and accountability for any violations to
    all levels of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and civilian
    leadership. Maintaining our security assistance relationship can be an
    important way the United States can continue to engage on the human
    rights agenda. If confirmed, I will ensure the provision of security
    assistance is closely aligned with the Administration's bilateral and
    regional goals, remains in compliance with applicable law, including
    the Leahy Law, and maximizes human rights training in military-to-
    military security cooperation activities.

        Question. Do you agree that it is in our national interest to
    strengthen our security cooperation with Vietnam, Malaysia, the
    Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand? If so, please elaborate
    specifically on the U.S. interests it serves.

       If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to advance security
            partnerships with these nations, including your views on
            continuing arms sales, engaging in capacity-building, and
            cooperating on advanced technology with South and Southeast
            Asian partner countries facing China's coercion and growing
            military power?

        Answer. It is absolutely in the national interest of the United
    States to strengthen security cooperation with allies and partners to
    ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific region, build interoperability,
    bolster U.S. force projection, ensure freedom of navigation and
    overflight, uphold rule of law, counter transnational crime and terror
    organizations, respond to natural and humanitarian crises, and reassure
    our allies and partners of U.S. commitment to the region, empowering
    them against coercion and malign influence and enabling them to play an
    effective role in global peacekeeping. Security cooperation can provide
    opportunities to instill U.S. values in support of preserving the
    rules-based international order.
        If confirmed, I will work to expand engagement with these nations
    at all levels, including by promoting the United States as the region's
    preferred security partner and helping to ensure they can protect and
    advance shared interests in the region. I will also seek to deepen and
    expand our overall defense cooperation with these nations by advancing
    key foundational defense agreements, which will help enable the
    transfer of defense articles and establish mechanisms that allow for
    greater overall defense cooperation.

        Question. Does the TPNW present a threat to the integrity of the
    NATO alliance, and the security of NATO member states?

        Answer. All NATO Allies share our view that the TPNW is
    inconsistent with the Alliance's nuclear deterrence policy, is at odds
    with the existing non-proliferation and disarmament architecture, risks
    undermining the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and does not
    take into account the current security environment. NATO has made
    several statements opposing the TPNW, most recently in its June 2021
    Summit Communique. If confirmed, I will work to ensure our Allies
    carefully consider the impact on their security and the Alliance prior
    to making any decisions relating to the TPNW.

        Question. If Egypt takes receipt of Russian Su-35s, what impact do
    you anticipate it will have on U.S. security sector assistance to
    Egypt?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues at the Department
    in urging the Government of Egypt to refrain from new major Russian
    arms purchases, including Su-35 fighter aircraft, which risk triggering
    Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) Section
    231 sanctions and would damage our bilateral security sector
    cooperation and assistance. While it is too early to prejudge the
    Administration's response to the scenario you outlined, if confirmed, I
    will work with my State colleagues to fully implement CAATSA, and I
    look forward to working with you and your colleagues on this matter.

        Question. Can you commit to advocating for strong U.S. support to
    the Multinational Forces and Observers (MFO) in Egypt's Sinai
    Peninsula?

        Answer. As I understand it, the Multinational Forces and Observers
    (MFO) plays an integral role in maintaining security and provides a
    framework for an enduring military-to-military relationship between
    Egypt and Israel. So long as that is necessary and cooperation
    continues between the two partners, if confirmed, I will advocate for
    strong U.S. support for the MFO.

        Question. The Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) was founded
    in 2005 and over the last 15 fiscal years, has received almost $1.3
    billion in funding. This funding has accomplished several objectives,
    including building self-sufficient peace operations training,
    supporting partner country development, enhancing partner country
    operational readiness, and expanded the participation, integration, and
    leadership women in peace operations, to name a few. GPOI has improved
    the capacity and operations of U.N. peacekeeping forces in Africa and
    globally. Please describe the efforts you will take, if confirmed, to
    continue to integrate women into GPOI's work in both peacekeeping
    troops and in leadership positions in peacekeeping missions.

       GPOI provides critical training to partner countries looking to
            deploy peacekeepers, which includes topics like preventing
            sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), violence against women, as
            well as technical training. Given the high number of instances
            of SEA committed by peacekeeping troops globally, how would you
            direct GPOI to enhance trainings to counter these occurrences?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support PM's work through GPOI to
    increase the meaningful participation of women in peace operations by
    promoting efforts to: encourage partners to increase recruitment,
    training, and deployment of women at all levels of peace operations--
    including in leadership and decision-making positions; incorporate
    gender topics into training for all peacekeepers; and invest in gender-
    responsive upgrades at partner training centers.
        Moreover, if confirmed, I will direct PM to pursue activities
    through GPOI that enhance and expand upon existing SEA prevention and
    accountability training incorporated into pre-deployment training, as
    well as National Investigation Officers training.

        Question. Do you commit to ensuring the State Department advertises
    the GPOI programming as part of our assistance to U.N. peacekeeping
    efforts?

        Answer. Yes, I do. In fact, I understand there will be a
    particularly valuable and timely opportunity to do so as we approach
    the U.N. Peacekeeping Ministerial in December.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. How do you see the relationship between making the United
    States the security partner of choice and ensuring that U.S. security
    partners respect human rights and international humanitarian law,
    especially when using U.S.-origin defense equipment?

        Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
    rights must be at the center of our foreign policy and have made it
    clear that the United States will cooperate with allies and partners
    where our priorities align and not shy away from defending U.S.
    interests and American values where they do not. Strong U.S. security
    partnerships around the world come with a multitude of benefits,
    including the opportunity to positively influence a country's human
    rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely with
    partners, set an example for human rights standards, and, when
    appropriate, provide training and education to enhance professionalism
    and adherence to human rights standards.
        If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our
    partners' forces are taking steps to comply with international law and
    protect human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights
    concerns are given full weight in arms transfer decisions.

    Congressional Review of Arms Sales
        Question. During the previous administration, I have been concerned
    that congressional review periods have been bypassed for certain arms
    sales and the administration refused to respond to congressional
    inquiries regarding those sales.

       What steps will you take to address these concerns?

        Answer. Given my experience on the committee, I very much
    understand the importance of Congressional oversight, whether in terms
    of the need to respond to inquiries, to respect and maintain both the
    formal and informal Congressional review processes, as well as the
    value that Congressional perspectives bring to the Executive Branch's
    own policy deliberations. If confirmed, I will respect the role of
    Congress in the arms transfer process, will adhere to all statutory
    requirements, and will ensure the Bureau is responsive to Congressional
    requests for information.

        Question. In your experience working in Congress, what observations
    have you made about factors that may hinder Congress from effectively
    exercising its oversight role over the arms sales process?

        Answer. In addition to the absolute prerequisite of Executive
    Branch cooperation with Congress on these matters, I would note that
    arms sales are authorized under different sections of U.S. law and may
    involve equities under the jurisdiction of the Senate's Foreign
    Relations, Armed Services, Appropriations, and even Banking Committees.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. Recent protests against the Government in Colombia have
    resulted in more than 40 reported deaths and thousands of injuries. In
    some cases, protests had turned violent and erected blockades to
    prevent the distribution of food and medicine to communities in need.
    Colombian military personnel and law enforcement had been deployed for
    crowd control and have broken up these blockades. The Colombian
    Government has been proactive in investigating instances of alleged
    human rights abuses committed by security personnel.

       In your opinion, to what degree will the human rights conditions on
            Colombia's FMF program evolve based on state security forces'
            response to the mass demonstrations that began in late April
            2021?

        Answer. I understand that Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for
    Colombia supports efforts to strengthen the appropriate role of the
    Colombian military, including to provide aviation, riverine, and
    maritime security, in a democratic society. All FMF for Colombia is
    provided consistent with the Leahy Law, and therefore human rights are
    taken under consideration. If confirmed, I will continually review the
    impact and effectiveness of our foreign assistance programs, as well as
    opportunities to augment and reinforce human rights-related components.
        From 2008 to 2017, previous administrations had bundled Taiwan arms
    sales notifications together, announcing multiple notifications on a
    single day, which led to extended periods of time between arms sales
    announcements. Since September 2018, this approach changed, with the
    administration announcing one or two Taiwan arms sales packages at a
    time, with shorter gaps between notifications.

        Question. Do you agree that the former approach had significant
    downsides, particularly with regard to strategic planning and signaling
    U.S. support for Taiwan?

        Answer. I understand the concern with previous approaches, and
    commit to moving requests for transfers of defense articles upon
    receipt of each request. If confirmed, my overriding goal will be to
    make available to Taiwan the defense articles and services necessary to
    enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, consistent
    with the Taiwan Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy. U.S.
    security cooperation with Taiwan is calibrated to meet the threat from
    the PRC and ensure we fulfill our commitments to Taiwan, as reflected
    in the Taiwan Relations Act.
        From 2008 to 2017, previous administrations had bundled Taiwan arms
    sales notifications together, announcing multiple notifications on a
    single day, which led to extended periods of time between arms sales
    announcements. Since September 2018, this approach changed, with the
    administration announcing one or two Taiwan arms sales packages at a
    time, with shorter gaps between notifications.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to further improve upon the
    approach developed since 2018, and ensure that the United States
    maintains a regularized and robust arms sales process that addresses
    Taiwan's defense needs as expeditiously as possible?

        Answer. I recognize the serious and growing threat that the PRC
    poses to Taiwan, and the urgency of Taiwan improving its self-defense
    capabilities. If confirmed, I will support moving requests for
    transfers of defense articles upon receipt of each request. This is
    identical to the arms sales process used for other partners.
        The United States sold nearly $30 billion worth of arms to Taiwan
    since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's ability to
    defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged on total
    value alone. Taiwan should focus on an asymmetric defense concept and
    prioritize modern, resilient, and cost-effective approaches. Our
    expanding security cooperation seeks to encourage and support Taiwan in
    developing those capabilities.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. How many Afghan allies who have or are now applying for
    SIVs will the U.S. relocate?

        Answer. The Department of State remains committed to Afghan
    partners who assisted the United States over the past two decades in
    Afghanistan. On July 29, 2021, the first relocation flight arrived in
    the United States with 221 Afghan special immigrant applicants,
    including 70 minors. A second flight arrived on August 2, 2021 with 181
    SIV applicants. The Department is leading a worldwide effort to
    continue relocating eligible applicants and their families over the
    course of the next several weeks. There are approximately 20,000 Afghan
    principal applicants at some stage of the SIV application process, but
    about half of these applicants need to take action and provide legally-
    required documentation before the U.S. Government can begin processing
    their case and determine their eligibility for consideration for an
    SIV. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government intends to support
    all SIV applicants who are determined to be eligible for the program.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to press the Bangladeshi
    Government to allow unions to register and function without repression?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to press the Bangladeshi Government
    to allow unions to register and function without repression, so that
    they may continue their important work to try and improve working
    conditions in Bangladesh.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensure that a labor
    attache is sent to our embassy in Dhaka this year?

        Answer. Knowing the importance of having a labor attache and how
    one can support the improvement of labor conditions in country, I
    commit to ensuring that a labor attache is sent to Embassy Dhaka as
    soon as possible. The Department is working with the Department of
    Labor to establish and fill this important position.

        Question. If confirmed, do I have your commitment that USG
    assistance for labor unions will not diminish under your leadership?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to work with interagency
    stakeholders to support labor unions. Their work has been vital to
    improvements to strengthening safety improvements in the ready-made
    garment sector, and we will need to continue to support their work so
    that labor conditions can improve in all industrial sectors in
    Bangladesh.

        Question. What are the prospects for the Indian Government to
    further diminish arms sales from Russia?

        Answer. In recent years, India has taken significant steps to
    reduce its defense cooperation with Russia and increase cooperation
    with other partners, especially the United States, through increasingly
    sophisticated joint military exercises, increasing defense purchases,
    and deepening implementation of interoperability agreements. If
    confirmed, I will urge India to continue to turn away from major
    defense equipment purchases from Russia, and continually convey our
    concerns that Russia does not share the common strategic interests and
    values underpinning the U.S.-India partnership.

        Question. Beyond the purchase of the S400, are you concerned that
    the Indian Government will seek to make further significant purchases
    of Russian arms?

        Answer. In recent years India has increasingly diversified its
    defense purchases away from Russia. I will continue to support and
    encourage U.S. defense sales with India and urge all of our allies and
    partners to avoid purchasing new major defense equipment from Russia.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage with the Indian
    Government on the challenges faced by the Sikh farmers community in
    Punjab and their ability to peacefully protest now and in the future?

        Answer. The farm laws themselves are an issue for the people and
    Government of India. However, peaceful protests are a hallmark of any
    thriving democracy as the Indian Supreme Court described on a case
    regarding the farm protests. If confirmed, I will underscore our strong
    support for the right to peacefully protest with the Indian Government.

        Question. If confirmed, do you have a plan to advocate for
    effective accountability in Sri Lanka?

        Answer. Accountability and impunity for human rights abusers
    continues to be an issue of great concern in Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I
    will continue to seek a commitment from the Sri Lankan Government to
    credibly address longstanding human rights cases and respect civil
    society, members of ethnic and religious minority groups, and human
    rights defenders. Additionally, I will seek to utilize available tools
    to promote accountability, including, as applicable, Section 7031(c)
    visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky sanctions, in a targeted
    manner, to advance our human rights goals.

        Question. Given the concerns that several Senators have raised on
    security cooperation with Sri Lankan officials who have been implicated
    in human rights abuses during the war, do you commit to consult closely
    with this committee and staff on any arms sale or future security
    cooperation effort with Sri Lanka?

        Answer. The Biden administration takes very seriously the need to
    incorporate human rights into our engagements with Sri Lanka, including
    our security and law enforcement cooperation objectives. Our long-term
    strategic interests are best served by a stable, peaceful, and
    prosperous Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I commit to closely consult with
    the committee to ensure that in any engagement with or equipment
    transfer to the military, law enforcement, counterterrorism or security
    officials, we continue to emphasize respect for democratic governance,
    human rights, accountability, and rule of law.

    U.S. Businesses in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan
        Question. Several U.S. businesses have expressed concerns about the
    rule of law their ability to operate in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Do I
    have your commitment to work with the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee on these cases as they happen to ensure that U.S. businesses
    are not treated unfairly?

        Answer. Promoting United States investment in Central Asia is a key
    pillar of the U.S. Central Asia Strategy, and facilitating U.S. exports
    and investments supports the G7 Build Back Better World initiative. If
    confirmed, I will work with our host government partners to improve the
    business and investment climate in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, and I
    will work with those in federal agencies and private industry to
    address issues when they arise. I will also work closely with the
    committee to ensure you are apprised of key developments.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In your view, has India taken significant steps to reduce
    its defense cooperation with Russia? What are some of the most notable
    steps? Other than the S-400 purchase, what else concerns you about the
    Indian-Russian relationship?

        Answer. In recent years, India has taken steps to reduce its
    defense cooperation with Russia and increase cooperation with other
    partners, especially the United States, through ever more sophisticated
    joint military exercises, increasing U.S. defense purchases, and
    concluding defense enabling agreements, such as COMCASA. If confirmed,
    I will urge India to continue to diversify away from Russian arms and
    reiterate Russia does not share the common strategic interests and
    values underpinning the U.S.-India partnership.

        Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security
    relationship with India in the short-term? What about the longer-term?

        Answer. U.S.-India defense ties have expanded significantly over
    the past two decades, as evidenced by the conclusion of five major
    defense enabling agreements and over $20 billion in bilateral defense
    trade.
        In the coming years, the United States will look to increase the
    interoperability of our forces through additional logistics
    cooperation, expanded defense information sharing, increasingly complex
    multi-service exercises with like-minded partners, maritime domain
    awareness, peacekeeping, and joint development of defense technologies
    in line with India's status as a Major Defense Partner of the United
    States. In addition, the United States will look to deepen defense
    cooperation in important domains such as emerging technologies, space,
    and cyber.

        Question. What will you do to work with the Indians on boosting
    COVID vaccine manufacturing in the region and ensuring these vaccines
    are available for export to support dire global vaccine needs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Indian Government to
    expand COVID-19 vaccine production to make vaccines globally available
    and affordable both through the Quad Vaccine Partnership and
    bilaterally. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the Indian Government
    to address global medical supply chain constraints that limit necessary
    inputs for vaccine production.

        Question. What role do you see India playing in the Indo-Pacific
    region in light of the growing challenges from China?

        Answer. The United States and India share a vision of a free, open,
    secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. The United States welcomes India's
    emergence as a leading global power and its role as a net security
    provider in the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I will work with
    colleagues and the interagency to encourage India to continue its
    important contributions toward capacity building, maritime security,
    economic development, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief in
    the Indo-Pacific.

        Question. What will be your main priorities in cooperating with
    India through the Quad and cooperating with India in Southeast Asia?

        Answer. The Quad aims to build relationships with partners that
    share our values, perspectives, and approaches to regional and global
    challenges on a range of political, economic, and security issues. If
    confirmed, I plan to work with my counterpart in the Bureau of East
    Asian and Pacific Affairs and interagency to encourage Quad partners,
    including India, to expand our robust cooperation on priorities
    including maritime security, counterterrorism, COVID-19 vaccine
    production, and climate change. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Indian Government to reaffirm our strong support for ASEAN's unity and
    centrality, enhance our coordination in the East Asia Summit and ASEAN
    Regional Forum, and look forward to exploring ways of working with
    India in the Mekong sub-region and across the Indo-Pacific.

        Question. Do you commit to making the resolution of the Lincoln
    House issue a priority with India, and to directing the U.S. Ambassador
    to India to do the same?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will also consult closely with Members
    of Congress on this issue.

        Question. The Indian Ministry of Defense is also involved in this
    issue. Do you commit to ensuring relevant U.S. Department of Defense
    officials are briefed on the issue, and to ensuring they raise it with
    their own counterparts as well?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. In 2016, the Obama administration labeled India a ``major
    defense partner,'' a designation supported by Congress in the Fiscal
    Year 2017 National Defense Authorization Act. Some have called for an
    amendment to the Arms Export Control Act to facilitate more defense
    sales to India and help solidify it as a Major Defense Partner. Does
    the Biden administration support such a step?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to consult closely with the Bureau
    of Political-Military Affairs, the Department of Defense, and Congress
    on this and other steps to advance our defense and security partnership
    with India.

        Question. The Obama administration launched the Defense Technology
    and Trade Initiative with India to promote joint co-development and
    production of defense systems. Thus far, that objective has not been
    realized. To what do you attribute this?

        Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative
    (DTTI) has been a valuable mechanism in building linkages between the
    U.S. and Indian defense establishments. While some DTTI working groups
    have faced challenges, many, such as the Aircraft Carrier Technologies
    Working Group, have resulted in productive technical exchanges. In
    2019, the United States and India concluded a DTTI Industry-to-Industry
    Framework to promote greater collaboration with the private sector.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Department of
    Defense to advance progress under the DTTI.

        Question. Will the Biden administration pursue greater cooperation
    under DTTI with India? If so, what will be the administration's key
    priorities?

        Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative
    (DTTI) has catalyzed exchanges on a range of technologies, including
    related to aircraft carriers and small unmanned aerial vehicles. If
    confirmed, I intend to work closely with my Department of Defense
    counterparts to further deepen cooperation with India through DTTI.

        Question. Will the Biden administration advocate for India's
    membership on the U.N. Security Council and in the Nuclear Suppliers
    Group?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with my
    counterparts. The administration will review reform proposals and work
    closely with Allies and partners at the U.N. to ensure that UNSC
    reforms are undertaken in such a way as to enhance the efficiency of
    the Council, promote U.S. values, and leave unaltered the veto power.
    Moreover, I intend to work across the interagency to continue U.S.
    support for India's membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

        Question. How will the Biden administration cooperate with India on
    5G, digital security, and other emerging technology issues? Please be
    specific.

        Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized cooperation with
    India on a host of emerging technologies issues, both bilaterally and
    through the Quad Critical and Emerging Technology Working Group. The
    United States and India, along with other Quad partners, intend to
    focus on the coordination of technology standards development and the
    joint efforts to maintain the integrity of standards-setting bodies,
    cooperation on telecommunications development, including the
    diversification of equipment suppliers, and convening dialogues on the
    security of technology supply chains, especially microelectronics and
    critical minerals.

        Question. Pakistan played a positive role in bringing the Taliban
    to the table, but has publicly refused to host U.S. CT [Counter-
    Terrorism] assets and has been unable to force the Taliban back to the
    table. What is an appropriate role for Pakistan in Afghanistan? Is it
    time for a change in U.S.-Pakistan policy?

        Answer. I believe Pakistan has an important role in Afghan peace
    negotiations. I understand the Department continues to make clear that
    progress toward a political settlement in Afghanistan, and
    collaboration on regional stability efforts, including against
    terrorist groups, are vital elements of an expanded U.S.-Pakistan
    relationship. If confirmed, I will also encourage Pakistan and
    Afghanistan to improve economic ties and expand trade, which will help
    build incentives to reap the dividends of peace. Further, if confirmed,
    I will also work to expand trade and investment between the United
    States and these two countries to help enhance broader regional
    economic integration.

        Question. The Taliban continues to seize more territory and
    threaten population centers while our embassy footprint is increasingly
    confined to Kabul. How do we provide adequate oversight of taxpayer
    dollars in Afghanistan? Absent issuing OFAC waivers, what should the
    policy be about assistance to Taliban-held areas?

        Answer. The Department continues to monitor U.S. Embassy Kabul's
    staffing to ensure the necessary flexibility and sufficient resources
    to advance U.S. interests, including supporting efforts to reach a
    political settlement and supporting Afghanistan's stability.
    Maintaining an appropriate diplomatic presence is essential to ensure
    that we can support our Afghan partners and that we have the staff to
    monitor our assistance and programming. Both the Department and USAID
    have been developing scenario-based contingency plans to adjust U.S.
    assistance programming as the operating environment warrants, including
    to ensure it continues to advance U.S. interests and is consistent with
    U.S. law and policy.

        Question. What is the administration's strategy for processing the
    large volume of pending SIV applications from Afghanistan given the
    deteriorating situation on the ground?

        Answer. The Department of State remains committed to Afghan
    partners who assisted the United States over the past two decades in
    Afghanistan. For that reason, the Department has taken steps to address
    the large volume of pending Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) applications
    from Afghanistan. The Department is currently working to relocate SIV
    applicants who are in the advanced stages of processing to either the
    United States or other third country locations while we complete their
    special immigrant applications. We began relocating SIVs and their
    families to Fort Lee in Virginia in late July and appreciate Congress'
    generous support in this regard. We have also increased our consular
    staffing levels to augment our processing capacity across all stages of
    the SIV application process, and we are currently examining ways to
    make the application process more efficient. The Department looks
    forward to working with Congress on this issue and appreciates your
    attention to this matter.

        Question. Efforts to combat trafficking in persons vary country to
    country in the South and Central Asian region. Some made significant
    progress during the 2020 reporting period. How can you, if confirmed,
    bolster these efforts?

        Answer. Trafficking in persons is a serious crime which affects all
    countries. If confirmed, I will press South and Central Asian states at
    the highest levels of government to build on foundational improvements
    to prevent vulnerability of populations to trafficking, including
    marginalized individuals; increase prosecution of traffickers; and
    protect victims of trafficking. I will continue to seek opportunities
    for collaboration between the United States and regional partners to
    increase government anti-trafficking capacity in the wake of the COVID-
    19 pandemic, which has significantly increased vulnerability to
    trafficking around the world. I will continue to prioritize close
    collaboration with other key Bureaus within the Department of State and
    the international and local NGO community to address this important
    concern.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
    Freedom report and the 2021 U.S. Commission on International Religious
    Freedom Annual Report, some countries in the South and Central Asian
    region were identified as intolerant of religious freedom or having a
    significant hand in repressing religious minorities. What is your
    assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
    with the Office of International Religious Freedom to bolster religious
    freedom regionally?

        Answer. Respect for religious freedom and equal treatment under the
    law are fundamental principles of the United States. Intolerance of
    religious freedom and the repression of religious minorities anywhere
    is deeply concerning and counter to U.S. values, including in the South
    and Central Asian region. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of
    International Freedom and other relevant Bureaus in the Department of
    State and the larger interagency community to bolster religious freedom
    in South and Central Asia through work with the NGO community, direct
    engagement with governments and other avenues as appropriate.

        Question. The protection of fundamental human rights remains a
    priority in the region. If confirmed, how will you direct the bureau to
    engage with civil society to bolster these rights?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will press our partners at the highest
    levels to recognize the valuable role of civil society in building
    open, inclusive, and just societies by protecting fundamental freedoms.
    Civil society--particularly women-led civil society organizations and
    human rights defenders. Civil society, when respected and allowed
    operational space, can be a positive force in addressing many of the
    most pressing issues in the region, particularly those that affect
    vulnerable communities, and we will continue to seek opportunities
    through diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance to support their
    work, develop their capacities, and strengthen their role in their
    communities. We will press our partners to engage in the legal reforms
    needed to protect free speech, assembly, association, and religion as
    vital components of a free society.

        Question. How will U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan affect our
    interaction with Central Asia nations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to bilaterally engage our
    Central Asian partners on counterterrorism and security priorities,
    including as related to Afghanistan, in support of their independence,
    sovereignty, and territorial integrity. I would also continue to
    utilize the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform for the United States and
    the Central Asian states to expand regional security cooperation and
    increase connectivity between Central Asia and Afghanistan.

        Question. Do you believe that the nations of Central Asia will
    prove to be useful partners in helping to stabilize Afghanistan? If so,
    how would you expect to see these nations act to maintain peace and
    security in the region?

        Answer. The nations of Central Asia have been supportive partners
    of the United States in reducing terrorist threats in the region and
    working to support stability in Afghanistan. If I am confirmed, I
    intend to continue working with the five Central Asian nations to
    improve security and stability in the region through such as efforts as
    improving border security, countering the flow of narcotics, sharing
    information across borders, as well as assisting refugee populations
    and increasing economic connectivity.

        Question. As the U.S. leaves Afghanistan, do believe that the U.S.
    should begin to interact with the Central Asian nations differently? If
    so, how?

        Answer. For 30 years, the United States and the five Central Asian
    nations have built shared commitments to peace, prosperity, and
    security in the region. I believe our consistent engagements to
    strengthen those commitments should continue as the United States
    maintains its support for the independence, sovereignty, and
    territorial integrity of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan,
    Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

        Question. How can we counteract Chinese attempts to gain a foothold
    in the region's economy?

        Answer. While most South and Central Asian countries seek to
    maintain positive relationships with the PRC and look towards Beijing
    for development financing and trade, they do not view their
    relationships as zero sum and actively seek to diversify their economic
    relationships to avoid becoming too dependent on Beijing. In Central
    Asia, for example, the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform strengthens
    countries' independence, sovereignty, and economic connectivity, in
    turn increasing their negotiating power in relations with the PRC and
    other regional actors. Investments in exchanges and increasing capacity
    in higher education are also mechanisms that allow the United States to
    maintain influence with South and Central Asian Governments and
    society, and positively shape their economic development and empower
    local communities. I will work intensively with U.S. Government
    investment institutions such as the Development Finance Corporation,
    our representatives to multilateral development institutions such as
    the World Bank, IFC and, and like-minded 3rd country bilateral
    partners, and U.S. private sector partners to develop creative options
    to enable the economies in the region to develop in a healthy, balanced
    manner.

        Question. To what extent does the BRI lead to the expansion of
    China's institutions and legal norms in Central Asia? How can and
    should the U.S. work to counter that growth?

        Answer. From its inception, the land-based ``Belt'' portion of BRI
    prioritized developing China's economic and logistical linkages to its
    western neighbors in Central Asia and it continues to be a region of
    focus for the initiative. In addition to rail infrastructure
    investments, BRI projects have since expanded to include energy
    projects, port developments along the Indian Ocean, and information
    communications technology (ICT). While countries in the region look to
    BRI to meet their development financing needs, the opaque nature of BRI
    financing leads to increased corruption and elite capture, creates
    unsustainable debt, and limits countries' flexibility in their
    bilateral relationship with Beijing. In cooperation with our
    international partners, the private sector, and the interagency, we are
    promoting alternatives to PRC financing and advancing regional economic
    development, including through the U.S. International Development
    Finance Corporation (DFC), and also working to improve transparency.

        Question. In Central Asia, China has already begun funding and
    building the Digital Silk Road. Telecommunications infrastructure,
    surveillance networks, and other modernizing technologies are being
    lent and sold to Central Asian Governments. These give China a foothold
    in the Governments and societies which will be a platform for Beijing
    to spread influence. How can the United States compete and counter
    Chinese influence in the Central Asian tech space?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage our Central Asian partners
    to work with trustworthy vendors for their Information and
    Communications Technology (ICT) infrastructure and services. As part of
    a long-term approach that sets Central Asia on a path toward working
    with trusted partners, we will continue looking for opportunities to
    promote global and regional programs, such as the World Bank's Digital
    Central Asia and South Asia (CASA); ways to further bilateral
    cooperation in the tech space; and programs to foster greater ICT
    transparency. I will work with the Development Finance Corporation and
    other USG partners to develop creative approaches to the challenge, and
    collaborate closely with the Congress on the matter.

        Question. To what extent do you believe that there is an emerging
    Russia-China axis? Some suggest that the U.S. should try to drive
    wedges between the two nations to destroy any emerging axis. Do you
    agree with that analysis? Could such a thing be accomplished in Central
    Asia?

        Answer. We face competition from China and Russia like never
    before, and must recommit ourselves to robust engagement with the
    countries of Central Asia to support their sovereignty, independence,
    and territorial integrity in the face of many challenges. Over the past
    two decades, China has supplanted Russia as the region's largest trade
    and investment partner, though Russia remains an important security
    partner for many of the countries in the region, and there are signs
    that Moscow is wary of losing influence. Through our own bilateral and
    multilateral engagement within the region, we are working to build
    Central Asian countries' resilience and independence from malign
    influence from any and all external actors of concern.

        Question. President Biden and his administration have repeatedly
    made commitments to upholding universal rights at home and abroad. In
    Turkey, authorities are abusing people's human rights and attacking
    peaceful dissidents at an alarming rate. Turkey's abuses have spilled
    into Central Asia, where the Governments have been pressured to
    scrutinize and close down Gulenist schools. The most recent abuse
    involved Turkey's kidnapping and illegal extradition of a Turkish-born
    Gulenist teacher in Kyrgyzstan. How can the U.S. better use its
    influence to prevent protect Central Asian nations from undue Turkish
    influence and work to protect those who may be subject to persecution
    once back in Turkey?

        Answer. U.S. diplomacy in Central Asia, including through the C5+1
    diplomatic platform, balances against regional over-reliance on foreign
    powers and addresses a core objective of our Central Asia strategy:
    protecting the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of
    the Central Asian states. If confirmed, I will work in concert with
    colleagues from EUR and the rest of the Department of State to continue
    efforts to promote the rule of law and respect for human rights in
    Central Asia bilaterally, regionally through the C5+1 platform, and
    multilaterally through the OSCE and other fora. I will remind Central
    Asian partners at the highest levels that requests for extraditions or
    transfer of individuals across international borders must happen
    transparently and with respect for the legal process. I will also
    continue to remind Central Asian partners of their non-refoulement
    obligations to prevent individuals from facing the threat of torture or
    mistreatment abroad. The Department of State is in direct contact with
    the spouse of the missing Turkish schools director and is working to
    ascertain what happened to him.

        Question. What do you believe the role of sanctions should be in
    the creation and execution of U.S. foreign policy?

        Answer. I believe the sanctions tools provided by the various
    sanctions authorities are critical for the creation and execution of
    U.S. foreign policy. I have seen firsthand the powerful impact our
    sanctions have when formulating policies and diplomatic strategies.
    When used thoughtfully to further U.S. and like-minded countries'
    democratic and human rights goals, these tools can dissuade, deter or
    even stop the behaviors they were designed to address. Well-developed
    sanctions advance our bilateral relationships and help our regional
    partners.

        Question. With respect to Russia, how do you believe the sanctions
    imposed on that country since 2014 have affected the Russia's economy
    and foreign policy decision making?

        Answer. I believe the sanctions imposed on Russia since 2014 were
    effective in raising the economic cost for Russia to pursue aggressive
    and hostile activities. These sanctions also deterred many of Russia's
    traditional trading partners from continuing to do business as usual.

        Question. What secondary impacts do you believe U.S. sanctions on
    Russia have had on Central Asian economies and politics?

        Answer. Most countries in Central Asia have longstanding trade
    relationships with Russia and have faced secondary economic impacts
    from U.S. sanctions on Russia, including effects related to Russia's
    devaluation of its currency.

        Question. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment was passed in 1974 and
    mandated sanctions on the Soviet Union until it allowed Soviet Jews the
    option to leave the USSR. Despite the fact that all Jews who wish have
    long since left the post-Soviet Central Asian nations, they all still
    remain cursorily sanctioned under Jackson-Vanik.? Practically, what
    effect has the continued existence of Jackson-Vanik sanctions (waived
    though they may be) have on the nations who remain thus labeled?

        Answer. The Jackson Vanik (JV) Amendment imposes trade penalties on
    non-market economies that restrict emigration. When the Soviet Union
    broke apart in 1991, the amendment was applied to all of the newly
    independent states.? However, since 1998, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and
    Tajikistan have received and maintained Presidential Waivers to the JV
    restrictions, based on the Department of State's semi-annual
    certification that they are fully compliant with the Amendment's
    requirements for free and open emigration; in other words, they are
    granted Normal Trade Relations (NTR) status, but it is not permanent
    (PNTR).
        Given their longstanding compliance with the law, JV is no longer
    relevant for these countries. PNTR status would allow Uzbekistan,
    Kazakhstan and Tajikistan to compete fairly with the rest of the world
    when forming trade relationships.

        Question. Do you believe that the Jackson-Vanik sanctions on the
    Central Asian nations should be repealed without condition? Should they
    only be repealed when the nations in question make further human rights
    concessions?

        Answer. The denial of PNTR under Jackson-Vanik is an ongoing
    bilateral irritant, and one that limits our trade potential in the
    region. Trade discrimination under laws such as JV is technically
    prohibited under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), of
    which both Kazakhstan and Tajikistan are members. Uzbek-istan is in the
    process of joining the WTO in 2021. The Kyrgyz Republic was granted
    PNTR in 2001 when it acceded to the WTO. Restoring PNTR to Kazakhstan,
    Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan now would reassure them that the United
    States supports peace and economic development in the region. Ending
    the applicability of the Jackson-Vanik amendment to these countries
    would allow the United States to grant them PNTR and would advance our
    goals of promoting economic growth and regional connectivity. The
    Department's position is that it should be repealed based on the
    countries' compliance with the terms of the original legislation.
        With regards to human rights concessions, the Department of State
    uses more effective and targeted tools--such as the Trafficking in
    Persons (TIP) Report, the Human Rights Report, and the Religious
    Freedom Report, to apply leverage and motivate reform. Withholding PNTR
    would not be as effective as these existing mechanisms.

    Trafficking in Persons in Central Asia
        Question. The State Department just released the 2021 Trafficking
    in Person's Report, and while some Central Asian nations showed
    improvement in the past year, there are still serious issues with the
    fight against trafficking. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan were
    removed from the Tier 2 watch list, however Tajikistan and Turkmenistan
    remain at Tier 3.

       Please outline what steps you will take to address this issue with
            Tajikistan and Turkmenistan to help them make improvements.

        Answer. Tajikistan demonstrated overall increasing efforts compared
    to the previous reporting period and was ranked Tier 2 in the 2021
    Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, but many improvements in anti-
    trafficking remain to be seen. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Office to Combat and Monitor Trafficking in Persons to press the
    Government to increase efforts to combat trafficking, including by
    adopting and implementing standard operating procedures for identifying
    trafficking victims and referring them to care. I will also encourage
    the Government to train law enforcement to screen for signs of
    trafficking among vulnerable groups.
        While some progress has been made, trafficking in Turkmenistan
    remains a serious concern. If confirmed, I will encourage the
    Government of Turkmenistan to implement its new National Action Plan to
    Combat Trafficking, as well as continue to press for further action to
    end government policies or actions that compel or create pressure for
    the mobilization of forced labor, to include eliminating the cotton and
    silk production quotas and mandatory participation in public works. I
    will work with regional partners, including international
    organizations, to encourage the Government of Turkmenistan to grant
    independent observers full access to monitor cotton cultivation and
    cease the harassment, detention, and abuse of individuals for
    documenting labor conditions.

        Question. As Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan have all
    recently made key improvements in fighting the trafficking of persons,
    what steps do you believe the U.S. can and should take to help those
    nations maintain that success and make further improvements?

        Answer. Though the tier ranking upgrades in Central Asia are
    promising, human trafficking must be fought tirelessly and efforts must
    always increase. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the
    positive trajectory of efforts in the Central Asian region by
    increasing coordination among states on anti-trafficking efforts,
    including through the C5+1 platform and partnering with international
    and regional partners to increase government capacity to protect
    victims, prevent trafficking among vulnerable populations, and increase
    prosecution of traffickers across all states. However, many countries
    risk overemphasizing a multilateral approach out of a misconception
    that trafficking requires cross-border movement. In reality, all these
    countries could do more to prevent, detect, and address trafficking
    within their own borders. I will therefore work to ensure Central Asian
    countries do not pursue multilateral approaches to the exclusion of
    their own urgently needed policy reforms and improvements, particularly
    in regards to legislation, steps to eliminate state-sponsored forced
    labor, and the identification and protection of victims among
    vulnerable or marginalized groups and those subjected to forms of
    trafficking that do not involve cross-border movement.

        Question. In Central Asia, media freedom is still severely limited
    due to both the active efforts of governments to silence dissent, and
    the lack of legal protections afforded to independent journalists.
    Abuse, imprisonment, torture, and killings of reporters are not
    uncommon. Free media is all but eliminated in some of these countries.
    If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, how will you address this problem
    in Central Asia and make clear that we will not allow the abuse and
    imprisonment of journalists anywhere in the world?

        Answer. Central Asia must take tangible steps to enshrine
    fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression and the press,
    into laws that enable an environment of political pluralism. If
    confirmed, we will encourage the region to allow space for peaceful
    dissent and non-violent speech, both online and offline--it is more
    important than ever that the press be allowed to continue to report
    freely on events as they develop. We will continue to support
    democratic principles, rule of law, and protection of human rights for
    all in Central Asia, as they are key elements to the development of any
    society, and will help unlock the full potential of the region.

    Anti-Corruption/Rule of Law
        Question. Several high-profile scandals have exposed the Western
    financial system's inability to prevent corruption. In the FY 2021
    NDAA, the U.S. Congress updated its anti-money laundering laws to shift
    the burden of disclosure from the banks to the corporations and
    beneficial owners. And the EU has been working on a rule-of-law
    mechanism to link EU funds to good governance, as well as cracking down
    on ``golden visas.'' This corruption hurts both the citizens of the
    countries where the money was stolen and stored. Many of the high-
    profile cases have involved Central Asian rulers, their families, and
    oligarchs.

       What concrete actions will you take as Assistant Secretary for SCA
            to push countries to reform their systems and crack down on
            corruption?

        Answer. As President Biden said last month in establishing the
    fight against corruption as a core national security interest,
    ``corruption attacks the foundations of democratic institutions, drives
    and intensifies extremism, and makes it easier for authoritarian
    regimes to corrode democratic governance.'' The Department currently
    works to combat corruption through development and promotion of
    internationally recognized standards, commitments, and obligations,
    such as those enshrined in the U.N. Convention against Corruption.
    Further, the Department uses diplomacy to promote reform, foreign
    assistance to strengthen institutions, and visa restrictions to promote
    accountability for corrupt actors. If confirmed, I will work to push
    countries to reform their systems and crack down on corruption,
    including through the use of the FY 2021 NDAA anti-money laundering
    provisions and other tools in U.S. law. Recognizing the fight against
    corruption cannot be won by governments alone, I will also take steps
    to strengthen the ability of civil society and media to reveal
    corruption, foster public demand for change, and address weak
    governance and poor human rights conditions that cultivate corruption.

        Question. How important is it that the United States and its
    European allies take steps to make our own systems less friendly to
    kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money?

        Answer. It is key that the United States leads by example with our
    partners and allies to make our own systems less friendly to
    kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money, to increase
    coordination, and share lessons learned in the fight against corruption
    globally. By undertaking measures to protect our financial system from
    dirty money, we protect our own institutions and make it harder for
    authoritarians and corrupt authorities to syphon away their countries'
    economic resources. If confirmed, I will work closely with the U.S.
    Department of Justice, U.S. Treasury Department and other relevant
    interagency partners on this important effort.

        Question. Will the administration make a concerted push on anti-
    corruption in the EU and its periphery with the dual purpose of
    benefitting European citizens and making it more difficult for malign
    actors like Russia and China to gain a foothold?

        Answer. Yes. The administration has established countering
    corruption as a core U.S. national security interest. The Department
    will develop plans for increasing efforts to combat corruption by
    December 2021 under the National Security Study Memorandum process, and
    will continue to work closely with allies and partners to prevent and
    expose the PRC's and Russia's efforts to export corruption as a tool of
    influence, sow instability, and gain market access. We must also
    continue efforts to foster government transparency and, separately,
    protect the enabling environment for civil society and journalists as
    part of our efforts, given their crucial role in combatting corruption.

        Question. Since the change of Government in Uzbekistan in 2016,
    there have been many positive changes, but they have come at a slow
    pace. International organizations have only slowly been allowed to
    register to work in the country. If confirmed, do you commit to working
    to help more international NGOs register in Uzbekistan?

        Answer. The United States supports Uzbekistan's political and
    economic reforms. Civil society is a crucial component to any
    functioning democracy and is necessary to continue these reforms. If
    confirmed, I will continue our work with Uzbekistani partners to ensure
    local and international NGOs can easily register and operate freely to
    serve all persons of Uzbekistan, including those from vulnerable
    communities.

        Question. The U.S. Peace Corps has not been able to operate in
    Uzbekistan since 2005. They have been working to try and restart
    operations in Uzbekistan, but the process has been very slow, both
    because of bureaucratic inertia in Uzbekistan and the problems posed by
    the Coronavirus pandemic. If confirmed, do you commit to working to
    facilitate the reentry of the U.S. Peace Corps into Uzbekistan?

        Answer. I understand the Uzbekistani Government has invited the
    Peace Corps to return to Uzbekistan, and that the Peace Corps has begun
    a virtual assessment of conditions in Uzbekistan for possible re-entry.
    I understand that once pandemic conditions allow the Peace Corps to
    visit Uzbekistan, the Peace Corps will make a final determination of
    whether or not it can establish a program in Uzbekistan. If confirmed,
    I commit to supporting the Peace Corps in the re-entry process.

        Question. What spheres do you consider as most ripe for future
    reform and positive changes in Uzbekistan? If confirmed, are there
    specific areas in which you will push Uzbek authorities to make
    progress? Please specify which.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead U.S. support for
    Uzbekistan's political and economic reforms, including strengthening
    human rights and democracy, and improving healthcare, education,
    agriculture, and rule of law. I will also continue to work with the
    Government of Uzbekistan to support improvements to the business and
    investment climate, including privatization of state-owned enterprises,
    and to strengthen climate ambition. I also look forward to working with
    our Uzbekistani partners, including through the C5+1 diplomatic
    platform, to support greater regional engagement, building on
    Uzbekistan's initiatives to improve relations within Central Asia and
    foster connectivity with Afghanistan.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Central Asia
        Question.  The five ``Stans'' are all under increasing pressure
    from both China and Russia--neither of which is encouraging the
    development of market economies or rule-of-law. As co-chair of the
    Helsinki Commission, I have noted that these governments, and civil
    society groups from them, are active participants in OSCE proceedings,
    including the annual Human Dimension gathering in Warsaw. They seem
    very interested in staying connected to Europe and North America. Based
    on your time in Kyrgyzstan, what are your thoughts on whether OSCE
    could provide a bridge to the democratic West for these five countries?

        Answer. The OSCE, particularly through its field operations in each
    Central Asian country, plays an invaluable role by increasing
    cooperation between Western and Central Asian countries on key issues--
    including countering terrorism, promoting democratization and human
    rights, water and energy management, border control, and migration. It
    also provides a forum to raise concerns about regional security and
    violations of OSCE commitments, including human rights, and has been a
    main platform for the United States to challenge Russia directly for
    its actions. The OSCE Academy in Bishkek provides master's level
    education for students from Central Asia and Afghanistan and is a model
    for the region. I fully support further OSCE engagement in Central
    Asia.

        Question. How do we ensure that human rights are more prominent in
    our engagement with India? What is your response to myriad assessments
    that see India's democracy and human rights record trending negatively?

        Answer. As the Secretary mentioned during his recent visit to
    India, every democracy, including our own, is a work in progress. The
    U.S.-India relationship is underpinned by a commitment to democracy,
    human rights, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will regularly raise
    our human rights concerns with the Indian Government in the spirit of
    our close strategic partnership. I will also ensure that our support
    for civil society and media in India is robust.

        Question. No one group has made more significant strides since 2001
    than Afghan women. In terms of the economy, women have come a long way
    since the fall of the Taliban regime. They have returned to work by the
    hundreds of thousands, many becoming business owners and entrepreneurs.
    Afghanistan has rebuilt an education system that had basically stopped
    functioning. In 2001, only 900,000 students were in primary school--all
    of them male. Today, more than 9 million students are in school, and
    nearly 40 percent of them are girls.

       What do you think the implications of the military withdrawal will
            be for Afghan women and girls?

        Answer. While it is difficult to overstate the significant gains
    made by Afghan women and girls over the last 20 years, I recognize how
    much remains to be done. Rising insecurity, the COVID-19 pandemic,
    decades of conflict, widespread poverty, humanitarian crises, and
    cultural barriers continue to threaten progress made in women and
    girls' rights in Afghanistan. Even though U.S. military troops are
    withdrawing, I understand the United States will continue to support
    the rights of Afghan women and girls through diplomacy and by
    maintaining significant humanitarian and development assistance.

        Question. How can the administration hold the Taliban and Afghan
    Government to account in preserving the rights and gains of Afghan
    women without the support the U.S. military provided to Afghan forces
    and the check it served as on the Taliban?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will closely monitor the status of women
    and girls in Afghanistan and will consult with Afghan and international
    partners and civil society on how best to promote accountability. While
    the future of Afghanistan is for Afghans themselves to decide, the
    United States has made clear that future development assistance and
    international legitimacy depend on the actions of the Afghan Government
    with respect to rights and fundamental freedoms, especially those of
    women, children, and members of minority groups.

        Question. What can we do to preserve the rights and gains of Afghan
    women and girls?

        Answer. I believe continued high-level diplomatic engagement and
    programmatic support by the United States and international community
    is required to help maintain and build upon the gains made by Afghan
    women and girls in the last 20 years. I am committed to using the full
    force of our diplomatic, economic, and development toolkit to support
    the Afghan people, particularly women and girls. U.S. and international
    development and humanitarian assistance has been instrumental in
    providing Afghan women and girls with access to the resources,
    expertise, and tools necessary for achieving the gains of the last two
    decades.

        Question. Pakistan has been accused of numerous reported human
    rights abuses, some of them even perpetrated by the Government.
    Watchdog groups often rank Pakistan among the world's most dangerous
    countries for journalists and women. How do we hold the Pakistani
    Government accountable for human rights abuses?

        Answer. In addition to documenting human rights abuses in Pakistan
    through the Human Rights Report and International Religious Freedom
    report, the Department regularly raises concerns about issues of human
    rights and individual freedoms during engagements with Pakistani
    officials, including at the senior-most levels. Such issues include
    media freedom, the rights of women and girls, sexual and gender-based
    violence, and protection of minority groups, among others. If
    confirmed, I will strongly and consistently urge Pakistan to uphold the
    rule of law and respect human rights and freedoms in accordance with
    its constitution and international obligations. I will also encourage
    the Pakistani Government to protect press and media freedoms for all
    and will emphasize in engagements with Pakistani counterparts that a
    vibrant press and informed citizenry are key for any free nation.

        Question. How do we elevate the voices of targeted communities in
    Pakistan, including journalists and others critical of the Government?

        Answer. The U.S. Embassy and Consulates in Pakistan engage
    regularly to hear the concerns of civil society organizations,
    activists, religious leaders, journalists, and businesses, including
    those from underserved and at-risk communities. If confirmed, I will
    maintain our robust engagement with these constituencies to continue
    listening to their concerns and raising these issues with senior
    Pakistani officials. These communities are also often represented by
    civil society organizations that do important work to address these
    concerns and advocate for change with the Pakistani Government, but
    these organizations are often hampered by overly burdensome
    restrictions on their operations. If confirmed, I will continue to
    stress to the Pakistani Government the imperative of a vibrant civil
    society to any democracy, and the value of allowing civil society
    organizations to help deliver vital assistance to Pakistan's most
    vulnerable communities, including women, children, and members of
    religious minority groups.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Hon Donald Lu by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. In your opinion, how will the U.S. withdrawal of troops
    from Afghanistan impact future security in Central Asia?

        Answer. Our Central Asian partners are deeply concerned about the
    deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan. Each of the Central
    Asian republics are taking steps to reinforce their border security. In
    general, they share our counterterrorism and security priorities in
    Afghanistan and are interested in enhancing cooperation. Per the
    President's instructions, we are working to maintain significant
    counterterrorism assets in the region. If confirmed, I will continue to
    engage partners, allies, and key stakeholders in Central Asia on how
    best to monitor and counter terrorist threats in the region.

        Question. What effect might it [the U.S. withdrawal of troops from
    Afghanistan] have on the longstanding U.S. policy goal of fostering
    intraregional connectivity within Central Asia?

        Answer. Connectivity remains a key element of United States policy
    across Central and South Asia. My vision of regional connectivity
    includes stable and secure infrastructure that meets the highest
    international standards; open markets operating on a fair and
    competitive playing field; and a sustainable and healthy environment.
    It also includes Afghanistan's greater integration with its neighbors,
    and realizing its potential as a regional transit, trade, and energy
    hub. Regional connectivity is critical to long-term peace and stability
    in Afghanistan and the region. Peace and regional integration are
    mutually reinforcing.
        We will continue to foster cooperation to build Central Asian
    connectivity with Afghanistan through the C5+1 diplomatic platform,
    bilateral dialogues, trilateral discussions with Afghanistan's Central
    Asian neighbors, and a planned quadrilateral format including the
    United States, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to encourage the
    Central Asian states to work with the Afghan Government?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue strategic efforts to
    encourage the Central Asian states to develop closer ties with the
    Afghan Government across energy, economic, cultural, trade, and
    security sectors, which directly contribute to regional stability. This
    effort would include utilizing the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform
    for the United States and the Central Asian states to expand security
    cooperation and increase connectivity between Central Asia and
    Afghanistan.

        Question. The main logic behind the U.S. Government's negotiations
    with the Taliban is that the promise of U.S. assistance to them is
    enough incentive to change its policies or behavior. Do you believe
    this, especially given recent reports of Taliban activity that suggest
    otherwise?

        Answer. I remain concerned about the Taliban's recent military
    operations in Afghanistan. The group's public position remains to find
    a solution to the conflict through a negotiated political settlement. I
    understand the Taliban and Islamic Republic negotiating teams continue
    to meet and discuss the parameters of a settlement, and I hope both
    sides can accelerate those negotiations. The Taliban also have
    routinely expressed their desire for diplomatic and economic relations
    with the rest of the world, including the United States. I am committed
    to using our full diplomatic, economic, and development toolkit, as
    well as working alongside the international community and Afghanistan's
    neighbors, to support efforts to establish peace and promote the future
    that Afghans are seeking.

        Question. What can you tell me of the Taliban's views on the
    participation of women in the political system and the role of religion
    in society? Have these views really moderated since 2001?

        Answer. In public statements, Taliban leaders have emphasized their
    commitment to upholding and guaranteeing all the rights afforded to
    women under Islamic law, but they have not followed through on these
    statements with visible reforms regarding the social and political
    inclusion of women in the areas they control. In a joint declaration
    released after the July 2019 Intra-Afghan Peace Conference in Doha, the
    Taliban agreed to assure ``women rights in political, social, economic,
    educational, cultural affairs within the Islamic framework of Islamic
    values.'' Taliban leaders have also said that women can hold political
    office, except as head of state or chief justice. However, women do not
    play an active role within the Taliban's shadow administration or
    structures, and Taliban officials sanction repressive behavior in
    Taliban controlled or influenced communities. If confirmed, I will
    promote women's full, meaningful, and equal inclusion in Afghan
    society.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to step up
    cooperation with India in the Indo-Pacific?

        Answer. The United States and India share a comprehensive, global
    strategic partnership and a vision of a free, open, secure, and
    prosperous Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will continue to expand
    cooperation with the Indian Government bilaterally, regionally, and
    multilaterally on the global recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic,
    mutual prosperity, Quad engagement, climate change, defense and
    security issues, and shared values.

        Question. If confirmed, what will you do to promote India's role in
    the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, and more generally, to strengthen
    this important platform?

        Answer. The Quad aims to build relationships with partners that
    share our values, perspectives, and approaches to regional and global
    challenges on a range of political, economic, and security issues. If
    confirmed, I will work with my counterparts in the Bureau of East Asian
    and Pacific Affairs and the interagency to encourage Quad partners to
    expand cooperation on maritime security, counterterrorism, COVID-19
    vaccine production, democratic principles, and climate change, among
    other priorities.

        Question. If confirmed, what needs to happen to encourage India to
    take a more constructive approach to its neighbors that China is
    actively seeking to influence?

        Answer. The United States welcomes India's emergence as a leading
    global power and its role as a net security provider in the Indian
    Ocean region, underpinned by our shared commitment to the rule of law,
    freedom of navigation, democratic values, and regional connectivity. If
    confirmed, I will encourage the Indian Government to continue its
    important contributions toward capacity building, economic development
    and connectivity, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and
    numerous other areas of cooperation with its neighbors.

        Question. How will you support South Asian states who have
    territorial disputes with Beijing, such as India and Bhutan?

        Answer. The United States strongly opposes unilateral attempts to
    advance territorial claims by incursions or encroachments, military or
    civilian. Parties to territorial disputes must adhere to international
    law and resolve differences through dialogue. If confirmed, I will
    engage closely with the Indian Government to understand how the United
    States can best support India including through defense technologies,
    intelligence sharing, and diplomatic support. If confirmed, I will also
    work to further advance our friendship with Bhutan and reaffirm our
    support for its sovereignty.

        Question. How do you plan to counter Chinese malign influence in
    smaller South Asian states, such as Sri Lanka and Nepal?

        Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China's
    activities contrary to international norms of behavior, such as
    promoting disinformation or excessive debt in South Asia. If confirmed,
    I will seek to counter the PRC's application of economic pressure
    through assistance and help countries manage existing debt loads,
    evaluate contracts for transparency and equity, and combat corruption.
    Economic pressure through assistance has been a key tool of
    manipulation used by the PRC. We will also lead with our most powerful
    tool--our values--which most clearly demonstrate the value of
    democratic leadership in the region.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with New Delhi to
    coordinate and strengthen U.S. and Indian support of the Tibetans in
    exile in India?

        Answer. I commend India's hosting of Tibetan refugees over many
    decades. India's continued support is crucial to ensuring that a large
    part of the Tibetan diaspora can freely practice their language,
    culture, and religion. If confirmed, I'll work with the Indian
    Government to ensure that Tibetans in exile in India, including the
    Dalai Lama, can continue to promote peace and understanding around the
    world without external influence.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Cory A. Booker

        Question. The State Department's 2020 Country Report on Human
    Rights and Practices for India notes, among other significant human
    rights issues, the Government of India places ``restrictions on freedom
    of expression and the press, including violence, threats of violence,
    or unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, use of
    criminal libel laws to prosecute social media speech, censorship, and
    site blocking.'' If confirmed, what steps do you intend to take to
    promote freedom of speech and freedom of expression in India?

        Answer. Freedom of speech and freedom of expression are fundamental
    rights enshrined in the Indian constitution and as fellow democracies,
    the United States and India have a shared interest to engage on these
    issues, as the Secretary did in his recent travel to New Delhi. If
    confirmed, I intend to follow the Secretary's principled leadership on
    the matter and work closely with U.S. Mission India and colleagues
    across the Department to continue our robust engagement with Indian
    journalists and media, to raise concerns with the Indian Government,
    and to consult faithfully with Congress.

        Question. The State Department's Ambassador-at-Large for
    International Religious Freedom expressed concern about the
    implications of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) when it was passed
    by the Indian parliament in 2019. Also citing the CAA and other
    significant downward trends in religious freedom conditions, the U.S.
    Commission on International Freedom (USCIRF) recommended in its 2020
    Annual Report that the State Department designate India as a Country of
    Particular Concern in its next annual report on International Religious
    Freedom. What is the State Department's policy regarding the CAA?

        Answer. Respect for religious freedom and equal treatment under the
    law are fundamental principles of both the United States and India.
    While the Indian Government has not yet actively implemented the
    Citizenship Amendment Act, the Department continues to call on India to
    protect the rights of its religious minorities in keeping with India's
    constitution and history of diversity.

        Question. How does the Department factor USCIRF recommendations
    into its own deliberations when determining whether a country is
    included as a Country of Particular Concern in the International
    Religious Freedom report?

        Answer. USCIRF is an independent commission established under the
    1998 International Religious Freedom (IRF) Act to provide policy
    recommendations to the President, Secretary of State, and Congress with
    respect to matters involving international religious freedom. The
    Secretary considers a wide variety of factors, including USCRIF
    findings as required by the IRF Act, when making the annual religious
    freedom designations.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to hold frank conversations
    with your counterparts in the Indian Government regarding its
    obligation to commit to freedom, democratic principles, equal treatment
    of all citizens, human rights, and the rule of law for all?

        Answer. Yes.

    Diplomatic Vision for Afghanistan After U.S. Troop Withdrawal
        Question. U.S. policymakers and foreign policy experts had
    initially expected the withdrawal of U.S. military forces to be
    accompanied by a diplomatic surge. Yet the security situation in
    Afghanistan may preclude the possibility of such a surge.

       Given the security challenges in Afghanistan, what is your vision
            for U.S. diplomatic engagement and presence in Afghanistan
            after the U.S. troop withdrawal is complete?

       If the State Department is unable to lead a diplomatic surge, how
            can the United States best secure the gains that we have made
            in human rights, education and empowerment of girls, and other
            important issues in Afghanistan? In other words, how can the
            United States best help the Afghan people and promote U.S.
            interests in Afghanistan?

        Answer. I understand all the agencies at our Embassy will continue
    their important work, as long as security conditions permit, consistent
    with the administration's commitment to stay fully engaged on behalf of
    U.S. interests in Afghanistan. This will include our consular support
    to U.S. citizens and fulfilling our commitment to Afghans who have
    worked alongside us through adjudication of Special Immigrant Visas. I
    will remain in frequent communication with our Embassy in Kabul and the
    interagency to continuously evaluate information pertaining to the
    security of U.S. citizens and U.S. Government personnel, facilities,
    and interests in Afghanistan in order to mitigate any emerging threats.
    I will also consult with stakeholders on creative approaches, such as
    off-shoring, that can advance U.S. interests while keeping our mission
    safe.
        I am committed to using our full diplomatic, economic, and
    development toolkit to support efforts to establish peace and promote
    the future that Afghans are seeking. If confirmed, I will do everything
    I can to sustain and further advance the gains achieved by Afghan
    society, particularly those made by Afghan women, girls, and minorities
    over the last 20 years. I am committed to using our diplomatic and
    assistance resources to continue to advocate for women's rights,
    support their meaningful participation in peace negotiations, work to
    create quality educational opportunities, assist women to join the
    workforce, combat gender-based violence, and expand access to quality
    healthcare.

        Question. In your testimony, you noted that for the past 20 years,
    the U.S.-Pakistan relationship has been defined by the war in
    Afghanistan and related U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the region.
    With U.S. troops leaving Afghanistan, there is an opportunity to
    redefine the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Issues such as climate change,
    strategic competition with China, economic development, and others may
    be on the table.
        Despite many shared interests and priorities, the U.S.-Pakistan
    relationship has been beset by years of distrust and unaligned
    policies. What will it take for the United States and Pakistan to move
    beyond the persistent challenges in our bilateral relationship to
    cooperate on our shared priorities?

        Answer. The Department continues to make clear it seeks further
    assistance from Pakistan for progress toward a political settlement in
    Afghanistan and collaboration on regional stability efforts, including
    against terrorist groups. Such actions would contribute importantly to
    an expanded U.S.-Pakistan relationship. If confirmed, I will push for
    more bilateral cooperation based on shared priorities, including
    securing a responsible end to the conflict in Afghanistan, advancing
    regional security and fighting terrorism, expanding both bilateral and
    regional commercial and trade opportunities, promoting sustainable and
    inclusive economic development, and ad

    Chinese Territorial Aggression in Bhutan
        Question. China reportedly claims as many as eight areas inside
    Bhutan as being Chinese territory. In 2015, China announced that it had
    built an entirely new village called Gyalaphug inside a 232-square-mile
    area claimed by China since the early 1980s, but internationally
    understood as part of Lhuntse district in northern Bhutan.
        China's efforts to fortify the Tibetan borderlands, expand its
    maritime control in the South China Sea, and conduct other provocative
    measures are nothing new. Yet building a new village inside the
    territory of another country is different. According to at least one
    report, China does not need the land it is settling in Bhutan. Its aim,
    rather, is to force the Bhutanese Government to cede territory that
    China wants elsewhere in Bhutan to give Beijing a military advantage in
    its struggle with New Delhi.

       What is the Department's policy on Chinese efforts to expand its
            borders by building towns and villages in disputed territories?

       If confirmed, what efforts will you lead to protect Bhutan's
            sovereignty and prevent it from becoming a pawn in China's
            attempts to gain an advantage over India?

        Answer. The Department is very concerned with the People's Republic
    of China (PRC)'s construction of towns and villages in disputed
    territories. Parties to territorial disputes must adhere to
    international law and resolve differences through dialogue. If
    confirmed, I will work to advance our friendship with Bhutan, reaffirm
    our commitment to its sovereignty, and coordinate with our partners,
    including India, to address the PRC's buildup in the Tibetan
    borderlands and to support a free and open region capable of resolving
    differences through dialogue. I also pledge to work closely with
    Congress to address this concerning trend.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Todd Young

        Question. What are the limits of cooperation that we can expect to
    see from India given their history of non-alignment?

        Answer. Over the last two decades, the United States and India have
    made tremendous strides across all aspects of our strategic
    partnership. Our cooperation encompasses a wide range of issues,
    including regional cooperation in the Indo-Pacific; the Quad; trade and
    investment; defense and security; climate change remediation; clean
    energy; higher education and people-to-people; shared values, and
    science and space. India has a unique foreign policy outlook given its
    history, but given our growing strategic convergence the Indo-Pacific,
    I am confident U.S.-India ties will continue to mature and deepen.

        Question. China is aggressively pushing on India's border and is
    now claiming areas in which they have never had a historic assertion.
    Do you believe China is trying to find an ``off-ramp'' for this issue
    or is it looking to escalate the dispute with India?

        Answer. The United States is concerned by Beijing's pattern of
    ongoing attempts to intimidate its neighbors, including India. We're
    closely following updates of any troop disengagement, and we welcome
    ongoing efforts to de-escalate the situation. We continue to monitor
    closely as both sides work toward a peaceful resolution. We urge direct
    dialogue and a peaceful resolution to border disputes.

        Question. What message is China trying to send with its actions? Do
    you believe it is pushing this issue specifically to discredit India
    with regional allies?

        Answer. The United States is deeply concerned by a pattern of
    territorial encroachment and failure to abide by the previous status
    quo along China's disputed terrestrial and maritime borders. We will
    stand with friends, partners, and allies in the face of the PRC's most
    assertive policies and for the good of the region.

        Question. Do you believe these escalations will push India into a
    more robust and long-term security agreement with the U.S.?

        Answer. India will seek partnerships based on its interests, but
    our shared vision for the Indo-Pacific portends greater regional and
    bilateral cooperation.

        Question. India is the biggest donor to the Afghan National
    Government and 5th globally. What are India's interests in Afghanistan?
    Or is this more just another front in the long running competition with
    their neighbor Pakistan?

        Answer. The United States and India have a shared interest in a
    stable and peaceful Afghanistan. India does not wish to see Afghanistan
    turn into a terrorist safe haven that undermines its security. We
    welcome India's support for the peace process and its long-running
    development assistance program.

        Question. What does India stand to lose if security situation in
    Afghanistan worsens?

        Answer. India has expressed concern about potential terrorist
    attacks against Indian interests in Afghanistan, as well as the impact
    on regional stability should the security situation deteriorate
    further. In the immediate term, India is also concerned about the
    threat to India's personnel and nationals working in Afghanistan.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Robert Menendez

    Cuba
        Question. As part of USAID's work in defense of human rights, it is
    my understanding that USAID carries out programming focused on
    addressing the forced labor practices of Cuba's foreign medical
    missions.

       What is your assessment of these medical missions and, if
            confirmed, will you continue USAID's current programs?

        Answer. I believe that Cuba's foreign medical missions, as noted in
    the Department of State's 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report,
    represent a form of labor trafficking. As noted by the TIP report, the
    Cuban Government ``failed to inform participants of the terms of their
    contracts, confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened
    medical professionals and their family members if participants left the
    program.''
        I understand that USAID has programs in place currently to support
    the human rights of Cuban workers, including medical personnel.
        Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of this
    administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for the
    journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists seeking to
    challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities, who maintain a tight
    grip on all aspects of life on the island and are ruthless in seeking
    to stifle dissent. If confirmed, I will continue to promote all types
    of programming to support human rights and fundamental freedoms for the
    Cuban population and look forward to consulting with you on this issue.

    COVID-19 and Economic Recovery
        Question. COVID-19 has had a particularly devastating impact on
    Latin America and the Caribbean, claiming at least 1.2 million lives.
    Today, only one in ten individuals in the region is fully vaccinated.

       If confirmed, what strategies will you implement to increase access
            to and distribution of vaccines in the region?

        Answer. To date, I understand that the United States Government has
    delivered over 33 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to 15 countries in
    Latin America and the Caribbean.
        Furthermore, it is my understanding that USAID is also preparing
    countries to safely and effectively distribute COVID-19 vaccines. To
    date, I understand USAID has provided more than $75 million globally,
    including $13.5 million for the Latin America and Caribbean region, to
    assist countries to develop their national COVID-19 vaccine
    distribution plans, address misinformation and vaccine hesitancy to
    improve trust and confidence, strengthen supply chain and logistics to
    distribute vaccines with speed, equity, and safety, train health
    professionals to administer vaccines, and manage health information
    systems for better data tracking. If confirmed, I commit to supporting
    the Agency's efforts to increase access to vaccines in the region.

        Question. How would you balance addressing the multiple
    consequences of COVID-19 on public health, economies, social
    development, and women and children in the region?

        Answer. It is my understanding that USAID continues to monitor and
    address the evolving and varied second-order impacts of the pandemic on
    the region, and will leverage existing and new programs to address the
    most critical challenges. COVID-19 has hurt economies throughout the
    region, disproportionately impacting the poor and vulnerable. COVID-19
    has also contributed to a humanitarian crisis in the region, increased
    gender-based violence, and lack of access to income-generating
    opportunities. The response today also needs to address the millions of
    children not receiving routine vaccinations and the millions displaced
    from school. To date, I understand that USAID has responded to such
    impacts with programming to support microcredit and job training for
    small businesses and entrepreneurs; the expansion of social protection,
    psycho-social and educational support in vulnerable communities; job
    opportunities for likely migrants; and the adoption of e-commerce
    strategies and tools to respond to COVID-19 economic restrictions. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize addressing the second-order impacts of the
    COVID-19 pandemic in the region.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator James E. Risch

    Central America
        Question. Successive U.S. strategies have failed to make any
    discernable progress in achieving or advancing the goal of reducing
    mass illegal migration from Central America. If confirmed, what actions
    would you recommend taking to build and maintain political will among
    the political leadership in the countries of Northern Central America
    to tackle the push factors of illegal migration? What specific reforms
    should individual governments adopt to effectively reduce illegal
    migration from the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, my priorities in Central America will include
    expeditiously strengthening programs that seek to improve conditions in
    the region and tackle the major drivers of migration. While the
    specific drivers of irregular migration cannot be generalized across
    countries or even communities, they are generally tied to insecurity,
    lack of economic opportunity, and the effects of poor governance and
    corruption, and I will work with other U.S. Government agencies to
    build the political will of partner nations to address these drivers.
    COVID-19 has exacerbated these conditions, as have major natural
    disasters (including hurricanes) recently hitting the region.
        If confirmed, I will continue USAID's current approach of tailoring
    and adapting programs to the unique needs of each country and
    community. I will also continue the Agency's practice of using
    migration data to focus resources geographically in response to
    specific, local drivers of migration. USAID will work with a wide range
    of stakeholders from civil society and the private sector to increase
    the impact of our efforts. I will also commit to working closely with
    our partners in the region. I understand that USAID works closely with
    multiple stakeholders in the region both in the public and private
    sectors as well as with civil society organizations and international
    non-governmental organizations.And I look forward to further
    consultations with Congress on how to further improve the effectiveness
    of these programs.

    Nicaragua
        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize programs and
    activities designed to improve the capacity of the democratic forces in
    Nicaragua to be a credible political challenge to the Ortega regime?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring USAID supports viable,
    democratic processes, institutions and forces in Nicaragua. USAID is
    focused on the November 2021 national elections in Nicaragua and on
    restoring democratic processes and respect for human rights through
    expanding opportunities for coalition building and supporting electoral
    integrity and an active civil society.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to channel any humanitarian
    assistance that USAID may provide in Nicaragua solely through
    independent non-governmental organizations?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to channeling any USAID-provided humanitarian
    assistance solely through independent NGOs and Public International
    Organizations (PIOs). U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided through
    impartial international and local organizations and U.N. agencies, who
    are on the ground working with vulnerable populations, for the sole
    purpose of helping people in need.

    Cuba
        Question. The Government of Cuba maintains an estimated 50,000
    medical personnel in more than 60 countries under conditions that meet
    the definition of human trafficking. The United States, the United
    Nations, independent media outlets, and non-governmental organizations
    have all documented and called out the Cuban regime's exploitative and
    coercive practices toward doctors participating in its overseas medical
    programs. Do you agree that the Cuban regime's overseas medical
    missions amount to human trafficking? If confirmed, do you commit to
    ensure USAID Missions in U.S. Embassies in countries that accept Cuban
    medical missions help communicate the realities of the forced labor
    practices employed by the Cuban regime?

        Answer. I believe that Cuba's foreign medical missions, as noted in
    the Department of State's 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report,
    represent a form of labor trafficking. As noted by the TIP report, the
    Cuban Government ``failed to inform participants of the terms of their
    contracts, confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened
    medical professionals and their family members if participants left the
    program.''
        I understand that USAID has programs in place currently to support
    the human rights of Cuban workers, including medical personnel.
        Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of this
    administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for the
    journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists seeking to
    challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities. If confirmed, I will
    continue to promote programming to support human rights and fundamental
    freedoms for the Cuban population and look forward to consulting with
    you on this issue.

        Question. Do you commit to maintain a robust USAID democracy
    program focused on advancing respect for basic human rights in Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue USAID's work to support
    democratic activists and human rights defenders in Cuba. The role of a
    vibrant civil society continues to be essential to Cuban democracy. I
    gather that USAID has a portfolio in place to continue supporting a
    diverse sector of independent activists in Cuba who will push for
    democratic freedoms, including religious freedom. The Agency will also
    continue providing basic needs assistance to political prisoners,
    persecuted activists, and their families. NGOs are poised to continue
    defending the human rights of those who are abused and even jailed for
    their political beliefs.

    Haiti
        Question. Haiti is facing a complex and worsening crisis of
    governance. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring USAID plays an
    effective role in promoting economic self-reliance and meaningful
    dialogue among the different political forces? If confirmed, do you
    commit to dedicate resources to strengthening Haiti's technical
    capacity to hold elections?

        Answer. The Haitian people deserve democracy and prosperity. Haiti
    has been without a functioning government for too long, and in the
    meantime, conditions continue to deteriorate. The political parties
    need to come together to end the misery, corruption and insecurity
    wreaking havoc for the Haitian people. While Haiti is facing a complex
    emergency that USAID assistance alone cannot resolve, USAID does have
    an important role to play in helping to promote democracy, human
    rights, and governance. With respect to the upcoming legislative
    elections, I understand that USAID's current activities aim to promote
    credible elections, increase political party competition, and expand
    civic participation in electoral processes to help end the ongoing
    political crisis of rule by decree. If confirmed, I will advocate for a
    strong whole-of-government and multi-donor approach for targeted
    democracy, human rights, governance and humanitarian assistance to
    promote democratic political reform, peace and stability.

    Venezuela
        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring USAID-supported
    humanitarian efforts in Venezuela do not bring reputational benefits to
    the Maduro regime and individuals or entities aligned with the regime?
    Do you commit to ensuring USAID does not provide direct or indirect
    support to a COVID vaccination campaign in Venezuela that uses vaccines
    developed by the Cuban regime?

        Answer. I understand that USAID has no plans at this time to
    provide direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign
    in Venezuela, where current vaccination efforts are non-transparent and
    discriminatory. Venezuela is a self-financing participant in COVAX,
    which means that it does not receive donor-supported vaccines or other
    assistance. USAID would only provide COVID-19 vaccination support if
    Venezuela established a credible, impartial, and transparent national
    vaccination plan, implemented in partnership with, or under the
    auspices of, international partners. In addition, it is my
    understanding that USAID has not provided, and has no plans to provide,
    direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign in which
    any Cuban vaccine is used. Cuba has not published its trial data for
    its vaccines, nor has the vaccine received an emergency use listing or
    authorization from the World Health Organization.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Addressing Corruption
        Question. President Biden has taken an important step toward
    enhancing the ability of the United States Government to combat
    corruption and criminal actors worldwide with the release of the
    National Security Study Memorandum on fighting corruption. Defining the
    fight against corruption as a ``core U.S. national security interest''
    sets a standard for how our government, our partners, and others can
    work together to combat such illicit, corrosive activity. I've
    reintroduced the Combating Global Corruption Act which is now in front
    of the full Senate and has been introduced in the House. The bill
    obliges the Executive to identify corruption in countries and rank them
    in a public, tiered system with respect to levels of corruption in
    their governments; establishes minimum standards for combating
    corruption; and evaluates foreign persons engaged in grand corruption
    for consideration under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights
    Accountability Act.

       Will you commit to working with me to advance the Combating Global
            Corruption Act and to raising the profile of efforts to fight
            international corruption as a U.S. national security priority,
            particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean?

        Answer. I agree that fighting corruption is a U.S. national
    security priority and I look forward to discussing the Combating Global
    Corruption bill with you, if confirmed. I agree that anti-corruption
    efforts must be a focus of our efforts in Latin America and the
    Caribbean. The President has articulated a comprehensive $4 billion,
    four-year plan to confront corruption, enhance security, and foster
    prosperity to address the root causes of migration from Central
    America. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to most
    effectively implement President Biden's plan in Central America, and to
    working with interagency colleagues to utilize all possible tools to
    increase pressure on those not doing enough to confront corruption and
    impunity across the region. I also will seek to deepen current
    investments in democracy, human rights, and governance, including by
    supporting civil society organizations and promoting independent media
    and protection for journalists critical to combating corruption in the
    region.

        Question. Where do you see the biggest opportunities to make real
    strides in eliminating corruption in the Americas over the next two or
    three years?

        Answer. I understand that the USAID institutes robust anti-
    corruption programming by helping host countries to strengthen controls
    and transparency in their procurement systems and enhance their
    capacity to prosecute and adjudicate cases through the courts system.
    Corruption is corrosive for many reasons, and in particular because it
    undermines citizen's belief that government can deliver for them.
    Corruption also contributes to weak democratic institutions and
    widespread impunity in the Latin America and the Caribbean region. As a
    result, crime and violence flourish, which is linked to people's
    intentions to migrate. If confirmed, among my priorities for USAID's
    Latin America and Caribbean Bureau will include helping institutions
    deliver basic services with transparency and efficiency, and supporting
    civil society organizations and independent journalists carrying out
    oversight of government institutions. I also would seek to work with
    interagency colleagues to ensure that all possible tools are used to
    combat corruption in the region.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. As Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the
    Caribbean at USAID, you will oversee 17 regional missions, 900+ people
    and over $1 billion of development funds focused on promoting inclusive
    growth, human rights, democracy and governance, and citizen security.
    Your biography mentions that during your last tenure at USAID, you
    focused on the administration's priorities, including: ``reinforced
    U.S. support for Peace Colombia, established a long-term development
    plan for Haiti, and prepared a proactive strategy to confront the
    humanitarian and political crisis in Venezuela.'' It says also that in
    response to Congress' doubling of funding to Central America, you led
    changes in strategy, organization and execution to combat root causes
    of poverty and migration in the region.

       Can you provide the committee with the major concrete steps of your
            strategy to confront the humanitarian and political crisis in
            Venezuela?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support Interim President Juan Guaido,
    the democratically elected National Assembly, and the people of
    Venezuela to determine their own future through free and fair
    elections. I commit to working with non-governmental organizations and
    civil society groups to advance democracy and a pathway to democratic
    elections in Venezuela. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with
    you about how we might strengthen those efforts, given the devastating
    costs of Maduro's repression, and that of USAID's continued work to
    provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to vulnerable Venezuelans
    in Venezuela as well as Venezuelan migrants and refugees across the
    region.

                 follow-up to senator rubio's initial question
              Question. In your response to my question for the record
            (``Can you provide the committee with the major concrete steps
            of your strategy to confront the humanitarian and political
            crisis in Venezuela?'') you responded with a description of the
            steps you would take to address the crisis, if confirmed. While
            we appreciate your wholehearted support for Interim President
            Guaidoand the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people,
            the intent of my question was to receive a summary of the
            concrete steps you helped to develop to confront the crisis
            during the Obama administration.

       Please provide a description of your strategy to confront the
            humanitarian and political crisis in Venezuela during your last
            tenure at USAID, including the outcomes of those actions.

              Answer. In 2016, in my capacity as Assistant Administrator of
            the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), I worked
            with the Bureau and USAID and its partners to assess the
            worsening humanitarian conditions in the country to understand
            who the crisis was affecting most severely and in which parts
            of the country. Our ongoing analysis led to the inclusion of
            Venezuela in a watchlist at Democracy, Conflict, and
            Humanitarian Assistance Bureau, the Bureau that was then in
            charge of humanitarian response, stabilization, and democracy.
              The political opposition controlled the National Assembly,
            but the regime was blocking them from performing their
            democratic functions. As a result of the ongoing situation on
            the ground, USAID/LAC programming focused on monitoring and
            reporting on human rights, electoral conditions, and living
            conditions in the country. USAID also worked to support
            independent media, and I supported providing robust assistance
            to the National Assembly.
              Under my direction, USAID/LAC assessed what possible outcomes
            could evolve on the ground, and what response would be
            adequate. This included continuing USAID programming to defend
            and promote democratic rights, initiating delivery of socio-
            economic relief and commodities, particularly medical supplies,
            through local independent partners, and expanding humanitarian
            assistance through local independent partners to avoid
            politicization by the Maduro regime. We also anticipated
            programming that would be needed should a political transition
            to democracy transpire. This assessment process continued in an
            iterative manner through the end of the administration.

        Question. What is your understanding of the status of current USAID
    programs in Haiti?

        Answer. I understand that USAID is committed to working with the
    Haitian people in their efforts to build a healthy, prosperous, and
    peaceful Haiti. Given recent developments, it is a critical time to
    learn from the past and smartly engage foreign assistance resources in
    Haiti. If confirmed, I commit to supporting COVID relief, humanitarian
    assistance, and resilience building in Haiti. While humanitarian
    assistance will help alleviate some urgent humanitarian needs, it will
    not and cannot address the root causes of the current economic and
    political situation in Haiti, which will only be sustainably addressed
    by engaging Haitian actors with the political will to take-on much
    needed Haitian-driven reforms.

        Question. Earlier this year, I re-introduced my bipartisan
    legislation, the Central American Women and Children Protection Act.
    This bill authorizes appropriations to provide assistance to El
    Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras through bilateral compacts to
    increase protection of women and children in their homes and
    communities and reduce female homicides, domestic violence, and sexual
    assault.

       In your opinion, is this legislation something that USAID should
            support?

        Answer. Thank you for your commitment to protecting women and
    children in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, a goal that I
    wholeheartedly share. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
    on this legislation and will ensure that USAID continues to support
    gender-based violence (GBV) survivors and women at risk of GBV in El
    Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and welcome continued support for
    programming in this area. I understand that in the Northern Triangle,
    USAID supports civil society and independent watchdog institutions to
    deter human rights abuses, respond to human rights violations, and
    support vulnerable populations. This includes forcibly displaced
    persons, women, children, and youth affected by violence and
    insecurity.

        Question. In a recent letter to President Biden, I asked that the
    United States to be prepared to provide COVID-19 vaccines, and other
    humanitarian assistance, to the people of Cuba, but only if it is
    delivered to, and distributed by, trustworthy and independent
    international organizations. We must not allow the regime to take
    possession of such relief and use it as a weapon to force the people of
    Cuba into compliance with their demands.

       Are you being briefed on any discussions with regard to providing
            humanitarian assistance to Cuba?

       What do you see as the priorities in this space?

        Answer. While I am not privy to any internal U.S. Government
    discussions, I have been following recent developments and the U.S.
    Government's announcements to facilitate the shipment of humanitarian
    assistance to Cuba. I understand that USAID has been providing
    assistance, including food, medicine, and hygiene products to victims
    of repression, including political prisoners, their family members, and
    other individuals who are persecuted because of their political or
    religious beliefs. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize support
    for these populations, which remain under even greater threat following
    the July 11 protests. Accordingly, I will do my utmost to ensure that
    assistance is delivered to, and distributed by, trustworthy and
    independent organizations.

        Question. If confirmed, how will your actions to address the
    current political and humanitarian crises in Venezuela differ from this
    strategy you prepared during the Obama administration?

        Answer. In 2016, the opportunity to work with an interim government
    was not yet a possibility--this is a difference. If confirmed, I will
    support Interim President Juan Guaido, the democratically elected
    National Assembly, and the people of Venezuela to determine their own
    future through free and fair elections. I commit to working with non-
    governmental organizations and civil society organizations to advance
    democracy and a pathway to democratic elections in Venezuela. This is
    my priority.
        USAID's engagement on health and food security also has the
    potential to help alleviate the humanitarian crisis and contribute to
    conditions for a democratic transition. With increasing access inside
    Venezuela by USAID's implementing partners, I would pursue creative
    solutions that bring respite to the Venezuelan people outside of the
    Maduro regime's control and I commit to engaging with you and your
    staff, if confirmed.

        Question. Can you clarify your role in developing this strategy?
    Did you personally author this strategy?

        Answer. Given the ongoing humanitarian and political situation in
    Venezuela, as previously stated, USAID/LAC engaged in assessing
    possible outcomes under my direction while Assistant Administrator for
    the Bureau. We analyzed the economic decline and its ramifications,
    summarized FEWS NET food security assessments, the worsening of the
    medical and security situation, and ways to circumvent the regime's
    politicization of essential goods should the situation on the ground
    shift. This iterative process was managed, in response to my direction
    and under my guidance, by the Bureau for Latin America and the
    Caribbean's Office of South American Affairs.

        Question. In your response to my question for the record (``In your
    opinion, is this legislation something that USAID should support?''),
    you responded, ``Thank you for your commitment to protecting women and
    children in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, a goal that I
    wholeheartedly share. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
    on this legislation and will ensure that USAID continues to support
    gender-based violence (GBV) survivors and women at risk of GBV in El
    Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and welcome continued support for
    programming in this area. I understand that in the Northern Triangle,
    USAID supports civil society and independent watchdog institutions to
    deter human rights abuses, respond to human rights violations, and
    support vulnerable populations. This includes forcibly displaced
    persons, women, children, and youth affected by violence and
    insecurity.''

       The intent of this legislation is to authorize the United States to
            enter into Women and Children Compacts with the countries of El
            Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, modelled off of those the
            United States has entered into with Ghana. The Philippines,
            Peru and Jamaica. Do you believe that these compacts will
            contribute to USAID's efforts to address support women and
            children at risk of GBV?

        Answer. When conditions on the ground are right, I believe compacts
    with partner governments on important issues like countering GBV can be
    extremely important. I understand that the Child Protection Compact
    Partnerships the U.S. has developed jointly with governments, for
    instance with Jamaica and Peru, have aimed to build on existing efforts
    to prosecute and punish perpetrators of child trafficking, identify
    child trafficking victims, coordinate and strengthen protective
    services, and prevent child trafficking. If confirmed, I look forward
    to working with the Committee on this legislation, and with the State
    Department to establish such agreements, in appropriate countries.
        To help create the conditions for such compacts, I will ensure that
    USAID continues to prioritize efforts to counter GBV. The ``U.S.
    Strategy for Addressing the Root Causes of Migration in Central
    America'' and the ``Collaborative Migration Management Strategy,''
    released on July 29, provide further details to guide USAID's strategic
    efforts for the region, including protection efforts for at-risk groups
    and addressing gender-based violence. Pillar V of the Root Causes
    Strategy focuses on ``combating sexual, gender-based, and domestic
    violence,'' with objectives including: governments and civil society
    take steps to prevent sexual, gender-based, and domestic violence; hold
    perpetrators accountable; and protect and provide services for victims.
    I commit to working with your office to ensure that our mutual priority
    of protecting vulnerable populations, most specifically women and girls
    in Central America, is embedded in future programming.

        Question. In your response to my question for the record on your
    awareness of the administration's discussions regarding humanitarian
    assistance to Cuba, you responded, ``While I am not privy to any
    internal U.S. Government discussions, I have been following recent
    developments and the U.S. Government's announcements to facilitate the
    shipment of humanitarian assistance to Cuba. I understand that USAID
    has been providing assistance, including food, medicine, and hygiene
    products to victims of repression, including political prisoners, their
    family members, and other individuals who are persecuted because of
    their political or religious beliefs. If confirmed, I will continue to
    prioritize support for these populations, which remain under even
    greater threat following the July 11 protests. Accordingly, I will do
    my utmost to ensure that assistance is delivered to, and distributed
    by, trustworthy and independent organizations.''

       If confirmed, please provide what steps and actions will you take
            to ensure that humanitarian assistance is delivered to, and
            distributed by, trustworthy independent organizations inside
            Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will verify that existing basic needs
    assistance benefiting political prisoners, dissidents, and their
    families, is implemented by U.S.-based or internationally recognized
    independent NGOs. If confirmed, I will ensure that my team requires
    that each of these organizations provide USAID with their delivery and
    distribution protocols, and that they be verified and monitored
    frequently to ensure assistance does not benefit members of the regime.

        Question. Please be specific on how will you ensure that this
    humanitarian assistance does not benefit members of the Castro/Diaz-
    Canel Regime?

        Answer. As USAID designs new solicitations for additional basic
    needs assistance instruments, I will ensure that all necessary
    safeguards are in place for such work to be carried out only by
    independent organizations and to prevent the regime from benefiting
    from them in any way.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to provide regular briefings
    to my office, and other interested Senate offices, on USAID's provision
    of humanitarian assistance to the people of Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regular briefings with your
    office and other interested Senate offices on USAID's provision of
    humanitarian assistance to the people of Cuba.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Todd Young

    China, COVID-19, and Economic Development
        Question. The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated the region, and
    countries are struggling with record levels of debt and an anemic
    economic recovery. Latin America faced the sharpest economic
    contraction in 2020 of any region in the entire world. Unfortunately,
    many of these countries were struggling even before the pandemic due to
    weak rule of law, low investment, and poor governance.
        Relatedly, I am worried by China's rising influence in the region.
    In 2019, Chinese companies invested $12.8 billion in Latin America, up
    16.5 percent from 2018, concentrating investments on regional
    infrastructure such as ports, roads, dams and railways.
        I'll note that China's investments are not just making a difference
    in infrastructure but in the past four years, the Dominican Republic,
    El Salvador and Panama have each switched their recognition from Taiwan
    to China. Clearly, China is using this investment to achieve their
    geopolitical goals as well.

       If confirmed, how would you work through USAID to counter what
            China is doing in the region to ensure that the United States
            remains the partner of choice for our neighbors?

        Answer. I understand that the administration's approach to
    countering PRC's influence is to provide tangible support that promotes
    sustainable opportunities for economic growth coupled with democratic
    governance, transparency, and local ownership of development work. If
    confirmed, I will work with the U.S International Development Finance
    Corporation to provide countries with choices and opportunities, rather
    than debt traps, digital surveillance, and development projects that
    are often opaque, extractive and coercive. It is important to me to
    work with allies and partners in the region to better leverage
    resources and exert influence. I will be a visible advocate for
    cooperative economic development and trade, human rights, democratic
    governance, and environmental, social, and labor standards, if
    confirmed.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                            THURSDAY, AUGUST 5, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m. in
    Room SH-216, Hon. Chris Van Hollen presiding.
        Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Kaine, Young, and
    Rounds.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

        Senator Van Hollen. Good morning, everybody. The
    nominations hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
    will come to order.
        I want to welcome all of you here and thank my colleague,
    Senator Rounds, who is the ranking member of the Africa
    Subcommittee and the Subcommittee on Global Health Policy. I
    look forward to continuing our work together.
        I am very pleased to welcome our three nominees this
    morning, Ambassador Michael Raynor to be Ambassador to the
    Republic of Senegal and Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea-
    Bissau, Mr. Marc Ostfield to be Ambassador to the Republic of
    Paraguay, and Mr. Troy Fitrill to be Ambassador to the Republic
    of Guinea.
        Again, welcome all of you here. Congratulations on your
    nominations and thank you for your ongoing service to the
    country as members of the Foreign Service, and I also want to
    thank and salute your family members who have joined with us
    today.
        Before we hear from our nominees, I would like to outline
    several key topics of relevance for today's panel before
    turning it over to the ranking member for his opening
    statement.
        Ambassador Raynor, I am pleased to welcome you back to the
    Senate Foreign Relations Committee and glad that President
    Biden has selected you to represent the United States in two
    nations that hold great promise and great potential for
    enhancing our diplomatic presence in West Africa, Senegal and
    Guinea-Bissau.
        As you know, Senegal has been a democratic stronghold in
    the region and a long-standing friend of the United States, and
    I hope that should you be confirmed you will work in
    partnership with this committee and regional stakeholders in
    Senegal to deepen the bonds that link our two nations.
        In contrast, Guinea-Bissau has undergone significant
    political upheaval in recent years, and those political
    challenges are paired with serious development challenges.
        The World Bank estimates that 70 percent of the population
    in Guinea-Bissau lives on $1.90 per day or less, and that
    hardship has only been compounded by the economic fallout from
    the COVID-19 pandemic.
        I look forward to discussing with you your potential
    avenues and your ideas for engagement in Guinea-Bissau as we
    work to promote development, both in that country and across
    West Africa.
        Mr. Fitrill, you have been selected by the president to
    serve in Guinea, another country that presents many challenges
    and also opportunities for engagement.
        I was pleased to see the State Department's determination
    from last year that Guinea has, quote, ``great potential,''
    unquote, for the programs of the new International Development
    Finance Corporation, especially in the areas of banking,
    agriculture, IT, energy, and infrastructure.
        In addition, the USAID Office of Transition Initiatives
    recently launched a $15 million regional program seeking to
    bolster stability in coastal West African nations, including
    Guinea.
        At the same time, we must be clear eyed about the
    challenges we face in Guinea from last year's violent and
    controversial reelection of President Conde. Also, to look at
    the impact of China's deepening influence in the country.
        I look forward to discussing measures the United States can
    take to leverage the tools at our disposal for the benefit of
    our interests and those of the people of Guinea.
        We all recognize that Africa is not a monolith. It is
    essential that we work with community partners and local
    leaders to address specific challenges facing each of these
    African nations, and as we work to strengthen our bilateral
    relationships also to impact our broader effort to enlarge
    prosperity that is mutually beneficial to African nations and
    the United States in West Africa and throughout the continent.
        That larger mission must include finding ways to broaden
    our development efforts through initiatives like USAID and DFC,
    and enhance trade by making full use of the African Growth and
    Opportunity Act, AGOA, and other trade tools. We look forward
    to discussing those ideas with you as well.
        Finally, we come to Mr. Ostfield, who has been selected to
    serve on the other side of the Atlantic, in Paraguay, which is
    a long-time friend and partner to the United States, and I have
    been pleased to see the Biden administration make a concerted
    effort to strengthen our already warm relations with Paraguay.
        On March 14th, Secretary Blinken spoke on the phone with
    President Benitez and reiterated the United States support for
    the Paraguayan people, and in June, Under Secretary of State
    for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland, traveled to Paraguay to
    participate in the second U.S.-Paraguay Strategic Partnership
    Dialogue, a forum that has been vital in advancing discussions
    between our countries on trade, security, democracy, and
    collaboration.
        Mr. Ostfield, we look forward to exploring with you the
    current state of U.S.-Paraguay relations and looking at areas
    where we can further strengthen that relationship.
        Let me just end where I started by congratulating all of
    you on your nominations. I look forward to our discussion
    during this hearing.
        And with that, let me turn it over to my colleague, Senator
    Rounds.

                     STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        First of all, let me just begin by saying that I am very
    pleased to see this well-qualified panel of nominees before us
    today with one previously confirmed twice by this committee to
    serve in two ambassadorial posts, as well as two other very
    experienced State Department personnel with great records of
    service. I want to thank you and your families for your service
    to our country.
        Ambassador Raynor, your background with Africa to include
    two tours as an ambassador will serve you well if you are
    confirmed to be our next ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
    Bissau.
        I look forward to hearing your thoughts on how you will
    apply lessons learned from your most recent tour in Ethiopia,
    particularly regarding how the COVID-19 pandemic and recent
    unrest in Senegal is affecting Senegal stability and economic
    prospects.
        I would also like to hear how you will approach our
    relationship with Guinea-Bissau and your views on the prospects
    for greater political stability under President Embal?.
        Dr. Ostfield, if confirmed, your experience in global
    health security and managing other global issues will make you
    well placed to serve as our Ambassador to Paraguay.
        I am interested in your thoughts on what additional
    assistance from the U.S. or other international partners
    Paraguay might need in order to overcome the health and
    economic effects of the pandemic.
        We would also welcome your ideas on improved governance and
    rule of law, increasing security cooperation, and advancing
    U.S. business interests.
        Mr. Fitrill, if you are confirmed, I would be very pleased
    that we would be sending a diplomat to Guinea who has held a
    number of senior positions in the Bureau of African Affairs,
    including most recently as director of the Office of West
    African Affairs.
        Now, this oversees the U.S. engagement with Guinea. I am
    interested in your thoughts on how Guinea might overcome its
    deep political divisions and recommit to regular democratic
    transfers of power.
        With that, Mr. Chairman, thank you, and it is back to you,
    sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ranking Member Rounds.
        I want to recognize that we have been joined by Senator
    Kaine, who, among other things, oversees the Western
    Hemisphere.
        Welcome.
        And before I turn it over to all of you for your testimony,
    let me just expand a little bit on your backgrounds, and
    Senator Rounds mentioned some of your experiences.
        But I do think it is worth emphasizing the deep experience
    that all of you have and I must say, as someone who grew up in
    a Foreign Service family, I am grateful for your service and it
    always serves our country's interests well when we nominate and
    send people who have deep knowledge of the issue areas they are
    jumping into.
        Ambassador Michael Raynor, known affectionately by friends
    and colleagues here and abroad as Ambassador Mike, is a long-
    term member of the Foreign Service. Over the course of his
    extensive career, Ambassador Raynor has worked in all African
    sub-regions.
        He most recently served as the U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia
    and was previously our Ambassador to Benin. Earlier in his
    career, Ambassador Raynor was director of the Office of Career
    Development and Assignments in the State Department's Bureau of
    Human Resources where he oversaw career development for over
    14,000 members of the Foreign Service.
        He has also served as the Africa Bureau's Executive
    Director where he led management and crisis support efforts for
    the Bureau's 53 U.S. embassies and consulates.
        In addition, his previous service includes tours as
    management officer at U.S. Embassies in Zimbabwe, Namibia,
    Guinea, and Djibouti. He earned an MA in international affairs
    from Columbia University and a BA from Lafayette College.
        He is the recipient of numerous State Department awards,
    including the Leamon R. Hunt Award for management excellence.
    He is fluent in French and, as an extra bonus, at least for me,
    he is a resident of the state of Maryland. Welcome.
        Mr. Marc Ostfield is a career member of the Senior
    Executive Service with over 40 years of experience in
    international affairs and national security.
        He is the current ombudsman of the United States State
    Department, and also has served the department as Acting
    Director of the Foreign Service Institute, Director of the
    Office of Policy and Global Issues in the Bureau of European
    and Eurasian Affairs, Senior Foreign Affairs officer at the
    Office of Science and Technology Cooperation, and Senior
    Advisor for Bioterrorism, Biodefense, and Health Security in
    the Office of International Health and Biodefense.
        Mr. Ostfield earned his BA, MS, and Ph.D. from the
    University of Pennsylvania. He is the recipient of a
    Presidential Rank Award, numerous Senior State Department
    awards, and a range of other honors including a prestigious
    diplomacy fellowship from the American Association for the
    Advancement of Science. He speaks Spanish, Portuguese, French,
    and Arabic. Welcome to you.
        Mr. Troy Damian Fitrill is a career member of the Senior
    Foreign Service and current Director of the Office of West
    African Affairs at the State Department.
        He has previously served as deputy chief of mission at U.S.
    Embassies in Ethiopia and Mauritius, and as Deputy Director of
    the Department's Office of Southern African Affairs.
        In addition, he served as Senior Advisor to the United
    States Special Envoy for the Great Lakes of Africa. Mr. Fitrill
    has also spent time on Capitol Hill as a Pearson Fellow.
        We will not hold it against you, you worked on the House
    side instead of the Senate side. But you worked on the House
    Foreign Affairs Committee where your portfolio included a suite
    of issues relevant to Asia, the Pacific, and Africa.
        I am also proud to know that Mr. Fitrill earned his BA in
    my home state at the University of Maryland and an MS at the
    National War College. He speaks French, Spanish, Portuguese,
    Swedish, and Danish, and let me just welcome you as well.
        So it is wonderful to have a group of three very qualified
    nominees to be ambassadors to these important posts.
        Now, let me turn it over to each of you for your opening
    statements.
        Let us begin with Ambassador Raynor.

     STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL RAYNOR OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER
      OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
    THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL, AND TO
       SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS
      AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
           STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA-BISSAU

        Ambassador Raynor. Thank you very much.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the
    committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
    Biden's nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Republic of
    Senegal and to the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.
        I am grateful to the president and Secretary Blinken for
    their trust and confidence in me, and I am deeply indebted to
    my wife, Kate, my son, Bradley, and my daughter, Emma, for
    their sacrifices and support throughout my Foreign Service
    career.
        During more than 31 years as a Foreign Service officer, I
    have developed substantial policy and managerial experience and
    a record of inclusive leadership fostering interagency
    collaboration, strong performance by diverse teams, and high
    morale in challenging environments.
        As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I advanced our bilateral
    priorities at the time, which included supporting the country's
    transition toward democratic governance and free market
    economics, launching new programs to bolster human rights and
    counter ethnic strife, strengthening peacekeeping and
    counterterrorism efforts, and facilitating major growth in U.S.
    commercial investments. I am devastated by the current
    situation there.
        As Ambassador to Benin, I elicited strong security
    cooperation, helped improve the country's business climate and
    U.S. commercial prospects, and strengthened the country's
    democratic trajectory.
        As Assistant Chief of Mission in Afghanistan, I led some of
    the United States' largest foreign assistance and justice
    sector programs, as well as the embassy's large and complex
    management, consular, and security operations, while regularly
    engaging Afghan leaders on governance and security concerns.
        As Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I
    led the State Department's management and crisis support for
    more than 50 posts in Africa.
        If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Senegal and to
    Guinea-Bissau, my highest priority will be the welfare
    interests and security of American citizens, whether ensuring
    responsive consular services, advocating for U.S. businesses,
    or strengthening partnerships to confront regional instability.
        This priority will guide every embassy objective and
    activity. If confirmed, I will also do everything I can to
    ensure that the dedicated women and men serving at the U.S.
    embassy are secure, healthy, and provided every opportunity for
    success.
        Our close partnership with Senegal spans more than 60 years
    and is rooted in our shared values of democracy and human
    rights, peace and security, economic opportunity, and
    prosperity.
        Senegal's long democratic tradition of peaceful transitions
    of power, free and fair elections, a robust private press, and
    a strong civil society is unique in West Africa and serves as a
    model for the region.
        Senegal's dynamic economy has achieved impressive growth
    while creating new opportunities for U.S. investment. While the
    pandemic has hampered this progress and worsened the economic
    strains felt by Senegal's large youth population, U.S. public
    and private investments can play a key role in reigniting the
    country's growth.
        Embassy Dakar and Washington counterparts are pursuing a
    number of possibilities for U.S. investment to strengthen
    Senegal's economy and its long-term security and democratic
    governance.
        Senegal is a key security partner in West Africa and a
    critical ally in the United States' efforts to promote
    stability and counter violent extremism. It is a major
    contributor to peacekeeping missions across Africa and
    regularly hosts regional military exercises in partnership with
    the United States and France.
        If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the United States'
    essential democratic, commercial development, and security
    partnerships with Senegal.
        In Guinea-Bissau, the United States has sustained its
    programs in partnership despite pandemic-related challenges,
    and there is scope to expand the bilateral relationship further
    in the days ahead.
        If confirmed, I will seek to advance our two countries'
    shared interests in bolstering democracy and human rights,
    promoting stable and responsive civilian governance, advancing
    development and economic opportunity, and countering drug
    trafficking.
        Senegal and Guinea-Bissau are dynamic nations with
    extraordinary histories and extraordinary potential. I am
    honored by your consideration of me to serve in such an
    important posting.
        If confirmed, I will welcome advice and input from you and
    your staff on any aspect of the United States' multifaceted
    relationships with Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
        I will also be pleased, if confirmed, to welcome you and
    your staff in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, and to keep you up to
    date on the activities of the U.S. embassy in Dakar.
        Thank you for the opportunity to address you today. I look
    forward to answering any questions you may have.
        [Prepared statement of Ambassador Raynor follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Michael Raynor

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee, I
    am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to
    serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal and to the Republic of
    Guinea-Bissau. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for
    their trust and confidence in me, and am deeply indebted to my wife
    Kate, my son Bradley, and my daughter Emma for their sacrifices and
    support throughout my Foreign Service career.
        During more than 31 years as a Foreign Service Officer, I have
    developed substantial policy and managerial experience and a record of
    inclusive leadership fostering interagency collaboration, strong
    performance by diverse teams, and high morale in challenging
    environments. As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I advanced our bilateral
    priorities at the time, which included supporting the country's
    transition toward democratic governance and free-market economics,
    launching new programs to bolster human rights and counter ethnic
    strife, strengthening peacekeeping and counter-terrorism efforts, and
    facilitating major growth in U.S. commercial investments. I am
    devastated by the current situation there. As Ambassador to Benin, I
    elicited strong security cooperation, helped improve the country's
    business climate and U.S. commercial prospects, and strengthened the
    country's democratic trajectory. As Assistant Chief of Mission in
    Afghanistan, I led some of the United States' largest foreign
    assistance and justice sector programs as well as the embassy's large
    and complex management and security operations, while regularly
    engaging Afghan leaders on governance and security concerns. As
    Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I led the State
    Department's management and crisis support for more than 50 African
    posts.
        If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
    Bissau, my highest priority will be the interests, welfare, and
    security of American citizens. Whether ensuring responsive consular
    services, advocating for U.S. businesses, or strengthening partnerships
    to confront regional instability, this priority will guide every
    Embassy objective and activity. If confirmed, I will also do everything
    I can to ensure that the dedicated women and men serving at the U.S.
    Embassy in Dakar are secure, healthy, and provided every opportunity
    for success.
        Our close partnership with Senegal spans more than 60 years and is
    rooted in our shared values of democracy and human rights; peace and
    security; and economic opportunity and prosperity. Senegal's long
    democratic tradition of peaceful transitions of power, free and fair
    elections, a robust private press, and a strong civil society is unique
    in West Africa and serves as a model for the region.
        Senegal's dynamic economy has achieved impressive growth while
    creating new opportunities for U.S. investment. While the pandemic has
    hampered this progress and worsened the economic strains felt by
    Senegal's large youth population, U.S. public and private investments
    can play a key role in reigniting the country's growth. Embassy Dakar
    and Washington counterparts are pursuing a number of possibilities for
    U.S. investment that will strengthen Senegal's economy and its long-
    term democratic governance and security.
        Senegal is a key security partner in West Africa and a critical
    ally in the United States' efforts to promote stability and counter
    violent extremism. It is a major contributor to peacekeeping missions
    across Africa and regularly hosts regional military exercises in
    partnership with the United States and France.
        If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the United States'
    essential democratic, commercial, developmental, and security
    partnerships with Senegal.
        In Guinea-Bissau, the United States has sustained its programs and
    partnership despite pandemic-related challenges, and there is scope to
    expand our bilateral relationship further in the days ahead. If
    confirmed, I will seek to advance our two countries' shared interests
    in bolstering democracy, promoting stable and responsive civilian
    governance, advancing development and economic opportunity, and
    countering drug trafficking.
        Senegal and Guinea-Bissau are dynamic nations with extraordinary
    histories and extraordinary potential. I am honored by your
    consideration of me to serve in such an important posting. If
    confirmed, I will welcome advice and input from you and your staff on
    any aspect of the United States' multi-faceted relationships with
    Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. I will also be pleased, if confirmed, to
    welcome you and your staff in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau and to keep you
    up to date on the activities of the U.S. Embassy in Dakar.
        Thank you for the opportunity to address you today. I look forward
    to answering any questions you may have.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        Mr. Ostfield?

    STATEMENT OF MARC OSTFIELD OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
       THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR
       EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
                  AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF PARAGUAY

        Mr. Ostfield. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
    the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
    president's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
    Republic of Paraguay.
        I am grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden
    and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. I appear today with
    the support of my husband of 32 years, Michael, who has
    encouraged me throughout my career of public service.
        Over the course of the past 35 years, my work has always
    been about making the world a healthier, safer, more just, and
    more equitable place.
        Whether on the frontlines of AIDS prevention, developing
    global health campaigns in Latin America and worldwide, or in
    the Department of State shaping policy on issues ranging from
    bioterrorism to human rights to human trafficking to anti-
    corruption, my professional experience has demonstrated the
    power of diverse teams that reflect the country we serve and
    the ability to build coalitions in challenging environments.
        My experience as a volunteer firefighter has reinforced the
    importance of mutual aid and decision making in high-pressure
    situations. If confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to
    advance U.S. goals in Paraguay by working to strengthen
    governance, increase security, and promote U.S. business
    interests.
        Mr. Chairman, Paraguay has proven to be a reliable partner
    and ardent defender of democracy in the region, calling for an
    end to undemocratic practices in Venezuela and Nicaragua, and
    supporting Cubans' right to peaceful protest.
        Paraguay's steadfast support for Taiwan is another
    indicator of its commitment to democracy. Like all democracies,
    Paraguay has its challenges, particularly the need for stronger
    rule of law and democratic governance.
        Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions
    Index ranks Paraguay 137 out of 180 countries, near the bottom
    for Latin America.
        In order to deliver prosperity for all its citizens and
    foster greater economic opportunities with the U.S., Paraguay
    must continue its efforts to root out corruption and impunity,
    increase transparency, and repair judicial integrity.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize anti-corruption and
    leverage tools such as Section 7031(c) of the 2019
    Appropriations Act, which Secretaries Blinken and Pompeo have
    used to designate corrupt Paraguayan officials.
        The global pandemic created outsized risks for Paraguay,
    with the world's highest daily per capita death rate in June of
    this year. The U.S. proudly donated 2 million vaccine doses to
    Paraguay in July, which promptly began its mass vaccination
    campaign.
        Additional U.S. support this year will bring U.S. funding
    for vaccine assistance to over $9 million since the start of
    the pandemic.
        Paraguay's long-standing bond with like-minded democratic
    partner Taiwan has made it a target of pressure tactics by the
    People's Republic of China to push Paraguay into switching
    diplomatic relations to Beijing.
        If confirmed, I will work to support Paraguay's economic
    and political sovereignty and its commitment to Taiwan.
        U.S. security goals center on helping Paraguay counter
    illicit networks, which threaten the safety of U.S. citizens
    and the region through money laundering, counterfeiting, drug
    trafficking, trafficking in persons, and links to terrorist
    organizations.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize helping Paraguayan regional
    partners strengthen border security and address transnational
    crime.
        The United States is Paraguay's number-one investor and
    U.S. exports to Paraguay support an estimated 7,000 American
    jobs. To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, I will
    engage Paraguayan authorities on investment disputes,
    procurement tenders, and intellectual property rights.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
    if confirmed, I will consult with this committee as we work for
    the safety, freedom, and prosperity of the U.S. and Paraguayan
    people.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
    and I look forward to your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Mr. Ostfield follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of Marc Ostfield

        It is an honor to appear before you today as the President's
    nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Paraguay. I
    am grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken have placed in me.
        I appear before you today with the support of my husband of 32
    years, Michael, who has encouraged me throughout my career of public
    service.
        Over the course of a career spanning 35 years, my work has always
    been about making the world a healthier, safer, more just, and more
    equitable place. I spent 15 years on the front lines of HIV/AIDS
    prevention, developing global health campaigns in Latin America and
    worldwide. For the past almost 20 years, I've been honored to serve in
    the Department of State--creating initiatives to combat bioterrorism;
    shaping policy on issues ranging from human rights to human trafficking
    to anti-corruption and the environment; leading the Foreign Service
    Institute in delivering essential training for the U.S. diplomatic
    workforce; and supporting that workforce to address conflict as
    Ombudsman. My experience as a professional has demonstrated the power
    of diverse teams that reflect the country we serve, and the ability to
    build coalitions in the most challenging environments. My experience as
    a volunteer firefighter has reinforced the importance of mutual aid,
    and the ability to make decisions in high pressure situations. If
    confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to advance U.S. foreign
    policy goals in Paraguay by working to strengthen governance, increase
    security, and promote U.S. business interests.
        Mr. Chairman, Paraguay has proven to be a reliable partner and
    ardent defender of democracy in the Western Hemisphere, voting
    consistently in multilateral fora to call for an end to undemocratic
    practices in Venezuela and Nicaragua, and supporting Cuban citizens'
    right to freedom of expression and peaceful protest. Paraguay's
    steadfast support for Taiwan is another indicator of its commitment to
    democracy.
        Like all democracies, Paraguay's has its challenges--particularly
    the need for stronger rule of law and democratic governance.
    Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks
    Paraguay 137 out of 180 countries, near the bottom for Latin America.
    In order to deliver prosperity for all its citizens and foster greater
    economic opportunities with the United States, Paraguay must continue
    its efforts to root out corruption and impunity, increase transparency,
    and repair judicial integrity. The United States is supporting these
    goals with $44 million in USAID funding over five years. If confirmed,
    I will prioritize anti-corruption and leverage tools such as Section
    7031(c) of the 2019 Appropriations Act, which Secretaries Blinken and
    Pompeo have used to designate corrupt Paraguayan officials.
        The global pandemic created outsized risks for Paraguay which has
    endured one of the world's deadliest - surges, with the world's highest
    daily, per-capita death rate in June 2021. The United States proudly
    donated two million vaccine doses to Paraguay, which promptly began an
    effective mass vaccination campaign. Additional U.S. support this year
    will bring U.S. funding for non-vaccine assistance--including technical
    assistance, medicines, respirators, oxygen, and field hospitals--to
    over $9 million since the start of the pandemic.
        Paraguay's long-standing bond with like-minded democratic partner
    Taiwan has made it a target of pressure tactics by the People's
    Republic of China to push Paraguay into switching diplomatic relations
    to Beijing, including through quid pro quo vaccine diplomacy. If
    confirmed, I will work to support Paraguay's economic and political
    sovereignty and its commitment to Taiwan. U.S. security goals center on
    helping Paraguay counter illicit networks, which threaten the safety of
    U.S. citizens and the region. Paraguay's Tri-Border Area (TBA) with
    Argentina and Brazil is one of the principal routes for multi-billion-
    dollar money laundering, counterfeiting, drug trafficking, trafficking
    in persons, and other smuggling operations. Some TBA criminal
    organizations have known or suspected links to terrorist organizations.
    To address these threats, U.S. programs build Paraguayan capacity to
    combat money laundering, financing of terrorism, and criminal gangs--
    along with programs to strengthen judicial and prosecutorial capacity.
    U.S. military assistance to Paraguay correspondingly strengthens
    cooperative crisis response capabilities. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize helping the TBA countries reinvigorate the Regional Security
    Mechanism, which coordinates efforts to enhance border security,
    dismantle transnational criminal organizations, and prevent money
    laundering and the financing of terrorism. The United States is
    Paraguay's number one investor, and the Department of Commerce reports
    that U.S. exports to Paraguay support an estimated 7,000 American jobs.
    To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities in Paraguay, I will
    continue to ensure our Embassy engages Paraguayan authorities on
    investment disputes, procurement tenders, and Intellectual Property
    Rights.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if
    confirmed, I will consult with this committee as we work for the
    safety, freedom, and prosperity of the U.S. and Paraguayan people.
    Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
    forward to your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ostfield.
        Now we will turn to Mr. Fitrill.

     STATEMENT OF TROY DAMIAN FITRILL OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
    OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO
     BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
              STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA

        Mr. Fitrill. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
    the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today
    and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
    confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
    Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea.
        I am proud to have my family here today, my wife, Kathryn,
    a fellow Foreign Service officer, and my children, Madeleine
    and Sam, who have spent their lives immersed in the Foreign
    Service themselves.
        Although my career has taken us all to several continents,
    we are drawn to and always thrilled to be in sub-Saharan
    Africa, where we have spent the majority of our assignments.
        My last assignment as Director for West African Affairs
    was, like everyone's, shaken up by the pandemic. But the one
    and only trip I was able to take before the pandemic struck
    began in Guinea, where I had the pleasure of traveling up
    country with my friend and colleague, Ambassador Simon Henshaw,
    whose passing was a shock to all who knew him. It would be a
    signal honor, if confirmed, to try to build upon his work.
        The relationship between the United States and Guinea has
    passed through various stages during Guinea's 63 years of
    independence.
        But we have always extended our hand in partnership through
    support for nascent democratic institutions, productive
    economic initiatives, and supporting the Guinean people
    directly through effective education and health programs,
    including in response to the Ebola epidemic in 2014.
        Indeed, in this current pandemic, American investments in
    health systems paid off as Guinea sought to mitigate the
    ravages of COVID-19.
        In the midst of this crisis, however, Ebola raised its ugly
    head again earlier this year, and those American-supported
    institutions reacted swiftly and effectively, halting it this
    time in a matter of months and with minimal loss of life.
        Economically, Guinea is growing faster than anticipated,
    sustained mostly by strong mining activity, construction, and
    agriculture. U.S. companies have been in Guinea since the days
    of independence and more are joining them every year.
        Recent investments in energy infrastructure, mining, and
    banking show that when given a fair chance, the United States
    is the preferred partner.
        I do not minimize the challenges. There are opportunities
    in infrastructure precisely because so little infrastructure
    exists. The challenges to doing business in Guinea are well
    documented, and recent political tensions only increase the
    level of difficulty.
        As we partner with the Guinean people, we advocate for
    fundamental freedoms, we advocate for open political
    participation, and we advocate for justice and dignity.
        Guinea was born a nation of peace and leadership, and the
    citizens of that country, the region, and the world need a
    Guinea that builds upon that history.
        Right now, Guineans rightfully express concern about peace
    and security both at home and in the region. If confirmed, I
    will encourage dialogue among the parties to strengthen
    political pluralism. Such dialogue can only succeed if all
    sides feel confident that there can be a positive outcome.
        We support efforts to reform Guinea's security institutions
    with capacity-building efforts to bolster civilian protection,
    rule of law, and accountability. Guinea's troops have performed
    well in Mali, the most dangerous peacekeeping mission on Earth,
    and we recognize Guinea for that contribution.
        If confirmed as the twenty-third U.S. Ambassador to the
    Republic of Guinea, I will support and encourage the ongoing
    democratic process, I will promote economic development,
    including advocacy for U.S. exports, support for U.S.
    investment and helping diversify Guinea's economy, and I will
    work to improve public health institutions, enhance Guinea's
    efforts against trafficking in persons, and strengthen our
    security partnership.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the
    committee for the opportunity to address you today. My wife and
    I are both former Hill staffers, and so I would also like to
    thank your staffs for all they do to support you and your
    constituents every day.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in
    representing the interests of the American people in Guinea,
    and I hope very much to welcome you there on a visit one day
    soon.
        And with that, I am happy to answer any questions you may
    have.
        Thank you.
        [Prepared statement of Mr. Fitrill follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Troy Damian Fitrell

        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
    appear before you today, and grateful to President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
    Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea. I am proud to have my family here
    today: my wife Kathryn, a fellow Foreign Service Officer, and my
    children Madeleine and Sam, who have spent their lives immersed in the
    Foreign Service themselves.
        Although my career has taken us all to several continents, we are
    drawn to and always thrilled to be in sub-Saharan Africa, where we have
    spent the majority of our assignments. My last assignment, as Director
    for West African Affairs was, like everyone's, shaken up by the
    pandemic, but the one and only trip I was able to take before the
    pandemic struck began in Guinea, where I had the pleasure of traveling
    up-country with my friend and colleague, Ambassador Simon Henshaw,
    whose passing was a shock to all who knew him. It would be a signal
    honor, if confirmed, to try to build on his work.
        The relationship between the United States and Guinea has passed
    through various stages during Guinea's 63 years of independence, but we
    have always extended our hand in partnership, through support for
    nascent democratic institutions, productive economic initiatives, and
    supporting the Guinean people directly through effective education and
    health programs, including in response to the Ebola epidemic in 2014.
    Indeed, in this current pandemic, American investments in health
    systems paid off as Guinea sought to mitigate the ravages of COVID-19.
    In the midst of this crisis, however, Ebola raised its ugly head again
    earlier this year, and those American-supported institutions reacted
    swiftly and effectively, halting it this time in a matter of months and
    with minimal deaths.
        Economically, Guinea is growing faster than anticipated, sustained
    mostly by strong mining activity, construction, and agriculture. U.S.
    companies have been in Guinea since the days of independence, and more
    are joining them every year. Recent investments in energy,
    infrastructure, mining, and banking show that when given a fair chance,
    the United States is the preferred partner. I do not minimize the
    challenges; there are opportunities in infrastructure precisely because
    so little infrastructure exists. The challenges to doing business in
    Guinea are well-documented and recent political tensions only increase
    the level of difficulty.
        As we partner with the Guinean people, we advocate for fundamental
    freedoms, we advocate for open political participation, and we advocate
    for justice and dignity. Guinea was born a nation of peace and
    leadership and the citizens of that country, the region, and the world
    need a Guinea that builds upon that history. Right now, Guineans
    rightfully express concern about peace and security both at home and in
    the region. If confirmed, I will encourage dialogue among the parties
    to strengthen political pluralism. Such dialogue can only succeed if
    all sides feel confident that there can be a positive outcome. We
    support efforts to reform Guinea's security institutions, with
    capacity-building efforts to bolster civilian protection, rule of law,
    and accountability. Guinea's troops have performed well in Mali, the
    most dangerous peacekeeping mission on earth, and we recognize Guinea
    for that contribution.
        If confirmed as the 23rd U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea,
    I will support and encourage the ongoing democratic process. I will
    promote economic development, including advocacy for U.S. exports,
    support for U.S. investment, and helping diversify Guinea's economy.
    And I will work to improve public health institutions, enhance Guinea's
    efforts against trafficking in persons, and strengthen our security
    partnership.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for the
    opportunity to address you today. My wife and I are both former Hill
    staffers and so I would also like to thank your staffs for all they do
    to support you and your constituents every day. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with you in representing the interests of the
    American people in Guinea and I hope very much to welcome you there on
    a visit one day soon. I am happy to answer any questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Fitrill, and I thank all
    of you again, and welcome to all the family members who are
    with us, and I want to reinforce your statement of appreciation
    for all our staffs as well.
        Ambassador Raynor, if you were to pick the top challenge
    that you will face in each of the two countries that you would
    go to, if confirmed, can you just identify those very quickly?
        Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator. Absolutely.
        In Guinea-Bissau, the top challenge is to create a sense of
    partnership that reflects shared values of democracy and
    governance, and creates opportunity to bring U.S. influence to
    bear on the development of that country, the economic
    opportunities of that country, and the political opportunities
    for the people of that country so that it can build its
    governance, it can reinforce its stability, and it can become
    more integrated into regional and international community of
    nations.
        Senegal, if I may, I will give a one-part question, a
    three-part answer. Politically, it is a, as we both have noted,
    sir, a very long-standing democracy.
        But all democracies incur strains, and paying attention to
    maintaining political space to respecting citizens' rights and
    opportunities of expression and participation remains important
    for all of our democracies, and I would very much want to
    reinforce our partnership with Senegal in that regard.
        Senegal plays an enormously important security role, both
    as a bulwark against terrorism in the Sahel and its
    peacekeeping mission.
        I would very much want to reinforce its capacity to play
    both of those roles while also continuing to support its
    efforts to inculcate its security and military institutions
    with a high respect for democratic norms.
        Economically, enormous potential for U.S. firms. I would
    very much want to support and broaden those opportunities and
    bring deals to fruition while also, through private sector and
    public engagement, building up Senegal's economy, its capacity
    to create jobs for its large youth population both to create
    economic opportunity for all of us but also to contribute to
    Senegal's ongoing stability and democracy as well.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        And just staying with West Africa for now, Mr. Fitrill, we
    talked about the relative democratic stability in Senegal. We
    have a different situation, of course, in Guinea.
        How concerned are you about political space and democracy
    in Guinea, and what can the United States do to strengthen
    democratic norms there?
        Mr. Fitrill. I am, indeed, concerned about these issues.
    Right now, the levels of political tension in the aftermath of
    the violence and conflict of last year's election season still
    echoes.
        The number of detainees currently held in custody in Guinea
    are worrying. Our focus is on the process. If there is
    wrongdoing, they should be charged.
        If they have been charged, they should have a fair trial,
    and while detained, they should be given humane treatment. That
    is on the immediate sense of some of the issues in the country.
        But, more broadly, the ability for people to exercise those
    fundamental rights of freedom of expression, freedom of
    assembly, these are under some threat in Guinea.
        I think the United States can keep its efforts on
    overarching democratic processes in the country and we could
    use our messaging both, public and private, to be able to
    encourage a greater advance towards political dialogue in that
    country.
        At the moment, the tensions are such that there is very
    little dialogue occurring. People are talking past one another.
    And I believe the United States, we can use our good offices of
    the embassy and of officials in Washington to help encourage a
    greater dynamic of political dialogue in the country in order
    to achieve a future in which more regular democratic
    transitions can take place.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and in my remaining 50
    seconds, if you could assess China's influence in Guinea,
    because we know that Guinea has been a major recipient of Belt
    and Road support.
        China, of course, does not adhere to the same standards
    with respect to rule of law and democratic norms that we aspire
    to.
        Can you talk a little bit about the influence of China in
    Guinea and how that impacts U.S.-Guinea relations?
        Mr. Fitrill. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        They are the largest trading partner that Guinea has. That
    is a challenge for Guinea and for the rest of the world.
        The emphasis is on a level playing field, and we know that
    that is not always the case with China. But our focus on the
    broader macroeconomic policies of the country have led to real
    competition and that is why U.S. investors have been successful
    in the country as well as investors from other parts of the
    world.
        But keeping that attention on transparency, on the
    applicability of the rule of law, these are the areas in which
    we need to remain focused so that we can have full, even, and
    fair competition.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
        Senator Rounds?
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me begin
    just simply, once again, by thanking all of you and your
    families for your service to our country.
        Ambassador Raynor, in your previous assignment in Ethiopia,
    you engaged with the Ethiopian Government on several complex
    issues for the United States, including the war in Tigray and
    the historic transition under Prime Minister Abiy.
        Senator Inhofe, Senator Bozeman, and I were there earlier
    this spring and we had the opportunity to visit with President
    Abiy at that time, and seemed to me that there were some real
    challenges there that we tried to work through with the Prime
    Minister.
        You, clearly, have some insights with regard to what had
    occurred in Ethiopia. Now, as you move forward with coming to
    Senegal, you find yourself in a unique situation once again.
        If confirmed, what lessons would you draw from your time in
    Ethiopia and how would you apply them in Senegal?
        Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator.
        I guess I would note at the outset that the while there
    would, certainly, be much commonality in my engagement in
    Senegal, if confirmed, as there was in Ethiopia, the starting
    point is pretty different.
        Ethiopia was just launching during my time there a very new
    and ambitious effort to create a democracy and a free market
    economy, preceded by, frankly, millennia of repression and
    closed ways of doing business. Senegal, of course, has a long
    and strong democratic tradition.
        But I think one of the lessons I learned from Ethiopia is
    that democracy can never be taken for granted, that you have to
    deal forthrightly with your counterparts in the country, make
    sure they are aware of what you can do to support our shared
    interests but also make sure they are aware when you have
    concerns about what they are doing that you feel is getting in
    the way of those shared interests.
        That is something I have done throughout my career and
    throughout my two ambassadorships and we, certainly, anticipate
    doing in Senegal as well.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir. I am going to stick with
    Africa on my discussions.
        And Dr. Ostfield, I see that Senator Kaine is here, and I
    am sure that he is going to provide ample opportunity for
    discussions with regard to Paraguay.
        So if I could, I would like to turn to Mr. Fitrill, and
    just curious, as the former Director of the Office of West
    African Affairs you have had a unique perspective on
    developments in the West Africa region.
        How would you assess the democratic, economic, and security
    landscape in the region, and how does Guinea fit into these
    regional trends?
        Mr. Fitrill. Thank you. It has been a challenging two
    years, no question. I would say that all of those aspects that
    you mentioned are linked.
        One of the problems is the advancement of violent extremist
    organizations has not occurred in a vacuum. It did not occur
    just because the organizations chose to enter the space.
        They have achieved the success that they have had because
    they found a ground that was available for that kind of
    activity.
        The local grievances, the backsliding of democracy,
    widespread corruption have all been problematic in the region,
    and the current attention needs to focus on all the drivers of
    extremism and not just the extremists themselves.
        Our efforts to address the extremists themselves has to be
    done in a way in which it is not actually counterproductive.
        All of these issues, frankly, pay no attention to national
    borders, and I know that the Government of Guinea itself is
    deeply concerned about its eastern and northeastern borders and
    considers these issues to be existential for their country.
        And so the attempt to address those drivers of extremism
    across the Sahel, across West Africa, are absolutely critical
    for any way of addressing sustainably the concerns that these
    governments have right now.
        Senator Rounds. If you could provide advice to us today
    with regard to Chinese influence and how to offset it; if there
    were, perhaps, one or two specific areas where we could be more
    precise, more exacting, more on target with the type of
    programs that we should support, what would you recommend to us
    in terms of the right tools for use?
        Mr. Fitrill. Bingo, Senator. You put it right in your own
    words. The programs that you gave us with the International
    Development Finance Corporation is probably the biggest step
    forward for us to be able to compete on a level playing field.
        We can keep shining a light on the playing field. We can
    keep lobbying and persuading to make sure that international
    norms are respected.
        But if we do not have the financing behind our
    expeditionary commercial efforts, then we are always going to
    be fighting for second place, and we have already seen
    tremendous successes with OPIC and with its successor
    organization, the DFC.
        We are looking forward to some tremendous successes in the
    region. But having that finance behind was probably the biggest
    step forward.
        Senator Rounds. Very good. Thank you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
        Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Chairman, and Senator Rounds is
    right. I am really here to really focus on Paraguay. So Mr.
    Ostfield, welcome.
        Just a quick story and then a question, and it is about
    U.S. vaccines in Paraguay and, really, throughout the region.
        Just returned from a CODEL, six of us, three Democrats and
    three Republicans. We went to Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador, and
    Colombia, and there were many issues. But what we heard again
    and again was just this deep appreciation for the U.S. donation
    of vaccines.
        And if I had read a memo about it, I would have sort of
    understood it, but I really had to go and hear it because the
    story we heard again and again is the U.S. is donating vaccines
    to us. China and Russia are willing to sell us vaccines.
        We really feel good about the quality of the U.S. vaccines.
    We are not 100 percent sure about the quality of the China and
    Russia vaccines, and when we make a contract with China and
    Russia to get vaccines, they may or may not come through.
        Paraguay has had a very difficult time during COVID. It has
    one of the lowest vaccination rates in the Americas. It has got
    a population of 7 million.
        They did a contract with China to sell them a million
    vaccines through Sinopharm and China just unilaterally
    cancelled the contract because Paraguay is one of the 15
    countries in the world that recognizes Taiwan.
        This is a huge political issue in Paraguay. President
    Benitez's handling of the pandemic and the challenges they have
    had led the congress there to consider impeaching him just a
    couple of months ago. They averted that, but China likely saw
    that as an opportunity and so just last month canceled the
    vaccines.
        On the other hand, the United States has delivered a
    million vaccines, donated a million vaccines to Paraguay, and
    with the announcement of President Biden the other day, there
    is a chance that we may donate more.
        Other nations in the Americas--El Salvador, the Dominican
    Republic--as soon as they stopped recognizing Taiwan, China
    gave them vaccines.
        Often, in the last few years what we have heard from
    leaders in the region is that the U.S.--we would much rather
    deal with the U.S. than China, much rather--we are culturally
    so connected. But you are not around and China is, and if China
    is around we are going to deal with them.
        The vaccine delivery and donations by the United States
    gives us such a massive opportunity to rebuild goodwill and,
    really, kind of accelerate our goodwill ahead of China's in the
    region if we do it right.
        So I will ask you, Mr. Ostfield, should you be confirmed,
    how might you use the fact that the U.S. is being a great
    global donor, including to countries in the Americas, including
    Paraguay, to build our standing and deepen the relationship
    between the United States and Paraguay?
        Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Senator Kaine. It is great to hear
    about your experience on the recent CODEL to the region.
        If confirmed, I would look forward to building on the
    recent U.S. donation of 2 million doses of vaccine. The first
    tranche of a million arrived July 9th. The last tranche, I
    believe, arrived last week.
        If you ever look at any press reports, they arrived on
    planes with Star Wars logos. So quite a media story, in
    addition to the vaccine itself arriving in Paraguay.
        By all reports, Paraguay has already implemented a fairly
    effective mass vaccination campaign. Reports I saw just this
    week there is now people receiving their second dose. So they
    have been that efficient, that effective, at getting vaccines
    out there.
        And it is true that the China-Taiwan relationship or the
    China-Taiwan issue complicates things for Paraguay. They do not
    have access to the Chinese resources.
        If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the
    Government of Paraguay to strengthen Paraguay's commitment to
    Taiwan. It was encouraging to note that during Under Secretary
    for Political Affairs Nuland's recent trip to Paraguay the
    President of Paraguay made a statement affirming Paraguay's
    long-standing connection to Taiwan. They are like-minded
    democratic partners.
        The U.S. Embassy in Asuncion in May of this year hosted the
    first virtual forum for U.S. and Taiwanese entrepreneurs,
    looking at investment opportunities in Paraguay specific to
    things like renewable energy and electric vehicle
    manufacturing.
        If confirmed, one of the calls I look forward to making in
    Asuncion is to the Taiwanese Ambassador there to identify ways
    that the U.S. and Taiwan can partner.
        The U.S.-Taiwan connection is good for the United States,
    it is good for Taiwan, and it is good for Paraguay. And so ways
    that we can work together to help them are in our interests and
    I look forward to furthering those, if confirmed.
        Senator Kaine. Well, just to kind of underline and
    exclamation point something, so the U.S. has donated 2 million
    vaccines in a country of 7 million.
        I mean, that is a big deal in terms of the percentage of
    the population that U.S. donations are now able to cover.
        We visited Ecuador. Just for my colleagues, Ecuador has had
    a tradition of an anti-U.S. Government for about 30 years.
        They had an election in the spring and they not only
    elected a pro-American president, but they also elected a
    parliament where 80 percent of the members are brand new, and
    one of the reasons they did that is because the 30-year closer
    and closer to China, what has it gotten them?
        It has got them oil drilling in the Amazon by Chinese
    companies that are causing huge environmental challenges,
    slipshod infrastructure projects, including dams that are
    causing waterfalls and rivers to dry up, Chinese fishing fleets
    vacuuming up fish around the Galapagos, which is part of
    Ecuador.
        And many people view the election in Ecuador and this very
    dramatic turn toward a pro-U.S. posture as a revulsion at what
    happens when you get too close to China and the debt that comes
    along with that, and the slipshod quality of some of the work
    caused the public to want to do something else.
        We have a real opportunity and the innovation of American
    firms, Operation Warp Speed, the Biden administration's
    decision to deploy in a very generous way, is something that in
    Africa, in the Americas, all around the world, it is a great
    opportunity for us to deepen ties.
        Mr. Ostfield, I look forward to working with you, should be
    confirmed, and I think this is going to give you a really good
    ability to do good work there.
        Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and I think
    Paraguay is a really good example, as you said, of where the
    U.S. donation of 2 million vaccines has had a huge impact.
    Hopefully, it will be a model for how we approach others in the
    region and around the world.
        Senator Young, I am told, may be joining us now via WebEx.
        Okay. He is no longer available.
        So I just have one last question because I did not have a
    chance to ask you one, Mr. Ostfield, and it relates to the
    environmental situation in Paraguay, and my colleagues will
    have another round, of course, for other members who are
    interested in asking additional question.
        So, you know, last October, Paraguay endured one of its
    worst wildfire seasons and it is currently suffering from a
    drought that has depleted the Paraguay River, which is the
    country's main waterway and trade corridor that has gone to
    record lows.
        This has led to environmental degradation and worsened
    economic hardship during the pandemic. It has also led Paraguay
    to ask Brazil, which is suffering from its own severe drought,
    to release water from the low-capacity Itaipu Dam.
        So what is your assessment of the environmental and
    economic impact of the drought and how has this impacted
    Paraguay's relationship with neighboring Brazil?
        Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the
    Government of Paraguay on strengthening their ability to
    respond to the kind of environmental threats you described.
        Paraguay has taken some meaningful actions in this step,
    already participated in the Ministerial Roundtable in April
    with Special Envoy for Climate Change Kerry, committed to
    achieving zero net emissions by the year 2050, and with USAID
    support has been working on improving sustainable livestock
    processes and forest fire management, recognizing the great
    threat they have experienced and that they face.
        At the same time, the threats that Paraguay faces that are
    environmental in nature are linked to some of the issues that I
    described in my opening statement, particularly, rule of law,
    corruption, and impunity in the country. For Paraguay to
    effectively address these environmental challenges, which it
    needs to do, it is going to need to ensure that it has a system
    where there is an ability to enforce laws that are passed to
    achieve compliance with standards that the Government may
    assess and that U.S. assistance in these areas in
    investigation, prosecution, and so forth will actually be an
    asset for Paraguay in addressing the environmental challenges
    that it and its neighbors in the region are facing.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I will turn it over to the
    ranking member.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I have one question but I would direct it to both
    Ambassador Raynor and to Dr. Ostfield, and it follows along the
    same line as I had earlier for Mr. Fitrill.
        And that is with regard to the programs that we have
    available to us to provide and to promote goodwill and to
    improve our economic activity between the different countries,
    I also serve on the Armed Services Committee and in there we
    talk about ways in which we can promote with our allies and our
    friends the ability to coordinate activities and to have them
    learn our way of military activity.
        But time and again, as we speak with these military
    officers, they talk about the need for the engagement by the
    Department of State and the different programs that can be
    very, very helpful and very efficient in maintaining good
    relationships with these countries and can be done at a very
    low cost, really, for the amount of impact that we provide.
        I would ask, beginning with Ambassador Raynor, if there
    were particular programs that you have found to be beneficial,
    could you share that with us?
        And then, Dr. Ostfield, if you could as well give us your
    thoughts.
        Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator.
        I think I would mention three things in response to that.
        First, I would note that our traditional development work
    is important. It meets human needs. It shows that we are in
    partnership with the country where we are engaged and not there
    to pursue our own narrow interests, and elevating the
    visibility of that impact is something that I have always
    sought to do at the embassies I have served at.
        I think that is an important piece of it because we need to
    persuade not only the governments but the people of these
    countries where their true friends and partners are.
        Secondly, I would note that leadership development programs
    in the United States, our programs--you mentioned the military
    ones, the War College, that sort of thing--world class. No one
    comes close to the quality.
        But what we lack is scale. China does not do it as well as
    we do but they do it for hundreds of thousands of times more
    people than we do.
        So if there were a way that we could increase the scale of
    some of these programs--bring them to the United States. It is
    not the same to do the work in the country because when they
    come to the United States they understand America in a way that
    they will never understand if they are not physically there,
    absorbing everything that we are.
        The third thing I would mention is, as important as I think
    training and development programs are, I think the way that the
    United States, ultimately, will be transformational is through
    the private sector through high-quality private sector
    engagement with countries.
        We have enormous interest in Senegal and in every country I
    have served at in the quality of U.S. private sector
    engagement, sharing information, high-quality labor standards,
    and environmental standards. We do it right. However, where we
    suffer is on the competitive cost side of that.
        So you mentioned DFC, and I got to say that is a very
    exciting reinvention of that program from where I sit based on
    what we did before. The scale of it is more in keeping with
    what we need to be doing. Its construct can and should make it
    more nimble, because what we do is run out of time. We have
    processes, and China and others come with financing built in.
        So we need to streamline and make more scaled and impactful
    the financing piece of the support we provide to our own
    private sector engagement.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you.
        Dr. Ostfield?
        Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
        I would focus on three areas in terms of where the U.S. can
    better help Paraguay develop and become more of an even
    stronger and more viable partner for us and for the region it
    works in.
        The first of those is addressing governance and rule of law
    and U.S. training and technical support and financial support
    to help Paraguay root out corruption.
        To strengthen the integrity of their judicial system, which
    has a reputation of being weak and corrupt, is an essential
    element of ensuring that Paraguay has the kind of thriving
    democracy that the Paraguayan people deserve and that we also
    want to see for Paraguay.
        Secondly, U.S. assistance in improving security in the
    region. That includes things like money laundering, links to
    terrorism financing, narcotics trafficking, and counterfeiting.
    U.S. assistance has helped in areas related to asset
    forfeiture, improved investigatory techniques, and better case
    building mechanisms strengthened prosecution across the board.
        Not only do we do that on the civilian side, U.S. military
    has been assisting the Paraguayan military in things like
    crisis response to help address the security situation in the
    tri-border area, which is the area where Paraguay borders
    Brazil and Argentina, but also more broadly.
        And then finally, if Paraguay wants to, indeed, be an
    attractive destination for U.S. businesses, for U.S. businesses
    to further investment there, Paraguay is going to have to
    address these issues.
        U.S. assistance is already working with Paraguay, for
    example, on improving the transparency of its solicitations and
    its procurement tenders, which have a tendency to be opaque, to
    help the Government of Paraguay better understand the risks
    with untrusted vendors, and to dissuade Paraguay's business
    community from the investment disputes and frivolous lawsuits
    in violation of intellectual property rights, which,
    ultimately, act as a deterrent for many U.S. businesses to
    invest in Paraguay.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
        And I do not know if you have any closing remarks.
        Senator Rounds. I would just simply say thank you to our
    panelists before us today, our nominees. Clearly, as I said
    earlier, you are a qualified group of individuals, and I thank
    you and your families for your service.
        Senator Van Hollen. Let me second that and just say I think
    this is a very important moment for American diplomacy around
    the world, and in my judgment, all of you will help our country
    meet that moment in the countries you have been nominated to be
    our ambassador in, and I look forward to supporting your
    nominations.
        For any members wishing to submit questions for the record,
    the hearing record will remain open until the close of business
    tomorrow, Friday, August 6th.
        And with that, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 10:55 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Michael Raynor by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. What is the risk of terrorist activity in Senegal? From
    where do the threats emanate? On what areas will you focus U.S. efforts
    to support Senegal's counterterrorism efforts if confirmed?

        Answer. Senegal's internal security situation is stable and
    generally peaceful, and its professional and capable police and
    gendarmerie forces operate throughout the country. I am concerned,
    however, by increasing instability and violence in the region. Our
    military and civilian security cooperation is focused on preparing
    Senegalese military and civilian forces to address terrorist and other
    threats. The United States is a key security partner to Senegal, and
    Senegal regularly hosts large scale AFRICOM military exercises in the
    region. Pre-COVID, the United States planned 45 joint defense
    engagements with Senegal. I understand most of our planned defense
    cooperation events were cancelled in 2020, but that the United States
    has since rescheduled several of our mission-critical bilateral
    engagements. Senegal is a recipient of U.S. security assistance under
    the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Through the
    TSCTP, the United States works to increase Senegal's immediate and
    long-term capabilities to address terrorist threats and prevent the
    spread of violent extremism. Senegal maintains a strong will to counter
    violent extremism and seeks to deepen our already close
    counterterrorism partnership to further develop its capacity in this
    regard. If confirmed, security cooperation will remain a key priority
    of mine.

        Question. Senegal remained on the Trafficking in Persons Tier 2
    Watch List for the second consecutive year. According to the report,
    the Government ``did not investigate or prosecute traffickers
    exploiting children in forced begging consistent with the 2005 anti-
    trafficking law and did not take action against officials who refused
    to investigate such cases. . . . Officials did not consistently use the
    2005 anti-trafficking law to prosecute alleged traffickers and
    continued to apply penalties inconsistent with the law.'' If confirmed,
    how will you encourage accountability for officials who refuse to
    investigate forced begging? What steps will you take to encourage the
    Government to apply penalties for trafficking consistent with the law?

        Answer. Per the 2021 TIP Report, the Government of Senegal does not
    fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but
    is making significant efforts to do so. I understand that cooperation
    on anti-trafficking efforts with the Senegalese Government remains a
    top priority for Mission Dakar. Senegalese Government efforts this past
    year included implementing the third phase of its program to remove
    vulnerable children, including trafficking victims, from the streets;
    increasing investigations, prosecutions, and convictions; and adopting
    a new national action plan. The Government identified and referred to
    services 6,187 vulnerable children, including potential child
    trafficking victims, during the reporting period, a significant
    increase compared to the 1,358 children identified during the previous
    reporting period.
        If confirmed, I will work to expand on this progress and to address
    with the Senegalese Government the prioritized recommendations in the
    2021 TIP Report. These include increasing efforts to actively
    investigate and criminally prosecute trafficking offenses, punishing
    convicted traffickers with significant prison terms consistent with the
    2005 anti-trafficking law, and establishing a system to automatically
    trigger investigations of alleged traffickers when potential
    trafficking victims are identified, including potential child forced
    begging victims. I will also continue to support the Department's
    project to combat sex trafficking under the Program to End Modern
    Slavery.

        Question. Two prominent would-be candidates in the 2019
    Presidential elections-Karim Wade, son of the former president, and
    Khalifa Sall, the former mayor of Dakar-were barred from running due to
    corruption convictions which some critics viewed as politically
    selective, particularly in the case of Khalifa Sall whom President Sall
    pardoned months after the vote. Local activist groups also came under
    increased state regulatory pressure during the electoral period. And
    Ousmane Sonko, an anticorruption activist who challenged President
    Macky Sall in the 2019 elections was arrested on charges of rape and
    disturbing public order in March 2021, prompting protests in Dakar and
    elsewhere. What accounts for the legal troubles of opposition figures?
    Are the charges politically motivated? What is the trajectory of
    democracy in Senegal--is space expanding or shrinking? What will you do
    if confirmed to help preserve political space in Senegal?

        Answer. Although the official investigation into sexual assault
    charges against opposition leader Ousmane Sonko is ongoing, he and his
    supporters claim the accusations are a political conspiracy by
    President Sall to sabotage Sonko's 2024 presidential aspirations,
    comparing the charges to previous criminal cases orchestrated against
    Khalifa Sall and Karim Wade to disqualify them from the 2019
    presidential election. Sonko's subsequent arrest in early March
    triggered several days of intense political protests that spiraled into
    widespread riots and looting, the worst Senegal had seen in decades.
    The unrest resulted in at least fourteen deaths, hundreds of injuries,
    and significant damage to private businesses across the country. It has
    also shifted the country's political landscape in ways that remain to
    be seen fully, including exerting additional pressure on President Sall
    to clarify his position on whether he will seek a third term in 2024.
    If confirmed, I will continue to call on the Government of Senegal,
    both publicly and privately, to respect democratic norms and
    constitutional requirements, including term limits and regular
    democratic transitions of power. I will also engage like-minded
    missions, civil society, and other relevant stakeholders to speak in a
    unified voice on issues of democracy and preserving political space in
    Senegal.

        Question. A regional court with jurisdiction in Senegal determined
    that a controversial election law enacted in 2018 which requires
    citizen endorsements for presidential candidates violated civil
    liberties and directed Senegal's Government to annul it. Has the law
    been annulled? If not, why not, and is failure to annul it an indicator
    of a deterioration of the rule of law in your view?

        Answer. The Government of Senegal annulled this law on July 8,
    2021.

        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I launched major new programs to
    support democratization, human rights, opposition political parties,
    independent media, civil society, and relevant national institutions,
    including the creation of a credible human rights commission and
    electoral board. I led the design and implementation of new USAID
    programs in economic empowerment, political participation, education,
    and health to promote greater participation by women in political and
    economic life.
        As Ambassador to Benin, I worked closely with the then-president
    and other elements of the Beninese Government to ensure respect for
    constitutional term limits, resulting in a democratic and peaceful
    transition of presidential power. I established new programs to counter
    corruption and boost government accountability and transparency, as
    well as significant new initiatives to foster interreligious tolerance
    and cooperation. As Acting Chief of Mission in Afghanistan, I led major
    development and justice sector programs to promote the well-being,
    human rights, education, rule of law, security, and economic prospects
    of Afghans and, in particular, Afghan women.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Senegal? These challenges might include
    obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
    rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
    rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

        Answer. Senegal has long served as a democratic model in the region
    with a strong history of democratic values and peaceful transitions of
    power, respect for the rule of law, tolerance, and respect for human
    rights, values which the United States shares. I was deeply concerned,
    however, by the March unrest, which led to the tragic loss of life of
    fourteen individuals who were killed during the protests. A significant
    contributing factor to the unrest was political dissatisfaction related
    to perceived government oppression of critics, as well as concerns over
    youth unemployment and economic anxiety exacerbated by government-
    mandated Covid-19 restrictions. The Government took other deeply
    concerning actions during the unrest, such as suspending transmission
    of two opposition-friendly television channels broadcasting news and
    commentary on the protests. While Senegalese media have traditionally
    operated freely, and many international press outlets have offices in
    Senegal, press freedom is an area of increasing concern as government
    pressure on opposition voices has increased in the past year.
        If confirmed, I will use my unique platform and voice as the U.S.
    Ambassador, both publicly in my interactions with the Senegalese people
    and privately with Senegalese officials, to elevate issues of
    democracy, democratic norms and constitutional requirements, press
    freedom, respect for human rights, and the need for citizen-responsive
    governance. I will continue to urge all parties to exercise restraint,
    to avoid future violence and destruction of property, and to work
    toward peaceful and inclusive dialogue to resolve complicated problems,
    which will require cooperation by all Senegalese to make meaningful
    progress.

        Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support
    democracy in Senegal? What do you hope to accomplish through these
    actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
    obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. Senegal has long served as a democratic model in the region
    with a strong history of democratic values and peaceful transitions of
    power, respect for the rule of law, tolerance, and respect for human
    rights -- values which the United States shares. The Senegalese people
    understand how important democracy is, and they overwhelmingly support
    having a say in how they are governed and by whom, as evidenced by the
    March protests over concerns about the economic situation and youth
    unemployment, as well as political dissatisfaction related to perceived
    government oppression of critics. If confirmed, I will ensure that in
    our diplomatic engagements with the Senegalese Government we pay close
    attention to access to justice, respect for democratic norms and
    constitutional requirements, free and fair elections, media freedom,
    the health of civil society, and government transparency and
    accountability. I will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen
    the capacity of civil society organizations and amplify their voices,
    encourage the Government to collaborate with these organizations for
    the betterment of the Senegalese people, and ensure coordination of
    effort with like-minded missions and other key stakeholders.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. Supporting democracy and good governance are key U.S.
    priorities in Senegal. I understand that U.S. public diplomacy and
    outreach in Senegal support Mission and Department goals on promotion
    of democracy and good governance through press outreach, small grants,
    American Center-based programs, digital video conferences, visiting
    speakers, exchange programs, and social media engagement. For example,
    USAID provides support to the Government of Senegal to meet its own
    governance targets to decentralize management and fiscal authority by
    delegating decision-making to regional and local governments, improve
    transparency and accountability at the national level, and consolidate
    and improve the quality of democracy in Senegal. USAID's work seeks to
    increase citizen engagement in government processes, strengthen
    effective local governance, improve transparency and accountability,
    and promote peacebuilding efforts in Casamance. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize these key efforts as Ambassador.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Senegal? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
    efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
    regulatory measures?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S., and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Senegal. Organizations promoting human rights, civil
    society, and good governance are critical to any functioning democracy.
    If confirmed, I will continue and strengthen the relationships built by
    Mission Dakar and the Department of State more broadly with civil
    society members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations
    in the United States, and Senegalese human rights NGOs, and other
    members of civil society in Senegal. I will continue to advance
    opportunities to strengthen the capacity of civil society organizations
    and amplify their voices, encourage the Government to collaborate with
    these organizations for the betterment of Senegal, and ensure that we
    coordinate our efforts with like-minded missions and other key
    stakeholders to address our concerns with a unified voice.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue strengthening the
    relationships Mission Dakar has built across the political spectrum,
    including by engaging with both ruling and opposition parties and
    leaders. I will work with both the Government and opposition parties to
    develop a more inclusive political environment and will urge the
    Government to ensure the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly
    for all political actors, even those who do not agree with the
    Government. Through public statements, development projects, small
    grants, and direct engagements, I will advocate for a political
    environment that is inclusive of Senegalese women, youth, and
    minorities.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Senegal on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
    designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
    regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    independent, local press in Senegal?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Senegal on press
    freedom issues. Senegalese media has traditionally operated freely, and
    many international press outlets have offices in Senegal. Press freedom
    is an area of increasing concern, however, as government pressure on
    opposition voices has increased in the past year. During the March 2021
    unrest, the Government suspended transmission by two opposition-
    friendly television channels broadcasting news and commentary on the
    protests. I will also call on the Government to prevent and stop the
    harassment of journalists and media outlets whose reporting is critical
    of the Senegalese Government's policies. Such actions have a negative
    impact on press freedom and underscore the need for the Government to
    be transparent, as doing so would make independent media outlets better
    positioned to share accurate information with ordinary Senegalese. We
    will continue to prioritize providing training and other capacity
    building opportunities for journalists. If confirmed, I will commit to
    meet regularly with independent, local press in Senegal.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue and, as appropriate, expand
    upon the Embassy's ongoing engagements with civil society and
    government counterparts to promote the importance of countering
    disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
    state actors in Senegal.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Senegal on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
    independent trade unions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Senegal on the
    right of workers and labor groups to organize, including to form
    independent trade unions, and I will call out incidents when this right
    to associate is restricted.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Senegal, no matter
    their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a
    priority for our mission in Senegal. If confirmed, I will use all
    diplomatic tools at my disposal to defend the human rights and dignity
    of all individuals in Senegal, no matter their sexual orientation or
    gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Senegal?

        Answer. In a country that otherwise largely respects human rights,
    the struggle for LGBTQI+ individuals in Senegal is ongoing. The
    situation of Senegal's LGBTQI+ community remains dire, and members of
    the community continue to be subject to arbitrary arrests and to
    convictions for consensual same-sex activity. Incidents include the
    arrest and beatings of suspected LGBTQI+ individuals by religious
    police in Touba and arrests of LGBTQI+ individuals in Dakar for holding
    a birthday party. The Covid-19 pandemic has created additional
    difficulties for LGBTQI+ organizations and their mission to serve their
    communities. In February, following President Biden's message to the
    African Union, comments from Senegalese citizens overall were positive
    and generally appreciative of U.S. re-engagement in Africa, but 10% of
    the comments criticized its references to LGBTQI+ inclusion. Several
    warned against warming up to the United States too quickly and advised
    caution regarding mentions of the LGBTQI+ community. Likewise,
    Senegalese are widely critical of calls to respect the human rights of
    LGBTQI+ persons.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Senegal?

        Answer. Promoting the human rights of LGBTQI+ people is a
    challenging endeavor in a society as conservative as Senegal. It is
    also a priority of the Biden administration around the world, and, if
    confirmed, I commit to carrying out the President's mandate. It is
    critically important, in doing so, to consult with LGBTQI+ individuals
    and organizations in Senegal to take account of the local context and
    ensure we do not exacerbate the problem. For instance, it may not
    always be appropriate to issue public statements in response to
    specific anti-LGBTQI+ incidents, but to engage in quiet, closed-door
    diplomacy that minimizes additional risks to LGBTQI+ people. Embassy
    Dakar has relaunched an interagency Human Rights Working Group to
    identify ways to assist human rights defenders, including LGBTQI+
    activists, in addressing harassment and violence. Discretion and
    strategic engagement with the international community are the only
    avenues for LGBTQI+ activists to operate within the current social
    environment. LGBTQI+ activists and individuals will continue to face a
    difficult road as long as Senegal remains intolerant of LGBTQI+
    persons. In gauging how, when, and whether to engage on this topic, it
    is invaluable to understand the sense of the local LGBTQI+ community,
    and I commit that, if confirmed, the Embassy team and I will continue
    engaging with the LGBTQI+ Senegalese and their allies.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Senegal?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
    Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to accommodate promptly all
    appropriate requests for briefings. As someone whose professional
    career began as a staff member of a Senate Select Committee, I have a
    strong appreciation and respect for Congress' key oversight role and
    will fully cooperate in accommodating that role.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Troy Damian Fitrill by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. How much democracy and governance related assistance has
    the United States provided for programs and activities in Guinea over
    the last four fiscal years and in what areas? If confirmed, in what
    areas would you recommend assistance be channeled?

        Answer. From FY 2017 to FY 2020, the State Department and USAID
    allocated $12 million in bilateral foreign assistance to Guinea to
    support good governance; political competition and consensus building;
    and independent media and free flow of information.
        If confirmed, I would recommend that we continue these programs,
    and also that we prioritize additional democracy and governance areas
    including rule of law, strengthening political parties, and
    transparency in elections.

        Question. There were multiple reports that security forces killed
    civilians related to the March 2020 referendum and legislative
    elections, and the October 2020 Presidential elections. What is the
    status of the investigations into elections related violence in Guinea?
    If confirmed, how will you support accountability related to electoral
    violence?

        Answer. I understand that there has been no progress on
    investigations into violence surrounding the 2020 elections and
    referendum. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Guinea to
    investigate thoroughly and transparently, and to hold accountable those
    responsible for human rights violations and abuses, including those
    associated with the alleged unlawful killings in 2019-2020 in the lead
    up to and aftermath of the legislative elections, constitutional
    referendum, and presidential election.

        Question. Human rights organizations claim that 300 to 400 people
    were arrested in the wake of the October elections. Opposition figures
    were targeted for arrest the following month. Were these arrests
    politically motivated? What is the status of those detained? What
    specific actions will you take, if confirmed, to address politically
    motivated detention, harassment and intimidation of opposition and
    civil society?

        Answer. Authorities reportedly arrested an estimated 400 people
    during the March 2020 legislative and October 2020 presidential
    election periods. Arrested individuals include opposition leaders,
    civil society members, and journalists. Many of these arrests appear to
    be politically motivated. The Government of Guinea has released an
    unknown number of detainees since November 2020 and recently released
    eight high-profile opposition leaders, but arrests continue. At least
    two detainees have died in detention, while others continue to suffer
    from lack of access to adequate health care, prison overcrowding, and
    life-threatening prison conditions.
        If confirmed, I will press the Government of Guinea to ensure that
    detained members of the political opposition receive all applicable
    procedural protections and fair trial guarantees for those who have
    been charged, and that those detained are treated humanely to help
    Guinea establish a more representative, democratic, and transparent
    government. I will press for the release of those who have been
    unjustly detained, who have not been charged, and whose detention
    appears politically driven.

        Question. Are media freedoms respected in Guinea? Are journalists
    free to be critical of the Government without fear of reprisal? A
    recent legislative change calls for the High Authority of Communication
    to be appointed by presidential decree as opposed to being elected by a
    group of peer commissioners. How will that impact media freedoms? What
    steps will you take if confirmed to support free media?

        Answer. I understand that press freedom in Guinea is significantly
    constrained due to government action. Journalists have been subjected
    to harassment and intimidation after publishing reports critical of the
    Government. Guinean journalists have been detained by security forces,
    and foreign journalists have been forced to leave the country.
    Government officials attempt to censor the media on spurious legal and
    administrative grounds. The July 2020 law allowing the president to
    appoint the chair of the High Authority of Communication and raising
    the number of presidentially chosen members is just another example of
    the Government's efforts to constrain press freedom.

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging across the spectrum on
    the importance of press freedom and to meeting regularly with press
    outlets. I will call on the Government of Guinea to respect press
    freedom and to prevent harassment of journalists critical of the
    Government. If confirmed, I will seek to continue support for the
    development of free press and journalists through training and capacity
    building programs for journalists.

        Question. According to the State Department Country Report on human
    rights, Guinean law ``criminalizes rape and domestic violence, but both
    occurred frequently, and authorities rarely prosecuted perpetrators.''
    What assistance is the U.S. providing to law enforcement to address
    rape and sexual violence in Guinea?

        Answer. The State Department, through the Bureau of International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), has provided $400,000 for
    FY20. U.S. Government support provides mentoring and training to
    Guinean law enforcement officers to improve their understanding and
    support of internationally recognized human rights, fight trafficking
    in persons, and address sexual and gender-based violence. I understand
    that this training also strengthens Guinean law enforcement's capacity
    to identify and investigate rape and domestic violence cases.

        Question. Guinea is on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second year in
    a row, according to the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. The report
    indicates that the Government does not ``provide sufficient funding to
    the Office for the Protection of Gender, Children, and Morals.'' What
    efforts will you undertake, if confirmed, to encourage the Government
    to dedicate resources to that office? What other efforts will you
    engage in if confirmed to ensure the Government adequately addresses
    trafficking in persons?

        Answer. I understand that Guinea remains on the Tier 2 Watch List
    in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report because the Government did
    not demonstrate overall increasing efforts to address trafficking in
    persons compared to the previous reporting period, even considering the
    impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-trafficking capacity.
        If confirmed, I will work to raise awareness and enlist the support
    of communities and local government to address the human trafficking
    issue. I will press the Government to fully fund and support government
    officials and entities that work to support and protect trafficking
    victims. We will continue to work together with the Government of
    Guinea to strengthen Guinean capacity to improve its trafficking in
    persons record, and with NGOs and the international community to
    provide assistance and training to Guinean law enforcement and the
    judicial system to ensure that traffickers face justice. I will also
    continue to support the Department's project to combat child
    trafficking under the Program to End Modern Slavery, as well as the
    Department's bilateral project to identify and provide services to
    victims of trafficking.

        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. Almost every position in my career has had a focus on
    promoting respect for human rights. As Labor Attache in Guatemala, I
    counseled nascent factory unions in achieving formal recognition and
    lobbied government officials to allow unions to make use of arbitration
    proceedings. The former increased the number of recognized unions and
    the latter increased access to legal redress in the face of labor
    rights abuses. As Charge d'Affaires in Mauritius, I led my Embassy team
    to organize and execute a three-day skills camp to train women to run
    for elected office. After Constitutional changes took place, the number
    of women in elected positions increased four-fold. If confirmed, I
    commit to keeping respect for human rights at the forefront of U.S.
    engagement in Guinea.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Guinea? These challenges might include
    obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
    rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
    rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the number of members of the
    political opposition in Guinea who remain imprisoned and the limiting
    of political space for opposition parties and groups by the Guinean
    Government. All Guineans must be free to express opposing views. Abuses
    by law enforcement and security forces must be investigated and those
    responsible must face justice. The press must be free to report
    critically. If confirmed, I will call upon the Government of Guinea to
    resolve the detainee issue and make other positive overtures to the
    opposition to ease political tension. I will press for an investigation
    into violence and killings around the 2020 elections. I will push for
    greater freedom of the press and greater protections for journalists.

        Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support
    democracy in Guinea? What do you hope to accomplish through these
    actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
    obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise concerns publicly
    and privately about lack of accountability for alleged human rights
    violations and abuses by security forces and the continued pretrial
    detention of opposition supporters, civil society members, and
    journalists. Potential impediments include the lack of transparency and
    accountability within the justice system, slow bureaucratic processes,
    and a lack of resources.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. The United States Government implements projects in Guinea
    supporting local governance, civil society, and media to consolidate
    good governance across the country. If confirmed, I will prioritize
    implementation of security sector reform projects and training to help
    prevent future human rights violations and abuses and instruct on the
    role of security services in sustaining and supporting democratic
    processes and institutions. We will work to build capacity of civil
    society organizations to promote respect for democracy and human rights
    and accountability in the democratic process.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Guinea? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
    efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
    regulatory measures?

        Answer. Promotion of respect for human rights in Guinea is one of
    the most important priorities for the United States. If confirmed, I
    commit to meet with civil society members, human rights and other non-
    governmental organizations in the United States and with local human
    rights NGOs, and other members of civil society in Guinea. I will
    ensure our Embassy continues to build and strengthen its relationships
    with a broad spectrum of civil society both in the United States and in
    Guinea. I will work with our diplomatic and international partners to
    encourage the Government to cooperate with civil society to create a
    safer, freer, and more democratic Guinea.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our existing
    relationships and build new ones across the political spectrum and will
    engage with democratically oriented political figures and parties. I
    will work with both the Government and opposition parties to develop a
    more inclusive political environment which respects human rights and
    democratic norms. Through engagement, programs, and grants I will
    advocate for greater participation by women, minorities, and youth in
    politics.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Guinea on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
    designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
    regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    independent, local press in Guinea?

        Answer. A free press is vital in any democracy to hold leaders to
    account, as well as exposing and fighting corruption. If confirmed, I
    commit to engaging across the spectrum on the importance of press
    freedom and to meeting regularly with independent, local press in
    Guinea. I will call on the Government of Guinea publicly to respect
    press freedom and to prevent harassment of journalists critical of the
    Government. If confirmed, I will seek to continue support for the
    development of free press and journalists through training and capacity
    building programs for journalists.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. The corrosive effects of disinformation and propaganda on
    democracy are particularly troubling in countries still working toward
    enshrining democratic principles and respect for fundamental freedoms
    in their political cultures. If confirmed, I will continue current
    engagement and promote new engagement with government, the press, and
    civil society organizations to counter disinformation and propaganda
    disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in Guinea, including
    through the Embassy social media platforms.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Guinea on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
    independent trade unions?

        Answer. My tour as Labor Attache in Guatemala taught me the
    importance of engaging with labor groups, including unions, to protect
    and promote the welfare of workers. If confirmed, my team and I will
    actively engage with the Government of Guinea on the right for workers,
    labor groups, and independent trade unions to form and join
    organizations of their own choice, and I will publicly call out abuses
    or restrictions of this right of freedom of association.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Guinea, no matter
    their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Promotion of human rights in Guinea will be one of my top
    priorities if I am confirmed. I commit to using all the tools at my
    disposal to promote and defend the human rights and dignity of all
    Guineans, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Guinea?

        Answer. The confluence of traditional local cultures with Islamic
    tenants has created an environment in Guinea where consensual same-sex
    sexual conduct and recognition of the LGBTQI+ community is a strict
    taboo. The legal environment does not allow same-sex relationships or
    marriages, and Guinean law does not consider LGBTQI+ individuals a
    protected class. Anti-discrimination laws to protect LGBTQI+ persons do
    not exist. I am unaware of any prominent individuals that champion the
    cause of equal societal treatment for the LGBTQI+ community. In
    addition, the traditional nature and outlook of the majority of
    Guineans would be a natural obstacle to holding a frank public
    discussion about LGBTQI+ issues.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Guinea?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use my office to highlight the
    strengths of diversity and acceptance of all people for who they are.
    The United States is rightfully proud of the strides we have made, and
    continue to make, in living up to our founding principle that everyone
    is equal under the eyes of the law. I believe that if confirmed, I can
    use the persuasive power of the Embassy to help Guineans begin to
    address this important issue.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief members of congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Guinea?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work together with the State
    Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs to respond promptly to all
    appropriate requests for information and briefings for members of
    Congress and their staff, and to offer such briefings whenever I am in
    Washington.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                      WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2021 (a.m.)

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:36 a.m. in
    Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
    presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, and Cruz.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        We appreciate the patience of both members and the nominees
    of conferring with the ranking member on the question of
    nomination.
        We are here today to consider nominations for four very
    important positions: Ambassador Julieta Valls Noyes to be
    Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Population,
    Refugees, and Migration, Ambassador Barbara Leaf to be the
    Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, Ms.
    Julianne Smith to be Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty
    Organization, NATO, and Ambassador Denise Bauer to be the
    Ambassador to France and Monaco.
        Congratulations on all your nominations. The four of you
    have a distinguished history of public service. We appreciate
    your willingness to continue to serve our country.
        We also appreciate your families because it is a sacrifice
    to families as well who are engaged in the service by their
    support and sometimes travel abroad. We thank them.
        Before I continue, I understand that the distinguished
    Senator from Virginia is privileged to make three
    introductions. I do not get three introductions from New Jersey
    and I am the chairman.
        In any event, Senator Kaine we'll recognize you now.

                     STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA

        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member
    Risch, for scheduling this hearing for such wonderfully
    qualified nominees.
        It is my pleasure to introduce three of the nominees, two
    from Virginia, one from California, who is a very close friend:
    Denise Campbell Bauer, to be ambassador to France and Monaco,
    Julieta Noyes to be Assistant Secretary of State for
    Population, Refugees, and Migration, and Barbara Leaf to be
    Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs.
        I previously introduced Ambassador Bauer to this committee
    in 2013 when she was nominated to be ambassador to Belgium. I
    have had a chance to know Denise and her family now for about
    15 years.
        She had a distinguished career in journalism, nonprofits,
    and domestic and international politics. But in particular, in
    her service in Belgium, she served at a most challenging time.
        In March of 2016, Belgium was subject to coordinated
    terrorist attacks at the same time as France also underwent
    those attacks. And at that point, Ambassador Bauer, she will
    describe, worked very hard to keep Americans safe, to work with
    our ally, Belgium, and even coordinate some activities between
    Belgium and France.
        As Ambassador to Belgium, she was unanimously confirmed by
    the Senate. She worked very, very hard on that transatlantic
    relationship and to advance U.S. policy goals in Europe.
        And as you know, the U.S. presence in Belgium also includes
    the NATO and EU missions, and so the Belgian Ambassador has a
    lot of important work in those multilateral efforts.
        Her on-the-ground experience in the region leading the
    implementation of U.S. foreign policy at a challenging time has
    demonstrated her ability and would make her very, very fit to
    serve as our Ambassador in France and Monaco.
        Ambassador Noyes exemplifies the dedication of career
    Foreign Service officers and their families, many of whom call
    Virginia home when they are not serving overseas.
        I have had a chance to see Ambassador Noyes' work up close
    and personal. I met her in several occasions when she was
    Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Europe from 2013 to 2015
    and, again, in Spain when I had the honor, as did the chair of
    this committee, to serve as honorary chair of the U.S. Spain
    Council.
        Ambassador Noyes has served the country with great skill
    while raising three children together with her husband, who is
    also a Foreign Service alum, now a retired officer with 29
    years of service.
        Two of her children, wisely, attended Virginia
    universities, University of Virginia and Christopher Newport
    University.
        And I would note in particular, Mr. Chair, that in this
    position, working on important issues of population, refugees,
    and migration, Julieta has a powerful family experience. She is
    the daughter of Cuban refugees and would bring that personal
    passion to the important work of State in this area.
        Finally, I want to introduce Ambassador Barbara Leaf,
    another Virginian. I noticed that she is a proud alumni of
    William and Mary and the University of Virginia, but she is
    wearing only a William and Mary brooch today and not the UVA
    brooch. She probably had hoped I would not point that out.
        But she is a very well qualified nominee for the position
    of Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. She
    comes to the committee with a deep background in Near Eastern
    Middle East politics.
        She was a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East
    Policy and previously served as our ambassador to the UAE and
    Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Arabian Peninsula
    in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.
        This struck me. All of these State Department career folks
    are wonderful in foreign language proficiencies but listen to
    this.
        Ambassador Leaf speaks Arabic, French, Italian, and Serbo-
    Croatian. She will lead the bureau with integrity and
    enthusiasm, and I am proud to introduce this great Virginian to
    the committee.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that
    introduction of all of our distinguished nominees.
        I know that Senator Shaheen is very happy to see four
    incredibly talented women before the committee. Let me continue
    now.
        Briefly, I had a conversation with the ranking member, and
    I appreciate his attention to the seriousness of the situation
    we have on nominees in the committee.
        We have over 70 nominees pending before the committee and
    we have over 50 completed files. I look forward to working with
    the ranking member so that we can continue to expedite those
    nominees in the days ahead.
        Okay. I am now being told that Senator Shaheen has also got
    an introduction to make.
        Senator Shaheen?

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE

        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member
    Risch.
        I am very honored to be able to join Senator Kaine in doing
    introductions this morning, particularly to be able to
    introduce Julie Smith, President Biden's nominee to be
    Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
        As chair of the Subcommittee on Europe and Regional
    Security Cooperation and co-chair of the Senate NATO Observer
    Group, like other members of this committee, I understand very
    clearly the importance of Ms. Smith's experience and expertise
    in what she will bring to this role.
        Julie's resume and background is a testament to her
    commitment to the transatlantic alliance. Her career has
    spanned 25 years crossing the Pond to work on transatlantic
    security issues both in and out of government.
        She has worked at both the Pentagon and the White House and
    has worked at some of America's most esteemed think tanks,
    including the Center for Strategic and International Studies,
    the German Marshall Fund, and the Center for a New American
    Security.
        And Julie, of course, is no stranger to this committee. She
    testified in 2017 here on the U.S.-Russia bilateral
    relationship, and her expertise drawn from many years
    researching transatlantic relations has benefited those in and
    out of government.
        She has spent the last three years researching and writing
    on Europe's evolving attitudes and vulnerabilities as they
    relate to China, a subject that we all know very well on this
    committee.
        Julie has also worked to bring foreign policy to audiences
    outside the Beltway, most recently launching a program called
    ``Across the Pond, In the Field'' to bring Europeans to 12 U.S.
    cities to talk to Americans about foreign policy.
        Her accolades and accomplishments alone make her worthy of
    confirmation, but I also want to highlight Julie's leadership
    as a mentor to women in the national security space.
        And yes, Mr. Chairman, I was very excited to see four women
    on the dais this morning who have been nominated to be
    ambassadors, and Julie has been involved for a long time in
    mentoring women.
        She co-founded the Leadership Council for Women in National
    Security to provide a support network for women in a
    predominantly male space. And because of her leadership, there
    are a number of women in Washington who proudly call themselves
    mentees of Julie.
        And I am also pleased to recognize Julie's husband, David,
    who is here with her this morning and I think it is her older
    son, Liam, who is also here.
        As a mother, her family has kept her on her toes, and I can
    appreciate that because I know that as a working mom you have
    to juggle a lot of things, which is really important to the
    world of diplomacy.
        For all of these reasons, I am very happy to have Julie's
    nomination before this committee. I am sure that my colleagues
    will appreciate her responses and I hope, Mr. Chairman, that we
    do have an agreement to move forward these nominees.
        It is critical to ensure that American foreign policy can
    continue. Thank you very much.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
        Let me just briefly reference the positions that these
    nominees are being nominated for.
        Ambassador Valls Noyes, congratulations on your nomination.
    You bring a distinguished record of diplomatic and management
    experience to the role, including your most recent assignments
    leading the Foreign Service Institute and serving as U.S.
    Ambassador to Croatia.
        As you know, the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
    Migration is responsible for addressing some of the most
    pressing global challenges we have today.
        According to the United Nations, at the beginning of the
    year there will be more than 82 million forcibly-displaced
    people in the world, of whom 26.4 million are refugees. No
    doubt that number has only grown and will continue to grow.
        From the global forced migration crisis to the humanitarian
    emergencies in Venezuela, Ethiopia, Syria, and Afghanistan, the
    United States must lead in addressing the acute needs that
    exist today and the long-term drivers of these crises.
        The task before you is immense, and I recommend if you are
    confirmed that you develop strong consultative relationships
    with the many refugee and resettlement organizations that have
    deep expertise in this area, and I am confident they would
    welcome your engagement.
        Let me say a few words specifically about Afghanistan and
    the dire humanitarian crisis there. Nearly half of the entire
    population, more than 18 million people, need humanitarian
    assistance right now.
        More than 4 million Afghans are internally displaced and
    the outgoing instability and violence may very well produce
    large flows of refugees into neighboring countries in the
    coming months, which would create a great deal of instability.
        The PRM bureau will be at the helm of the U.S. response to
    this crisis and your leadership will be essential to ensuring
    that our response meets the moment.
        Ambassador Leaf, welcome back to the committee. I am
    pleased that you stopped by our office to get a little bit of a
    tour of the region. I am hopeful that we can get you quickly in
    place so the bureau and the whole department can benefit from
    your decades of experience.
        Despite repeated efforts from multiple administrations to
    pivot to great power competition, the Middle East and North
    Africa remain central focal points of challenges and, I
    believe, some opportunities for the United States.
        As you know, Iran has continued to advance its nuclear
    program, and I believe the United States must pursue all
    options to find a negotiated deal that addresses not just
    Iran's nuclear program but also its support for terrorism and
    its ballistic missile activity.
        Lebanon is on the brink of collapse. Tunisia, once a
    bastion of hope for people all over the region, is experiencing
    a troubling back slide on the democratic reforms, and I have
    yet to understand exactly what the administration's plan is
    with Syria.
        As Iraq heads towards elections, we have an opportunity to
    engage with leadership and Iraqis who want a brighter future,
    and I am hopeful that more countries across the region will
    build on the historic diplomatic relations between Israel, the
    United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain in the Abraham Accords.
        Overall, I believe we need to reinvigorate our diplomatic
    presence and outreach in the region in which our policy has
    slowly become more and more militarized, and I trust that you
    are up to that task.
        Ms. Smith, we welcome your nomination. Glad that the
    president selected you for this critical post. During his
    administration, President Trump repeatedly attacked NATO and
    our allies. This, unfortunately, drew criticism from both sides
    of the aisle in the Senate, evidence that bipartisan support
    for the Alliance is strong.
        President Biden's visit to NATO earlier this year helped to
    repair ties. But work remains to be done to ensure that our
    allies understand that the United States is steadfast in its
    support for the Alliance.
        You have an exemplary background, experience, intellect,
    and judgment to represent the United States at NATO, and I hope
    that we can get you out there as soon as possible.
        There are many important conversations happening in
    Brussels right now about the future of NATO, what its mission
    will be in the new world in which we live, and we need an
    ambassador there as soon as possible.
        Ambassador Bauer, I am pleased to see you again before the
    committee. I appreciated your leadership of the embassy team in
    Belgium, especially during the 2016 Brussels terrorist attack
    in which Americans were killed and injured.
        It is critical that the United States has an experienced
    ambassador in Paris where we have so many issues to advance
    with their government, from counterterrorism in the Sahel to
    support for allied democracies in the eastern Mediterranean.
        France is also critical to our policy objectives in Iran
    and Russia, and I have appreciated the French foreign minister
    and ambassadors engaging with the Senate on these issues. We
    look forward to hearing your goals of how we can deepen our
    oldest diplomatic relationship even further.
        Let me close with saying that the four of you have immense
    challenges ahead. I am confident that your experience can serve
    our country well as you take on new responsibilities, if
    confirmed, and we look forward to each of your testimonies.
        Let me turn to the distinguished ranking member, Senator
    Risch, for his opening remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        First of all, regarding the nominees, I appreciate the
    conversation. We will continue that. I committed to you and I
    continue to commit to you that I will work in good faith to get
    these people in place.
        I was a governor. I understand that you cannot operate
    unless you have your team in place. You and I have worked hard
    to get them to the floor and, as we both know, that that is a
    special problem that neither you nor I have control over. I get
    a lot of complaints that you and I cannot deal with because it
    is a floor problem.
        But I will continue to work in good faith and see if we
    cannot move these forward.
        I thank all of you for taking the opportunity and
    undertaking the privilege of serving the United States in these
    important positions, and your families. As the chairman
    mentioned, this is a sacrifice that is borne equally by the
    families.
        I want to talk briefly about each of these.
        First of all, for the Assistant Secretary of State for the
    Near Eastern Affairs, the Middle East region remains shaped by
    seemingly intractable problems, including Arab-Israeli
    tensions, continued export of Iranian terrorism, the
    humanitarian crisis in Syria and Yemen, and growing Chinese and
    Russian encroachment.
        I am concerned that the current administration's approach
    to these dilemmas appears to not strike the appropriate balance
    and runs the risk of ceding the region to other malevolent
    powers, and I think everyone knows of what I speak there.
        The administration's precipitous withdrawal from
    Afghanistan has been a strategic unforced error, as both the
    chairman and I focused on yesterday.
        Additionally, its diplomatic embrace of the Iranian regime
    is hard to understand. The lack of focus on the Abraham Accords
    is befuddling, to say the least.
        Increased barriers to conventional arms transfers and the
    chilling of relations with our traditional Middle Eastern
    partners will send a message of American disengagement, which I
    do not believe that we want to do.
        The Abraham Accords especially need to be embraced. They
    need to be enhanced. They need to be further moved forward.
        And I know that as I watch the administration, I think
    there is a lot of reluctance simply because it was an action by
    the previous administration. But that was a tremendous success
    and we should celebrate it and exploit it as best we can.
        Like the chairman, I do not understand what Syria policy is
    today. We need to understand that. I hear rumors and they are,
    hopefully, not true about the administration's thoughts
    regarding Assad and his rehabilitation or remaining in place.
    That is a wrongheaded approach. But in any event, we do need an
    approach that everyone understands.
        Now is the time for the United States to reinforce that we
    stand with our partners and are up to the challenge. I expect
    to hear how you plan to improve our engagement in the region
    and address the serious risks ahead of us.
        Next, we have the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State
    for Population, Refugees, and Migration. The administration's
    botched evacuation from Afghanistan has resulted in thousands
    of refugees and internally-displaced people inside the country.
        Taken with the ongoing refugee crisis endured by Syrians,
    Venezuelans, and the Rohingya, we now face the world's largest
    refugee and migration numbers ever.
        Through the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration,
    the U.S. Government provides significant assistance to
    humanitarian partners, including the United Nations.
        It is crucial that we ensure all of this assistance meets
    U.S. national security needs and receives proper oversight.
        I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these issues. I
    also remain deeply concerned with the Biden administration's
    decision to restart funding to UNRWA. This organization has a
    history of using textbooks which incite violence against
    Israelis as well as has employees with ties to Hamas. We should
    secure true reforms before giving another dime to this
    organization.
        Moving on to the nominee for U.S. ambassador to NATO, NATO
    is the world's most successful political and military alliance
    in the history of the planet. But it is 72 years old and must
    be flexible to meet new challenges.
        NATO will need to continue to deal with Russia and
    aggression on its southern border. It must also be aware of
    China's growing direct threat of alliance. The balance of power
    in the world today is incredibly different than it was 72 years
    ago.
        Last year's NATO 2030 report attempted to address some of
    these emerging issues and recommended that NATO's Strategic
    Concept be updated to address China-related issues as well as
    ways that allies can improve political coordination. I hope to
    see these recommendations followed.
        NATO is also a nuclear alliance. Membership in the Nuclear
    Ban Treaty is incompatible with being a U.S. ally and NATO
    member. We must push back strongly on any efforts by NATO
    members to lend credibility to that treaty or to weaken our
    nuclear-sharing arrangements.
        Lastly, I am worried by the disregard we showed our NATO
    allies in our hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan. This
    administration has repeatedly emphasized the importance of our
    allies. Yet, the way we went about this evacuation has sent our
    partners the exact opposite message.
        Our allies deserve better, especially after invoking
    Article 5 following the 9/11 attacks and fighting alongside our
    troops for more than 20 years. They are livid. I think everyone
    in this room knows that and it will be our job, your job, to
    fix that.
        Finally, we have a nominee for ambassador to France and
    Monaco. The United States has long enjoyed close relations with
    France and it remains one of our closest allies.
        In Africa, I look forward to continued engagement with our
    French partners on important challenges, including in the
    Sahel, Cameroon, the DRC, and the Central African Republic to
    ensure we pursue mutually beneficial approaches.
        France's ambassador here in the United States is an
    excellent friend and ally, and I have seen and experienced
    France's desire for a stronger alliance firsthand.
        Now is a critical time for us to make real progress in the
    relationship. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on this.
        With that, thank you, Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        We will turn to our nominees now. I ask that you summarize
    your statement in about five minutes or so because the
    committee will want to ask you questions. Your full statements
    will be included in the record, without objection.
        And if you have family members who could be with you today,
    please do not hesitate to introduce them.
        And with that, we will start with Ambassador Noyes and then
    work our way down the aisle.

      STATEMENT OF HON. JULIETA VALLS NOYES OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
       NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (POPULATION,
                        REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION)

        Ambassador Noyes. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking
    Member Risch. It is an honor to appear before you as President
    Biden's nominee as Assistant Secretary of State for Population,
    Refugees, and Migration. I am grateful to him and to Secretary
    Blinken for their confidence in me.
        I am the first person ever nominated for this position from
    a refugee background. My parents and members of my extended
    family entered the United States as refugees from Cuba 61 years
    ago and later became proud American citizens.
        Our family is profoundly aware of the debt we owe to this
    great nation and, indeed, I joined the State Department in part
    to repay that debt.
        When given an opportunity, refugees and vulnerable migrants
    can become valued contributors to the countries that receive
    them. My hard-working family members happily give back to this
    country as taxpayers and engaged citizens.
        I am honored to introduce you to one of them today, my
    mother, Julieta Valls. In addition to raising a family, my mom
    worked in international development for years, presenting the
    best of America to people in other nations.
        And, Senators, I want to thank you for scheduling this
    hearing today so I can wish her a happy birthday on the
    Congressional Record.
        I am also joined by my wonderful husband, Nick, a retired
    Foreign Service officer whose mother also immigrated to
    America. Our children, Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew, are
    watching online. My family support has enabled me to serve our
    country I love, and I thank them.
        In over 35 years as an American diplomat, I have worked to
    advance human rights, refugee, and migration issues in multiple
    positions outside of PRM.
        As ambassador to Croatia, I presided over the final stages
    of a U.S.-funded refugee resettlement program and hosted a
    regional conference on refugees.
        My mission also ran regional training programs for police,
    prosecutors, and justice officials on topics that included
    supporting the rights of migrants.
        As a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the European Bureau, I
    managed relations with 11 Western European countries and the
    European Union, some of our key partners, in supporting at-risk
    populations around the world.
        As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the Vatican, I
    worked with church leaders, religious communities, and Catholic
    aid organizations on issues like combating human trafficking.
        While director for multilateral and global affairs in the
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau, I oversaw
    international negotiations on human rights resolutions at the
    United Nations and conducted human rights consultations with
    multiple partners.
        I was a member of the high-level delegations that reported
    to the U.N. on U.S. compliance with two major international
    treaties, the Convention against Torture and the International
    Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
        Earlier in my career, I worked on democracy, human rights,
    and foreign aid issues in the Western Hemisphere. I would bring
    these experiences to bear as PRM assistant secretary and, if
    confirmed, would seek to strengthen America's leadership on
    global, humanitarian, and migration issues.
        One of my most urgent priorities would be to help the
    vulnerable people of Afghanistan wherever they may be. Sadly,
    there are also millions of other vulnerable populations
    worldwide.
        Working with partners like USAID, I would prioritize life-
    saving humanitarian assistance and protections for people from
    Syria, Burma, South Sudan, Venezuela, and beyond.
        I also would advance support for maternal health in
    humanitarian crises and respond to gender-based violence,
    upholding the administration's commitment to women's health.
        If confirmed, I would ramp up engagement with other
    countries to pursue durable solutions to the problems that lead
    people to flee their countries, including in our own
    hemisphere.
        Another key PRM priority is to rebuild the U.S. Refugee
    Admissions Program as directed by the president. If confirmed,
    I would collaborate with the Departments of Homeland Security
    and Health and Human Services, and work with Congress to ensure
    the program's success.
        It is a testament to the generosity of Americans that the
    United States is the largest humanitarian aid donor in the
    world, but we cannot meet all global needs alone. If confirmed,
    I would carefully manage the U.S. taxpayer funds that enable
    PRM's work and urge other nations to share this responsibility
    more equitably.
        I am eager to work with PRM's exceptional partners in
    international and nongovernmental organizations, Senate
    willing, to carry out PRM's mission, and if confirmed, it would
    above all be a privilege to learn from and lead the hard-
    working passionate employees of PRM. Their dedication is
    inspirational.
        Senator Menendez, Senator Risch, members of this committee,
    my nomination as PRM Assistant Secretary is the greatest
    professional honor of my life.
        If confirmed, I would give my all to lead PRM in supporting
    persecuted and vulnerable people around the world in keeping
    with our nation's centuries-long history of compassion and
    generosity.
        As the daughter of refugees, I understand that history and
    that responsibility acutely. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Noyes follows:]

                 Prepared Statement of Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch. It is an
    honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee for Assistant
    Secretary for Population, Refugees, and Migration. I am grateful to him
    and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
        I am the first person ever nominated for this position from a
    refugee background. My parents and members of my extended family
    entered the United States as refugees from Cuba sixty years ago and
    later became proud American citizens. Our family is profoundly aware of
    the debt we owe this great nation. Indeed, I decided to join the State
    Department to help repay that debt.
        When given an opportunity, refugees and vulnerable migrants can
    become valued contributors to the countries that receive them. My
    hardworking family members happily give back to this country as
    taxpayers and engaged citizens. I'm honored to introduce you to one of
    them today, my mother Julieta Valls. In addition to raising a family,
    my mom worked in international development for years, presenting the
    best of America to people in other nations. I am proud to be her
    daughter. I am also joined by my husband Nick, a retired Foreign
    Service Officer whose mother also emigrated to America. Our children,
    Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew are watching online. My family's
    support has enabled me to serve our country; I love and thank them.
        In over 35 years as an American diplomat, I have worked to advance
    human rights, refugee, and migration issues in multiple positions
    outside of PRM. As Ambassador to Croatia, I presided over the final
    stages of a U.S.-funded refugee resettlement program and hosted a
    regional conference on refugees. My mission also ran regional training
    programs for police, prosecutors, and justice officials, on topics that
    included supporting the human rights of migrants.
        As a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the European Bureau, I managed
    relations with eleven Western European countries and the European
    Union, some of our key partners in supporting at-risk populations
    around the world. As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the
    Vatican, I worked with Church leaders, religious communities, and
    Catholic aid organizations on issues like combating human trafficking.
        While Director for Multilateral and Global Affairs in the
    Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Bureau, I oversaw international
    negotiations on human rights resolutions at the United Nations and
    conducted human rights consultations with many partners. I was a member
    of the high-level delegations that reported to the United Nations on
    U.S. compliance with two international human rights treaties: the
    Convention Against Torture and the International Covenant on Civil and
    Political Rights. Earlier in my career, I worked on democracy, human
    rights, and foreign aid issues in the Western Hemisphere.
        I would bring these experiences to bear as PRM Assistant Secretary,
    and if confirmed, would seek to restore America's leadership on global
    humanitarian and migration issues.
        One of my most urgent priorities would be to help the vulnerable
    and displaced people of Afghanistan--wherever they may be. Sadly, there
    are also millions of other vulnerable populations worldwide. Working
    with partners like USAID, I would prioritize life-saving U.S.
    humanitarian assistance and protections for people from Syria, Burma,
    South Sudan, and beyond. I also would advance programs that support
    maternal health in humanitarian crises and respond to gender-based
    violence, upholding the administration's commitment to women's health.
        If confirmed I would ramp up engagement with other countries to
    pursue durable solutions to the problems that lead people to flee their
    homes, including in our own hemisphere.
        Another key PRM priority is to rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions
    Program, as directed by the President. If confirmed, I would
    collaborate with the Departments of Homeland Security and Health and
    Human Services and work with Congress to ensure the program's success.
        It is a testament to the generosity of America that the United
    States is the largest humanitarian aid donor in the world, but we
    cannot meet all needs of at-risk populations alone. If confirmed, I
    would carefully manage the U.S. taxpayer funds that enable PRM's work
    and urge other nations to share this responsibility more equitably.
        I am eager to work closely with PRM's exceptional partners in
    international and non-governmental organizations, Senate willing, to
    carry out PRM's mission.
        If confirmed, it would above all be a privilege to learn from and
    lead the hard-working, passionate employees of PRM. Their dedication is
    inspirational.
        Senator Menendez, Senator Risch, members of this committee, my
    nomination to serve as PRM Assistant Secretary is the greatest
    professional honor of my life. If confirmed, I would give my all to
    lead PRM in supporting persecuted and vulnerable people around the
    world, in keeping with our nation's centuries-long history of
    compassion and generosity. As the daughter of refugees, I understand
    that history and responsibility acutely.
        Thank you.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
        [Speaks in Spanish.]
        The Chairman. I would sing my famous birthday song but it
    would take too long for the committee's consideration.
        [Laughter.]
        The Chairman. So maybe after the fact.
        Ambassador Bauer?

        STATEMENT OF HON. DENISE CAMPBELL BAUER OF CALIFORNIA,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
      THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, AND TO
       SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS
      AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
            STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF MONACO

        Ambassador Bauer. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that very
    kind introduction.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today.
        It is my great honor to be President Biden's nominee to be
    United States Ambassador to France and Monaco. I am deeply
    grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
    confidence they have placed in me, and, of course, I am
    thankful for my husband of nearly 30 years, Steven, our
    wonderful daughters, Katherine and Natalie, my extended family,
    and everyone who has supported me over the years.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and
    the Congress as I dedicate myself to protecting and advancing
    U.S. interests in Monaco and France.
        I would be proud to join the talented dedicated State
    Department and interagency teams hard at work pursuing those
    goals. I saw firsthand the superb commitment our embassy teams
    provide U.S. citizens and businesses when I served as U.S.
    ambassador to Belgium from 2013 to 2017.
        On March 22nd of 2016, my daughter, Natalie, was already on
    the bus on her way to school when Brussels was attacked by
    terrorists. I raced into the office as our team rallied to
    coordinate with and support our Belgian colleagues, to help
    victims, and guard against follow-on attacks.
        This challenging time left no doubt why American embassies
    matter. Our team worked hand in glove with the Belgians, and
    they were there for our fellow Americans so that they were not
    alone far from home during perhaps the worst time in their
    lives.
        It would be my great honor to again serve the American
    people, now as ambassador to France. I would like to highlight
    a few of the pillars of our partnership that I would bolster as
    ambassador.
        France, as you have noted, is among our most capable and
    reliable military allies. As NATO allies, France and the United
    States have built and sustained the post-war global order,
    promoting freedom and prosperity.
        France is the second largest global footprint after the
    United States and is the second largest troop contributor to
    the D-ISIS coalition. France has reached its NATO goal of 2
    percent of GDP on defense spending and contributes to NATO
    missions and exercises.
        The United States and France exchange information and share
    best practices on countering violent extremist threats, and
    France leads on countering terrorism in the Sahel where it has
    eliminated leaders of ISIS, al-Qaeda, and their affiliates.
        If confirmed, I will not only ensure our cooperation
    continues but will look for ways to strengthen that important
    partnership.
        France welcomes the United States return to the Paris
    Agreement and is eager to engage in close cooperation and
    strategic alignment on climate issues, particularly climate
    finance, clean energy, green recovery, and using trade and
    financial flows to further Paris Agreement objectives.
        The United States and France share a deep economic
    relationship. France and the United States traded $99 billion
    of goods and services in 2020, making France one of our largest
    trading partners in the EU.
        France works on coordination with the United States and
    other partners to hold Russia and China accountable for their
    destabilizing activities, human rights abuses, and violations
    of international norms.
        France has played a significant role in shaping EU policy
    towards the PRC and supports the U.S.-EU dialogue on China
    where we seek a values-driven approach.
        If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the French
    Government that we must hold Russia accountable for its actions
    and maintain pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its
    international commitments and obligations, including the Minsk
    agreements.
        And finally, the United States shares many of the same
    goals with France when it comes to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq,
    Afghanistan, and Libya. On all the challenges facing those
    countries, France seeks deeper cooperation with the United
    States.
        If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our
    relationship with the Principality of Monaco and working
    together with his Serene Highness, Prince Albert II, and his
    Government to further our joint goals.
        Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it my primary
    responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the embassy
    community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
        Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look
    forward to answering your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Bauer follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer

        Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that very kind introduction.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for this opportunity to testify today. It is my
    great honor to be President Biden's nominee to be the United States
    Ambassador to France and Monaco. I am deeply grateful to President
    Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
        And of course, I am thankful for my husband of nearly 30 years,
    Steven; our wonderful daughters, Katherine and Natalie; my extended
    family; and everyone who has supported me through the years.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and the
    Congress as I dedicate myself to protecting and advancing U.S.
    interests in France and Monaco. I would be proud to join the talented,
    dedicated State Department and interagency teams hard at work pursing
    those goals.
        I saw firsthand the superb commitment our embassy teams provide
    U.S. citizens and businesses when I served as U.S. Ambassador to the
    Kingdom of Belgium from 2013 to 2017.
        On March 22, 2016, my daughter Natalie was already on the bus on
    her way to school when Brussels was attacked by terrorists. I raced
    into the office as our team rallied to coordinate with and support our
    Belgian colleagues to help victims and guard against follow-on attacks.
        This challenging time left no doubt why American embassies matter.
    Our team worked hand in glove with the Belgians. And we were there for
    our fellow Americans--so that they weren't alone, far from home, during
    perhaps the worst time in their lives.
        It would be my great honor to again serve the American people as
    Ambassador to France. I'd like to highlight just a few of the pillars
    of our partnership that I would bolster as Ambassador.
        France is among our most capable and reliable military Allies. As
    NATO Allies, France and the United States have built and sustained the
    post-war global order, promoting freedom and prosperity. France has the
    second-largest global troop footprint after the United States and is
    the second-largest troop contributor to the D-ISIS Coalition. France
    has reached the NATO goal of 2 percent of GDP on defense spending and
    contributes to NATO missions and exercises.
        The United States and France exchange information and share best
    practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France leads on
    countering terrorism in the Sahel, where it has eliminated leaders of
    ISIS, Al-Qa'ida, and their affiliates.
        If confirmed, I will not only ensure our cooperation continues, but
    will look for ways to strengthen that partnership.
        France welcomed the United States' return to the Paris Agreement
    and is eager to engage in closer cooperation and strategic alignment on
    climate issues, particularly climate finance, clean energy, green
    recovery, and using trade and financial flows to further Paris
    Agreement objectives.
        The United States and France share a deep economic relationship.
    France and the United States traded $99 billion of goods and services
    in 2020, making France the United States' third-largest trading partner
    in Europe.
        France works in coordination with the United States and other
    partners to hold Russia and China accountable for their destabilizing
    activities, human rights abuses, and violations of international norms.
    France has played a significant role in shaping the EU's policy towards
    the PRC, and supports the U.S.-E.U. Dialogue on China, where we seek a
    values-driven approach. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the
    French Government that we must hold Russia accountable for its actions,
    and maintain pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its international
    commitments and obligations, including the Minsk agreements.
        And finally, the United States shares many of the same goals with
    France when it comes to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, and
    Libya. On all the challenges facing these countries, France seeks
    deeper collaboration with the United States.
        If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our relationship
    with the Principality of Monaco and working together with His Serene
    Highness Prince Albert II and his Government to further our joint
    goals.
        Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it my primary
    responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
    community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
        Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to
    answering your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Ms. Smith?

    STATEMENT OF JULIANNE SMITH OF MICHIGAN, NOMINATED TO BE UNITED
      STATES PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE TO THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH
       ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF
              AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY

        Ms. Smith. Good morning, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and members of the committee.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
    It is an honor to be nominated to be the Permanent
    Representative of the United States to NATO.
        I want to extend my thanks to President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken for placing their trust in me for this critical
    position.
        If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the president's
    pledge to revitalize and strengthen America's alliances. I also
    want to thank Senator Shaheen for her kind words and leadership
    in the NATO Observers Group.
        Let me start today by thanking my family, my husband,
    David, and our two sons, Liam and Dylan, for their love and
    support. David and Liam are with us here today. My son, Dylan,
    is tucked away in second grade at school.
        I am proud to be a woman working in the field of national
    security. But my greatest joy comes from my family.
        I also want to thank my parents, who are watching in my
    home state of Michigan, and my sister for their guidance and
    encouragement.
        I have worked on a wide range of national security
    challenges over the years but Europe has always been my
    passion. Ever since I received a scholarship to spend a year at
    the Sorbonne as an undergraduate, I have been fascinated by
    America's long-standing relationship with our closest allies
    across the Atlantic.
        From my first job at a small think tank here in Washington,
    D.C., to my positions in the Pentagon, at the White House, and
    now the State Department, I have worked to strengthen our
    relationship with Europe, navigate our differences, and
    identify innovative ways to address our shared challenges.
        No institution has played a bigger role in the history of
    the transatlantic relationship than the NATO Alliance. Since
    its creation in 1949, it has served as the bedrock of
    transatlantic security, protecting our shared values, and
    safeguarding each of its members against outside aggression.
        NATO's story is a remarkable one of unity and solidarity.
    After the end of the Cold War, NATO's story became one of
    adaptation. Over the last 30 years, NATO has added 14 new
    members, developed new partnerships in the Middle East and
    Asia, agreed to operate a new warfighting domain such as cyber,
    and acquired new capabilities to respond to an array of
    emerging challenges, from terrorism to disruptive technologies
    to climate change.
        Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2014, the Alliance
    has bolstered its deterrence and defense posture, including
    through the deployment of multinational battle groups on its
    eastern flank.
        Despite the fact that it makes decisions by consensus, NATO
    has repeatedly showcased its ability to take action quickly
    when it counts. It swiftly invoked Article 5 in the wake of the
    9/11 attacks, for which the United States will always remain
    deeply grateful.
        While NATO is rightly heralded as the most successful
    military alliance in history, the Alliance, now almost 75 years
    old, does have its share of challenges. Some allies are still
    struggling to meet their commitments to increase defense
    spending.
        Decision-making remains slow, and the weakening of
    democratic values in some member states is tearing at Alliance
    cohesion. Allies are also making slow progress in the hard work
    of improving their military capabilities, especially in new
    domains like cyber and space.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with our NATO
    allies and partners to address such shortfalls and prepare the
    Alliance to face future challenges.
        I will also look forward to working with allies on the
    important task of drafting a new Strategic Concept, which was
    last updated 10 long years ago.
        That document must reflect the changing security
    environment of today, especially Russian aggression, threats we
    face in cyberspace, and the People's Republic of China's malign
    activities across the Euro-Atlantic region.
        I will work to ensure that none of those new challenges
    detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong
    deterrence and defense for all its members.
        I believe that part of NATO's success rests with the strong
    bipartisan support one finds both here in Congress and among
    the American public.
        I was heartened to see the enthusiastic welcome that the
    Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg, received when he addressed
    Congress in 2019.
        If confirmed, I will ensure that bipartisan support
    continues and would look forward to welcoming congressional
    delegations to Brussels. It would be my great honor to
    represent the United States at NATO.
        I believe in this alliance, I believe in the important role
    it plays in America's own defense, and I believe in our
    critical leadership role inside it.
        I look forward to your questions and thank you for your
    consideration.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Smith follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of Julianne Smith

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It
    is an honor to be nominated to be the Permanent Representative of the
    United States to NATO. I want to extend my thanks to President Biden
    and Secretary Blinken for placing their trust in me for this critical
    position. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the President's
    pledge to revitalize and strengthen America's alliances.
        I would like to start by thanking my family--my husband David and
    our two sons, Liam and Dylan--for their never-ending love and support.
    I am proud to be a woman working in the field of national security but
    my greatest joy comes from my family. I also want to thank my parents
    (who are watching from my home state of Michigan) and my sister for
    their guidance and encouragement.
        I have worked on a wide range of national security challenges
    throughout my career but Europe has always been my passion. Ever since
    I received a scholarship to spend a year at the Sorbonne as an
    undergraduate, I have been fascinated by America's longstanding
    relationship with its closest Allies across the Atlantic. From my first
    job at a small think tank in Washington to my positions in the Pentagon
    and at the White House, I have worked to strengthen our relationship
    with Europe, navigate our differences, and identify innovative ways to
    address our shared challenges.
        No institution has played a bigger role in the history of the
    Transatlantic relationship than the NATO Alliance. Since its creation
    in 1949, it has served as the bedrock of Transatlantic security,
    protecting our shared values and safeguarding each of its members
    against outside aggression. NATO's story is a remarkable one of
    solidarity and unity.
        After the end of the Cold War, NATO's story became one of
    adaptation to a changing world. Over the last 30 years, NATO added 14
    new members, developed new partnerships in the Middle East and Asia,
    agreed to operate in new warfighting domains such as cyber, and
    acquired new capabilities to respond to an array of emerging
    challenges, ranging from terrorism to emerging and disruptive
    technologies to climate change. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in
    2014, the Alliance has bolstered its deterrence and defense posture,
    including through the deployment of multinational battle groups on its
    eastern flank.
        Despite the fact that it makes decisions by consensus, NATO has
    repeatedly showcased its ability to take action quickly when it counts.
    It swiftly invoked Article 5--the collective defense clause of the
    Washington Treaty--in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, for which the
    United States will always remain deeply grateful.
        While NATO is rightly heralded as the most successful military
    alliance in history, the Alliance, now almost 75 years old, does have
    its share of challenges. Some Allies are still struggling to meet their
    commitments to increase defense spending, which they made after Russia
    invaded Ukraine in 2014. Decision making remains too slow, and the
    weakening of democratic values in some member states is tearing at
    Alliance cohesion, causing some members to question whether all Allies
    share the same values. Allies also are making slow progress in the hard
    and expensive work of improving their military capabilities, especially
    in new domains like cyber, space, and other emerging technologies.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with our NATO Allies and
    partners to address such shortfalls and prepare the Alliance to face
    future challenges. I will also look forward to working with Allies on
    the important task of drafting a new Strategic Concept, the roadmap
    that lays out NATO's future direction, which was last updated ten long
    years ago. That document must reflect the changing security environment
    of today, especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace,
    and the People's Republic of China's malign activities across the Euro-
    Atlantic region. I will work to ensure that none of those new
    challenges detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong
    deterrence and defense for all its members.
        I believe that part of NATO's success rests with the strong
    bipartisan support one finds both here in Congress and among the
    American public. I was heartened to see the enthusiastic welcome
    Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg received when he addressed Congress
    in April of 2019. If confirmed, I will ensure that bipartisan support
    continues and would look forward to welcoming congressional delegations
    to NATO Headquarters.
        It would be my great honor to represent the United States at NATO.
    I believe in this Alliance, the important role it plays in America's
    own defense, and in our critical leadership role in NATO.
        I look forward to your questions and thank you for your
    consideration.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Leaf?

    STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA A. LEAF OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
         AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS)

        Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking
    Member Risch, and distinguished members of this committee. It
    is an honor to be here as President Biden's nominee for
    Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Near Eastern
    Affairs.
        If confirmed, this would be the culmination of a lifetime
    of work on behalf of the U.S. in the Middle East and North
    Africa.
        My story is like that of many Americans called to public
    service, inspired by multiple generations of family members who
    served. My family has had someone serving in the U.S. military
    continuously for almost 80 years.
        Much of my wider family were also called upon to support
    those who served, making their own sacrifices. My mother
    managed to raise six children on a tobacco farm in southern
    Maryland during the years my father, an Air Force pilot, served
    in far-off places.
        I remember on an early assignment in the Foreign Service I
    met up with my oldest brother, Tim Leaf, here behind me who is
    representing the whole Leaf clan. I met up with him as a
    deployed Marine officer in the streets of newly-liberated
    Kuwait. My youngest brother deployed repeatedly to Iraq and
    Afghanistan, with great costs borne by his young family.
        My younger sister is a Foreign Service officer, now serving
    in southern Africa, far from family and friends.
        My husband, Chris Querin, had a distinguished career in the
    Marine Corps, taking him to Jerusalem, where we met early in my
    career. He and our two daughters, Maro and Asja, provided the
    unstinting loving support that enabled me to shoulder what was
    asked of me, even when that meant being apart from them when I
    served a year in Iraq.
        Service is a theme in my family and service has more
    relevance today for Americans than ever before. In the Middle
    East, President Biden's strategic vision provides a roadmap and
    a set of principles for our engagements based on rebuilding
    long-term relationships in the region.
        If confirmed, I will work to reinforce those partnerships
    around an affirmative agenda, focused on building shared
    prosperity but also confronting shared problems: fighting
    COVID-19, developing an international health infrastructure to
    prevent future pandemics, building a new energy economy around
    renewables to arrest the drivers of climate change, addressing
    desertification and growing water shortages, combating
    transnational repression while promoting respect for
    fundamental freedoms and open societies, and sustaining the
    core institutions of the international order that have provided
    security and stability for over 70 years.
        If confirmed, I pledge to represent the best of American
    values and will make it clear that relationships with the U.S.
    are stronger when human rights principles are respected.
        The region has been convulsed by conflict and instability
    for over the past two decades, but many of our partners have
    turned towards deescalation and to working with the U.S. to
    quell the region's conflicts.
        Iran, of course, has been the outlier to this trend. Tehran
    continues to pursue destabilizing policies, including through
    its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its
    support for violent groups, and its abhorrent human rights
    record and long-standing practice of using wrongfully detained
    U.S. citizens as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon
    would pose an even greater threat.
        As part of the administration's renewed multilateral
    engagement, if confirmed, I will work in tandem with regional
    partners and allies to advance U.N. peace processes in Libya,
    Syria, and Yemen.
        The president's vision for a collaborative relationship
    with the countries of the Middle East comes in the wider
    context of a growing global challenge to our values of open
    societies and open economies.
        This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic
    of China and Russia. Both pursue influence in the region in a
    zero-sum fashion. If confirmed, I expect to have frank
    conversations with our partners about the challenges posed by
    certain Russian and Chinese actions.
        And if confirmed, I will not be able to accomplish this
    ambitious agenda without the outstanding Foreign Service
    officers, civil servants, contractors, and family members
    employed here and in the region.
        I am committed to promoting the safety and security of our
    people overseas as a paramount priority, supporting the
    professional development of our employees and the principles of
    diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility in the bureau
    and our posts around the region.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you as
    we reshape, rebuild, and reenergize the U.S. Government's
    engagement with the Middle East, building a better future for
    the American people and the people of the region.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Leaf follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Ambassador Barbara A. Leaf

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    distinguished members of this committee. It is an honor to be here as
    President Biden's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the
    Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. If confirmed, this would be the
    culmination of a lifetime of work on behalf of the United States in the
    Middle East and North Africa. I cannot express how much this
    opportunity to serve my country and the American people means to me.
        My story is like that of many Americans called to public service,
    inspired by multiple generations of family members who served in one
    capacity or another. My family has had someone serving in the military,
    continuously, for the past 80 years. So much of my wider family were
    also called upon to support those who served, making their own
    sacrifices along the way. My ever-entrepreneurial mother managed to
    raise six children on a tobacco farm during years my father, an air
    force pilot, served in far-off places. On an early assignment in the
    Foreign Service, I met up with my oldest brother, a deployed Marine
    officer, in the streets of newly-liberated Kuwait. My little brother
    deployed repeatedly during America's two longest wars, to Iraq and
    Afghanistan, with great costs borne by his young family. My younger
    sister is a Foreign Service officer, now serving in southern Africa,
    far from family and friends. My husband had a distinguished career in
    the Marine Corps, taking him to Jerusalem, where we met early in my
    career. He, like our two daughters, provided the unstinting loving
    support that helped me shoulder what was asked of me, even when that
    meant being apart for a year while I served in Iraq.
        Service is a theme in my family, and it has more relevance today
    for Americans than ever before, given the multiplying challenges abroad
    and at home that require re-investment in ourselves, re-commitment to
    partnerships, and U.S. leadership globally.
        In the Middle East, President Biden's strategic vision provides a
    roadmap and a set of principles for our engagement, based on re-
    building long-term relationships in the region to meet the manifold,
    emerging new challenges. But the President's vision demands the
    evolution of our partnerships beyond the conventional security realm
    that has defined our approach to the region for well over 30 years. If
    confirmed, I would work to reinforce those partnerships around an
    affirmative agenda focused on building shared prosperity and
    confronting shared problems: fighting COVID-19 and developing an
    international health infrastructure to prevent future pandemics;
    building a new energy economy around renewables to arrest the drivers
    of climate change; addressing desertification and growing water
    shortages; combatting transnational repression, while promoting respect
    for fundamental freedoms and open societies; and sustaining the core
    institutions of the international order that have provided security and
    stability for over 70 years.
        If confirmed, I pledge to represent the best of American values,
    and will make it clear that relationships with the United States are
    stronger when human rights principles are respected.
        The region has been convulsed by conflict and instability for the
    past two decades, but many of our partners have turned in recent months
    towards de-escalation and to working with the United States to quell
    the region's conflicts. Iran, of course, has been the outlier to this
    trend. Tehran continues to pursue destabilizing policies, including
    through its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its
    subversive support for violent groups, and its abhorrent human rights
    record and longstanding practice of using wrongfully detained U.S.
    citizens as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would pose
    an even greater threat.
        As part of the administration's renewed multilateral engagement, if
    confirmed I will work in tandem with partners and allies to advance
    U.N. peace processes in Libya, Syria, and Yemen.
        The President's vision for a collaborative partnership with the
    countries of the Middle East comes in the wider context of a growing
    global challenge to our values of open societies and open economies,
    values that have underpinned the institutions of the international
    order. This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic of
    China (PRC) and Russia; both pursue influence in the region in a zero-
    sum fashion. If confirmed, I expect to have frank conversations with
    our partners about the challenges posed by certain Russian and PRC
    actions.
        If confirmed, I will not be able to accomplish this ambitious
    agenda without the outstanding Foreign Service Officers, Civil
    Servants, Contractors, and family members employed here and in the
    region. I am committed to promoting the safety and security of our
    people overseas, the professional development of our employees, and the
    principles of Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility in the
    Bureau and our posts around the region.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you as we
    reshape, rebuild, and reenergize the U.S. Government's engagement with
    the Middle East, building a better future for the American people and
    the people of the region. Thank you, and I look forward to your
    questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you all very much.
        Before I start my questions, let me start a series of
    questions that we ask every nominee that comes before the
    committee, and they are on behalf of the full committee and I
    just simply ask you for a verbal yes or no answer.
        These are questions that speak to the importance that the
    committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
    executive branch and we expect and would be seeking from you.
        I will ask each of you to provide just a yes or no answer
    to the following.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
    and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. Did I get four yeses there?
        Ambassador Leaf. Yes.
        Ms. Smith. Yes.
        [Laughter.]
        The Chairman. Okay. Do you commit to engaging in a
    meaningful consultation while policies are being developed, not
    just providing notification after the fact?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
    requests for briefings and information requested by the
    committee and its designated staff?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you all for that. For the
    record, all four nominees answered yes to all the questions.
        Let me start a series of five-minute rounds.
        Ambassador Noyes, how can the department and the PRM in
    particular help ensure that thousands of Afghans allies who
    were left behind when the last U.S. military plane departed on
    August 30th have equal access to evacuations?
        This will be one of the most critical immediate challenges
    that you will have. Give me a sense of how you envision your
    department's participation in that.
        Ambassador Noyes. Senator, thank you for the question.
        I think I speak for all of my colleagues at the State
    Department to say how proud we were to see how many people we
    were able to get out of Afghanistan and how heartbroken we were
    to see that we could not get out everyone that we wanted to.
        The president, the Secretary, have made clear their
    intention to uphold the commitment that we had to the people
    who worked for us, to the people who qualify for Special
    Immigrant Visas, and we will continue to work to process their
    cases and get them out.
        We have also made available consideration for referral
    under refugee programs, the P-2 refugee referrals, and other
    ways of getting access to resettlement in the United States.
        We also would commit to working with international
    organizations like the High Commissioner for Refugees to seek
    resettlement for people at risk in other countries, not just in
    the United States.
        Our commitment to uphold the human rights and to protect
    the vulnerable people of Afghanistan through resettlement, if
    that is what is needed, is a firm one, and if confirmed as
    Assistant Secretary, I would work with colleagues throughout
    the department and other agencies to uphold that commitment.
        The Chairman. Today is the beginning of Hispanic Heritage
    Month, and many of us held a call with national leadership, and
    one of the questions that came up is that it seems that we
    treat refugees from the southern border below differently than
    we treat refugees from other people in the world.
        Seems to me that a refugee, if they meet the definition
    under the law, is a refugee, regardless of where they come
    from. Do you share that view?
        Ambassador Noyes. Yes, Senator. Anyone who qualifies as a
    refugee should be given the same treatment and the same
    consideration.
        The Chairman. Ambassador Leaf, I could spend the whole
    hearing with you, but I will not because we had a good session
    yesterday. But I will put some questions for the record just so
    that we can have the record sustained. But I do want to broach
    one or two of them with you.
        Over the weekend, Iran and the IAEA reached what seems to
    be a subpar last-minute agreement to prevent the IAEA from
    formally censuring Iran.
        I remain deeply concerned about the details of this
    agreement, specifically because my understanding is that while
    the IAEA will have access to the information it needs, it will
    not be able to see that access. It will not be able to see the
    actual information in real time.
        It will not be able to see the information that was taken
    out or that will be taken out from the storage chips of what
    was going on since Iran broke off inspections, and it will not
    be able to see the new information that will be placed in the
    new storage chips to do the video recording of what is going
    on.
        Therefore, while there will be, quote/unquote,
    ``monitoring'' taking place, there will be no review of the
    monitoring. Therefore, we will have no information about the
    status of Iran's program. If there is something called a
    Pyrrhic victory, that is the ultimate definition of it.
        Secretary Blinken has responded to that report by warning
    that Iran is running out of time to reap any benefits of a
    compliance agreement with the JCPOA.
        I, honestly, believe that returning to the JCPOA just as it
    was does not realize the tremendous change in circumstances we
    have today as well as the fact that Iran's nefarious activities
    in ballistic missiles, destabilization of the region, arms
    trafficking, and a whole host of other things are equally or as
    important.
        Let me ask you, how much time and diplomatic space do you
    think is left to get to a longer and stronger nuclear deal that
    also addresses these regional transgressions and attacks by
    proxies against not only U.S. partners and allies but also U.S.
    personnel and facilities in the region?
        Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for those questions
    and those comments.
        I would not want to get into in a hypothetical answer to
    the question of how much time. Secretary Blinken laid down a
    warning marker with that remark and it is a valid one.
        We have been waiting now, for two months to go back into a
    set of discussions, which are quite urgent, and as you said,
    the discussion on the JCPOA, a mutual compliance-for-compliance
    return to that agreement is only a starting point.
        What I would say to your concerns about these other issues,
    including a supplemental agreement, longer, stronger, but also
    the ongoing nefarious activities, those are my concerns, too.
    The administration, in fact, does not view this as a sequential
    matter in terms of addressing those regional activities.
        There are ongoing discussions with our most important ally
    in the region, Israel, as well as other concerned parties, and
    we work to synchronize and use a set of tools--economic
    sanctions, pressure, occasionally military and other diplomatic
    tools with them--to confront and constrain Iran in these
    activities.
        The Chairman. Is it fair to say that we really do not know
    where Iran is at in its nuclear program right now?
        Ambassador Leaf. I am not sure I would want to characterize
    it that way, Senator, and, obviously, there are intelligence
    estimates to that effect.
        The Chairman. I get real concerned when I see Mr. Albright
    suggest that we are one month away. He is a pretty independent
    verifier. I get concerned when we are heralding the IAEA
    agreement that, basically, says, well, we will keep the
    monitoring but we cannot see anything that is happening and we
    do not know what has happened in between.
        That is not creating a safeguard for anybody. We need to be
    a lot more robust with the IAEA. This committee will be seeking
    the IAEA's briefing, which it has not given to date, because we
    got to know what we are seeing and what we are not seeing and
    be honest with ourselves at the end of the day.
        I have many other questions for some of the other nominees.
    But, in fairness, to our colleagues, Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Obviously, I share a lot of those concerns also.
        And Ambassador Leaf, I can tell you, I told Secretary
    Blinken this when we met, and you can take it for what it is
    worth, but having been through this thing with Iran for so
    long, this business of saying now that you are going to try to
    get back into the old JCPOA and then there will be add-on
    negotiations and agreements in the future, with all due
    respect, I think that thinking is just delusional.
        There is no way that Iran is going to continue to negotiate
    and do an add-on agreement if, indeed, they are able to get the
    JCPOA back where it was and get our sanctions off.
        That is my two cents' worth, and I understand we have a
    basic disagreement in that regard. But nonetheless, I will be
    shocked if you can get that done.
        Secondly, you heard the discussion from both myself and
    from the chairman regarding a Syria policy, and we need that.
        I am not expecting you to opine on that today because I
    think you have got your work ahead of you before you can get
    there. But we need something that we can articulate and move
    forward on, and we do not have that on Syria.
        Ms. Noyes, I want to talk about UNRWA for just a minute. I
    introduced the UNRWA Accountability and Transparency Act with
    11 of my Senate colleagues, and we share real concerns on
    UNRWA.
        What are your thoughts on UNRWA?
        Ambassador Noyes. Senator, I share the concerns that you
    expressed in that legislation about the efficiency, the
    effectiveness, and the neutrality of UNRWA. The administration
    agrees, with the premise behind the legislation.
        That said, it is my understanding that UNRWA is a force for
    stability in the region by providing vital services to
    Palestinians in need--education for school children, health
    care for people, and the only viable alternative to UNRWA in
    those areas would be Hamas.
        Therefore, while we, certainly, would agree with the intent
    of the legislation and the framework agreement that the PRM
    bureau entered into with UNRWA accounts for the need to make
    changes and to redouble efforts to ensure the efficiency, the
    effectiveness, and the neutrality of UNRWA.
        Senator Risch. I appreciate your thoughts. I do not think
    simply because there is an alternative that is worse we should
    take this--in my judgment, a very bad agency and try to make
    that work.
        I think we should try to make that work. But I think that
    if it does not work, we should not say, well, the only other
    alternative is Hamas. I do not subscribe to that theory.
        But in any event, I think most everyone who has dealt with
    UNRWA and seen, for instance, the textbooks they print for use
    in their schools is just disgusted that U.S. taxpayer money is
    going down the drain in that regard.
        I hope you will focus on that. I hope you can get them in a
    better direction, and it is going to take a considerable change
    in direction for me to embrace what they are doing.
        Thank you for your efforts in that regard.
        And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        My understanding is Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I do want to thank all of our nominees for their
    willingness to serve our nation during these extremely
    challenging times. We thank you. We thank your families.
        Ambassador Leaf, I want to follow up on some of the
    comments that have already been made. We see some positive
    developments in the Middle East with the Abraham Accords, and
    Congress has passed that and the Senate Finance Committee has
    passed S. 1601, which would build on that to have the United
    States active in trying to get more of the countries in the
    Middle East to sign on to the Abraham Accords.
        On the other side of the ledger, we see activities in the
    United Nations General Assembly that is very much trying to
    compromise Israel's sovereignty.
        Just share with me your strategies in dealing with the
    countries in the region to get more to move towards the Abraham
    Accord approach with Israel rather than trying to isolate
    Israel in the United Nations.
        Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for that set of
    questions and comments, and I could not agree more on both
    counts.
        First, with respect to the Abraham Accords, it is a truly
    exciting set of developments in a region that for so long has
    really not had a lot of good news, and I, if confirmed, very
    much look forward to seizing the opportunities opened with
    those nascent relationships and deepening, expanding them while
    really expanding the circle beyond the four countries.
        I think there is a lot of opportunity. I would say the UAE
    and Bahrain and Morocco probably represented the sort of most
    forward leaning of the countries in that regard.
        But, nonetheless, and this has been a subject of discussion
    with the Israeli Government, there are other opportunities out
    there, and I think it self-evidently should be a priority for
    my work, if confirmed, and it would thread into the work of
    every U.S. ambassador in the region so that it was a very
    concerted and coordinated effort.
        I also agree with you in terms of the anti-Israel bias that
    we see repeatedly come up, whether in the UNGA or in U.N.
    bodies, and, if confirmed, I would absolutely work in lockstep
    with other members of the administration, with our mission to
    the U.N., and others to push back on that vigorously.
        Senator Cardin. I would just point out I think the Abraham
    Accords is a positive incentive for countries to normalize
    their relationship with Israel. The actions in the United
    Nations and its bodies require us to make it clear that there
    is a price to pay when we see this type of activity take place
    that is very much against the sovereignty of our closest ally
    in the Middle East.
        I would hope you would also be aggressive in activities to
    make it clear that the United States will act on behalf of
    Israel in regards to the United Nations.
        Ambassador Noyes, I want to ask you a question on
    immigration. I agree with Chairman Menendez's point in regards
    to Afghanistan, and that is going to, certainly, be a major
    focus of all of our work in the next several months in order to
    relocate those at risk.
        But I want to get closer to our own hemisphere, and Senator
    Menendez raised these issues. We show international leadership
    by our actions here in America. Yes, we will show it in regards
    to the Afghan refugees.
        But in regards to refugees coming out of our own
    hemisphere, we, certainly, have a lot of individuals who have
    left Venezuela. We have the Central American migration that we
    know about.
        Can you just share with me the strategy of exercising
    leadership in our own hemisphere to show that we have the right
    global policies in regards to migration that can help us not
    only in dealing with the challenges we have in the Western
    Hemisphere but also our leadership globally?
        Ambassador Noyes. Thank you for that question, Senator
    Cardin.
        Certainly, this hemisphere is not alone in having issues
    with refugees and migration. One of the administration's major
    efforts with regard to how to deal with these issues is for
    Central America. There is a root cause's strategy to get to the
    causes that lead people to leave their nations.
        But insofar as PRM is concerned, the administration has
    also put forward a comprehensive migration management strategy,
    which is an effort, a whole-of-government effort, to work with
    U.S. Government agencies but also with the governments of the
    region in trying to address the issues that lead to migration
    and to come up with collaborative approaches for dealing with
    those issues, whether it is providing access to temporary work
    permits, providing protection, humanitarian assistance in
    countries where they are needed, dealing with issues of
    corruption, rule of law.
        And that is a model, Senator, that I believe could be very
    useful and very effective in dealing with migration questions
    and refugee challenges elsewhere in the world.
        If confirmed, I really would like to do more in the area of
    humanitarian diplomacy, working closely with our partners and
    with other governments around the world to address these issues
    before they become so severe that they lead people to leave
    their countries, and also to address issues that have led
    people to leave their countries such that they can find ways to
    return safely, humanely, and voluntarily to their home
    countries.
        I think there is a lot to be done in the area of
    humanitarian diplomacy. I think the approach the United States
    is taking in Central America and in Mexico with this holistic
    whole-of-government and collaborative approach with regional
    governments is, again, a model for these issues around the
    world.
        Thank you.
        Senator Cardin. We will be judged by our actions.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
        My understanding is that there are presently no Republican
    colleagues seeking recognition so I will move to Senator Kaine.
        Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, thank you. And again,
    congratulations to the nominees.
        Ambassador Bauer, one of the wonderful opportunities in the
    U.S. relationship with France is that France has significant
    equities all over the globe in areas where the U.S. shares
    interest, and we work in tandem in Southeast Asia. We work in
    tandem in the Sahel. I want to ask a question about one of the
    countries you mentioned, Lebanon.
        The U.S.-Lebanese relationship, especially with the
    Lebanese military, has been a strong one. Lebanon is very
    strategically important.
        But right now in Lebanon there has just been a set of
    catastrophes, one after the next, and the current political
    situation in Lebanon poses grave risk both to the health and
    satisfaction and quality of life of everyday Lebanese but also
    the surrounding communities.
        The French Government under President Macron has been very
    involved in trying to promote a better chapter for Lebanon.
    Should you be confirmed, what might we be able to do, the
    United States and France together, to figure out ways to help
    Lebanon to a better place?
        Ambassador Bauer. Thank you for the question, Senator
    Kaine.
        Yes, indeed, it is a very challenging situation, and it is
    my understanding that we are working closely with the French
    and that the French take it very seriously and will be good
    allies, going forward.
        It is certainly something I would engage on right away
    should I be confirmed, and would also welcome the opportunity
    to consult with you and other members of this committee to
    develop a best plan for going forward.
        Senator Kaine. Excellent. I almost asked that question as a
    proxy for Senator Murphy, who is the chair of the Subcommittee
    of Foreign Relations that oversees that relationship, and he
    just was in Lebanon with other members of the committee.
        I think it is an increasingly destabilized Lebanon is a
    real problem for a lot of nations, including the United States,
    and we can work together with France on that.
        Ambassador Leaf, I am concerned about a number of things in
    the relationship between the United States and Egypt. There are
    some positive developments. President el-Sisi met with Prime
    Minister Bennett in Sharm El Sheikh recently, which was the
    first meeting between leaders of Egypt and Israel in a decade.
    That is positive.
        But I am really worried about human rights issues in Egypt
    and they affect a lot of Virginians. There was reporting in the
    last few months about the involvement of Egyptian intelligence
    in the murder of Virginia resident Washington Post journalist
    Jamal Khashoggi.
        I wrote a letter to the Secretary of State last month
    asking the Department of State to dig into these allegations
    and then render some judgment on the potential applicability of
    7013(c) visa restrictions.
        You are not yet at State. That letter had not come to you.
    But these are very serious allegations of the involvement of
    the Egypt secret police and intel officials in the murder of a
    Virginian, a journalist.
        Now, I will say the Egyptian Government has denied these
    allegations. We spoke directly about it with the head of
    Egyptian intelligence on the committee. But there is an answer
    to the question of whether or not they are involved, and if
    they were there has got to be some consequences.
        Should you be confirmed, will you take this kind of a
    request of the Department of State to make an assessment about
    what occurred and then whether there should be accountability?
    Will you take this matter with the utmost seriousness?
        Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for that question, and
    it is an extraordinarily serious issue that you have raised.
        Within the context more broadly, and I will say straight
    up, of course, I will take my responsibilities absolutely
    seriously, if confirmed, under both U.S. law and U.S. policy on
    human rights.
        I would just offer another couple of comments on this
    broader issue that you raised, how human rights feature in the
    relationship with Egypt, and you will have seen this week that
    Secretary Blinken decided on the issue of $300 million of the
    $1.3 billion of foreign military financing for Egypt.
        It was a very methodical and carefully thought through set
    of decisions to signal, to reaffirm, really, that as with
    countries around the world, human rights do feature at the
    center point of relations with Egypt.
        Now, we have long-standing national security interests in
    that relationship. Egypt has been a strategic partner of
    enormous importance for the U.S. but also for the region and
    for Israel, in particular.
        And as you said, this was a remarkable thing. For the first
    time in a decade you had the two leaders meet publicly. The
    fact that leaders have met before, but they could not do it
    publicly in front of their publics speaks to how unsteady that
    relationship was.
        I will just pledge to you that, if confirmed, I will
    absolutely keep my focus on these human rights issues and the
    case that you cite, in particular.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz?
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ms. Leaf, if confirmed, you are going to inherit a region
    that has been transformed in remarkable ways in recent years,
    most significantly by the Abraham Accords.
        The Abraham Accords were historic peace agreements, the
    first in decades achieved in the region. They were achieved, I
    believe, because the prior administration abandoned the long-
    standing U.S. policy of deliberate ambiguity between Israel and
    the Palestinians and, rather, pursued a policy that America
    unequivocally stands with our friend and ally, the nation of
    Israel.
        That clarity produced the Abraham Accords, I believe. That
    clarity was manifested in multiple ways, including moving our
    embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, including withdrawing from the
    disastrous Obama Iran nuclear deal.
        The Biden administration seems bound and determined to
    unwind all of the positive progress made in the Middle East, to
    run away from the peace deal, to embrace the strategic
    ambiguity that for decades failed, and the Biden administration
    seems to want to go back to that failure.
        When it comes to the Abraham Accords, the Biden
    administration, frankly, has been almost comical, going so far
    as quite literally putting out a guidance at the U.S. State
    Department not to utter the words Abraham Accords, in writing
    officials in the Biden State Department saying, ``We do not use
    those words here.'' Instead, they are to be referred to as
    normalization agreements.
        And I will say that was not simply a written guidance but,
    sadly, it is a guidance that seems to be followed. Just
    yesterday, the U.S. ambassador of the United Nations, Linda
    Thomas-Greenfield, gave a speech on the anniversary of the
    Abraham Accords in which she refused to utter the words Abraham
    Accords. The entire thing seems like a Monty Python skit.
        I understand that the Biden administration is not a fan of
    Donald Trump. But throwing away historic Middle East peace
    agreements because the administration does not like their
    predecessor is extraordinarily foolish, it is harmful to the
    United States, and it is harmful to our friends and allies.
        Can you tell this committee, in your judgment, what is the
    importance of the Abraham Accords and should they be maintained
    and strengthened or should they be undermined and weakened?
        Ambassador Leaf. Senator, I agree with you, those are
    historic Accords. The Abraham Accords changed and brought a new
    dynamic to a region that has really had very little in the way
    of good news in recent years.
        There is no question in my mind that they have already
    contributed and will contribute still more to peaceful
    coexistence and to economic integration, and that last piece
    has been very much missing across this region.
        I can assure you that, if confirmed, I will make it a top
    priority not just to help foster the deepening of the roots of
    those relationships, and each of them has different dynamics
    according to their own societies and cultures, but I will work
    with those governments and with the Israeli Government to
    strengthen and deepen those Accords and then widen the circle,
    absolutely.
        There are more opportunities out there. They are not quite
    as in a state of readiness, perhaps, as the UAE was. But there
    are prospects there.
        They start with some very significant moves on people-to-
    people contacts and that is one of the things that really, I
    think, was most striking in the case of the UAE and Bahrain.
        Those governments had begun a very subtle process of
    beginning to warm their public up to the idea, and that is the
    sort of thing that, frankly, the U.S. has to push on with other
    governments and I am ready to do it.
        Senator Cruz. Thank you.
        Ms. Smith, as you know, I am deeply concerned about the
    Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I think that President Biden made an
    enormous and, indeed, a generational geopolitical mistake by
    effectively giving that pipeline to Vladimir Putin.
        In your judgment, what will be the national security harms,
    the economic harms, to Europe and to the United States if and
    when that pipeline goes online and is operational?
        Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
        I agree with the president. I agree with you that the
    pipeline is a bad deal. It is a geopolitical project, as you
    yourself have noted many times.
        It is a project that undermines the safety and security of
    our friends in Europe, particularly in Ukraine. I do not feel
    that this deal, this pipeline, in particular, will be something
    that will bring added security to Europe. Quite the contrary.
        I look forward, though, if confirmed, to working with our
    allies, our partners, on the repercussions of this pipeline as
    I get to Brussels.
        Senator Cruz. I feel obliged to note the president does not
    believe that, because the only reason the pipeline is being
    completed is because Joe Biden waived the sanctions that were
    passed by an overwhelming bipartisan majority of Congress.
        We had stopped the pipeline for over a year, and the Biden
    administration decided, because they wanted to make nice with
    Germany, they would give Putin a generational multi-billion-
    dollar gift and they turned an incredible foreign policy
    victory into a foreign policy failure.
        The Chairman. The time of the senator has expired.
        I would just note for the record an hour ago the State
    Department spokesman, Ned Price, was heralding the Abraham
    Accords and called it as such, and the United Arab Emirates
    promoted it as part of their Foreign Service movement.
        The administration has used and I am sure will continue to
    use the term Abraham Accords.
        Senator Coons?
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch.
        And, Chairman Menendez, thank you for setting the record
    straight about both the bipartisan support for the Abraham
    Accords here and the ways in which the State Department
    continues to advocate for their full implementation.
        To the nominees before us, thank you for your willingness
    to serve. Let me thank your families and those who have helped
    support you in your careers and service so far and will support
    you should you be confirmed.
        Let me just ask a few quick questions. I have less than
    five minutes but I am delighted to have a chance to ask each of
    you a question or two.
        Ms. Bauer, if I might, what lessons did you learn from your
    time as Ambassador to Belgium about working with the Foreign
    Service? And you have said to me when we had a chance to talk
    before this hearing that one of the most important jobs an
    ambassador faces is protecting State Department employees and
    other American citizens abroad.
        How do you intend to help contribute to that sacred
    challenge, that obligation, that opportunity, that our
    diplomats have abroad?
        Ambassador Bauer. Thank you, Senator Coons.
        Indeed, working with the team at the State Department and
    the interagency team in Brussels was an incredible privilege.
    It is a skilled and dedicated group of people and it is part of
    what made me so excited about the opportunity to potentially
    serve again was to think of working with the same extraordinary
    team.
        On the security front, I think it is a matter of having
    really close communication, no silos, working as a team, making
    sure everyone trusts each other and we are having really
    regular communications not only within the team in France,
    should I be confirmed, but throughout Europe and, of course,
    consulting with the Senate and other important partners.
        Senator Coons. Thank you. I did not mean to skip over Ms.
    Noyes.
        If I might, your role is going to be absolutely critical,
    and as the daughter of Cuban refugees, I think you bring an
    important and unique perspective to this vital role.
        If you would just share with me, briefly, what lessons from
    your service as ambassador to Croatia would you bring to PRM,
    and how should the State Department address the visa backlog
    and how will you work to increase international cooperation on
    difficult and urgent issues like resettlement of refugees and
    humanitarian assistance?
        Ambassador Noyes. Senator, thank you for that question.
        I think I have learned lessons from throughout my career in
    a variety of different positions, not just as ambassador but
    even as the Acting Director of FSI, lessons about management,
    about teamwork, about how I would pick up part of Denise's
    answer about working with the team and making sure that
    everyone makes a contribution.
        One of my biggest priorities, if confirmed, would be to
    help rebuild the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration,
    which is badly understaffed at this point at a time when it is
    really being stretched to carry out a lot of functions.
        A big priority would be rebuilding that bureau, and in
    rebuilding that bureau working to rebuild the U.S. Refugee
    Admissions Program, which is critical for America's
    humanitarian leadership around the world, and working with
    partners in the State Department and in the interagency on
    helping to resettle the Afghan refugees.
        In so far as the visa backlog question, Senator, the Bureau
    of Population, Refugees, and Migration does not play a specific
    role on that issue. But I know that my colleagues at the
    Department of State are working very, very hard to process the
    remaining Special Immigrant Visas for Afghans and to do
    whatever is possible to help people at risk in Afghanistan.
        Thank you.
        Senator Coons. I think that is urgent work and I look
    forward to working with the chairman to ensure that the
    resources for that are available.
        Might I ask two more quick questions or are we----
        The Chairman. Since the senator is the chairman of the
    Foreign Ops Subcommittee and Appropriations, definitely go
    ahead.
        Senator Coons. Thank you.
        If I might, Ms. Smith, NATO has just concluded one of its
    most important longest missions and it is now, I think, facing
    a different range of threats, challenges, and adversaries.
        China has expanded its influence not just in the Indo-
    Pacific but in Europe, investing in infrastructure, heightening
    its emphasis on the Arctic, targeting countries in Eastern,
    Central, and Western Europe with disinformation campaigns.
        And in June, the NATO heads of state issued a statement
    that Beijing presents systemic challenges. What risk do you
    think China currently poses to the NATO Alliance and European
    stability, and how would you, if confirmed, work with NATO to
    counter China's malign influence?
        Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
        I do worry about the dangers posed by China in the Euro-
    Atlantic area. I think about the investments that China is
    making in critical infrastructure across the continent.
        I think about their own investments in disruptive
    technology, the lessons they are learning from Russia on
    utilizing disinformation, their evolving maritime presence,
    what they are doing in the Arctic. I really could go on.
        The good news, as you noted yourself, Senator, is that the
    Alliance now has conducted its first China review in 2019. The
    Alliance just recently stated at its summit this past June that
    it is a systemic challenge to the liberal world order.
        Going forward, if confirmed, I would look forward to
    working with the allies as we draft the next Strategic Concept
    to make sure that the challenges posed by China to the wider
    Euro-Atlantic region are featured prominently in the Strategic
    Concept.
        I would also look forward to working with them on acquiring
    better tools to counter some of the malign activities that
    China is pursuing.
        Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you to all of you. And
    thank you for your indulgence, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Senator Murphy?
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Thank you all for being here today. This is an important
    hearing. I hope that you move quickly to the floor.
        But then you are destined to sit in limbo because we have
    two members of the Senate, a list that is growing, that have
    decided to hold up all national security nominees.
        This is a growing danger to the national security of this
    country and I would hope that my Republican colleagues on this
    committee would help us address this very quickly, because
    every single day that we do not have ambassadors, every single
    day that we do not have assistant secretaries, is a day that
    America is not representing its interests around the world.
        A few questions for the panel, and thank you all for your
    tremendous service to the country. We are so grateful for your
    willingness to continue it.
        Ambassador Leaf, I admit to getting a little confused when
    I hear the administration talk about the strategy, moving
    forward, on the JCPOA. Obviously, Senator Menendez and I have
    slightly different views on this issue.
        But what I understand to be the administration's policy is
    that while we absolutely believe that at the same time we can
    work on addressing Iran's nuclear program and its support for
    terrorist groups and its other malevolent behaviors in the
    region, our belief continues to be that a compliance-for-
    compliance deal on the JCPOA is meritorious on its own and that
    if we can get back into the JCPOA then that makes it a lot
    easier to confront many of their other behaviors around the
    region.
        I just want to confirm that that continues to be the
    position of the administration, that understanding how
    difficult it is to figure out how to get back into the
    agreement that we still believe that it is a priority to get
    back into the agreement and we are not conditioning the restart
    of the JCPOA on an additional set of agreements on a whole host
    of nonnuclear behaviors by the Iranian regime.
        Ambassador Leaf. Senator, the only word I would disagree
    with in that set of statements and that question was whether it
    would be easier following reentry into JCPOA to deal with all
    those other problems.
        But no, to be serious, the administration is committed to a
    methodical diplomatic effort to rejoin the JCPOA based on
    mutual compliance. That is an overriding national security
    imperative because, at this point, Iran's nuclear program is
    untrammeled.
        The priority is getting it back into a box. But
    notwithstanding those diplomatic efforts in Vienna, the
    administration continues in parallel, in tandem, to, on a
    constant basis, address the regional dimension of Iran's
    destabilizing behavior.
        There is an objective on the part of the administration to
    then build upon in nuclear terms a longer stronger deal. But
    the ongoing work is ongoing. It will continue apart.
        Senator Murphy. I am going to submit a question to the
    record on Lebanon. I will not ask a question to you now.
        But Hezbollah is spinning up a very effective narrative
    there right now about the United States blockade of energy
    resources into the country and they are offering ships of their
    own through Iran.
        We have got to solve for this very quickly. The narrative
    is pervasive, and there are ways in which we can creatively try
    to address the fuel shortage, the crisis in Lebanon right now.
    But we have to do it very, very quickly.
        And so I will submit a question to the record because I
    wanted to ask one final question here to you, Ms. Smith. I
    think one of the biggest scams going is the way that we assess
    NATO contributions to the Alliance.
        Despite the fact that the adversaries to the United States
    and our NATO partners are using all sorts of means other than
    conventional military pressure to try to undermine the
    democracies of NATO, we continue to assess whether or not you
    are a full member in good standing by the amount of your
    defense spending, even though Russia is delighting in
    asymmetric warfare that is defensed in ways other than aircraft
    carriers and ships and brigades.
        Is there a better way, moving forward, that we can assess
    whether members of the NATO Alliance are in good standing other
    than the simple amount of their GDP that they are spending on
    hard traditional conventional defense spending?
        Ms. Smith. Senator, thank you for that question.
        Traditionally, NATO's deterrence and defense posture has
    been based on three legs of a stool, so conventional
    capabilities, nuclear capabilities, and missile defense
    capabilities. And so we always measured allies' contributions
    in a very conventional framing.
        But in recent years, as you noted, increasingly, the NATO
    Alliance is defining its posture, deterrence, and defense
    posture in other ways. It is looking at cybersecurity,
    increasingly working that into operational planning. It is
    looking at those gray zone threats, the hybrid threats:
    disinformation, coercion, and other forms of gray zone tactics.
        And so, going forward, on this question of burden sharing,
    there is a lot to do. First and foremost, we have to keep a
    laser like focus on 2 percent. Allies all made that commitment
    to get to 2 percent in 2014. Many have gotten there or will get
    there by 2024. But we have to continue to apply pressure on
    those that will not yet meet that target by 2024.
        Increasingly, I think we have to have conversations with
    our allies about other aspects: readiness, force generation,
    capability gaps, broadly defined.
        And so, if confirmed, I would look forward to working with
    our allies on this broader definition of NATO's deterrence and
    defense posture and the question of burden sharing.
        Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Van Hollen is
    with us virtually.
        Senator Van Hollen. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
        Let me join my colleagues in congratulating all of you on
    your nominations, and I am impressed with the great depth and
    breadth of foreign policy experience represented on this panel.
        I also want to associate myself with the comments of both
    the chairman and Senator Murphy that the ever longer line of
    nominations being held up on the Senate floor hurts our
    national security and undermines our capacities.
        Ambassador Noyes, you have got a huge amount of challenges
    in the portfolio you have been nominated to oversee, including
    recent developments in Afghanistan, and I am going to be
    submitting some questions to the record for you.
        Ambassador Leaf, I just returned from a trip to Lebanon,
    Israel, and the West Bank with Senator Murphy and others, and I
    have a couple questions related to that trip, starting with
    Lebanon.
        We were pleased to see that after over a year of no
    government, last Friday we finally have a government in
    Lebanon. As you know, that is just the first step. They have
    got to address the economic crisis, bring more accountability
    and transparency to a system that is rife with political
    corruption, and keep elections on track for next year.
        But the one institution in the country that is almost
    universally respected is the nonsectarian Lebanese Armed
    Forces. And my question to you, and it is a simple question, is
    do you agree it is in our national interests to continue to
    support that effort?
        And I will add one of the things that was highlighted
    during our visit was that because of the economic crisis, pay
    for members of the Lebanese Armed Forces has just collapsed.
        In fact, there is a story today the Lebanese Armed Forces
    is providing helicopter rides for tourists in order to raise
    money, and the pay of the Lebanese Armed Forces is now way
    below what Hezbollah pays its militias.
        A question. So you agree that continued U.S. support for
    the Lebanese Armed Forces is in our interest of providing some
    measure of stability respect to interfaith communities, inter-
    communal stability, and national stability? Just yes or no.
        Ambassador Leaf. Yes, absolutely. If you would like, I can
    offer a few other thoughts on this.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Let me get on the
    other questions. If I have time in the end----
        Ambassador Leaf. Please.
        Senator Van Hollen:--I will circle back.
        We also, as I said, went to Israel and the West Bank. In
    Israel, we affirmed our support for the replenishment of the
    Iron Dome and our support for the Abraham Accords.
        We also discussed both in Israel and the West Bank
    President Biden's plan to reopen the consulate in Jerusalem
    that had been in existence for over a hundred years before the
    previous administration terminated it.
        My question is does the president plan to continue with
    that commitment to open the consulate and what would be the
    timetable?
        Ambassador Leaf. Yes, Senator, that is the President's
    commitment, and he believes, and Secretary Blinken spoke to
    this issue over the last couple months that reopening the
    consulate provides a critical platform for diplomatic
    engagement with both the Palestinian leadership and the
    Palestinian people.
        I am not privy to the plans in the State Department in
    terms of timing of that. But, if confirmed, of course, I will
    work to execute the President's commitment.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. In my remaining time, let me
    now circle back to Lebanon, and in addition to elaborating on
    the Lebanese Armed Forces just follow up with the issue that
    Senator Murphy raised, which is, as you know, Iran right now is
    sending tankers with fuel to Hezbollah via a port in Syria to
    be transported over land.
        Our really great ambassador there, Ambassador Shea, has
    expressed her strong opposition to that but also proposed an
    alternative, a much more sustainable plan, a real plan that
    involves bringing electricity from Egypt through Jordan to
    Lebanon but would have to transit Syria.
        There are issues of whether or not that is compliant with
    the Caesar Act or whether a waiver would be required. Can you
    just offer your thoughts on that, in addition to the Lebanese
    Armed Forces?
        Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for
    calling out Ambassador Shea for her great efforts there on the
    ground with her team.
        Yeah, it is interesting, the issue of this acute energy
    crisis. It is side by side with the general disintegration of
    the economy, which is, as you and Senator Murphy saw, is having
    a terrible deleterious effect across society and is crumbling
    the foundations of the LAF itself. I mean, the currency has
    lost 90 percent of its value in the last two years. Imagine
    what a soldier makes.
        On this issue of an energy solution, side by side with
    this, frankly, PR stunt by Hezbollah, this is a regionally
    produced solution or proposed solution, which, as you say, it
    is our partners, Egypt and Jordan, who have teamed together to
    look at the issue of excess electricity and natural gas to get
    it across Syria into Lebanon.
        This is a project that, as I understand it, is endorsed by
    the World Bank. So, the State Department is looking at it
    carefully within the framework of U.S. law and sanctions
    policy.
        But it shows some promise on the face of it and, of course,
    the Department will consult thoroughly with Treasury on the way
    forward. But it, certainly, offers the prospect of a cheaper,
    cleaner, and defensible solution, a short-term fix to what is a
    larger terrible problem in Lebanon.
        And the first step, of course, is that they have finally,
    after 13 months, put together a government, which is only the
    first step. Important economic reforms must follow after.
        And I will just say, finally, on the LAF, support for the
    LAF as the true cross confessional institution of public trust
    and capability in the country will remain a priority for this
    administration.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Let me follow up on one point that
    Senator Van Hollen made.
        And I look forward to hearing back from the department. I
    helped write the Caesar Act and I do not want to give relief to
    the Assad regime.
        However, in this particular case for these particular
    circumstances, if the department makes the determination that
    that is the only impediment towards an agreement for energy
    flow into Lebanon, I have asked them to come to me because I
    think it is important enough to find a way forward.
        Let me also follow on. A question, Ambassador Leaf, that
    was promoted to you by Senator Murphy--and he and I do have a
    respectful disagreement about the JCPOA--I understood your
    answer to say that if we can get a compliance-for-compliance
    deal we will do that, and then the stronger longer comes later.
    Is that it?
        Ambassador Leaf. Senator, what I meant by that was follow-
    on negotiations would necessarily look at building out on the
    JCPOA.
        The Chairman. Right, but they would come later?
        Ambassador Leaf. Following it. Yes, sir.
        The Chairman. Yeah. That is the problem. The conversations
    that I have had with the administration is that returning to
    the JCPOA with a commitment from the Iranians for a negotiation
    on what is longer and stronger, that is something I could
    support.
        But if it is just compliance-for-compliance and then we
    wait to see whether the Iranians are actually serious about
    longer and stronger, that is a problem because they will have
    received what they wanted.
        And let us remember that our circumstances today are
    different than when we entered the JCPOA. Number one, time has
    elapsed. The sunset clauses are closer. Some of them have
    already elapsed on some critical issues.
        And Iran has moved forward on its abilities and knowledge
    in terms of enrichment. We are not in the same place. Even with
    compliance-for-compliance, we are not in the same place.
        I do not hold you responsible for this because even though
    you work at the NSC it is, I am sure, above your pay grade. But
    I just want to make it clear that from the chairman's point of
    view this is a problem.
        And so I have given the administration a lot of room under
    the basis that they are looking for an agreement that goes back
    to compliance but is also a pathway to longer and stronger, and
    just that it will happen later on in the hopes that the
    Iranians will be good actors is not something that I can be
    supportive of.
        I just want to raise that question. I think this question
    is rather self-obvious, but I just want to do it for the
    record.
        Do you commit to fully supporting Israel's right to self-
    defense and its qualitative military edge, including through
    U.S. military assistance?
        Ambassador Leaf. Yes, Senator.
        The Chairman. Okay. I want to go to Lebanon as well. This
    economic crisis has pushed the middle class into poverty, but
    the country's political elite still have shown no appetite for
    needed reforms.
        This new government, it is my hope that Hezbollah will
    allow this government to operate.
        How do we balance the need to help alleviate suffering in
    Lebanon while directly contributing to security and stability--
    which directly contributes to security and stability not only
    in Lebanon but Israel and throughout the region, but ensure
    that our assistance is being used to incentivize reforms?
        Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator. You have put your
    finger on the crux of the issue.
        There is a situation that in real terms is quite terrifying
    that confronts Lebanon and I wish the Lebanese political class
    and its leaders and those who formed the caretaker government
    have felt the same sense of urgency about the situation that
    outsiders like the U.S. Government, the French Government, and
    others have felt about the situation.
        There is at play here, a need for pressure and inducements
    but, really, not inducements in an immediate sense. It is,
    rather, that this government, having been formed, it is only
    the first minimal step on what has to be a long road of
    structural economic reform, which will then unlock, be it
    international financing, loans, and other forms of foreign
    assistance.
        The Biden administration has been working this set of
    issues closely with France and several other regional partners
    to provide that constant pressure on individuals as well as the
    Government to make it clear that there is no rescue coming from
    outside.
        The solution to Lebanon lies in Lebanese hands. But it is
    going to be a long slow road ahead.
        The Chairman. I hope we will do what is necessary to try to
    get them to be part of the decision-making necessary so they
    can get IMF funding and reforms and move on, and I think there
    is a great will in the Congress to help Lebanon but Lebanon
    must help itself in that regard.
        And I think if the message is there that we are standing
    willing to help, then the onus is upon its own leaders to
    create that opportunity.
        Ambassador Leaf. Absolutely.
        The Chairman. Okay. I just want to touch on Egypt with you
    and then I will move on.
        Egypt is both an incredibly important security partner to
    us, to the region, to Israel. I was in Greece this summer. I
    spoke to the foreign minister. He made a very big point about
    Egypt's stability in the region.
        They are a member of the East Med Gas Forum along with
    Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Jordan. They worked to deescalate
    the conflict between Israel and Hamas in the past conflicts.
    They, obviously, are playing a significant role in that regard.
        They have issues as well. They have issues with the Grand
    Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or what we call the GERD. And when I
    speak to them, I believe that they are serious about their red
    lines on the GERD. And, though, while they do not seek it, I,
    certainly, think the last thing we can avoid is a conflict
    there, at the end of the day. I hope that you will join whoever
    is in the administration focused on this to try to find a
    resolution.
        Then, of course, we have our continuing challenges on human
    rights. I know that the Egyptians argue that, look at what we
    are doing for the quality of life for the Egyptian people. That
    should be considered human rights, too.
        But imprisonment and unlawful detention is also not
    acceptable on these set of circumstances. We have to press them
    on all these different fronts, and I will assume that that is
    something that you will do, if confirmed.
        Ambassador Leaf. If confirmed, I will absolutely do that.
    And you have sketched out exactly the color, the texture, the
    complexity of that relationship. But it is quite strategic.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Ms. Smith, I have some real concerns about NATO in terms of
    where we are headed, and your time there will be very
    important. They fall in two buckets. One is NATO, of course,
    was created as a security architecture, which has been
    exceptionally successful.
        But it was also founded on a set of principles, of values,
    that were joined by the member nations. And, of course, the
    provision of the NATO treaty that says an attack on one is an
    attack on all is a critical nature of that. We have reaffirmed
    that.
        But what happens in the eventuality that an attack by one
    NATO member against another NATO member takes place? It is a
    serious issue, and while we never envisioned that, I am deeply
    concerned about Turkey's actions in the eastern Mediterranean
    against another NATO ally, Greece, where we have Souda Bay,
    where we are deepening our relationship. We are on the verge of
    signing a new defense cooperation agreement, a Memorandum of
    Understanding, hopefully, in October.
        I think that is a discussion that NATO is going to have to
    have. I would like to get your impressions on that.
        Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator.
        NATO, as you know, recently spent some time drafting this
    2030 report thinking about where the allies want to take the
    Alliance towards 2030 and what capabilities it would need, what
    new mechanisms it might need, what measures it could undertake
    to address some new challenges.
        But, really, at the heart of that report sits the
    importance of Alliance cohesion and unity, and that is a theme
    that runs throughout the report.
        And as I noted in my opening remarks, I am concerned about
    some of the actions we are seeing in some NATO member states
    that bring into question whether or not each member state is
    upholding our shared values of democracy, individual liberty,
    and rule of law.
        If confirmed, I would work to ensure that we can return our
    focus back to Alliance unity, solidarity, and resolve.
        On your question about Turkey more specifically, this is an
    ally inside the NATO Alliance that has played a key role in
    some of its cooperation with both the United States and other
    NATO allies in the counterterrorism realm.
        But we have also had some really hard questions with Turkey
    and some tough discussions, particularly about their decision
    to purchase the S-400s, which all of us have made clear are not
    compatible with the Alliance, not interoperable, and I think,
    rightly, past U.S. administrations, other allies, have warned
    the Turks that these types of purchases cannot be made
    operational. They cannot be maintained. They should not have
    been purchased in the first place.
        And so we have to continue to drive the message home to our
    friends in Ankara that it is important that we focus on that
    Alliance cohesion.
        Yes, we can have some tough conversations with our friends
    in Ankara, difficult discussions about human rights as well,
    but also acknowledge that Turkey is an ally and that all of us
    want Turkey to remain facing westward.
        The Chairman. We want them facing westward as long as they
    are also sharing westward values. When you purchase the S-400,
    which is in violation of CAATSA, that I helped write--when
    you--totally not interoperable with the NATO Alliance--when you
    commit actions that instigate against another NATO ally in
    Greece--you overfly their airspace, you invade their
    territorial waters, you threaten their exclusive economic
    zone--when we say that there are more lawyers and journalists
    in prison in Turkey than in any other part of the world, and
    there are some bad parts of the world, that speaks volumes
    about not sharing on values.
        What they did in Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh region,
    the list is replete. I just hope that you will be going clear
    eyed with an understanding of this challenge.
        Yes, we want them to be everything we aspired of them--the
    bridge between East and West, the secular, more democratic
    country, a strong NATO ally, respecting the rule of law.
        But under President Erdogan that is not the reality, and as
    it is in life, we have to deal with that which is the reality,
    not that which we aspire to.
        I hope you will be thinking about that because we have to
    answer the question, God forbid, that one NATO ally attacks
    another what is the answer of the Alliance then.
        Secondly, I hope you will pay attention to what is the new
    hybrid warfare that, particularly, Russia has done.
        We need to be able to think about how we respond in that
    regard when Russia uses forces that are irregular--but they are
    Russian forces for all intents and purposes, whether they are
    the Wagner Group or others--and at the end of the day,
    threatens stability in the region, as well as the new cyber
    challenges that we have, which are a new form of warfare.
        Are those items that you will be paying attention to, if
    confirmed?
        Ms. Smith. Absolutely. Russia remains the biggest
    geopolitical threat to the Euro-Atlantic region, certainly,
    will be the biggest military threat to the NATO Alliance for
    the foreseeable future, certainly, over the next decade.
        NATO has done a lot to enhance its deterrence and defense
    posture since Russia went into Ukraine in 2014. But as you
    note, Senator, there is more work to be done. Russia's
    aggression continues.
        We have to hold Russia accountable for their actions across
    the full spectrum of instruments whether we are talking about
    conventional capabilities, flying into NATO airspace, acts of
    intimidation, or cyber attacks.
        NATO has done a lot to take on the cyber challenge,
    particularly in 2016, acknowledging that this is a new domain
    for the Alliance. But we do have more work to do in that
    regard.
        The Chairman. Thank you. We look forward to you getting
    there soon because I think these issues are really percolating
    as we speak.
        Finally, Ambassador Bauer, I do not want you to think you
    are not the object of my affection in terms of any questions.
        Let me ask you, President Macron has sought to advance a
    concept of strategic autonomy, to use his words, which some
    have interpreted as France distancing itself from the United
    States and creating tensions within NATO.
        What are your views on this question of strategic autonomy
    and what would you be saying, upon confirmation, to President
    Macron about it?
        Ambassador Bauer. Thank you for the question.
        As Ms. Smith was noting, NATO is the premier transatlantic
    forum for national security. That is, for us, our top priority
    is our NATO Alliance.
        And France is, indeed, a very good partner on that, and I
    greatly appreciate their interest in strengthening security in
    Europe, and I would ask them, perhaps, as their first step to
    help us in encouraging those who are not meeting their
    commitments to the 2 percent in NATO and to other capabilities
    within NATO to do that.
        The Chairman. All right. I get the sense of being stronger.
    I just hope that it is stronger in complete alignment with
    NATO. We are all for being stronger. But the last thing we need
    is a separate parallel effort with NATO when NATO can use all
    the strengthening it can get. I think that will be one of your
    important jobs.
        And the last thing I would just say, commend to you, that
    the French care a great deal about Lebanon and we have heard
    that there has been some engagement. I hope you will deepen
    that and play with Ambassador Leaf and others a role to bring
    this whole combination of governments together.
        I think the stability in Lebanon is incredibly important. I
    have had many discussions with the French ambassador here as
    well as the French foreign minister and some of their
    negotiators on the Iran portfolio.
        We have talked to them about what the administration now
    describes as stronger and longer, that there has to be more
    than just a return to the JCPOA.
        They seem to suggest that, yes, we recognize that, and I
    hope that you will be able to deepen that approach if you are
    confirmed to your position.
        Ambassador Bauer. Thank you. That would certainly be a
    priority for me.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        All right. I have no other members virtually or otherwise.
    We thank you all for your testimony.
        The record for the hearing will remain open until the close
    of business on Thursday, September 16, 2021. Please ensure that
    questions for the record are submitted no later than Thursday.
        We would say to our nominees that there will inevitably be
    questions for the record for you. We would ask you to answer
    them fully, and I say that because we very often get answers
    that are very superficial, which then causes members to hold up
    a nominee's business meeting and we have to go back to the
    department to say this answer is not sufficiently answered.
        To the extent that you get a question, please answer them
    expeditiously, answer them fully, so we can have your
    nominations be brought up at a business meeting.
        With the thanks of the committee, to all of you for your
    willingness to serve, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

    Letter Submitted by Admiral James Stavridis, USN (Ret.), Former Supreme
     Allied Commander at NATO, Supporting the Nomination of Julianne Smith
        to be U.S. Permanent Representative to the Council of the North
                          Atlantic Treaty Organization

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. How many individuals are in the current P-2 referral
    queue?

        Answer. To date, I understand over 20,000 cases consisting of
    around 55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-2 refugee
    resettlement program.

        Question. How will PRM work with individual Afghans who have
    submitted applications through the P-2 referral process?

        Answer. On August 2, 2021, the Department of State announced a new
    Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
    (USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family
    members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-admissions-program-
    priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The Department of State
    has designated certain categories of Afghan nationals as having access
    to the USRAP by virtue of their circumstances and apparent need for
    resettlement. This priority group includes Afghans who are or were
    employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or
    nongovernmental organization (NGO). It expands the opportunity to
    permanently resettle in the United States to many Afghans and their
    immediate family members who may be at risk due to their U.S.
    affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant Visa because
    they did not have qualifying employment or because they have not met
    the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an SIV.
        In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also
    gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific
    entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or
    a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of
    refugees already resettled in the United States.
        The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
    based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for
    Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
    afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the
    USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and children) who
    might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
        The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands
    the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many
    thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at
    risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear,
    assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
        I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S.
    employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental
    organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee
    referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for
    resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware
    of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2
    referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The
    administration recognizes the role this new designation and the refugee
    resettlement program in general will play in the lives of those that
    risked their safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has
    made clear, helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the
    United States.

        Question. How long should it take PRM to process P-2 applications
    during the pre-screening phase?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the amount of time it will take
    for the relevant PRM-funded Resettlement Support Center to pre-screen
    cases will vary according to region. In general, it takes approximately
    12 to 18 months to process a refugee resettlement case from start to
    finish including pre-screening, the U.S. Citizen and Immigration
    Services interview, and required security vetting.

        Question. Do you support expanding the P-2 eligibility to include
    sub-grantees and sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects, given that
    the risks these staff face are no less grave than those of primary
    recipients? If not, why not?

        Answer. I understand the Department's policy is that Afghans who
    worked for sub-grantees or sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects may
    be referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program through an Embassy
    P-1 referral if the individual is well-known to a U.S. Government
    official and has imminent or compelling protection concerns.
    Alternatively, such individuals who register with the United Nations
    High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in a third country may be
    referred for resettlement in the United States by UNHCR. I understand
    that sub-grantees and sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects do not
    formally qualify for the P-2 program.

        Question. Once eligible organizations have submitted referrals, how
    will employers, organizations, and referred individuals receive
    information about the status of their applications?

        Answer. After the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program has received a
    referral from a U.S. Government agency, a U.S.-based non-governmental
    organization, or a U.S.-based media organization, and the individual
    has relocated to a country where refugee processing can occur, I
    understand the referred individual will need to contact PRM to begin
    processing their case. Individuals should follow the guidelines on
    wrapsnet.org to contact PRM. At that point, PRM will assign the case to
    a PRM-funded overseas Resettlement Support Center for processing.

        Question. What are the administration's plans to process Afghans in
    third countries?

        Answer. Once an individual referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions
    Program (USRAP) arrives in a country where processing is feasible and
    reaches out to PRM, following the guidelines found on wrapsnet.org, I
    understand that PRM will create and assign a refugee case to the
    appropriate PRM-funded Resettlement Support Center (RSC) to begin
    processing the case where the refugee is located. I understand that
    RSCs will collect data and pre-screen Afghan USRAP applicants, and all
    individuals will need to complete a refugee interview with a U.S.
    Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officer.

        Question. What role and presence, if any, will U.S. agencies have
    in third countries? What role, if any, will UN agencies and
    international NGOs play there?

        Answer. It is my understanding that that there are regional PRM-
    funded Resettlement Support Centers that process U.S. Refugee
    Admissions Program (USRAP) cases for individuals once they reach a
    third country. I also understand that individuals with urgent
    protection needs may register and seek assistance from the Government
    of the country they are in or from the United Nations High Commissioner
    for Refugees.

        Question. How will PRM specifically ensure that they have access to
    basic services while awaiting U.S. Government P-2 processing?

        Answer. It is my understanding that individuals with urgent needs
    should follow procedures to register for international protection and
    assistance with the government of the country where they are located.
    They may also register and seek assistance from the United Nations High
    Commissioner for Refugees. If confirmed, I would work with
    international humanitarian partners and other governments to address
    their needs for basic services.

        Question. What will be the contingency plan should at-risk Afghans'
    applications for P-1, P-2, and SIV be rejected while they are in a
    third country?

        Answer. Individuals with urgent protection needs should follow
    procedures to register for international protection and assistance with
    the government of the country where they are located. They may also
    register and seek assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner
    for Refugees. If confirmed, I would work with international
    humanitarian partners and other governments to address their protection
    concerns and needs for support. The United States appreciates that
    other countries have agreed to host and resettle at-risk Afghans, and
    if confirmed, I would pursue durable solutions for these individuals.

        Question. What steps, if any, is PRM taking to provide similar
    protections or pathways for Afghans employed by international
    organizations?

        Answer. I understand that Afghans employed by international
    organizations may be referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
    through an Embassy P-1 referral, if well-known to a U.S. Government
    official, or through a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
    referral to the United States or another resettlement country.

        Question. What will be the process for P-2 eligible Afghans who
    were paroled into the U.S.?

        Answer. It is my understanding that Afghan individuals at risk who
    are paroled into the United States as a result of the U.S. airlift are
    transferred temporarily to a U.S. military installation. Following
    medical and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service processing on the
    military base, these Afghan parolees can access the Afghan Placement &
    Assistance (APA) Program once they arrive at their final destination in
    the United States. The purpose of the APA Program is to provide paroled
    Afghans with initial relocation services for 30 to 90 days after
    arrival as they begin to rebuild their lives in the United States.
    These services are provided through local refugee resettlement agencies
    and community partners.

        Question. Will the administration modify the P-2 program to allow
    for processing while in the U.S.?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government is
    currently exploring options under the P-2 program for processing
    Afghans who have been paroled into the United States.

        Question. How is PRM working with other federal agencies and the
    White House to conduct an assessment of security vetting processes,
    particularly in light of EO 14013?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of Homeland
    Security is the lead agency for vetting of all travelers applying for
    admission to the United States, including refugees. I understand PRM is
    working closely with the DHS' Citizenship and Immigration Service and
    other U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) vetting partners to
    conduct needed reviews and implement technical improvements to USRAP
    security vetting. I also understand that includes the goal of
    incorporating refugee vetting into the National Vetting Center to
    enhance the efficiency and reduce redundancies in vetting, without
    compromising the security of the American people.

        Question. What steps do you think PRM should be taking with DHS to
    improve refugee vetting and security checks?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of Homeland
    Security (DHS) is the lead agency for vetting of all travelers applying
    for admission to the United States, including refugees. As noted
    previously, I understand PRM is working closely with the DHS' U.S.
    Citizenship and Immigration Service and other USRAP vetting partners to
    conduct the needed reviews and implement technical improvements to U.S.
    Refugee Admissions Program security vetting. I also understand that
    includes the goal of incorporating refugee vetting into the National
    Vetting Center to speed the process and reduce redundancies, without
    compromising the security of the American people.

        Question. Would you commit to reviewing and implementing the
    reports required by EO 14013 on vetting and SAO checks?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing and implementing fully
    and completely all of the reports and measures in E.O. 14013 that the
    President directs, including those focused on the Security Advisory
    Opinion (SAO) process and security vetting for refugee applicants to
    the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. I believe the security of the
    American people remains paramount in all Department of State programs
    and initiatives and will work in keeping with that belief if confirmed.

        Question. How is the Department engaging with allies around the
    world to meet the UN appeals for urgent humanitarian funding to support
    the needs of Afghans inside Afghanistan, including millions of IDPs?

        Answer. I understand that the State Department continues to support
    the needs of vulnerable Afghans through urgent humanitarian funding,
    highlighted by the recent announcement of $64 million in new
    humanitarian assistance to people affected by the ongoing crisis,
    bringing the total on behalf of the United States to $330 million this
    fiscal year. This new support to United Nations agencies, including the
    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and World Health
    Organization, and to international non-governmental organizations, is
    part of the nearly $1.2 billion in humanitarian funding to Afghanistan
    pledged by nations around the world. My understanding is that the
    Department continues to engage partners at the highest levels to
    encourage full funding of urgent appeals and a continued commitment to
    Afghans in need. If confirmed, I would call for international
    responsibility sharing to meet humanitarian needs there and around the
    world.

        Question. Should the United States and the international community
    demand certain commitments from the Taliban before providing
    development aid? Should we insist that we will only provide support if
    they uphold the humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality,
    and independence?

        Answer. My understanding is that the State Department and USAID are
    reviewing all types of U.S. foreign assistance to Afghanistan. In my
    view, that review should include discussion of our posture and
    expectations vis-a-vis the Taliban. I would refer you to my colleagues
    at USAID and in the South Central Asia bureau at the State Department
    on the USG's plans to provide development aid to Afghanistan. Insofar
    as humanitarian aid, I understand that U.S. humanitarian assistance is
    provided on the basis of need through international and non-
    governmental organization partners, not directly to governments. In
    Afghanistan, more than 18 million people are in need of humanitarian
    assistance in the face of food insecurity, protection risks, health
    crises, climate change, and conflict instability. The United States
    Government's humanitarian partners have reiterated their commitment to
    stay and to deliver lifesaving assistance directly to the people of
    Afghanistan with impartiality, neutrality, and independence; this
    commitment is based on the needs of the Afghan people, regardless of
    Taliban undertakings.

        Question. What efforts will PRM be making and supporting to bring
    refugee labor mobility to the United States and expand efforts
    internationally to scale this additional solution for refugees and
    other displaced people?

        Answer. I understand that the administration's Collaborative
    Migration Management Strategy (CMMS) includes a specific line of effort
    to enhance regional labor migration pathways, under which PRM, the U.S.
    interagency, international organization partners, and partner
    governments in North and Central America will expand existing and
    create new temporary work visa programs in the region. This is an
    important initiative, and if confirmed, I would seek to expand interim
    solutions, including further resettlement and labor mobility
    opportunities for refugees and other forcibly displaced people in other
    parts of the world.

        Question. Migration is one of the greatest global challenges we
    face. Creating safe, legal pathways for migration should be a key
    component of our response. What is PRM doing to encourage development
    of refugee labor mobility pathways internationally and to make skilled
    labor visas accessible to refugee populations into the United States?

        Answer. I agree on the critical importance of creating legal
    migration pathways, particularly in this hemisphere. If confirmed, I
    will implement the administration's Collaborative Migration Management
    Strategy (CMMS), which includes a specific line of effort to enhance
    regional labor mobility pathways. I understand PRM is working with the
    U.S. interagency, international organization partners, and partner
    governments in North and Central America to expand existing and create
    new temporary work visa programs in the region to provide pathways for
    safe, lawful employment to people likely to migrate seeking economic
    opportunity.
        I respectfully refer you to the Refugee Career Pathways program in
    the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee
    Resettlement for information about employment for refugees who have
    been resettled to the United States.

        Question. What is PRM doing to encourage and ensure that those who
    come with skills, training, education and English language capability
    are matched to private sector employment opportunities commensurate
    with their abilities, so that they can contribute and provide for
    themselves and their families from the outset of their entry into the
    United States?

        Answer. I understand the Reception & Placement Program, funded by
    PRM, lays the foundation for refugees to transition successfully to
    life in the United States. I also understand that a critical component
    of that success is the ability of refugees to achieve early self-
    sufficiency through employment. Resettlement agencies carefully
    consider the availability of appropriate employment opportunities as
    one of the key factors when determining where to resettle individuals,
    drawing on information from a network of over 200 local resettlement
    agency affiliate offices in approximately 150 communities around the
    country. For more information on refugee employment programming and
    outcomes, I would refer you to the Office of Refugee Resettlement in
    the Department of Health and Human Services.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. What would be your goals and priorities as Assistant
    Secretary of State for the bureau of Population, Refugees, and
    Migration (PRM)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would have three overarching goals as PRM
    Assistant Secretary.
        The first goal would be to represent American values and American
    leadership in the world. To this end, I would lead PRM in promoting
    protection, providing lifesaving humanitarian aid, and seeking durable
    solutions through humanitarian diplomacy for over 80 million people in
    populations of concern. I would promote policies for safe, orderly and
    humane migration as well as population policies that enhance maternal
    and child health. To these ends, I would be a responsible steward of
    the taxpayer dollars that make PRM's work possible, emphasizing risk
    mitigation approaches to ensure aid reaches its intended recipients. I
    would emphasize greater international burden sharing to meet global
    humanitarian needs as well as needed reforms in international
    organizations to make them more efficient, effective, and accountable.
        My second goal would be to rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions
    Program, as directed by the President. I would collaborate closely with
    partners at the Departments of Homeland Security and Health and Human
    Services and in close consultation with the Congress on this objective,
    and with PRM's excellent international organization and non-government
    organization partners, seeking innovations such as private-public
    partnerships to make the program more effective.
        Last but not least, I would seek to rebuild the PRM bureau. PRM's
    response to recent events in Afghanistan impressed me deeply--people
    working 14 to 16-hour days, seven days a week, deploying to other
    locations around the world at short notice, to help people at risk. I
    would seek to fill the many staff vacancies in the bureau as quickly as
    possible, both to increase PRM's long-term capabilities and to provide
    relief for the existing team, and work with the administration to
    ensure the bureau has the adequate resources needed to accomplish its
    work. I would hold staff members accountable for their performance and
    conduct; reward strong performance; increase professional development
    opportunities for PRM's staff; and emphasize the need for diversity,
    equity, and inclusion as hallmarks of a strong team.

        Question. Please comment on the U.S. Government's international
    emergency response capacity and contingency planning. How might PRM
    improve its capacity to protect lives and provide life-sustaining
    assistance?

        Answer. The United States maintains a robust capacity to respond to
    humanitarian crises which exceed the ability and resources of an
    affected country to respond. The United States also engages in
    contingency planning within our own government and with international,
    local, and multilateral partners to coordinate humanitarian responses,
    which is particularly important as the scale and scope of disasters
    increases. I understand PRM is augmenting its own capacity as well as
    the capacity of its partners to respond to increasing humanitarian
    requirements and more complex operating environments, and if confirmed,
    I would continue to support these efforts.

        Question. How will you work with USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian
    Assistance to ensure greater alignment, eliminate duplication and
    waste, expand humanitarian access, mitigate the risk of diversion by
    armed actors and terrorist groups, and ensure U.S. humanitarian
    assistance is effectively targeted toward those in greatest need? How
    will you work with our U.N. partners to do the same?

        Answer. I understand that PRM and USAID/BHA are in regular
    communication from the working level up to leadership on the full range
    of programmatic and policy issues and have robust coordination
    mechanisms. One of my top priorities is to ensure that U.S. taxpayer
    dollars are used in the most efficient and effective manner possible to
    reach intended beneficiaries. One element of that is ensuring
    appropriate coordination with USAID/BHA, leveraging each entity's
    respective strengths to achieve U.S. humanitarian objectives. Regular
    engagement with United Nations (UN) partners at the field and
    headquarters levels also ensures appropriate use of U.S. funding and
    focuses assistance on those most in need. If confirmed, I will continue
    this close collaboration between PRM and USAID/BHA and close
    partnership with U.N. entities.

        Question. What is your assessment of the budget allocated to PRM in
    recent years?

        Answer. The number of people in need of humanitarian assistance
    continues to grow year after year, and needs far outpace global
    resources to respond. Congress has been responsive to this growth in
    needs, as well as new and evolving requirements such as those related
    to the COVID-19 pandemic and, more recently, Afghanistan. The level of
    funding appropriated for humanitarian assistance reflects the strong
    bipartisan commitment to assisting the world's most vulnerable persons
    and to leading with our values and has accordingly supported PRM in
    providing a robust and agile response. In FY 2022, I expect PRM will
    continue to require sustained support to respond to existing crises and
    any new needs as they emerge. If confirmed, I would also make it a
    priority to seek increased contributions from other nations and
    organizations and to foster public-private partnerships to respond to
    these growing crises, in the interest of international responsibility
    sharing.

        Question. To what extent does the current level of staffing of the
    PRM bureau address its three fundamental areas of responsibility:
    population, refugees, and migration?

        Answer. PRM has an existing cadre of well qualified, dedicated
    staff. I understand that Department leadership recently approved 68 new
    permanent positions in PRM to advance humanitarian diplomacy in
    critical regions, better implement humanitarian goals and objectives,
    provide oversight for program integrity, and more efficiently program,
    manage, and monitor billions of dollars of foreign assistance to
    international and non-governmental organizations. Once these new
    positions and other vacancies in the bureau are filled, PRM will be
    well positioned to address all three fundamental areas of
    responsibility. If confirmed, I will seek to fill these positions as
    quickly as possible.

        Question. What is your assessment of PRM's level of accountability
    and effective planning, as well as its ability to conduct program
    oversight?

        Answer. I understand that PRM has a robust planning and programming
    process to align its allocations of funds with strategic priorities.
    PRM also regularly monitors its financial awards to non-governmental
    and international organizations at the field, regional, and
    headquarters levels to safeguard U.S. taxpayer dollars, as evidenced by
    excellent, publicly available audit reports. As humanitarian needs have
    grown around the world, I understand that PRM has sought to increase
    its staffing and oversight capabilities. If confirmed, I am committed
    to ensuring PRM's programs are effective and accountable both to the
    beneficiaries and the American public.

        Question. What are the key protection and assistance needs of
    today's refugees, IDPs, and migrants? If confirmed, how would you
    recommend that PRM marshal its resources to address these challenges?
    What countries or regions should PRM prioritize?

        Answer. Protection and humanitarian assistance needs are immense as
    numbers of people displaced by conflict and crises globally have
    reached record levels in recent years. Among the most pressing needs
    are access--both access for humanitarian aid providers to reach people
    in need, and access to protection for people fleeing persecution and
    violence, prevention of and response to gender-based violence, and
    protection of children and others in particularly vulnerable
    situations. These urgent needs cut across all countries and regions. If
    confirmed, I would ramp up bilateral and multilateral U.S. humanitarian
    diplomacy to advocate for the protection of populations of concern, and
    leverage U.S. influence to prioritize protection efforts by
    international organizations and NGO partners.

        Question. How has COVID-19 impacted the work of PRM's implementing
    partners? What do you anticipate will be the priorities for addressing
    the immediate needs and secondary impacts of the virus on vulnerable
    and displaced populations worldwide?

        Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has affected PRM's implementing
    partners' programming and ability to provide assistance in a timely
    manner due to increased operational costs, ongoing travel and access
    constraints, and other movement restrictions. It has also directly
    affected the health and welfare of marginalized populations around the
    world and exacerbated pre-existing gaps in health, protection,
    assistance, education, and livelihoods. I understand PRM's partners
    emphasize meeting international standards for assistance and protection
    for the most vulnerable while at the same time advocating for the
    inclusion of marginalized, displaced, and hard-to-reach populations
    such as refugees in national plans for vaccine delivery, relief, and
    recovery.

        Question. Please discuss U.S. global humanitarian budget priorities
    for this fiscal year and next, with particular reference to
    humanitarian crises, the impact of COVID-19, and the potential
    consequences for humanitarian portfolios. What changes, if any, would
    you prioritize in PRM's funding approach to humanitarian response and/
    or its work with implementing partners, including U.N. agencies and
    NGOs?

        Answer. Total humanitarian needs far outpace global resources to
    respond, and the COVID-19 pandemic has compounded existing
    vulnerabilities. I understand PRM's FY 2021 budget priorities will
    continue to FY 2022 and include response to the global pandemic; urgent
    humanitarian assistance to support those affected by crises in
    Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Syria, among others; and rebuilding the U.S.
    Refugee Admissions Program.
        PRM's approach reflects strong bipartisan commitment, demonstrated
    through successive administrations, to assisting the world's most
    vulnerable people and to leading with our values. If confirmed, I am
    committed to maintaining U.S. humanitarian leadership and working with
    Congress to respond to existing as well as emerging humanitarian needs.

        Question. How does the U.S. Government coordinate its responses to
    migration crises, such as those in Venezuela or Central America?

        Answer. Interagency coordination between the State Department,
    USAID, and other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security
    is critical in responding to migration crises. My understanding is that
    the National Security Council leads broad coordination through
    interagency meetings. Outside of that formal process, working level
    counterparts exchange information through standing meetings, ad hoc
    huddles, and technical advice on program and policy implementation and
    evaluation. At diplomatic posts overseas, PRM's Refugee Coordinators
    facilitate in-country coordination. If confirmed, I will continue this
    close collaboration between PRM and counterparts in the Department and
    the interagency.

        Question. When and where does PRM take the lead and what, if any,
    are the differences in its approach as compared to that of the U.S.
    Agency for International Development (USAID)?

        Answer. My understanding is that PRM and USAID play separate but
    complementary roles in responding to humanitarian crises. PRM takes the
    lead in providing urgent humanitarian aid and protection to refugees,
    asylum seekers, stateless persons, and vulnerable migrants, working
    through international organizations and non-governmental organizations.
    USAID takes the lead in response to natural and man-made disasters,
    disaster preparedness, and support for internally displaced
    populations; USAID also provides food aid to refugees. USAID also funds
    development programs. In situations where PRM and USAID
    responsibilities converge, I understand they have robust coordination
    mechanisms in the field and in Washington to ensure the overall
    efficiency and effectiveness of U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will
    continue this close collaboration between PRM and USAID.

        Question. What is your assessment of the scope of risks to women
    and girls, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are ways
    that PRM programs specifically address these protection needs?

        Answer. In times of crisis, women and girls are at enormous risk of
    gender-based violence (GBV)--from armed groups, strangers, neighbors,
    and family members. These risks in humanitarian settings were
    exacerbated by COVID-19 and corresponding mitigation measures,
    resulting in a ``shadow'' pandemic of GBV and worldwide spikes in GBV
    risks and reports. In response, the U.S. humanitarian response to
    COVID-19 prioritized protection activities, including programs to help
    prevent GBV and provide psychosocial services to GBV victims, along
    with healthcare, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in the
    COVID-19 humanitarian response.

    UNRWA
        Question. What accountability mechanisms are in place to ensure
    that the administration's resumption of funding for UNRWA does not
    benefit Hamas and its affiliates?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am firmly committed to ensuring that U.S.
    Government funding does not end up in the hand of terrorists, including
    Hamas. The administration provides assistance to international
    organizations and non-governmental organizations in a manner consistent
    with U.S. law and does not provide assistance to Hamas. PRM takes
    seriously its oversight of assistance provided to U.N. operations,
    including UNRWA, to ensure U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching
    the intended recipients, and if confirmed I would maintain this focus.
    I understand UNRWA employs safeguards to prevent support from reaching
    terrorist organizations, including vetting of staff, contractors, and
    beneficiaries; robust monitoring of its programs; thorough
    investigations of any allegations of abuses; and accountability for
    those who violate its policies.

        Question. What accountability mechanisms are in place to ensure
    that the administration's resumption of funding for UNRWA does not
    include textbooks that include anti-Semitic material?

        Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
    form. U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own
    curricula, but use the curricula of host governments. When concepts
    contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host governments'
    educational materials, UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary
    materials for its staff to address the issue. If confirmed, I will
    emphasize the importance of adhering to humanitarian principles,
    including neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.

        Question. To what extent has the administration considered phasing
    out its support for UNRWA and transitioning it to other international
    relief agencies, such as the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)?

        Answer. My understanding is that UNHCR does not have a mandate to
    provide support for Palestinian refugees in the areas where UNRWA
    works. Only UNRWA has the mandate, set by the U.N. General Assembly, to
    provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the five
    regions it covers. In order to fulfill its mandate, UNRWA employs
    teachers and health care workers who provide services directly to
    beneficiaries. The UNHCR mandate also includes a focus on seeking
    durable solutions such as resettlement, repatriation, and local
    integration for refugees, while UNRWA does not have that mandate.
    Decisions on resettlement, repatriation, and local integration of
    Palestinian refugees must be negotiated directly between Israel and the
    Palestinians as final status issues.

    IRAQ P-2
        Question. The State Department notified Congress in April 2021 that
    it had indefinitely suspended the P-2 program for U.S.-affiliated
    Iraqis. This notification followed a January 2021 State Department
    statement that the Department of Justice was ``prosecuting individuals
    for stealing U.S. Government records to take advantage of this
    program,'' which triggered a 90-day suspension. With the special
    immigrant visa program for Iraqis who were employed by or on behalf of
    the U.S. Government no longer accepting new applications, this P-2
    program has been seen as a key avenue for Iraqis who assisted the
    United States to gain U.S. admission.

       What is the status of the review of the P-2 program for U.S.-
            affiliated Iraqis? What changes are under consideration for
            better securing this and perhaps other P-2 programs? When do
            you expect a revised P-2 program for U.S.-affiliated Iraqis to
            be reinstated?

        Answer. I understand PRM has been working closely with the Bureau
    of Diplomatic Security at the State Department and with the Department
    of Homeland Security to support the investigation into the P-2 program
    for U.S. affiliated Iraqis and to ensure no individuals identified by
    the investigation travel to the United States. I also understand PRM
    has contracted a specialist team to analyze current Iraqi P-2 program
    operating procedures, develop recommendations to mitigate fraud
    vulnerabilities once the program reopens, and re-verify the
    qualifications of cases in the existing Iraqi P-2 pipeline. Once the
    overall framework for re-vetting cases has been established, it is my
    understanding that individual screenings and admission of those who
    pass this enhanced screening will begin.

        Question. What was the involvement of former U.S. Embassy Moscow
    local employee Olesya Leonidovna Krasilova in the Iraqi P-2 fraud
    scheme?

        Answer. I understand that the Department cannot comment on an
    ongoing criminal investigation. I respectfully refer you to the U.S.
    Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia for additional
    information.

        Question. Does the U.S. Government suspect her involvement in any
    other criminal activity, espionage, or improper/inappropriate conduct
    with coworkers or contacts during her time as an employee of the United
    States Government?

        Answer. As this is an ongoing criminal investigation, I understand
    that the Department cannot comment on the findings.

        Question. In a press briefing on March 6, 2020 (https://www.mid.ru/
    en/foreign--policy/news/-/asset--publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/
    4078184), Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova claimed
    Krasilova was employed by a ``Russian Government-funded agency,'' when
    she was arrested by Spanish authorities pursuant to a U.S. extradition
    request. Which Russian agency did she work for? How soon after her
    employment at U.S. Embassy Moscow was terminated did Krasilova begin
    working for a Russian Government-funded agency?

        Answer. I understand that the Department cannot comment on the
    findings as there is an ongoing criminal investigation. The U.S.
    Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia may be able to provide
    additional information.

    P-2 PROGRAMS
        Question. Bills have been introduced in the current Congress that
    would establish new P-2 groups for certain residents of Hong Kong and
    certain residents of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. If you are
    familiar with these proposals, can you offer any feedback on them? Do
    you have any general suggestions for congressional offices in drafting
    bills to establish new P-2 groups?

        Answer. I am aware of the bills that would establish new P-2 groups
    for certain residents both of Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur
    Autonomous Region. If confirmed, I can assure you that I am committed
    to working within the Department, with Congress, international
    partners, and advocacy groups to ensure that all vulnerable
    individuals, including residents of Hong Kong and Uyghurs, have equal
    access to protection, including refugee resettlement in the United
    States and other countries.

    Lautenberg Amendment
        Question. What is the status of the Lautenberg program? Are there
    still Lautenberg applicants in Austria? How many Lautenberg applicants
    are in pipeline?

        Answer. I understand refugees suffering religious persecution
    continue to be resettled under the Lautenberg program, and that the
    Department expects approximately 1,000 refugees from the Eurasia region
    to be resettled in the U.S. in FY 2021.
        The Lautenberg Iranian program was suspended by the Government of
    Austria in early 2017, leaving over 800 Iranian applicants in Vienna.
    It is my understanding that most of those 800 Lautenberg Iranian
    applicants have since been resettled to the United States, however,
    approximately 78 Iranian applicants who were denied resettlement in the
    United States remained in Austria and are believed to have received
    asylum. I understand PRM and Embassy Vienna are negotiating with the
    Government of Austria on a potential restart of the Iranian Lautenberg
    program.
        I understand that following a longstanding policy that protects
    refugee data, locations, and security check statuses, PRM does not
    disclose USRAP pipeline numbers.

    UNFPA
        Question. Does UNFPA engage with entities in the People's Republic
    of China which fund forced sterilization or abortion?

        Answer. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) does not condone
    or support China's coercive population policies. My understanding is
    that UNFPA's activities in China to advance voluntary family planning
    that respects human rights, have been credited with positively
    influencing the partial liberalization of China's one-child policy.
    UNFPA lists the Republic of China's National Health Commission (NHC) as
    one of many partners in the current country program document,
    consistent with the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation
    Framework. UNFPA does not provide funding to the NHC, however, and the
    NHC does not implement any UNFPA activities.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding all provisions
    of law prohibiting the use of U.S. foreign assistance resources to
    perform or promote abortion as a method of family planning, to support
    programs of coercive abortion or forced sterilization, or to lobby for
    or against the legalization of abortion, including the Kemp-Kasten
    amendment as it relates to UNFPA?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of
    law related to U.S. foreign assistance including those related to
    prohibiting the performance or promotion of abortion as a method of
    family planning, coercive abortion, or forced sterilization.

    Afghanistan
        Question. Despite the large need of resettlement, will you pledge
    that if confirmed, the U.S. will continue to use vigorous vetting
    procedures for all refugee admissions, including those from
    Afghanistan? My staff asked the Department about vetting protocols,
    including potential timelines, two weeks ago. If confirmed, would you
    engage right away on ensuring this information is shared?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States. If confirmed, I commit to working with you and all
    Members of Congress to achieve timely responses to your inquiries and
    requests on matters involving PRM, including what role the State
    Department has in vetting processes. I also commit to working closely
    with DHS and other vetting agencies to use vigorous vetting procedures
    for all refugee admissions to uphold the safety and security of the
    American people.

        Question. How will you work with neighboring countries to assist
    with the large outflows of refugees from Afghanistan?

        Answer. The United States is working with its partners to review
    and strengthen humanitarian preparedness and priority interventions in
    the region in the event of new refugee outflows from Afghanistan. If
    confirmed, I will encourage continued coordination between host
    governments and humanitarian organizations to monitor and respond to
    the protection and assistance needs of displaced Afghans in the region.
    I will also urge states to uphold their respective obligations to not
    return Afghan refugees or asylum seekers to persecution or torture, and
    to respect the principle of non-refoulement.

        Question. In August 2021, DHS announced a new P-2 designation for
    certain Afghan nationals. The announcement indicated that PRM had
    created an ``Afghan Referrals Workgroup comprised of federal agencies
    to refer individuals directly'' for U.S. refugee resettlement
    consideration. Please explain the eligibility requirements for this P-2
    program, and how the referral system works. How many Afghan nationals
    does PRM expect to admit as refugees under this program, and when are
    these admissions expected to occur?

        Answer. On August 2, 2021, the Department of State announced a new
    Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
    (USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family
    members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-admissions- program-
    priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The Department of State
    has designated certain categories of Afghan nationals as having access
    to the USRAP by virtue of their circumstances and apparent need for
    resettlement. This priority group includes Afghans who are or were
    employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or
    nongovernmental organization (NGO). It expands the opportunity to
    permanently resettle in the United States to many Afghans and their
    immediate family members who may be at risk due to their U.S.
    affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant Visa because
    they did not have qualifying employment or because they have not met
    the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an SIV.
        In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also
    gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific
    entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or
    a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of
    refugees already resettled in the United States.
        The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
    based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for
    Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
    afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the
    USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and children) who
    might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
        The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands
    the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many
    thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at
    risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear,
    assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
        I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S.
    employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental
    organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee
    referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for
    resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware
    of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2
    referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The
    administration recognizes the vital role this new designation and the
    program in general will play in the lives of those that risked their
    safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has made clear,
    helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the United States.

        Question. How many U.S. citizens are currently in Afghanistan?
    Please address the total number of U.S. citizens in Afghanistan,
    independent of how many may have indicated, at some point, an interest
    in staying in Afghanistan.

        Answer. U.S. citizens are not required to register with the
    Department of State or an embassy when they arrive in or depart from a
    country. Based on the requests received, the Department believes that
    most American citizens who wished to leave have departed. The number of
    remaining U.S. citizens in Afghanistan who have expressed a desire to
    leave remains fluid, and the Department remains committed to assisting
    them.

        Question. How many U.S. legal permanent residents are currently in
    Afghanistan? Please address the total number of U.S. legal permanent
    residents in Afghanistan, independent of how many may have indicated,
    at some point, an interest in staying in Afghanistan.

        Answer. Like U.S citizens, Legal Permanent Residents (LPRs) are not
    required to register with the Department of State or an embassy when
    they arrive in or depart from a country. The U.S. Government was able
    to evacuate or facilitate the relocation or evacuation of more than
    124,000 individuals, including U.S. citizens, legal permanent
    residents, and foreign and Afghan allies, from August 14 to August 31.

        Question. How many Special Immigrant Visa applicants are currently
    in Afghanistan?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken explained during his September 13
    testimony, the State Department is working on getting numbers right
    now. The State Department still continues to receive communications
    from Special Immigrant Visa applicants in Afghanistan and the
    commitment to those applicants is ongoing.

        Question. How many Special Immigrant Visa applicants' dependents
    are currently in Afghanistan?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken explained during his September 13
    testimony, the State Department is working on numbers right now. The
    State Department still continues to receive communications from Special
    Immigrant Visa applicants and their dependents in Afghanistan and the
    commitment to them is ongoing.

        Question. How many Afghans who were identified as at-risk but did
    not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR, or SIV categories are currently in
    Afghanistan?

        Answer. It is my understanding that at this time the number of
    Afghan citizens ``at risk'' as a result of their affiliation with the
    United States, or by virtue of their profiles, that have been referred
    to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) under either a Priority
    1 (P-1) or Priority 2 (P-2) referral, exceeds 20,000. I understand PRM
    intends to fund U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) domestic and
    overseas implementing partners at an initial operating level to support
    65,000 arrivals at the beginning of FY 2022. PRM will be prepared to
    increase funding as needed if arrivals surpass this initial operating
    level, though at this time there is not a precise estimate of the
    number of anticipated arrivals. While many P-2 submissions to the USRAP
    program do not meet the program's criteria relating to employment or
    U.S. affiliation, the volume of submissions continues to rise. Afghan
    nationals who feel they are at risk cannot self-refer to the USRAP. A
    P-1 or P-2 referral of an at-risk individual to USRAP for potential
    resettlement does not convey immigration status and does not confer
    evacuation assistance. I understand the United States will continue to
    support the Afghan people through humanitarian aid, diplomacy, and
    international cooperation.

        Question. If the Taliban requires visas for persons to exit
    Afghanistan, and the U.S. no longer has a diplomatic presence inside
    Afghanistan, how will the U.S. get visas to those trying to exit the
    country?

        Answer. The Bureau of Consular Affairs is responsible for the
    processing and issuance of U.S. visas abroad. My understanding is that
    the State Department is developing visa processing alternatives so that
    it can continue to deliver these important consular services for the
    people of Afghanistan, and respectfully refer you to the Bureau of
    Consular Affairs for more specific information.

        Question. Has the U.S. requested another country to facilitate the
    distribution of U.S. visas?

        Answer. While the subject-matter of your question is not under the
    purview of PRM, my understanding is that the State Department is
    developing alternatives so that it can continue to process visas and
    provide other important consular services for the people of
    Afghanistan. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more
    specific information.

        Question. How will the State Department facilitate the evacuation
    of eligible Afghans of any category whose passports or travel documents
    were destroyed by the U.S. during the withdrawal?

        Answer. It is my understanding that, as is standard operating
    procedure in case of an emergency evacuation from post, Embassy Kabul
    personnel were forced to destroy sensitive paper record holdings as
    part of the evacuation, including paper visa records. This was done to
    minimize the U.S. footprint and reduce the sensitive material remaining
    for security reasons, and in this case also to protect the identity of
    our Afghan allies. I understand the Department has been able to recover
    many of these records and share them with the Department of Homeland
    Security; for more specifics, I respectfully refer you to the Bureau of
    Consular Affairs. I further understand the State Department is
    developing alternatives to deliver consular services to facilitate the
    safe and orderly travel of U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents,
    and Afghans to whom the United States has special commitments,
    including those whose documents may have been destroyed in the
    evacuation of the Embassy.

        Question. Do you have records of whose passports or travel
    documents were destroyed?

        Answer. While the subject-matter of your question does not fall
    within the purview of PRM, it is my understanding this is standard
    operating procedure during an emergency evacuation to minimize the U.S.
    footprint and reduce the amount of sensitive material remaining. The
    drawdown and closure of the Consular Section of Embassy Kabul was
    conducted in accordance with this standard operating procedure. I
    understand the State Department will review its records for any case
    where travel documents may have been destroyed per emergency protocol
    and explore all options to assist affected persons with onward travel.
    I would refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more specific
    information.

        Question. How many U.S. citizens did the USG evacuate from
    Afghanistan to the United States?

        Answer. I understand that approximately 6,000 U.S. citizens were
    evacuated from August 14--31. .From August 31 through September 15,
    approximately 60 more U.S. citizens and 25 Legal Permanent Residents
    departed Afghanistan with U.S. assistance utilizing charter flights and
    overland crossings. The U.S. Government continues to make good on its
    pledge to U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, and Afghans to whom
    we have a special commitment and has committed to helping them depart
    Afghanistan, if and when they choose to do so. These figures continue
    to change as other U.S. citizens are able to depart from Afghanistan
    through a variety of means. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular
    Affairs for more information on U.S. citizens abroad, and the
    Department of Homeland Security, who will have more detailed
    information about the arrival of U.S. citizens to the United States.

        Question. How many U.S. Legal Permanent Residents did the USG
    evacuate from Afghanistan to the United States?

        Answer. The State Department has assisted Legal Permanent Residents
    (LPRs) wishing to depart Afghanistan throughout this effort. The
    decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, LPR, Special Immigrant
    Visa, or other category--for any individuals arriving to the United
    States, including Afghans who were evacuated from overseas as a part of
    Operation Allies Welcome, resides with the Department of Homeland
    Security's Customs and Border Protection, which will be in the best
    position to provide the most accurate breakdown of the various
    categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of Operation Allies Welcome.

        Question. How many SIV principal applicants did the USG evacuate
    from Afghanistan to the United States?

        Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
    right now. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal
    Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any
    individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
    evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
    resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
    Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
    accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
    part of OAW.

        Question. How many SIV applicants dependents did the USG evacuate
    from Afghanistan to the United States?

        Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
    right now. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal
    Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any
    individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
    evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
    resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
    Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
    accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
    part of OAW.

        Question. How many Afghans did the USG evacuate to the United
    States who did not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR or SIV categories?

        Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
    right now. The decision on admission category for any individuals
    arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were evacuated
    from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), resides with
    the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection,
    which will be in the best position to provide the most accurate
    breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of
    OAW.

    Special Benefit Humanitarian Parole
        Question. How many Afghans have received special benefit
    humanitarian parole?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security is responsible for
    granting parole and tracking those numbers, and I respectfully defer to
    them to respond to this query.

        Question. What benefits are Afghans who have been paroled into the
    country receiving?

        Answer. I understand that Afghans granted parole as a result of the
    U.S. airlift will have access to the Afghan Placement and Assistance
    (APA) Program, funded by PRM. The purpose of this program is to provide
    these Afghans with initial relocation services for 30 to 90 days after
    arrival as they begin to rebuild their lives in the United States.
    These services are provided through local refugee resettlement agencies
    and community partners, which receive a one-time per capita amount of
    $2,275 of which $1,225 is used to fund assistance needs such as housing
    and basic necessities, including food, clothing, and furnishings. The
    remainder of this funding supports services including cultural
    orientation, enrollment in English language instruction, school
    enrollment, immigration assistance, and referral to other social,
    medical, and employment services. At this time, I understand these
    Afghan parolees are not eligible for the same benefits as refugees and
    Special Immigrant Visa holders such as refugee-specific cash and
    medical assistance, or mainstream benefits including Supplemental
    Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Temporary Assistance for Needy
    Families (TANF), and Medicaid, except parolees are eligible for SNAP
    benefits if there is a child under 18 in the family.

        Question. What are the conditions of their parole?

        Answer. I understand that Customs and Border Protection has granted
    two-year parole status for many Afghan individuals at risk who arrived
    under the airlift. Consistent with 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1305 and as a
    condition of their parole, it is my understanding that parolees must
    provide their address to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services
    (USCIS) www.uscis.gov/addresschange and must notify USCIS of every
    change of address no later than 10 days after each move; and must
    comply with all public health directives, requests for additional
    information from the Department of Homeland Security and federal law
    enforcement;, and follow local, state and federal laws and ordinances.
        For full information on the parole conditions, I respectfully refer
    you to the Customs and Border Protection service.

        Question. What vetting is occurring at U.S. reception centers, such
    as the Dulles Expo?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
    the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants prior to
    their application for admission to the United States. U.S. Customs and
    Border Protection, a component of DHS, is responsible for screening
    applicants upon entry and granting or denying admission to every
    individual who arrives to the United States and I respectfully refer
    you to them for information on this issue.

        Question. Who is responsible for vetting upon arrival?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States. I refer you to my answer to your question No. 47.
    PRM was not involved in screening individuals evacuated as part of the
    U.S. military airlift August 14-31.

        Question. Are you collecting biometric data for all Afghans
    admitted or paroled into the United States?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States and I respectfully refer you to them, though I
    understand that the screening and vetting process involves biometric
    and biographic screenings.

        Question. Do you have copies of all the flight manifests?

        Answer. I understand that U.S. Transportation Command maintains a
    database of flight manifests of both military and Department of State-
    chartered flights from overseas sites into the continental United
    States. I also understand that a number of flights submitted manifests
    directly to Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) via the Advance Passenger
    Information System. The State Department is coordinating with CBP to
    obtain those manifests missing from the consolidated database, though
    that work does not fall under the purview of PRM.

        Question. Do you provide identity documents for Afghans who do not
    have any?

        Answer. My understanding is that the State Department is not
    providing identity documents to Afghan nationals. I respectfully refer
    you to the Department of Homeland Security, which is coordinating
    Operation Allies Welcome, for further questions.

        Question. If so, by what means do you verify identity?

        Answer. I understand the State Department is not providing identity
    documents to Afghan nationals.

        Question. What happens to Afghans who fail vetting, for any reason?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
    the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission
    to the United States. I would refer you to DHS for more information.

    Afghans Evacuated to U.S. Bases
        Question. How many U.S. citizens did the USG evacuate from
    Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

        Answer. From August 14 to August 31, I understand that
    approximately 6,000 U.S. citizens were safely evacuated along with
    eligible family members on USG flights. Since the suspension of embassy
    operations on August 31 through September 15, an additional
    approximately 60 U.S. citizens and 25 Legal Permanent Residents have
    departed Afghanistan with U.S. assistance utilizing charter flights and
    overland crossings. Most of these citizens and residents were evacuated
    to or through U.S. military bases overseas. I respectfully refer you to
    the Bureau of Consular Affairs to answer questions about its assistance
    to U.S. citizens overseas, including on U.S. bases.

        Question. How many U.S. Legal Permanent Residents did the USG
    evacuate from Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

        Answer. I understand that the State Department has assisted Legal
    Permanent Residents (LPRs) wishing to depart Afghanistan throughout
    this effort. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, LPR,
    Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any individuals
    ultimately arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
    evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
    resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
    Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
    accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
    part of OAW.

        Question. How many SIV principal applicants did the USG evacuate
    from Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

        Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
    right now. Thousands of evacuees were in different stages of the SIV
    process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the
    beginning of operations. The U.S. Government focused on evacuating
    American citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, and Afghan allies out as
    fast as possible while the airport was functioning. The decision on
    admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal Permanent Resident, Special
    Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any individuals arriving to the
    United States, including Afghans who were evacuated from overseas as a
    part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), resides with the Department of
    Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection, which will be in the
    best position to provide the most accurate breakdown of the various
    categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of OAW.

        Question. How many SIV applicants' dependents did the USG evacuate
    Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?

        Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
    right now. Persons relocated were in different stages of the SIV
    process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the
    beginning of the operation. The decision on admission category for any
    individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
    evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
    resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
    Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
    accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
    part of OAW.

        Question. How many Afghans did the USG evacuate to U.S. bases who
    did not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR or SIV categories?

        Answer. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal
    Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any
    individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
    evacuated from overseas as a part of OAW, resides with the Department
    of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection. The Department of
    Homeland Security, as the lead agency for Operation Allies Welcome
    (OAW), ultimately will be in the best position to provide the most
    accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
    part of OAW.

        Question. What vetting is occurring on the bases?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States, and I respectfully refer you to them for a response.

        Question. Who is responsible for vetting upon arrival?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
    the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission
    to the United States, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, a
    component of DHS, is responsible for screening upon entry and granting
    or denying admission to every individual who arrives to the United
    States.

        Question. Are you collecting biometric data for all Afghans
    admitted or paroled into the United States?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States. I understand that the screening and vetting process
    involves biometric and biographic screenings. The U.S. Government has
    worked urgently and carefully to facilitate screening and vetting
    operations without compromising national security.

        Question. Do you have copies of all the flight manifests?

        Answer. I understand that U.S. Transportation Command maintains a
    database of flight manifests of both military and Department of State-
    chartered flights from overseas sites into the continental United
    States. I also understand that a number of flights submitted manifests
    directly to Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) via the Advance Passenger
    Information System. The State Department is coordinating with CBP to
    obtain from CBP about those manifests.

        Question. Do you provide identity documents for Afghans who do not
    have any?

        Answer. My understanding is that the State Department is not
    providing identity documents to Afghan nationals. I respectfully refer
    you to the Department of Homeland Security, which is coordinating
    Operation Allies Welcome, for further questions.

        Question. If so, by what means do you verify identity?

        Answer. I understand the State Department is not providing identity
    documents to Afghan nationals.

        Question. What happens to Afghans who fail vetting, for any reason?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
    the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission
    to the United States. I would refer you to DHS for more information.

        Question. How many U.S. citizens left Afghanistan but have not made
    it the U.S. are residing in third countries?

        Answer. I understand that U.S. citizens are not required to
    register their presence in a country with the Department of State, and
    the State Department does not track their whereabouts. The State
    Department cannot ascertain how many U.S. citizens who left Afghanistan
    are now residing in third countries. I respectfully refer you to the
    Bureau of Consular Affairs for answers about their assistance to U.S.
    citizens still in Afghanistan and abroad after leaving Afghanistan.

        Question. How many U.S. legal permanent residents left Afghanistan
    but have not made it the U.S. are residing in third countries?

        Answer. The State Department does not have an exact number of Legal
    Permanent Residents (LPRs) and their immediate family members who have
    departed Afghanistan. LPRs are not required to register their presence
    in a country with the Department of State, nor does the State
    Department track their whereabouts. The State Department cannot
    ascertain how many are now residing in third countries.

        Question. How many SIV applicants left Afghanistan but have not
    made it to the U.S. are residing in third countries?

        Answer. The State Department is working to ascertain those numbers
    now. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more
    information.

        Question. How many SIV applicants left Afghanistan but have not
    made it the U.S. are residing in third countries?

        Answer. The State Department is working to ascertain those numbers
    now. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more
    information. Thousands of Afghans are in different stages of the SIV
    process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the
    beginning of August.

        Question. How many applications have you received from P-1 or P-2
    refugee status from Afghans?

        Answer. I understand over 20,000 cases relating to approximately
    55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-1 and P-2 refugee
    resettlement program to date.

        Question. What, if any, agreements have you made with foreign
    governments to host Afghan populations?

        Answer. My understanding is that the United States strongly
    encourages foreign governments to allow entry for Afghans and to
    coordinate with humanitarian international organizations to provide
    humanitarian assistance to Afghans in need. The United States also
    urges states to uphold their respective obligations to not return
    Afghan refugees or asylum seekers to persecution or torture, and to
    respect the principle of non-refoulement. The State Department will
    also continue its existing support of Afghan refugee populations in
    neighboring countries. This includes supporting third-country
    resettlement efforts led by the United Nations High Commissioner for
    Refugees (UNHCR), and funding appeals from UNHCR and the International
    Organization for Migration to provide lifesaving protection, emergency
    food aid, shelter, and livelihood support to Afghan refugees outside
    Afghanistan.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. How has COVID-19 impacted the work of PRM's implementing
    partners? What do you anticipate will be the priorities for addressing
    the immediate needs and secondary impacts of the virus on vulnerable
    and displaced populations worldwide?

        Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted PRM's implementing
    partners' programming and ability to provide assistance in a timely
    manner due to increased operational costs, ongoing travel and access
    constraints, and other movement restrictions. It has also directly
    affected the health and welfare of marginalized populations around the
    world and exacerbated pre-existing gaps in health, protection,
    assistance, education, and livelihoods. I understand PRM's partners
    emphasize meeting international standards for assistance and protection
    for the most vulnerable while at the same time advocating for the
    inclusion of marginalized, displaced, and hard-to-reach populations in
    national plans for vaccine delivery, relief, and recovery.

        Question. How does the U.S. Government coordinate its responses to
    migration crises, such as those in Venezuela or Central America? When
    and where does PRM take the lead and what, if any, are the differences
    in its approach compared to that of the U.S. Agency for International
    Development (USAID)?

        Answer. Interagency coordination between the State Department,
    USAID, and other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security
    is critical in responding to migration crises. My understanding is that
    PRM and USAID play separate but complementary roles. PRM takes the lead
    in providing urgent humanitarian aid and protection to refugees, asylum
    seekers, stateless persons, and vulnerable migrants, working through
    international organizations and non-governmental organizations. PRM
    also supports efforts to help governments build capacity to protect
    vulnerable populations and humanely manage migration. USAID takes the
    lead in response to natural and man-made disasters, disaster
    preparedness, and support for internally displaced populations; USAID
    also provides food aid to refugees. USAID also funds development
    programs in select contexts, such as in Central America, to address
    root causes of irregular migration and reintegration of returned
    migrants. In situations where PRM and USAID responsibilities converge,
    I understand they have robust coordination mechanisms in the field and
    in Washington to ensure the overall efficiency and effectiveness of
    U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will continue this close collaboration
    between PRM and USAID.

        Question. What is your assessment of the scope of risks to women
    and girls, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are ways
    that PRM programs specifically address these protection needs?

        Answer. In times of crisis, women and girls are at enormous risk of
    gender-based violence (GBV)--from armed groups, strangers, neighbors,
    and family members. These risks in humanitarian settings were
    exacerbated by COVID-19 and corresponding mitigation measures,
    resulting in a ``shadow'' pandemic of GBV and worldwide spikes in GBV
    risks and reports. In response, the U.S. humanitarian response to
    COVID-19 prioritized protection, including programs to help prevent GBV
    and provide psychosocial services to GBV victims, along with
    healthcare, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in the COVID-19
    humanitarian response.

        Question. President Biden indicated that he plans to set the FY
    2022 refugee ceiling at 125,000 in his May 2021 statement on refugee
    admissions. Do you consider the admission of 125,000 refugees in FY
    2022 to be achievable? What, if any, changes to the refugee program
    have been implemented or are under consideration to facilitate
    increased refugee admissions in FY 2022?

        Answer. I expect the U.S. Government will make every effort to
    reach the target established by the President following consultations
    with Congress. In the immediate term, I understand PRM intends to fund
    U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) domestic and overseas
    implementing partners at an initial operating level to support 65,000
    arrivals at the beginning of FY 2022 and will be prepared to increase
    funding as needed if arrivals surpass the initial operating level.
        I understand the President's Executive Order 14013 on Rebuilding
    and Enhancing Programs to Resettle Refugees and Planning for the Impact
    of Climate Change on Migration directs review of a series of bold
    reforms and initiatives for the USRAP, to support increased refugee
    admissions in FY 2022 and beyond. My understanding is that U.S.
    Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) aims to increase staffing
    significantly, upscale in-person ``circuit rides'' by USCIS employees
    to interview refugee candidates in person, increase refugee video
    interviews, identify current bottlenecks, and implement process
    improvements to its adjudicatory processes. I expect that the USRAP
    will leverage technological solutions to strengthen data-driven
    decision-making and streamline refugee processing with the deployment
    of START and Global, the Department of State's and USCIS's respective
    new refugee applicant case management systems, while enhancing the
    security of all of refugee processing systems.

        Question. In August 2021, DHS announced a new P-2 designation for
    certain Afghan nationals. The announcement indicated that PRM had
    created an ``Afghan Referrals Workgroup comprised of federal agencies
    to refer individuals directly'' for U.S. refugee resettlement
    consideration. I am very concerned about the plight of Afghan nationals
    who have been designated as P-2 refugees. How many Afghan nationals
    does PRM expect to admit as refugees under this program, and what is
    the status of current refugees? When are these admissions expected to
    occur?

        Answer. As you note, on August 2, 2021, the Department of State
    announced a new Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee
    Admissions Program (USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and
    their eligible family members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-
    admissions-program-priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The
    Department of State has designated certain categories of Afghan
    nationals as having access to the USRAP by virtue of their
    circumstances and apparent need for resettlement. This priority group
    includes Afghans who are or were employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-
    based media organization or nongovernmental organization (NGO). It
    expands the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to
    many Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at risk due
    to their U.S. affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant
    Visa because they did not have qualifying employment or because they
    have not met the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an
    SIV.
        In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also
    gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific
    entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or
    a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of
    refugees already resettled in the United States.
        The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
    based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for
    Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
    afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the
    USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and minor children)
    who might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
        The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands
    the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many
    thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at
    risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear,
    assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
        I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S.
    employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental
    organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee
    referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for
    resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware
    of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2
    referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The
    administration recognizes the role this new designation and the refugee
    resettlement program in general will play in the lives of those that
    risked their safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has
    made clear, helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the
    United States.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. Do you agree that UNRWA is a deeply problematic
    organization?

        Answer. This administration supports the work of UNRWA, which
    provides critical services to vulnerable Palestinian refugees. UNRWA is
    a lifeline for thousands of Palestinian refugees in the region, as seen
    in May during the violence in Gaza. That said, I agree that UNRWA must
    undertake reforms to improve its efficiency, effectiveness and
    neutrality, and that UNRWA Commissioner General Lazzarini is leading
    efforts to this end. It is my understanding that the framework under
    which the United States resumed funding for UNRWA includes provisions
    for regular reporting, consultations, and monitoring of U.S.-funded
    aid. If confirmed, I will focus on management and other reform issues
    at UNRWA to ensure it is upholding its commitments to neutrality and is
    as effective and efficient as possible.

        Question. As the largest individual donor to UNRWA, do you believe
    the U.S. should leverage our assistance to seek transparency and
    reforms from the agency?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will seek reforms related to
    neutrality, transparency, and management at UNRWA.

        Question. The director of UNRWA recently acknowledged that the
    group's educational materials included inappropriate material. This is
    an ongoing problem that UNRWA pledges to fix, but never seems to
    adequately address. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to demand
    the removal of the incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in UNWRA
    materials?

        Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
    form. I understand that UNRWA staff found the unacceptable content in
    supplemental educational material prepared in response to the pandemic,
    and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. UNRWA's Commissioner General has
    committed to notifying the Agency's Advisory Commission immediately of
    any violations of its zero-tolerance policy and to collaborating with
    Commission members on educational issues. If confirmed, I will
    emphasize the importance of humanitarian principles, including
    neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.

        Question. I remain deeply concerned about the ongoing humanitarian
    crises in Latin America, which is in part caused by the Maduro regime
    refusing to respond to the needs and priorities of the Venezuelan
    people. There are millions of Venezuelan refugees and migrants seeking
    asylum in the United States and other countries in the region, who are
    undoubtedly placing significant strain on those countries' refugee and
    governance systems. If confirmed, what is your long-term strategy to
    coordinate the bureau's efforts with these countries' efforts to accept
    Venezuelan refugees and migrants?

        Answer. I share your concerns. The situation in Venezuela is a
    tragedy. Since FY 2017, the United States has provided over $1.4
    billion in humanitarian assistance, including over $597 million in PRM
    programming, to international organizations and non-governmental
    partners to protect and assist vulnerable Venezuelans in seventeen host
    countries in the region. My understanding is that PRM assistance
    includes funding for temporary shelter and access to food, water, and
    sanitation facilities; legal support for asylum-seekers; capacity-
    building for regional asylum authorities; and livelihoods
    opportunities. If confirmed, I would continue to support the
    Department's engagement in international fora, including the Quito
    Process to enhance coordination among host countries and advocate for a
    regional solution to the Venezuela crisis.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. The Biden administration's unprecedented evacuation of
    more than 120,000 people from Afghanistan brought many Americans home
    but it also delivered many Afghans out of harm's way. Those Afghans are
    now spread out around the world, including in the 13 partner countries
    that are serving as way points for refugees before they come to the
    United States. How we take care of these individuals over the coming
    days, months and years will determine our true commitment to American
    values. What should the U.S. be doing right now to best serve these
    Afghans and the communities that are welcoming them?

        Answer. It is my understanding that there is ongoing and robust
    interagency engagement with the partner countries who generously agreed
    to host Afghans. Secretary Blinken recently traveled to Qatar and
    Germany to highlight U.S. appreciation for all that those countries and
    others have done to support the airlift and relocation efforts. Once
    they arrive in the United States, the recent evacuees are receiving
    orientation services, health care, and resettlement support from a
    broad range of U.S. agencies and humanitarian partners, as Secretary
    Blinken described in his September 14 appearance before the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee.
        I also understand that the State Department has continued to
    support the needs of vulnerable Afghans remaining in Afghanistan or who
    are refugees in other countries through urgent humanitarian funding
    direct to international and non-governmental organizations and has been
    clear in its commitment to continuing to work with the international
    community to make sure these needs are addressed. If confirmed, I would
    continue this important engagement and support to respond to the needs
    of at-risk Afghans and the countries that host them.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our allies to ensure
    the protection of Afghan refugees around the world?

        Answer. I understand that the United States is working with its
    partners to strengthen humanitarian preparedness and priority
    interventions in the event of new refugee outflows from Afghanistan and
    will continue urging states to uphold their respective obligations to
    not return Afghan refugees to persecution or torture and to respect the
    principle of non-refoulement. If confirmed, I will encourage continued
    coordination between host governments and humanitarian organizations to
    respond to the protection and assistance needs of Afghan refugees,
    including supporting efforts led by the United Nations High
    Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and funding humanitarian partners to
    provide lifesaving protection, emergency food aid, shelter, and
    livelihood support to Afghan refugees outside Afghanistan.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our NGO partners who
    are crucial to the refugee effort in the United States?

        Answer. My understanding is that PRM is working with nine
    resettlement partners and affiliates across the country to welcome
    Afghans into American communities. Placement of individuals and
    families prioritizes reunification with U.S.-based family and friends
    and also considers the needs and characteristics of each individual and
    family. With U.S. Government support, the agencies will provide initial
    relocation support to Afghans to assist with critical needs such as
    housing, enrolling children in school, and basic necessities such as
    food, clothing, and furnishings. Additional support from the private
    sector will be critical to meeting the needs of this population, and I
    was happy to note the recent announcement of welcome.us and related
    initiatives to facilitate this important private sector support for our
    non-governmental organization partners. If confirmed, I would continue
    to liaise closely with PRM's resettlement partners and private sector
    supporters on this important work.

        Question. My office has sent the names of more than 3,000
    vulnerable Afghans to the State Department over the last several weeks.
    I am very concerned about those who remain behind, especially women and
    girls whose lives are at risk because of their existence. If confirmed,
    what will you do to ensure that as many Afghans as possible who qualify
    for a Priority 2 designation are able to be processed and travel to the
    United States as expeditiously as possible?

        Answer. I understand that, to date, over 20,000 cases consisting of
    around 55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-2 refugee
    resettlement program. PRM and its partners are working as quickly as
    possible to process these cases and have surged staffing as part of
    this unprecedented effort. The United States Government does not have
    the ability to process these cases inside Afghanistan at this time, so
    I understand case processing for these referrals to the U.S. Refugee
    Admissions Program cannot begin until the individual relocates to a
    country where processing is feasible. Once in such a country, they will
    need to inform PRM of their current location and provide contact
    information. PRM will create a case and assign it to the appropriate
    U.S.-funded Resettlement Support Center for processing.

        Question. In your opinion, are there any actions Congress needs to
    take to support the maximum use of the Priority 2 designation,
    including ensuring all arrivals receive resettlement benefits? If
    confirmed and once you are in place, will you commit to working with
    Congress to ensure the efficiency of the refugee system?

        Answer. I am aware of the bill currently in Congress that would
    provide parolees with access to refugee benefits on arrival in American
    communities, and understand the administration strongly supports that
    bill. My understanding is that the Department is surging resources to
    review the large number of Priority 1 and Priority 2 (P-2) refugee
    referrals received in recent weeks. If confirmed, I am committed to
    working within the Department, with Congress, with international
    partners, with advocacy groups, and with private sector supporters to
    ensure that the P-2 designation is used appropriately and fully where
    applicable, and that all Afghans so designated have access to the
    resources needed to start anew in America. More broadly, I also am
    firmly committed to working with Congress to rebuild the entire U.S.
    Refugee Admissions Program and ensure its efficiency for all resettled
    refugees.

        Question. As you know, several countries have offered to host many
    of the Afghans in transit as they await vetting and processing before
    entering the United States. For some of those countries, this could
    pose a tremendous strain on their own resources. What resources do you
    think will be needed to help house those Afghans destined for the
    United States, and are there any additional resources we could direct
    to these countries?

        Answer. It is my understanding that interagency teams overseas are
    closely coordinating the operational and logistical support required to
    process Afghans destined for the United States and ensure such
    processing can continue. In the interim, as host governments identify
    requirements, these interagency teams are working to respond, including
    via international organizations and other partners. If confirmed, I
    would continue our engagement with host governments and humanitarian
    partners managing these operations and would lead PRM's effort to
    review funding appeals from those partners who request additional
    resources to host Afghans.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, would you commit to PRM reviewing the
    vetting process for incoming refugees from Afghanistan to ensure that
    there are no gaps in the process as a result of the hasty withdrawal
    process?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States.
        If confirmed, it is my intent to review fully and completely the
    Department of Homeland Security's screening and vetting conducted for
    Afghans (and other citizens of other nations) applying to come to the
    United States under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. I commit to
    working closely with all of PRM's partner agencies to conduct such
    vetting.

        Question. We understand the Embassy destroyed many passports and
    visas in Kabul. How does PRM vet refugee candidates in the cases where
    needed national IDs have been destroyed or not available?

        Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
    screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
    the United States.
        With regard to applicants to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
    (USRAP), which is separate from the U.S. entry of Afghans under
    Operation Allies Welcome, it is my understanding that PRM and its
    interagency partners have steadily strengthened security vetting since
    9/11. USRAP applicants are subject to more vetting than any other type
    of traveler to the United States. I am also aware that the USRAP has
    the capacity to process refugee applicants who do not possess a
    national ID or passport.

        Question. Of the refugees to be admitted this fiscal year, how many
    does PRM expect to be from Afghanistan? How does the Afghan refugee
    program impact refugee applications from other regions, including along
    the southern border?

        Answer. As of September 15, 2021, 729 Afghan nationals have arrived
    under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) in FY 2021. These
    Afghans were not relocated as part of the August 14-31 U.S. military
    airlift and underwent stringent USRAP processing overseas before
    admission. Neither the Afghans arriving via this airlift who were
    granted parole into the United States by the Department of Homeland
    Security, nor the Afghans admitted as refugees via the USRAP, have any
    impact on refugee applications from other regions.

        Question. What steps are the Biden administration taking to support
    refugee admissions from threatened populations in China?

        Answer. The United States is committed to placing human rights at
    the center of our foreign policy. Refugee resettlement is one of
    several ways the U.S. supports refugees globally and demonstrates its
    humanitarian leadership.
        I understand that eligible Hong Kong residents and Turkic Muslim
    Chinese citizens who fear persecution from the Government of the
    People's Republic of China may access the U.S. Refugee Admissions
    Program in any appropriate category--including via referrals from the
    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. As with most refugees
    from other nations, they must be outside of their country of
    nationality in order to qualify for refugee status. If approved, they
    may be resettled in the United States within the regional allocations
    for resettlement for the fiscal year in which they are admitted.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you prioritize supporting
    threatened populations in China?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting
    democratic values at the center of U.S. foreign policy and to standing
    up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. I am horrified by
    the crimes against humanity and genocide in Xinjiang, and the human
    rights abuses occurring across China. If confirmed, I commit to working
    closely with colleagues across the interagency and with allies,
    partners, and humanitarian organizations to advocate for Uyghurs, Hong
    Kong residents, and Tibetans, among others. I will also work to assist
    those fleeing persecution and other abuses in the People's Republic of
    China to find safe haven.

        Question. Please discuss PRM's specific priorities to address
    humanitarian needs along the southern border.

        Answer. I understand that in line with President Biden's
    Collaborative Migration Management Strategy, PRM priorities in Mexico
    include improving access to protection against human trafficking,
    exploitation, and other dangers to vulnerable migrants, such as those
    fleeing violence or torture. For example, I understand PRM supports
    gender-based violence prevention and response as well as child
    protection programs for migrants across Mexico. PRM also prioritizes
    urgent humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of refugees, asylum
    seekers, and vulnerable migrants. Key PRM efforts include supporting
    shelter capacity and COVID-19 mitigation measures, access to legal
    assistance, healthcare, and psycho-social support.

        Question. How will PRM coordinate with other agencies in dealing
    with the southern border crisis?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate within the Department of
    State and with the Department of Homeland Security, U.S. Agency for
    International, and other interagency partners in implementing the
    administration's Collaborative Migration Management Strategy (CMMS) and
    parallel Root Causes Strategy (RCS) to address conditions in Central
    America that compel people to flee their homes and seek safety and
    opportunity abroad. These strategies increase humanitarian assistance
    and protection programs within the region, expand legal immigration
    pathways including through the U.S. Refugee Admission Program, and
    enhance border protection to reduce irregular migration to the southern
    border. Irregular migration is a deeply rooted challenge requiring
    short-, medium- and long-term solutions, such as those included in the
    CMMS and RCS.

        Question. Do you expect a change in PRM's role in the interagency
    process particularly in light of USAID's relatively new Bureau of
    Humanitarian Assistance?

        Answer. I do not expect a change in PRM's role in the interagency
    process. PRM and USAID/BHA each have important, distinct roles to play
    in responding to humanitarian crises, and it is imperative they respond
    in a coordinated manner as one U.S. Government with a common mission.
    If confirmed, I intend to maintain close coordination between PRM and
    USAID/BHA to ensure their efforts complement each other and build on
    their respective strengths.

        Question. Looking ahead, what do you anticipate will be the U.S.
    contribution level to the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
    Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)? What reforms do you believe are
    necessary with UNRWA?

        Answer. President Biden pledged to restore U.S. economic and
    humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, and the United States resumed for
    UNRWA this fiscal year. As with other humanitarian partners around the
    world, continued financial support will depend on funding availability,
    global needs, performance, and adherence to commitments to the United
    States. If confirmed, I would focus on management and other reform
    issues at UNRWA, including neutrality and financial sustainability.

        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure all legal conditions are
    met prior to the disbursement of assistance to UNRWA?

        Answer. If confirmed, yes, I will ensure all legal conditions are
    met prior to the disbursement of assistance to UNRWA.

        Question. The director of UNRWA recently acknowledged that the
    group's educational materials included inappropriate material. This is
    an ongoing problem that UNRWA pledges to fix, but never seems to
    adequately address. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to demand
    the removal of the incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in UNWRA
    materials?

        Answer. Yes. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in
    any form. I understand UNRWA staff found the unacceptable content in
    supplemental educational material prepared in response to the pandemic,
    and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. UNRWA's Commissioner General has
    committed to notifying its Advisory Commission immediately of any
    violations of its zero-tolerance policy and to collaborating with
    Commission members on educational issues. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize adherence to humanitarian principles, including neutrality,
    in discussions with UNRWA.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Chris Van Hollen

        Question. Is there anything the U.S. should be doing to help
    Afghans who qualify for P-2 status to leave Afghanistan?

        Answer. This administration has been clear about its enduring
    commitment to supporting our Afghan allies, including those that remain
    in country as well as those that seek to leave. My understanding is
    that at this time the U.S. government has no ability to do in-country
    processing or facilitate evacuation/relocation support for individuals
    referred to the Priority 1 or Priority 2 program who remain in
    Afghanistan. However, the administration is urging Afghanistan's
    neighbors to allow entry for Afghans and coordinating with humanitarian
    international organizations to provide assistance to Afghans in need.
    The United States is also reminding countries to respect the principle
    of non-refoulement. I understand the Taliban has provided assurances
    that Afghans with travel documents who wish to leave the country will
    be able to do so, and if confirmed, I would work with colleagues in the
    Department to ensure those assurances are upheld.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you address the issue of Afghans
    who have left Afghanistan, apply for P-2 status while located in a
    third country, but are denied?

        Answer. Individuals with urgent protection needs should register
    for international protection and assistance with the government of the
    country where they are located. They may also register and seek
    assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
    (UNHCR). If confirmed, I would work with international humanitarian
    partners and other governments to provide the support needed by those
    with protection concerns.

        Question. Do you believe the Department has sufficiently staffed
    the job of processing P-2s or do additional staff need to be surged to
    meet demand?

        Answer. My understanding is that the Department is surging
    resources to review the large number of Priority 1 and Priority 2
    refugee referrals received in recent weeks. This includes recruiting
    volunteers from other bureaus to support the work of the Bureau of
    Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM). If confirmed, I will make
    filling vacancies in the Bureau, including to address needs such as
    processing P-2s, one of my first priorities.

        Question. To your knowledge, how many P-2 applications have been
    granted, and in which third countries were successful P-2 applicants
    located when they applied for and were granted P-2 status?

        Answer. Resettlement in the United States under the U.S. Refugee
    Admissions Program (USRAP) is a 12-18 month process, so my
    understanding is that no Afghans who were referred to the program and
    recently fled Afghanistan have had their cases approved yet. As of
    September 15, I understand the Department has received P-2 refugee
    referrals for approximately 20,000 cases involving 55,000 individuals.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to providing this
    information to Congress on an ongoing basis?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to providing this information
    to Congress on an ongoing basis.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. UNRWA committed to provide a semi-annual report to PRM on
    activities to inform evaluation of conformance with conditions on U.S.
    contributions to UNRWA. Have they provided that report? If not, when do
    you anticipate they will? Can you commit to transmitting that report to
    Congress?

        Answer. My understanding is that UNRWA has not yet provided this
    report to PRM, but that it intends to do so in the near term. This will
    be an internal report provided by UNRWA to the State Department. If
    confirmed, I will, subject to the rules on the handling and protection
    of sensitive information, work with Congress to accommodate its
    oversight interests, which I recognize and take seriously.

        Question. UNRWA committed to preventing the use of local textbooks
    that include content contrary to UN principles in education materials.
    The commitment is a reference to concerns--which now go back more than
    a decade--that UNRWA was facilitating the use of textbooks promoting
    genocidal anti-Semitism. This year UNRWA officials acknowledged that,
    indeed, educational materials facilitated by UNRWA include
    inappropriate material, amid reports that its textbooks included calls
    for ``jihad'' against Israeli Jews and accusations that Israeli Jews
    were spreading diseases to Palestinians. How long do you assess it will
    take UNRWA to cease the use of textbooks that promote anti-Semitism?

        Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
    form. Textbooks that promote anti-Semitism or other types of hatred are
    unacceptable. I understand that UNRWA staff themselves found the
    unacceptable content you reference in supplemental educational
    material, and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. I understand that U.N.
    agencies including UNRWA do not develop their own curricula but use the
    curricula of host governments. When UNRWA or others identify concepts
    contrary to U.N. principles in host governments' educational materials,
    UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary materials for its staff
    to address the issue and the unacceptable materials are not taught. If
    confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of adherence with
    humanitarian principles, including neutrality, in discussions with
    UNRWA.

        Question. What is the estimate in the report produced pursuant to
    Senate Report 113-81 accompanying PL 113-76?

        Answer. I have been informed that this report is classified in
    order to protect Foreign Government Information. In keeping with
    Department policy, I have not been given access to classified
    information related to the position for which I have been nominated. If
    confirmed, I will seek a briefing on this report. It is my
    understanding that a copy of this report was transmitted to the
    Congressional committees with jurisdiction in 2015.

        Question. What is the State Department's assessment of the current
    number of Arab refugees who were displaced in 1948 from territories
    controlled by Israel?

        Answer. The State Department does not have its own assessment of
    this number. I understand there are 5.7 million registered Palestinian
    refugees who are potentially eligible for United Nations Relief and
    Works Agency (UNRWA) services, but far fewer avail themselves of UNRWA
    services. Descendants of eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are
    eligible for registration with UNRWA for the purpose of accessing
    services. As a result, individuals of Palestinian descent born after
    the initial displacement have registered. This approach to including
    descendants is similar to the one used by U.N. High Commissioner for
    Refugees in other protracted refugee situations, such as Afghanistan
    and Somalia.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
            Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer to by Senator Robert Menendez

    Eastern Mediterranean
        Question. I have been impressed with the French Government's
    support for democracies in the Eastern Mediterranean like Greece,
    Cyprus and Israel. Turkey continues to violate international norms and
    I have appreciated the French Government's willingness to stand up to
    Ankara's aggression. This includes in the Caucasus where the French
    were critical of Turkish support for Azerbaijan in last year's war. How
    will you work with France to advance these shared concerns?

        Answer. As a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, France
    is a key partner in promoting peace in the Middle East and the
    Mediterranean. French President Macron called for EU solidarity
    following disputes between Turkey and Greece and Turkey and the
    Republic of Cyprus over national gas reserves and what France sees as
    an increasingly ``aggressive'' Turkey. If confirmed, I will seek
    cooperation with the French on common interests in the Eastern
    Mediterranean and to maintain dialogue with Turkey to resolve disputes.
        On Israel, France supports a two-state solution. If confirmed, I
    will work closely with French partners to align our perspectives on
    Israeli-Palestinian peace.

    Strategic Autonomy
        Question. President Macron has sought to advance a concept of
    Strategic Autonomy, which some have interpreted as distancing France
    from the United States and creating tensions within NATO. What are your
    views on Strategic Autonomy and are you concerned that it could serve
    to diminish support for NATO within Europe?

        Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
    European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
    welcome European efforts to spend more on defense, which responds to a
    long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing, and help fulfilling
    Allies' commitment to NATO to spend two percent of GDP on defense.
    However, the notion of European strategic autonomy risks undermining
    the primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense, duplicating effort
    between the EU and NATO, and weakening Transatlantic relations. If
    confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Allies and collaborating
    with this committee to reinforce to all Allies the importance of
    European defense efforts being complementary with NATO.

    Anomalous Health Incidents
        Question. I am very concerned about attacks on U.S. Government
    personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring the safety
    and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on individual Chiefs
    of Mission and the response of officers at post. It is imperative that
    any individual who reports a suspected incident be responded to
    promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree these incidents
    must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the health of State
    personnel?

        Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top
    priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major
    interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and
    how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my
    utmost to ensure anyone who reports unexplained health incidents
    receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I will
    consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security
    of the Embassy community.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
    incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
    appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
    access to medical care?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their
    family members who report a possible health incident will receive
    immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will
    communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees
    and their family members and work together with partners in Washington
    and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these
    incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting
    these members of our Embassy teams. I will also consider it my primary
    responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
    community.

        Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
    at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
    protocols are being followed?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary
    responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
    community.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In what areas do you feel we can collaborate more
    effectively with the French in Africa? How will you as U.S. Ambassador
    to France, if confirmed, support that?

        Answer. France has significant ties in the Sahel and West and
    Central Africa and is a steadfast partner in the fight against
    terrorism. Our shared priorities include security, governance, economic
    development, and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, I
    will work strategically with the French to ensure that our efforts are
    mutually supportive and reinforcing. I will encourage the French to use
    their strong political, economic, security, and cultural influence to
    promote the reforms that are the best path to long-term stability in
    these regions, and work with our interagency to support French
    objectives when aligned with ours.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. We are aware--as I'm sure you are-of President Macron's
    calls for Europe to take greater charge of its own security by
    developing the ``strategic autonomy'' of the European Union. The United
    States has long supported the security of Europe, in particular our
    Allies in NATO.

       What are the implications of a stronger, more independent European
            defense strategy for the United States, and for NATO? Can
            Macron's vision and NATO 2030 coexist?

        Answer. NATO, of which France is a founding Ally and one of its
    most militarily capable, is the primary security organization for
    defense of the Euro-Atlantic and its members. Efforts to strengthen
    deterrence and defense in Europe must be complimentary to and not
    duplicate NATO efforts, enhance NATO-EU cooperation, and strengthen
    Transatlantic relations. If confirmed, I will reinforce to all Allies
    and partners that NATO is the essential forum for consultation and
    action on Transatlantic security and defense issues while promoting
    greater cooperation with the EU.

        Question. We have heard the current U.S. travel ban restricting
    entry of Europeans for more than a year now is harming relations. I
    know this is an area of deep frustration for the French, and I have
    received a letter from a French counterpart relaying their concern.

       What should be done to address these restrictions? How can we
            establish parameters for safe travel?

        Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized protecting
    American citizens during this extraordinary pandemic, and the National
    Interest Exception policy is one way to ensure we facilitate critical
    travel while also being mindful of ongoing concerns about the spread of
    COVID-19, including the Delta variant. The administration is constantly
    reviewing the situation and the scientific data and adjusts policy
    accordingly. If I am confirmed, I will ensure we continue to implement
    the administration's policy as efficiently as possible, and that we are
    communicating the policy clearly to the French public. If confirmed, I
    will also be sure to quickly share any additional information regarding
    shifts in the travel restriction policy.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. If confirmed, how will you cooperate with the French
    Government on addressing the global terrorist threat?

        Answer. The United States and France exchange information and share
    best practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France
    leads on countering terrorism in the Sahel, where it has eliminated
    leaders of ISIS, Al-Qa'ida, and their affiliates. If confirmed, I will
    not only ensure our cooperation continues, but will look for ways to
    reinforce that partnership. Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it
    my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the
    Embassy community and all Americans in France and Monaco.

        Question. In your opinion, how might our existing cooperation with
    France be enhanced?

        Answer. France is the United States' oldest Ally and is among our
    most capable and reliable military Allies. Our relationship is built on
    shared values of freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
    There are also extensive cultural and economic ties between our
    nations. If confirmed, I will work with French leaders to promote close
    transatlantic coordination on the development of a policy agenda based
    on our shared values.

        Question. Do you agree with President Macron's assessment of
    cooperation with China?

        Answer. Along with the European Union (EU), France publicly
    characterizes the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a partner,
    competitor, and systemic rival, an understanding the United States
    shares. France agrees on the need for joint U.S.-European Union efforts
    to address the PRC's human rights abuses, coercive trade practices, and
    aggressive foreign policy. France seeks to cooperate with China when
    possible in multilateral fora, like the UN Security Council. In
    addition, France identifies China as a key partner for combatting
    climate change and addressing global public health concerns. If
    confirmed, I will work with French leaders to promote close
    transatlantic coordination on the development of a policy agenda based
    on our shared values.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you use your position to
    encourage France to increase its vigilance over Chinese attempts to
    influence its political and economic systems, such as the EU's
    Comprehensive Agreement on Investment?

        Answer. France and the United States are fundamentally aligned in
    ways that the PRC and France are not. France recognizes that aspects of
    PRC governance and economic philosophy are fundamentally at odds with
    international norms. At the same time, France and China have
    significant economic ties. French Officials have repeatedly called
    China a ``partner, competitor, and systemic rival.'' If confirmed, I
    will work closely with France to address the significant challenges the
    PRC poses.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, would you support greater U.S.-French
    military collaboration to support greater capacity development for a
    key NATO ally?

        Answer. France is among our most capable and reliable military
    allies and I look forward to working together to strengthen our
    cooperation through NATO. Our bilateral relationship is important for
    our larger goal of increasing cooperation and raising the level of
    ambition of our relationship with all of our NATO Allies. France
    contributes to NATO activities, such as air policing and the enhanced
    Forward Presence to ensure deterrence and defense on the Alliance's
    eastern flank. The U.S. and France exchange information and share best
    practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France leads on
    countering terrorism in the Sahel. If confirmed, I will not only ensure
    our cooperation continues, but will look for ways to strengthen our
    partnership, and will be forthright when we do not see eye-to-eye.

        Question. What is the Biden administration doing to encourage
    France and our NATO allies to maintain and strengthen defense
    capabilities in the face of continued aggression by Russia in Eastern
    Europe?

        Answer. The Biden administration works in coordination with France
    and other NATO allies and partners to hold Russia accountable for their
    destabilizing activities, human rights abuses, and violations of
    international norms. France contributes to NATO's enhanced Forward
    Presence on the Alliance's eastern flank. France is an active member of
    both the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism and the EU's Rapid Alert System
    efforts to counter Russian disinformation and malign influence.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with the French Government so
    that the NATO Alliance continues to improve its deterrence and defense
    posture. I will also work closely to ensure continued close cooperation
    with France as part of our broader effort with other Allies and
    partners to hold Russia accountable for its actions, and maintain
    pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its international commitments and
    obligations.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. NATO is going through a planning process to identify
    strategic priorities for the coming years. What are your views on this
    process and how it can be used to advance U.S. interests?

        Answer. The process of drafting and adopting a new Strategic
    Concept is critical to the future of NATO. It provides a clear roadmap
    for the work Allies must take to ensure our collective security. If
    confirmed, I will work hard with Allies in Brussels to make sure the
    Strategic Concept reflects the changing security environment of today,
    especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, and the
    People's Republic of China's malign activities. I will also work to
    ensure that actions we take to address new challenges do not detract
    from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong deterrence and
    defense for all Allies.

        Question. How do you think the Alliance can best and appropriately
    respond to the challenge posed by China?

        Answer. In recent years, Allies have devoted substantial effort to
    better understanding and addressing PRC policies and activities that
    affect Allied security since 2019, culminating in the thorough
    treatment of PRC issues in the 2021 Summit Communique. Allies agreed in
    2021 that PRC policies and actions pose a systemic challenge to the
    international rules-based order and identified, inter alia, the PRC's
    nuclear and conventional military expansion, non-transparency, and
    influence over Allied critical infrastructure as key areas of concern.
    If confirmed, I will consult closely with Allies to build consensus on
    effective approaches to the PRC through the work of the North Atlantic
    Council and its committees, and in policy documents, including the
    Strategic Concept.?

        Question. Are you at all concerned that this could divert attention
    from the threat posed by Russia to NATO members or the threat posed by
    terrorism to those countries in southern Europe?

        Answer. Russia is the pre-eminent nuclear and conventional military
    threat to the Alliance, just as terrorism is one of the greatest
    asymmetric challenges to Alliance security. Without losing sight of
    these threats, NATO must be alert and responsive to the problems posed
    by the PRC. Fortunately, the Alliance has a strong history of
    addressing multiple threats simultaneously through its ``360-degree
    approach'' to security. Although the PRC is not presently an imminent
    military threat to Europe in the way Russia is, if confirmed, I would
    strongly support efforts to ensure NATO addresses the challenges PRC's
    international behavior and military expansion pose to Transatlantic
    security. If confirmed, I will continue our close collaboration with
    Allies to address these challenges realistically, strategically, and
    systematically.

        Question. Beyond the commitment by all NATO members to spend 2
    percent of GDP on defense, how should we assess the other contributions
    that NATO members can make?

        Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO
    Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective
    security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
    conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on
    track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress
    toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies
    to focus on other important aspects of their national defense,
    including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also
    work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared
    understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of
    tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking.
    We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready
    integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and
    deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Should expansion of NATO be a priority of the alliance
    going forward?

        Answer. Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty states Allies
    ``may, by unanimous agreement, invite any other European State in a
    position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to
    the security of the North Atlantic area to accede.'' Membership
    decisions are based on shared values, capacity to contribute to Euro-
    Atlantic security, and Allied consensus to invite them to join. NATO's
    newest member, North Macedonia, joined in 2020 and has already proven
    itself a valuable Ally, including by contributing to NATO operations in
    Afghanistan and Kosovo. If confirmed, I will consider any possible
    enlargement from the perspective of U.S. interests and the good of the
    Alliance as a whole.

        Question. Do you believe NATO allies are apprehensive of further
    NATO expansion due to the emerging shortcomings of some members, or
    because of other concerns?

        Answer. Allied perspectives vary regarding NATO enlargement.
    Membership decisions are based on shared values, capacity to contribute
    to Euro-Atlantic security, and Allied consensus to invite them to join.
    This is described in Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty, to which
    all Allies have agreed. If confirmed, my approach to issues of NATO
    enlargement will be based on these criteria, U.S. interests, and the
    good of the Alliance. I look forward to dialogue with this committee on
    these issues.

        Question. What do you see as the greatest current threat to NATO
    unity and cohesion?

        Answer. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to
    provide collective defense and prosperity to member nations. NATO has
    adapted to new threats and challenges during past inflection points
    such as 1989, 2001, and 2014. Today, NATO is again adapting to new and
    emerging threats and challenges. The key to NATO's success is its
    ability to maintain unity, and the NATO 2030 agenda adopted at the June
    2021 Summit affirmed the importance of consultation to the Alliance's
    success. If confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with
    Allies, including having difficult but necessary conversations. I will
    also work to maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to
    consulting with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to
    Brussels.

        Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for
    European nations themselves? What are the disadvantages?

        Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
    European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
    welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity,
    which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing.
    However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the
    primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoiding unnecessary
    duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
    Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies
    the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with
    NATO.

        Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for United
    States security interests? What are the disadvantages?

        Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
    European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
    welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity,
    which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing.
    However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the
    primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoid unnecessary
    duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
    Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies
    the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with
    NATO.

        Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for
    security interests across the NATO alliance as a whole? What are the
    disadvantages?

        Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
    European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
    welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity,
    which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing.
    However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the
    primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoid unnecessary
    duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
    Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies
    the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with
    NATO.

        Question. Do you believe that the U.S.' execution of the withdrawal
    and evacuation mission from Afghanistan makes a continental separation
    of European defense from NATO more likely?

        Answer. NATO is the foundation of Euro-Atlantic collective defense.
    It guarantees the security, freedom, and values of one billion citizens
    in North America and Europe. The Alliance has experienced and overcome
    divisive issues in the past because of the strength of our approach
    based on consultation and consensus. As the Secretary General has said,
    the United States consulted with the Allies throughout the process of
    ending NATO's military presence in Afghanistan and this was a decision
    taken together by all Allies. NATO benefits from European Allies
    developing greater defense capabilities. If confirmed, I will continue
    this tradition of close consultation that prevents any issue from
    detracting from NATO accomplishing its core tasks.

        Question. Do you believe that the recent defense agreement between
    the U.S., U.K., and Australia, which has greatly angered France, and
    irked the European Union, makes a continental separation of European
    defense from NATO more likely?

        Answer. A stronger, more capable Europe is in our shared interest,
    and our longstanding ties with NATO Allies and the EU are essential to
    deal effectively with 21st century challenges, as are complementary EU
    and NATO capabilities. Ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific is a
    shared interest between the United States and Europe, and if confirmed,
    I will continue to work to deepen transatlantic cooperation regarding
    the Indo-Pacific and around the world. We will not succeed without
    enhanced NATO-EU cooperation, something I will strongly support, if
    confirmed. Such cooperation should uphold NATO's role as the premier
    Transatlantic security and defense forum, and EU defense efforts must
    not detract from or duplicate NATO efforts.

        Question. What is your understanding of the reason that Turkey
    decided to purchase S-400s from Russia instead of Patriot Missiles from
    the United States?

        Answer. Turkey had the opportunity to purchase Patriot surface-to-
    air missile systems, and other NATO-interoperable air defense systems,
    but chose to purchase the Russian S-400. Ankara's acquisition and
    testing of an S-400 surface-to-air missile system from Russia undermine
    Allied interoperability and threaten Alliance systems. If confirmed, I
    will continue to urge Turkey not to retain the S-400 system and to
    refrain from purchasing any additional Russian military equipment. As
    the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any major new
    Russian arms purchases would risk triggering CAATSA Section 231
    sanctions separate from and in addition to those already imposed.

        Question. The U.S. has removed Turkey from the F-35 program and
    sanctioned it for its purchase of the S-400. What further actions, if
    any, do you believe the U.S. should take to urge Turkey to divest the
    S-400s?

        Answer. Turkey knows what it needs to do to secure relief from
    existing CAATSA Section 231 sanctions. Ankara's acquisition and testing
    of an S-400 surface-to-air missile system from Russia undermine Allied
    interoperability and threaten Alliance systems. The United States
    continues to urge Turkey at every level not to retain the S-400 system
    and to refrain from purchasing any additional Russian materiel. As the
    Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any major new Russian
    arms purchases would risk triggering CAATSA sanctions separate from and
    in addition to those imposed in December 2020.

        Question. How would you work with NATO partners to discourage
    Turkey from moving forward with its S-400 Air Defense integration?

        Answer. The Biden administration has clearly expressed that Russian
    S-400s are incompatible with NATO equipment and its NATO commitments.
    If confirmed, I will join administration colleagues in continuing to
    urge Turkey not to retain S-400 and not to purchase additional Russian
    materiel. As the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any new
    purchase of Russian military equipment would risk triggering CAATSA
    sanctions separate from and in addition to those imposed in December
    2020. Our Allies, including Turkey share interests in countering
    terrorism, ending the conflict in Syria, and ensuring regional
    stability. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and
    our Allies to convince Turkey to change course.

        Question. NATO's last strategic concept was written in 2010. In
    that time, new threats have emerged: Russia's expansionism in Crimea,
    eastern Ukraine, and Syria, China's emergence as a military and
    strategic power, democratic backsliding within NATO countries, the
    advent of new technologies and threats like cyberwarfare. Which
    elements do you believe that any new Strategic Concept should focus on
    the most?

        Answer. The process of drafting and adopting a new Strategic
    Concept is critical to the future of NATO. It provides a clear roadmap
    for the work Allies must take to ensure our collective security. If
    confirmed, I will work hard with Allies in Brussels to make sure the
    Strategic Concept reflects the changing security environment of today,
    especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, and the
    People's Republic of China's malign activities. I will also work to
    ensure that actions we take to address these new challenges do not
    detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong deterrence
    and defense for all Allies. I look forward to dialogue with this
    committee on the Strategic Concept.

        Question. NATO's Black Sea littoral allies are increasingly vocal
    about their concerns of growing Russian threats in the region. What
    more do you believe NATO should do to help deter further Russian
    aggression in the Black Sea and help augment the military capabilities
    of the littoral nations?

        Answer. The Biden administration has expressed clear support for
    our Black Sea Allies, and through cooperation with NATO Allies and
    partners is bolstering collective security in the Black Sea region. As
    the Biden administration has made clear to Russia, further aggression
    is unacceptable in the territory and territorial waters of its
    sovereign neighbors. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
    Congress and our Allies to develop and implement a Black Sea security
    strategy that bolsters cooperation among our littoral state Allies and
    partners.

        Question. What do you see as the largest obstacles to NATO's
    military mobility throughout the European continent?

        Answer. NATO must be able to flow combat power across the Euro-
    Atlantic area to be effective, not only from the United States to
    Europe but in Europe, across borders, and utilizing Allies'
    infrastructure. The current level of investment into capabilities
    varies across the spectrum of different Allies. If confirmed, I would
    work with our NATO Allies on the way ahead to ensure infrastructure and
    other mobility challenges are never limiting factors for deterrence and
    defense.

        Question. If Russia were to put military presence in Belarus, how
    do you think the U.S. should respond? How should NATO respond?

        Answer. Respectfully, I'm unable to provide a complete answer to a
    hypothetical. If confirmed, I would work with Congress as well as the
    Departments of State and Defense to maximize benefit to Alliance
    strength and security.

        Question. In such a scenario, would putting more troops in Poland
    and the Baltics be a useful response or a harmful one?

        Answer. Respectfully, I'm unable to provide a complete answer to a
    hypothetical. If confirmed, I would work with Congress as well as the
    Departments of State and Defense to maximize benefit to Alliance
    strength and security.

        Question. Do you believe that nuclear weapons are inherent to
    NATO's strength in deterring and defending against enemies of the
    alliance?

        Answer. NATO utilizes an appropriate mix of nuclear, conventional,
    and missile defense capabilities for its deterrence and defense. As
    Allies reiterated in their June 2021 Brussels Summit Communique, ``as
    long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear Alliance.''
    If confirmed, I commit to work with Allies to provide for our
    collective security, including maintaining a safe, effective, and
    credible nuclear deterrence.

        Question. Do you commit to maintaining NATO's nuclear arsenal?

        Answer. As Allies reiterated in the June 2021 Brussels Summit
    Communique, ``as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a
    nuclear Alliance.'' If confirmed, I will coordinate with Allies to
    support NATO's deterrence and defense posture, including NATO's nuclear
    deterrence posture, which relies on U.S. nuclear weapons forward-
    deployed in Europe and the capabilities and infrastructure provided by
    Allies concerned.

        Question. What role do U.S. military exercises with NATO Allies
    play in strengthening U.S. and Allied warfighting capabilities,
    building interoperability between NATO members, and signaling resolve
    both to other Allies and adversaries like Russia?

        Answer. NATO conducts a variety of posture management activities,
    which are critical to maintaining NATO's deterrence and defense
    posture. NATO's exercises credibly demonstrate its ability to deliver
    warfighting capabilities where and when needed. United States military
    exercises with Allies test and improve interoperability and are a
    concrete manifestation of NATO's resolve. If confirmed, I commit to
    work with Congress, the Department of Defense, and our Allies and
    partners to continue to build capabilities, increase readiness, and
    signal resolve to our adversaries.

        Question. Do you believe the current scope, scale, and frequency of
    U.S. military exercises in Europe is sufficient to fulfill these
    objectives? If confirmed, do you commit to working with Allies to
    expand-or at least maintain-the current scope, scale, and frequency of
    U.S. military exercises in Europe?

        Answer. NATO is the most successful Alliance in history, preventing
    the outbreak of war between major powers in Europe for over 70 years.
    U.S. and NATO's exercises are essential to maintain deterrence,
    readiness, and interoperability and reassure our Allies. If confirmed,
    I will work with our Allies to strengthen NATO's credible deterrence
    and defense posture, including through exercises.

        Question. Do you believe U.S./NATO military exercises are
    provocative to Russia? If confirmed, how will you reconcile Russian
    concerns with the need to enhance NATO's warfighting capabilities and
    strengthen Allies?

        Answer. Russian accusations that the United States and NATO
    demonstrate hostile intent through exercises are disingenuous. NATO's
    activities are predictable, transparent, defensive, and designed to
    improve readiness and demonstrate the Alliance's capability and resolve
    to repulse armed attack. U.S. and NATO's exercises are essential to
    maintain deterrence, readiness, and interoperability and reassure our
    Allies. If confirmed, I will work with our Allies to strengthen NATO's
    credible deterrence and defense posture, including through exercises.

        Question. Do you believe it is accurate or fair to equate U.S.
    multinational exercises like Defender with large-scale Russian
    exercises like Zapad?

        Answer. The United States is transparent about its activities;
    Russia is not. We are transparent about our exercises, conduct them
    safely, and notify Russia appropriately. U.S. and NATO exercises help
    reassure our Allies, and transparency as undertaken by the United
    States and NATO contribute to stability and predictability with Russia.
    Russia misuses the Vienna Document notification system to thwart
    transparency of its exercises and conducts large-scale snap exercises,
    such as its buildup along the border with Ukraine in spring 2021. If
    confirmed, I pledge to work with Allies to ensure that false Russian
    narratives about U.S. and NATO posture management activities do not
    undermine Allies' determination to signal Allied resolve and build
    readiness and interoperability through planned, challenging exercises.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question.  What do you view as the key challenges to alliance
    cohesion within NATO? What role do you see for the U.S. administration
    and the U.S. Congress in addressing these challenges?

        Answer. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to
    provide collective security and prosperity to member nations. Today,
    however, the weakening of democratic values in some member states is
    tearing at Alliance cohesion. As the recent NATO 2030 report stressed,
    the key to NATO's success is its ability to maintain unity and resolve.
    If confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with Allies,
    including having sometimes difficult but necessary conversations about
    both our shared values and our shared challenges. I will also work to
    maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to consulting
    with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to Brussels.

        Question. How should NATO respond to political developments in NATO
    member states, such as Turkey, that run counter to the democratic
    principles on which the alliance was founded?

        Answer. NATO is a defensive Alliance. Simultaneously, NATO is an
    Alliance of values, founded on the principles of democracy, individual
    liberty, and the rule of law. NATO takes decisions on the basis of
    consensus, and Allies must find ways forward on common priorities.
    Allies must also be ready to voice--either privately or publicly--
    concern about actions inconsistent with Allies' commitments, including
    concerns about democratic backsliding in Allied member states. If
    confirmed I look forward to working with Congress to foster a
    constructive dialogue in the Alliance about these issues.

        Question. Should NATO consider monitoring or sanctioning member
    states that violate NATO's foundational principles?

        Answer. The North Atlantic Treaty states in Article 2 that ``all
    Parties will contribute toward the further development of peaceful and
    friendly international relations by strengthening their free
    institutions, by bringing about a better understanding of the
    principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by promoting
    conditions of stability and well-being.'' For over 70 years, Allies
    have maintained cohesion to provide collective security and prosperity
    to member nations. The key to NATO's success is its ability to maintain
    unity and resolve, and, if confirmed, I will ensure we hold Allies
    accountable to the same set of values.

        Question. Will you, as Ambassador, continue to press for increased
    allied defense spending?

        Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO
    Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective
    security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
    conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on
    track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress
    toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies
    to focus on other important aspects of their national defense,
    including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also
    work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared
    understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of
    tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking.
    We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready
    integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and
    deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.

        Question. How do you view the potential for burden-sharing that
    looks beyond national defense budgets to include available military
    capabilities, contributions to allied missions, and efforts to counter
    hybrid threats?

        Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO
    Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective
    security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
    conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on
    track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress
    toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies
    to focus on other important aspects of their national defense,
    including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also
    work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared
    understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of
    tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking.
    We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready
    integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and
    deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.

        Question. How adequately is NATO addressing the defense and
    security implications of increased Chinese investment and political
    influence in Europe?

        Answer. This administration is deeply concerned about the dangers
    posed to Transatlantic security by the PRC's investments in critical
    infrastructure, advanced technologies, and modern military
    capabilities, including missiles that can target all NATO Allied
    countries. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, NATO Heads of State and
    Government declared that the PRC's ``stated ambitions and assertive
    behavior present systemic challenges to the rules-based international
    order and to areas relevant to Alliance security.'' If confirmed, I
    will continue our close collaboration with Allies to address the
    challenge from Beijing realistically, strategically, and
    systematically.

        Question. To what extent is there consensus within the alliance on
    how best to respond to security challenges from the Chinese Government?

        Answer. Decision-making by consensus is never easy, especially with
    30 Allies with individual opinions and threat perceptions. However,
    Allies have come together and found common ground to chart a path to
    the future throughout the past 70 years, on many global challenges.
    Today is no different. If confirmed, I commit to consult closely with
    Allies to build consensus on approaches that advance U.S. policy
    objectives on the PRC. Allies showed the ability to find common ground
    on complicated policy issues like how to address the PRC in the recent
    NATO Summit Communique, and I am confident we can find a way to address
    the security environment in the next Strategic Concept as well as other
    venues.

        Question. How effective are current U.S. and NATO efforts to deter
    Russian aggression in Europe, and what more can be done?

        Answer. The United States has worked with Allies at NATO to
    maintain a firm message to Russia that there can be no return to
    ``business as usual'' until there is a clear, constructive change in
    Russia's behavior. The NATO Alliance pursues a dual track approach to
    Russia, balancing openness to political discussion--on the basis of
    reciprocity--with strong and credible deterrence and defense, including
    on NATO's eastern flank. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
    our Allies to ensure NATO continues to bolster its deterrence and
    defense posture, increases focus on capabilities, readiness, and force
    generation, and maintains unity in the face of Russian aggression.

        Question. To what extent do you expect sustained political support
    in Europe for NATO's firm stance on Russia?

        Answer. Allies agree Russia is the primary geopolitical threat in
    the Euro-Atlantic area. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, Allies publicly
    affirmed that NATO has suspended all practical civilian and military
    cooperation with Russia, while remaining open to political dialogue.
    Until Russia makes clear and constructive changes to its behavior,
    there can be no return to ``business as usual''. Allies also affirmed
    that NATO will respond to the deteriorating security environment by
    enhancing its deterrence and defense posture, including by a forward
    presence in the eastern part of the Alliance. If confirmed, I will work
    to maintain Allied unity in the face of Russian aggression.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Todd Young

        Question. What are the implications for the security of NATO?s
    Baltic members from Belarus? planned installation of Russia?s S-400 Air
    Defense systems?

        Answer. Since Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine, NATO has
    implemented the most significant reinforcement of its eastern flank in
    the post-Cold War era, including the Baltic Air Policing mission.
    President Lukashenka's comments that Belarus may procure new systems
    from Russia, including the S-400, is of concern. NATO is committed to
    the security of the entire Alliance, including Baltic Allies, and will
    respond appropriately to the deployment of additional Russian military
    capability in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting
    with the Departments of State and Defense, Congress, and NATO Allies on
    appropriate measures of support for Baltic Allies and NATO's regional
    partners.

        Question. How will you engage with NATO to counter the growing
    belligerence of Russia and its encroachment into Belarus?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Allies at NATO to maintain a
    firm message to Russia that there can be no return to ``business as
    usual'' until there is a clear, constructive change in Russia's
    behavior. I will also ensure NATO continues to bolster its deterrence
    and defense posture. The Alliance has taken several steps to express
    deep concern over the situation in Belarus, from restricting Belarusian
    access to NATO HQ to condemning Lukashenka's actions in the June 2021
    Summit Communique. If confirmed I will seek ways to continue to hold
    both Russia and Belarus accountable for destabilizing activity.

        Question. How does the situation in Afghanistan affect our
    relationship with NATO allies?

        Answer. U.S. standing within NATO remains strong. After twenty
    years, Allies agreed to end our military engagement in Afghanistan.
    This reflects our success delivering justice to those who attacked us
    on September 11th and disrupting terrorists seeking to use Afghanistan
    as a safe haven to attack us. Allies decided to reassess where it made
    the most sense to position our militaries based on the global threat
    picture as it exists today, not two decades ago. The United States
    worked side by side with Allies and partners in Afghanistan,
    strengthening the ability of our military and civilian personnel to
    work effectively together. If confirmed, I will continue the close
    consultations with Allies, as we have done since before the withdrawal,
    when all Allies decided to leave with us. I will also look forward to
    consulting with the Allies on the ``lessons learned'' process they are
    currently conducting on the broader mission in Afghanistan.

        Question. Message to NATO allies about the U.S. commitment to
    coordinated operations in defense of the alliance?

        Answer. NATO remains history's strongest military alliance, and the
    United States will continue our leadership role within it. The U.S.
    commitment to the Alliance and to Article 5 is ironclad. If confirmed,
    I will ensure that we continue to support NATO defensive operations, as
    well as operations that enhance regional security in other ways. For
    example, NATO Mission Iraq is expanding to broaden the capacity of the
    Iraqi Government's security institutions. Kosovo Force (KFOR) has
    bolstered the regional security environment in the Balkans for twenty
    years.

        Question. How would you work with NATO partners to discourage
    Turkey from moving forward with its S-400 Air Defense integration?

        Answer. The Biden administration has clearly expressed that Russian
    S-400s are incompatible with NATO equipment and Turkey's NATO
    commitments. It is a policy priority for the United States to prevail
    on Turkey not to retain S-400 and not to purchase additional Russian
    materiel. As the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any new
    purchase of Russian military equipment would risk triggering CAATSA
    sanctions separate from and in addition to those imposed in December
    2020. At the same time, Turkey is our Ally, and the United States and
    Turkey share interests in countering terrorism, ending the conflict in
    Syria, and ensuring regional stability. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with Congress and engaging Turkey.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. I recently had a call with 26 Ambassadors from NATO-
    allied countries, and all were unanimous in their calls for NATO
    coordination on Afghanistan. Many of our allies in NATO and others in
    Europe have also publicly expressed their frustrations regarding how
    the United States handled the withdrawal and the lack of coordination
    with them. I am concerned with how this may affect the strength of the
    Alliance in the immediate future.

       How do you see the current state of relations with our NATO allies
            following our withdrawal from Afghanistan? What will you do to
            reassure our allies of our commitment to coordination through
            NATO, if confirmed?

        Answer. Since Allies invoked Article 5 and went into Afghanistan
    after al-Qaeda, we have adhered to the ``in together, consult together,
    leave together'' approach. Indeed, as the Secretary General confirmed
    in recent days, the United States consulted with the Allies throughout
    the process of ending NATO's military presence in Afghanistan. NATO is
    the foundation of Euro-Atlantic collective defense. The Alliance has
    experienced and overcome divisive issues in the past because of the
    strength of our approach based on consultation and consensus. If
    confirmed, I will continue this tradition of close consultation that
    prevents any issue from detracting from NATO accomplishing its core
    tasks.

        Question. How do you think the United States should respond to the
    calls for greater European security independent of NATO and the United
    States?

        Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
    European allies and partners and revitalizing our alliances. If
    confirmed, I would welcome European efforts to strengthen European
    defense including by spending more on defense, insofar as this
    contributes to Allies' fulfillment of their Wales Pledge commitments.
    However, the notion of European strategic autonomy risks undermining
    the primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense, duplicating effort
    between the EU and NATO, and weakening Transatlantic relations. If
    confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Allies and partners to
    reinforce to all Allies the unparalleled value of the Transatlantic
    Alliance, rooted in the sacrosanct Article 5 commitment.

        Question. The Taliban has tried to tell the world that it is
    different than it was in 1996. But their approach and perspective on
    women has clearly not evolved and as such, we must continue to hold the
    Taliban to account, in partnership with our allies.

       If confirmed, how will you work through NATO to find ways to
            support the rights of Afghan women and girls under Taliban
            rule? What specific actions should NATO take as a bloc?

        Answer. NATO has been clear that it will continue to hold the
    Taliban to its commitments, especially on counterterrorism and with
    respect to the rights of all Afghans. The Taliban has said many things,
    but we have told them in no uncertain terms we are watching their
    actions to assess our possible future direction with them. The United
    States and NATO Allies are considering how to use our full diplomatic,
    economic, and assistance toolkits to support the peaceful, stable
    future the Afghan people deserve. If confirmed, I look forward to
    consulting with you on ensuring the rights of women and girls in
    Afghanistan, in particular, remain in the Alliance's focus.

        Question. If confirmed, what will you do to reassure our allies in
    NATO of the strong U.S. commitment? What specific steps will you take
    to strengthen coordination with and within the Alliance?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will reassure Allies our commitment to
    collective defense under Article 5 of the Washington Treaty is
    ironclad. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to provide
    collective security and prosperity to member nations. The key to NATO's
    success is its ability to maintain unity, and the NATO 2030 agenda
    affirmed the importance of consultation to the Alliance's success. If
    confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with Allies,
    including having difficult but necessary conversations. I will also
    work to maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to
    consulting with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to
    Brussels.

        Question. I am concerned by the actions of an emboldened Russia in
    the Black Sea region, following several recent aggressive incidents by
    the Russians.

       What more can be done to support freedom of navigation in the Black
            Sea?

        Answer. The Biden administration attaches high importance to
    security and stability in the Black Sea littoral. Through cooperation
    with NATO Allies and partners, including presence and exercises, the
    United States is bolstering collective security in the Black Sea
    region. As the Biden administration has made clear to Russia,
    aggression is unacceptable in the territory and territorial waters of
    its sovereign neighbors, as well as in international waters and
    airspace. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and our
    Allies to develop and implement a Black Sea security strategy that
    bolsters cooperation among our littoral state Allies and partners.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Ted Cruz

    Nord Stream 2
        Question. If Nord Stream 2 is brought online it will provide Russia
    with energy hegemony over our NATO allies. Those allies have conveyed
    in public that they will be significantly more vulnerable not just to
    energy coercion but to military aggression, across NATO's Eastern
    flank.

       Please assess the security risks to NATO, and especially NATO's
            eastern flank, that would be created if Nord Stream 2 was
            completed.

        Answer. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is a Russian geopolitical
    project that undercuts the energy security of a significant part of the
    Euro-Atlantic community. U.S. opposition to Nord Stream 2 centers
    around the Kremlin's malign activities, including its aggression
    against Ukraine and past use of energy as a weapon through gas supply
    cut-offs and disruptions. The administration continues to work with
    Germany, Ukraine, and other Allies and partners to reduce the risks of
    an operational Nord Stream 2 pipeline, including through the package of
    measures detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-Germany Joint Statement on
    support for Ukraine, European Energy Security, and our Climate Goals.
    If confirmed, I will work with our NATO Allies and partners to both
    address the repercussions of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and strengthen
    European energy security.

        Question. If Nord Stream 2 is brought online it will provide Russia
    with energy hegemony over our NATO allies. Those allies have conveyed
    in public that they will be significantly more vulnerable not just to
    energy coercion but to military aggression, across NATO's Eastern
    flank.

       In your understanding, what can the United States still do to stop
            Nord Stream 2 from being completed, in order to avert these
            risks?

        Answer. The Biden administration opposes Nord Stream 2 and believes
    that this Russian geopolitical project is a bad deal for both Ukraine
    and Europe. That said, the pipeline was over 90 percent complete when
    this administration came into office, and sanctions could not stop its
    construction. Gazprom announced on September 10, 2021 that construction
    on the pipeline was complete. Throughout the process of testing,
    inspecting, and certifying, and otherwise operationalizing the
    pipeline, the United States will continue to oppose Nord Stream 2 and
    work with Allies and partners to reduce the risks of an operational
    Nord Stream 2 pipeline, including through the package of measures
    detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-Germany Joint Statement on Support
    for Ukraine, European Energy Security, and our Climate Goals. The
    administration remains committed to implementing PEESA, as amended; it
    has sanctioned seven persons related to Nord Stream 2 and identified 16
    of the vessels as blocked property and continues to examine entities
    involved in potentially sanctionable activity.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Robert Menendez

    Israel
        Question. This week marks the one year anniversary of the historic
    Abraham Accords, normalizing relations between Israel, the UAE, and
    Bahrain, which have the potential to increase security and prosperity
    for Israel and other countries in the Middle East.

       Will you commit to fully supporting Israel's right to self-defense
            and Qualitative Military Edge, including through U.S. military
            assistance?

        Answer. Yes. The United States has a long-standing, unshakable
    commitment to Israel's security, one important component of which is
    substantial security assistance to preserve Israel's Qualitative
    Military Edge over potential regional threats. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with Congress to continue this legacy.

    Iraq
        Question. The U.S. remains committed to a sovereign, stable and
    democratic Iraq. The recent agreement on July 26 between President
    Biden and Prime Minister Kadhimi to end U.S. combat operations signals
    a hopeful new phase in the U.S.-Iraqi partnership. However, Iran
    continues to exercise malign influence in the country and its militias
    continue to target U.S. facilities while extorting and murdering
    ordinary Iraqis.

       What should the U.S.'s assistance priorities be in Iraq? What
            further steps can the U.S. take to boost Iraq's ties with its
            Arab neighbors and make the country less dependent on Iranian
            energy?

        Answer. U.S. assistance in Iraq should focus on democratic and
    economic reforms to reduce corruption, facilitate investment, develop a
    domestic private sector that can generate badly-needed employment for
    Iraq's youthful population, and improve the lives of the Iraqi people.
        The United States continues to press Iraq to do more in terms of
    generating and delivering electricity for the public, reducing its
    reliance on Iranian electricity and gas. This requires Iraq to capture
    flared gas, employ grid modernization to reduce transmission losses,
    develop renewable energy potential, and to import power from other
    neighbors. The United States is ready to help develop Iraq's renewable
    energy sector.
        With regard to electricity grid interconnections, the United States
    has championed the work to connect Iraq's grid to that of the GCC
    Interconnection Authority. This interconnection would allow Gulf
    countries to sell 500 megawatts of power to Iraq. The United States
    also supports an interconnection between the Iraqi and Jordanian grids.
    While Iraq is contracting out its portion of the transmission lines,
    USAID is supporting the Jordanian side. Iraq has moved slowly on
    implementing its side.

        Question. What is your assessment of the current U.S. diplomatic
    footprint in Iraq? Should the U.S. boost that footprint to better
    counter Iranian influence? What resources would be required to do that
    safely and do you commit to working to swiftly restore consular
    operations at Embassy Baghdad?

        Answer. U.S. policies. In Summer 2021, the Embassy conducted a
    fresh staffing review given changing circumstances, and Department
    leadership is currently considering the results. If confirmed, I am
    committed to ensuring all of our posts, including Baghdad, are secure
    and appropriately staffed for their mission.
        If confirmed, I commit to working to restore consular operations at
    Embassy Baghdad. Several Compound Access Control (CAC) points sustained
    damage in the December 2019/January 2020 attack, leading to a
    suspension of consular operations. The Bureau of Overseas Buildings
    Operations (OBO) worked with Diplomatic Security to establish an
    interim consular screening facility for use by U.S. citizens. OBO is
    currently in the process of awarding a design and construction contract
    for the repair of the Main CAC to allow full consular services to be
    restarted.

        Question. How important is it to reopen the U.S. Consulate in
    Basra? If confirmed, what conditions will you need to see before moving
    to reopen it?

        Answer. I view it as vitally important that the United States
    engage with all segments of Iraqi society, including Basrawis and
    others in southern Iraq. Basrah remains one of the key economic engines
    of Iraq given its vast oil and gas resources, but also remains one of
    the poorest provinces and suffers from climate change and a lack of
    potable water. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues at the
    State Department and throughout the administration to expand our
    diplomatic outreach across Iraq. There are many issues that would have
    to be taken into consideration before resuming operations at the
    consulate in Basrah, such as the necessary security measures, as well
    as congressional and legal requirements.

    Lebanon
        Question. Lebanon's economic crisis has pushed middle class
    Lebanese into poverty but the country's political elite still show no
    appetite for needed reforms and still seem to expect a no strings
    attached bailout if the suffering in Lebanon gets bad enough.

       How does the US balance the need to help alleviate suffering in
            Lebanon which directly contributes to security and stability
            not only in Lebanon but in Israel and the region more broadly
            but also ensure our assistance is being used to incentivize
            reforms?

        Answer. Current U.S. assistance programs in Lebanon are designed to
    directly support the Lebanese people as they weather the current
    economic and humanitarian crisis, as well as support key partners and
    institutions, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security
    Forces, which are critical to stability in Lebanon and the region. If
    confirmed, I will reinforce to the Lebanese Government that concrete
    actions remain crucial--indeed, a condition--to unlocking longer-term
    structural support to Lebanon.

        Question. What is your assessment of the new Lebanese Government?
    Is it capable of delivering for the Lebanese people and being a capable
    partner for the United States?

        Answer. The United States welcomed the announcement that Lebanon's
    leaders agreed to form a new government under the leadership of Prime
    Minister Najib Mikati. The formation of a government is just the first
    step to halting Lebanon's terrible downward spiral; the follow-on steps
    must include enacting reforms to address the economic crisis, bring
    more accountability and transparency to a system that is rife with
    political corruption, and keep elections on track for next year. The
    solution to Lebanon's dire problems lie in Lebanese hands. If
    confirmed, I stand ready to support the new government as well as hold
    its members accountable for the hard work ahead.

    Lebanon and Syrian Sanctions Liability
        Question. I recognize the need to import energy from Egypt and
    Jordan to ease the suffering of hard-hit Lebanese and to prevent Iran
    and Hezbollah from capitalizing on a crisis that they are in large part
    created. I am also aware that the infrastructure for such a project
    already exists and I appreciate the willingness of Jordan and Egypt to
    help the people of Lebanon. However, I am also concerned about such a
    project running afoul of U.S. sanctions on Syria the risk that such
    imports could normalize the Assad regime's brutality.

       What sanctions liability do you see in such an import project and
            how do we balance these competing needs by getting the Lebanese
            people the relief they need without rewarding the Assad regime
            for more that ten years of atrocities against its own people?

        Answer. Lebanon is currently experiencing an acute energy crisis
    that is having a tremendous impact on critical infrastructure such as
    hospitals and the water supply. U.S. assistance programs are designed
    to directly support the Lebanese people; Egypt and Jordan have recently
    offered a set of potential bilateral and multilateral agreements that
    could help Lebanon begin to address its power crisis in a sustainable
    and transparent manner. U.S. sanctions on the Assad regime remain an
    important tool to press for accountability, to include for its
    atrocious record of human rights abuse. If confirmed, I will work with
    the Department of the Treasury and our partners to ensure that any
    potential deal our partners reach is consistent with U.S. law, our
    broader policy priorities to mitigate any benefits to the Assad regime,
    and all relevant U.S. sanctions, and look forward to continuing to
    consult with Congress on this important issue.

    Syria
        Question. I am concerned that the Assad regime's apparent success
    in reestablishing full control of Daraa, despite prior diplomatic
    agreements that ensured a measure of local autonomy, will pave the way
    for an increased presence of Iranian backed militias, including
    Hezbollah, where they can continue to brutalize or displace the local
    population while menacing Israel and Jordan.

        Question. Do you share these concerns and if so, what diplomatic
    measures can the administration take, both bilaterally and at the
    United Nations, to prevent additional civilian displacements and ensure
    Iranian militia activity does not further threaten Israel and Jordan?

        Answer. The United States continues to engage with partners and
    allies as well as the U.N. to encourage all parties to adhere to
    ceasefires in Syria. The United States is also strongly committed to
    countering Iran and the militia groups it supports in Syria and will
    work with allies and partners to push back against Iran's destabilizing
    activities. The Biden-Harris administration is concerned by the grave
    conditions in Dara'a that resulted in the displacement of civilians and
    the blockage of humanitarian aid and has raised these concerns at the
    U.N. and with key Security Council members. If confirmed, I will
    continue our support for humanitarian organizations that are trying to
    deliver aid and will continue to push for increased access.

    Syria-U.N.-led Political Process for Syria
        Question. It is broadly acknowledged that the U.N.-led political
    process for Syria under UNSCR 2254 is broken due to Russian-enabled
    Assad regime intransigence. There is further a push by both Russia and
    the Assad regime to normalize ties with other Arab states like Jordan
    the UAE and Bahrain.

       What alternatives does the administration have to advancing the
            goal of an end to Syria's civil war in light of the gridlock in
            the U.N. process?

        Answer. There is little question that unstinting Russian and
    Iranian military and other support have enabled the Assad regime to
    deflect international demands for accountability and political change
    for over a decade. The United States is engaged with U.N. Special Envoy
    Geir Pedersen, our allies, and other international partners in order to
    explore options and encourage all possible efforts to advance a
    political resolution to the conflict. The Biden-Harris administration
    supports the U.N.-facilitated, Syrian-led process laid out within the
    parameters of UNSCR 2254, including a nationwide ceasefire, the release
    of arbitrarily detained Syrians, and free and fair elections monitored
    by the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to engage diplomatically to
    press for an end to the Syrian people's suffering.

        Question. What do you see driving our Arab partners' increasing
    engagement with Damascus and how can U.S. diplomacy halt this creeping
    normalization?

        Answer. There appears to be a belief among some countries in the
    region that engagement with Assad will lead to a reduction of the
    latter's relationship with Iran. I am skeptical on that score. The
    United States will not itself reestablish or upgrade diplomatic
    relations with the Assad regime. If confirmed, I will urge states in
    the region to consider carefully what they might require of the regime
    on behalf of the Syrian people--whether accountability for the missing
    or detained, or access to humanitarian aid and security, which the
    regime currently denies much of the country. The United States will
    remain engaged with the U.N., our allies, and other international
    partners on the best way forward in Syria.

        Question. Do you think we can be doing more to ensure
    accountability and good governance in the Autonomous Administered Areas
    of North East Syria?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration understands political and
    economic stability are key to the ability of our local partners in
    Syria to focus on fighting ISIS. In one of its first acts, the
    administration lifted the U.S. freeze on stabilization assistance for
    Syria and announced in March almost $50 million for U.S. stabilization
    efforts in northeast Syria and will continue these efforts with FY 21
    resources; the administration's FY 22 request for Syria reflects
    further robust support. U.S. assistance in northeast Syria prioritizes
    stabilization activities that contribute to the restoration of daily
    life by closing gaps in local authority capacities; supporting
    transitional justice, justice and accountability, and civil society
    programs; and addressing vulnerabilities previously exploited by ISIS.

    Egypt
        Question. What do you see as the largest priorities for security
    assistance to Egypt? How can U.S. engagement promote further energy
    development and security cooperation between Egypt and its neighbors,
    especially in the realm of clean and renewable energy?

        Answer. I see the highest priority security challenges for Egypt as
    being the threat stemming from extremist groups in Libya and the Sahel,
    border security and maritime security. U.S security assistance is
    appropriately focused on helping Egypt develop and maintain the
    capacity to address those priorities while emphasizing
    professionalization of its forces and support for human rights and
    international humanitarian law. Egypt has enormous solar and wind
    potential, and has made significant investments in the past decade to
    increase the share of renewables in its energy production. I am eager
    to work with Egypt to fulfill its aspirations to export clean energy to
    its neighbors, which will require significant investments in upgrading
    regional energy connectivity.

        Question. Egypt faces the very real prospect of reduced flow from
    the Nile River. What more can the US do to help Egypt cope with such a
    future?

        Answer. I well appreciate the singular importance of the Nile flow
    to Egypt's economy, especially its agriculture. I am pleased to see
    that Egypt is taking steps to modernize its agricultural systems and
    increase efficiencies in water use to better manage the growing demands
    for this critical resource in the future. U.S. assistance has brought
    improved education, clean water, better health, economic growth, and
    other benefits to the Egyptian people. The Department is working with
    Egypt to promote economic growth that underpins stability, and to
    advance our commercial and environmental goals.

        Question. If confirmed, what message will you send to Egypt
    regarding its purchase of Russian Su-35's?

        Answer. Dissuading Egypt from acquiring Su-35 fighter aircraft or
    any other major new military equipment from Russia is a key priority
    for the United States. The U.S. Government has consistently warned
    Egypt at the highest levels that accepting delivery of Su-35s or any
    new major military acquisitions from Russia risks triggering mandatory
    CAATSA Section 231 sanctions and negatively affecting our defense
    relationship and security cooperation. If confirmed, I will reinforce
    this message to the Government of Egypt.

        Question. If confirmed, what message will you send to Egypt
    regarding ongoing human rights abuses, including the harassment and
    detention of the family members of U.S.-based activists? What leverage
    does the U.S. retain in this regard?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
    Egypt. If confirmed, I will communicate U.S. expectations to the
    Government of Egypt of tangible and sustained progress on improving its
    human rights record. The Biden-Harris administration supports greater
    space for Egyptian civil society and human rights organizations, as
    well as respect for freedom of expression. Secretary Blinken's recent
    decision on Foreign Military Financing showed that the Biden-Harris
    administration considers human rights to be a national security
    interest. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government
    of Egypt to address these human rights concerns. Promoting a stable,
    prosperous Egypt, where the Government protects the human rights of all
    individuals and fulfills the aspirations of the Egyptian people, is a
    core objective of U.S. policy.

    Peace Agreement in Libya
        Question. The peace agreement in Libya and the national unity
    government that it brought about present an important opportunity for
    Libyans and their neighbors in Africa and around the Mediterranean to
    turn the page on ten years of violence and chaos. However, challenges
    remain, most notably the continuing presence of Russian and Turkish-
    backed mercenaries, which represent, in my mind, the biggest threat to
    stability in Libya and the elections scheduled there for December.

       What steps can be taken, with the Libyan Government, along with the
            international community to get foreign fighters out of Libya?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is in discussions with
    European and regional allies and partners, the interim Libyan
    Government, and others on how progress can be made towards the full
    withdrawal of all foreign military forces, foreign fighters, and
    mercenaries consistent with the October 23, 2020 Libyan ceasefire
    agreement. To that end, if confirmed, I am committed to charting a path
    forward toward national elections with the interim Libyan Government,
    regional partners, and the U.N. Those elections will themselves be a
    critical point along the way of getting foreign forces out of Libya. If
    confirmed, I am also committed to supporting the October 23, 2020,
    Libyan ceasefire agreement and its full implementation as called for in
    UNSCR 2570.

        Question. What further steps should the US take to ensure that
    presidential and parliamentary elections are held on schedule in Libya?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is in discussions with
    Libyan political leaders on the urgent need for them to agree on a
    constitutional and legal framework for elections. The Biden-Harris
    administration is also coordinating with European and regional allies
    and partners to ensure a united position from the international
    community on the importance of holding on-time elections. USAID has
    helped the Libyan High National Election Commission advance technical
    preparations for the elections so that they are prepared to hold the
    elections quickly once a legal basis is agreed. Ultimately, it will be
    up to Libyan political officials to forge compromises to ensure
    elections take place on December 24, and the administration has
    vigorously pressed the parties to do so.

    Turkey and Libya's Maritime Border Agreement
        Question. I have been vocal in my criticism of the maritime border
    agreement between Turkey and Libya's previous Government of National
    Accord, which I believe was based on a flawed understanding of
    international maritime law and a complete disregard for the legitimate
    claims of neighboring Mediterranean countries, including Greece and the
    Republic of Cyprus.

       What steps can the U.S. take to ensure that any such agreement is
            coordinated with Libya and Turkey's Mediterranean neighbors and
            takes into account their legitimate claims in the
            Mediterranean?

        Answer. The Memorandum of Understanding on maritime boundaries
    between Turkey and Libya's former Government of National Accord has
    raised tensions in the region and has been unhelpful to efforts to
    negotiate a solution to the conflict. The United States has called on
    all parties to refrain from actions that risk heightening tensions in
    the Eastern Mediterranean. As a longstanding policy, the United States
    encourages states to resolve their disputes peacefully in accordance
    with international law.

    U.S. Influence in Libya
        Question. If confirmed, what facts would you need to see on the
    ground to move forward with a permanent U.S. diplomatic presence inside
    Libya? What further resources would you need?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's intent is to resume
    regular diplomatic activities in Libya when the security situation
    permits and the necessary security measures are in place. The process
    for resumption of diplomatic operations entails a thorough Department
    analysis and review, careful logistical and security planning,
    interagency coordination to meet security, policy, and legal
    requirements, and congressional notification procedures. The
    administration will keep Congress informed with regard to any resources
    it would need.

        Question. In the meantime, what further steps can be taken to
    maintain U.S. influence in the country?

        Answer. Since the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli suspended operations in
    July 2014, officers with the Libya External Office in Tunis have
    conducted periodic day-trips into Libya for diplomatic engagement and
    frequently engaged with Libyan interlocutors in third-country
    locations. The administration, including Special Envoy Ambassador
    Richard Norland, also coordinates closely with European allies,
    countries in the region, and the United Nations. The United States co-
    chairs the Berlin Process Economic Working Group through which
    international partners help Libya make crucial economic reforms.
    Foreign assistance also boosts U.S. influence in the areas of the
    economy, access to water, and combatting climate change.

    Tunisia
        Question. How can U.S. engagement most effectively help Tunisia
    reach a sound economic footing?

        Answer. The United States shares the Tunisian people's goal of a
    democratic government that can address the immediate economic and
    health crises facing the country. In that connection, our assistance
    promotes sustainable, inclusive economic growth and mitigates the
    effects of COVID-19. If confirmed, I will urge President Saied to
    designate a Prime Minister without further dealy and enable formation
    of a government so that the United States and our partners can more
    effectively assist Tunisia in economic growth and development,
    particularly via the IMF.

        Question. What more can the U.S. do to bolster both Tunisian civil
    society and the successful and productive security relationship between
    our two countries?

        Answer. U.S. assistance, consistent messaging, and diplomatic
    engagement will continue to support civil society and civic engagement,
    which will be key to the success of any political and economic reforms.
    If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening our bilateral security
    relationship, through which the U.S. Government has provided over $928
    million since 2011. This aid has improved the ability of the Tunisian
    military and civilian law enforcement agencies to conduct counter
    terrorism operations, secure the country's borders, provide citizen-
    oriented policing, and protect human rights while operating within the
    rule of law.

    Yemen
        Question. The administration's renewal of assistance to northern
    Yemen and insistence that the Houthis allow further humanitarian access
    there has helped to hold off a drastic worsening of an already terrible
    humanitarian crisis. However, the Houthis ongoing advance on Marib
    threatens to displace hundreds of thousands of already desperate
    Yemenis and shows a lack interest by the Houthis in a peaceful end to
    the fighting, especially when coupled with their ongoing attacks
    against Saudi Arabia using Iranian missiles and drones.

       What is behind the Houthis determination to press on with a costly
            and destructive offensive? What steps can the U.S. take to
            bring them back to the negotiating table?

        Answer. The Houthis remain intransigent and focused on their
    military offensive against Marib, which is the single biggest
    impediment to a national ceasefire and follow-on political
    negotiations. Apparently determined to take the oil-rich province, the
    Houthis are demonstrating wholesale indifference to the humanitarian
    cost. The offensive is exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian crisis, puts
    at immediate risk some one million IDPs and other civilians and is
    triggering broader instability. There is an international consensus on
    the urgency of resolving this conflict; if confirmed, I will work with
    U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to
    push the Houthis to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen
    Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions. The United
    States continues to work with our international partners to apply
    pressure on the Houthis, to include via domestic and U.N. sanctions,
    and, if confirmed, I will continue that critical work.

        Question. The lack of fuel imports remains a major humanitarian
    concern. What more can the U.S. do to push Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni
    Government to allow more fuel imports to be allowed into Yemen?

        Answer. The United States remains committed to addressing the
    humanitarian situation in Yemen. We closely monitor and consistently
    raise the need for unrestricted fuel imports at Hudaydah with the
    highest levels of the Yemeni and Saudi Governments. In response to
    continued U.S. advocacy, the Republic of Yemen Government has cleared
    17 fuel ships to enter the port of Hudaydah since March 2021. Food and
    other commodities for commercial and humanitarian purposes continue to
    flow through Hudaydah at normal rates, according to the U.N.
    Verification and Inspection Mechanism for Yemen (UNVIM). Fuel imports
    through other Yemeni ports have increased, such that nationwide fuel
    imports are actually higher than average. That said, it is time for a
    different approach by the Hadi Government and the Saudi Government.

    Jordan
        Question. As you know, the current assistance Memorandum of
    Understanding (MOU) between the U.S. and Jordan is set to expire next
    year.

       What should be the U.S.'s priorities for the next MOU?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. assistance to Jordan
    through the next MOU is targeted to bolster the economic stability of
    this critical ally. A stable and secure Jordan allows us to jointly
    pursue shared regional security and economic goals. Economic Support
    Funds should foster self-reliance and capacity development of
    government and private sector counterparts towards implementing
    critical economic reform. To the degree the U.S. Government can
    incentivize needed structural reforms, Jordan can more rapidly open new
    pathways to economic growth. Foreign Military Financing should help
    ensure Jordan can continue to act as a close partner on a variety of
    shared security goals, including as a contributing member in the
    Coalition to Defeat ISIS.

        Question. What further political and economic reforms do you think
    are needed to help Jordan get on to a more secure and sustainable
    footing?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will promote private-sector-led and
    inclusive economic growth in Jordan. The country requires reforms to
    enable the private sector to grow more rapidly, to attract foreign
    investment, increase the capacity of firms to compete on the global
    market, and significantly expand current employment levels. Other
    important reforms include improving public sector effectiveness;
    improving the business climate; deepening electricity and water sector
    sustainability; and including more women and youth in the formal
    economy.

        Question. What further ways can the U.S. support sustainable water
    sources in Jordan?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Jordan to complete its
    national water desalination project, the Aqaba-Amman-Conveyance
    Project, in a timely and effective manner so that it addresses Jordan's
    water needs.
        On July 8, Jordan and Israel announced an agreement to allow Jordan
    to purchase an additional and much needed 50 million cubic meters of
    water this year. If confirmed, I will encourage Jordan and Israel to
    finalize the agreement and continue to look for additional ways to
    increase water cooperation in the coming years. Expanding cooperation
    on the water issue will present additional opportunities to foster a
    healthier political relationship between the two countries.

        Question. What is the potential for further cooperation between
    Israel and Jordan on the Red Sea-Dead Sea water project?

        Answer. Both Israel and Jordan have indicated they no longer plan
    to pursue the Red Sea-Dead Sea water project. If confirmed, I will
    encourage Jordan to move out expeditiously on its national water
    desalination project, the Aqaba-Amman Conveyance Project, in a timely
    and effective manner so that it addresses Jordan's water needs.

    Gulf
        Question. Saudi Arabia's direct diplomatic engagement with Iran,
    facilitated by Baghdad, has been widely reported and is broadly
    considered an indicator that the Gulf states are not comfortable
    relying on JCPOA negotiations as a guarantor of their security against
    Iran's regional meddling. As a former US Ambassador to the UAE, I am
    confident you are very familiar with these sentiments.

       How do you perceive the utility of these ongoing talks and if
            confirmed, how will you work to ensure our regional partners,
            including the Gulf States as well as Israel, are integrated
            into Iran's nuclear talks?

        Answer. I am aware of reports of multiple rounds of Saudi-Iranian
    talks facilitated by Iraq. Direct contacts and discussions between
    countries in the Gulf and Iran can be constructive in reducing tensions
    in the region; for the Gulf countries, these channels are also useful
    for making clear their requirements of Iran, including non-interference
    in their affairs. The UAE started such discussions in the summer of
    2019, at a time of severely heightened tensions in the Gulf, and those
    exchanges continue today. Diplomacy is not a reward in this sense, but
    a vital means for securing their interests. Our Gulf partners and
    Israel have valid security concerns over Iran's destabilizing activity
    in the region. If confirmed, I will work with the Special Envoy for
    Iran, Rob Malley, to ensure our partners are consulted in the course of
    the JCPOA negotiations, as well as coordinate on U.S. efforts to deal
    with Iran's regional activities and to help our partners do the same.

    Red Sea/Horn of Africa
        Question. From the GERD dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia, to
    competition between Gulf States in the Horn of Africa, to maritime
    security along both sides of the Red Sea, there is significant overlap
    between NEA and the Africa Bureau, especially along the Red Sea and the
    Horn of Africa.

       What aspects of cooperation between the two bureaus do you think
            are going well? What areas need improvement?

        Answer. Bureaus in the department, including Near Eastern Affairs
    (NEA) and African Affairs (AF), must work closely together to ensure
    full coordination and cooperation on the full range of shared and
    overlapping issues, and across the geographical/bureaucratic seam.
    Sustained communication at the leadership level in Washington and in
    the field ensures that both Bureaus can overcome these seams, and if
    confirmed I will promote mechanisms to encourage such communication. If
    confirmed, I will provide the leadership and model the kind of close
    cooperation with AF that is critical for the success of our respective
    work. I will also work closely with the Department's Special Envoy for
    the Horn of Africa, Jeffery Feltman, and ensure that NEA missions work
    collaboratively with AFRICOM.
        If confirmed, I will also ensure that Red Sea and African issues
    are part of our regular conversations with key NEA Governments.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to improve
    cooperation with the Africa Bureau on issues that span this divide and
    to ensure that such issues facing sub-Saharan Africa are raised with
    governments in the Middle East?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead by example, and ensure that NEA
    staff coordinate closely with colleagues in the AF Bureau and with the
    Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery Feltman, as well as with
    AFRICOM. If confirmed, I will ensure that Red Sea and African issues
    are part of our regular conversation with key NEA Governments. If
    confirmed, I will also continue to ensure diplomacy, defense and
    development tools are brought together to address cross-cutting issues
    through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership.

    Eastern Mediterranean Energy and Security
        Question. Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority have all
    joined the EastMed Gas Forum alongside Greece, Cyprus and Israel,
    greatly increasing the potential for cooperation among the countries of
    the Eastern Mediterranean on energy development and security,
    especially for clean and renewable energy sources.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to coordinate with both the
            European Affairs Bureau and the Bureau of Energy Resources to
            promote increased cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead by example, and ensure that NEA
    staff coordinate closely with colleagues in the European Affairs and AF
    Bureaus and with the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery
    Feltman, as well as with AFRICOM. If confirmed, I will ensure that Red
    Sea and African issues are part of our regular conversation with key
    NEA Governments. If confirmed, I will also continue to ensure
    diplomacy, defense and development tools are brought together to
    address cross-cutting issues through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism
    Partnership.

    Great Power Competition in the Middle East
        Question. The administration has repeatedly insisted that it is
    pivoting away from the Middle East to focus on great power competition
    with Russia and China.

       How do you see your job unfolding within this new paradigm?

        Answer. Global power competition happens around the globe,
    including in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris administration is
    committed to rebuilding and restoring U.S. partnerships across the
    region. If confirmed, I will energetically promote the value of a
    sustained and strategic partnership with the United States, a
    partnership that stands in stark contrast to the transactional
    relationships offered by the People's Republic of China and Russia. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in the Bureaus of
    European Affairs (EUR) and East Asian and Pacific Affairs (EAP) to
    ensure that strategic priorities with respect to Russia and the
    People's Republic of China are regular agenda items in discussions with
    regional partners.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Assistance
    Secretary to counter Russian and Chinese influence in the Middle East
    and North Africa?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in the
    Bureau of European Affairs (EUR) and the Bureau of East Asian and
    Pacific Affairs (EAP) to ensure that strategic priorities with respect
    to Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) are regular agenda
    items in discussions with regional partners. This will include
    empowering the three Regional China Officers deployed at embassies
    across the region to increase reporting, analysis, and engagement on
    PRC-related issues. If confirmed, I will also work with our Bureau of
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, as well as our Bureau of Political
    Military Affairs, to ensure an approach that maintains our position as
    the premier partner in the region while elevating our values, including
    respect for human rights.
        The administration's commitment to reducing regional tensions,
    banking the fires of conflict, building deep partnerships based on an
    affirmative agenda, and demonstrating the value of a sustained
    partnership with the United States remains the best approach to
    countering Russian and PRC influence across the region.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Great power competition often occurs outside of the
    Pacific. How do you plan to compete with Russia and China given the
    administration's apparent retreat from the Middle East?

        Answer. The President's vision for a collaborative partnership with
    the countries of the Middle East comes in the wider context of a
    growing global challenge to our values of open societies and open
    economies. This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic of
    China (PRC) and Russia. Our strength as a nation resides in the very
    commitment the U.S. Government has demonstrated over decades to our
    partners, and to the values the United States brings to those
    relationships.
        The administration seeks to deepen diplomatic, security, cultural,
    and economic engagements through an affirmative agenda grounded in our
    democratic values. If confirmed, I will work to demonstrate that
    partnership with the United States remains our best strategy for
    addressing global competition in the Middle East, now and into the
    future.

        Question. The Iranian regime received an approximately $4-5 billion
    windfall in sanctions relief as a result of the JCPOA. In 2017, Sec.
    Blinken indicated that the ``few billion dollars that have wound up in
    Iran's coffers that had huge debts to pay and the money that was freed
    up as a result of the deal has mostly gone to pay those debts and to
    bolster the economy.'' However, a vast body of follow-on reporting
    indicates that a majority of sanctions relief was instead funneled to
    the regime's proxies in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen. As the Biden
    administration pursues sanctions relief as a part of its return to the
    JCPOA, what tools and safeguards exist that would prevent Iran from
    directing future sanctions relief to malign activities?

        Answer. As the U.S. Government acknowledged at the time, although
    Iran devoted most of the resources it obtained through sanctions relief
    under the JCPOA toward bolstering its economy, it did use some of it
    for its military and its regional activities. Iran and its proxies and
    partners engaged in these activities prior to the JCPOA, after the
    conclusion of the JCPOA, and with increased aggressiveness after the
    U.S. exit from the JCPOA in 2018. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would
    present a threat of a far greater magnitude. The U.S. Government
    maintains a range of tools to combat terrorist financing and will
    continue to use these to counter Iran's destabilizing activities and
    support for terrorism. The administration will continue to use its
    considerable leverage--including sanctions that would remain in place
    in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA, the threat of sanctions re-
    imposition, and other joint action with our allies and partners--to
    protect U.S. interests.

        Question. Both the Israelis and our partners in the Gulf
    Cooperation Council, who sit much closer to the Iranian threat,
    bemoaned a lack of consultations prior to the U.S. entry into the
    JCPOA. Further, many have characterized Special Envoy Malley's
    consultations as ``one-way'' and not responsive to their concerns. Do
    you commit to extensive consultations with Israel and our regional
    partners prior to making concessions to Iran? Will you seek Israel's
    concurrence before finalizing any proposed agreement or arrangement
    related to Iran's nuclear program?

        Answer. Department officials, and in particular Special Envoy for
    Iran Robert Malley, have been in close contact with partners in Israel
    and among the Gulf Arab states and will continue consulting closely
    with these key partners as this process proceeds. Every one of us
    shares a common interest: seeing to it that Iran never acquires a
    nuclear weapon.

        Question. How do you address criticisms that the Biden
    administration re-engagement with Iran has only served to isolate
    Israel and our Gulf partners?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has an ironclad commitment
    to Israel's security. Alongside that commitment, the administration is
    focused on de-escalating tensions, banking the fires of conflict in
    Yemen, Libya and Syria, and enhancing stability throughout the Middle
    East. The Department has updated Israeli and Gulf counterparts
    regularly before and after negotiation rounds and is regularly engaged
    in discussions on our work to constrain and contain Iran's
    destabilizing regional activities. All of the Gulf countries have
    opened diplomatic channels with Tehran and are using them energetically
    for de-escalation; most of the channels pre-date the Biden-Harris
    administration.

        Question. The JCPOA confronted the international community with
    several problematic sunset provisions on Iran's ability to receive and
    transfer conventional weapons (expired in 2020) and nuclear-related
    ballistic missile activity (expires in 2023). How will the Biden
    administration address re-imposing these restrictions in a more lasting
    manner--particularly given Russian and Chinese objections?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains concerned about
    Iran's nuclear capabilities as well as its ability to receive and
    transfer conventional weapons. The Department is working with its
    partners to address these, and the many other issues of concern with
    Iran. The administration believes that diplomacy is the best path
    forward on the nuclear challenge at this time, but is prepared to
    leverage all applicable authorities, including sanctions, against Iran
    for its provocative and destabilizing activities, including its
    ballistic missile development and provision of weapons to armed groups
    and other violent partners and proxies.

        Question. Explain your strategic approach to promote sovereignty,
    diminish Iranian influence, and separate Iranian-backed proxies from
    legitimate security guarantors in Iraq and Lebanon.

        Answer. I am committed to working closely with regional and
    European allies to diminish Iran's destabilizing activities across the
    region, including in Iraq and Lebanon.
        The administration will continue to use its considerable leverage--
    including sanctions that would remain in place, the threat of sanctions
    re-imposition, and other joint action with our allies and partners--to
    protect U.S. interests and to promote wider security and stability in
    the region. If confirmed, I will deepen the good work led by our
    missions in the field, supporting and empowering moderates--whether in
    government or civil society--who support rule of law and the
    sovereignty of the state.

        Question. How does the October 2020 expiration of the conventional
    weapons embargo affect Iran's ability to exert influence in the region?

        Answer. The expiration of the U.N. conventional weapons arms
    embargo has not resulted in any discernable change in Iran's ability to
    exert influence in the region. For decades, Iran has taken actions that
    destabilize the region, including support for terrorism, developing its
    ballistic missile program, and providing weapons and materiel to proxy
    groups. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to use domestic
    authorities to dissuade countries from providing arms to Iran or buying
    them from Iran.

        Question. In recent years, China has become Iran's preeminent oil
    and trading partner, providing Iran with crucial technological support
    to help develop its energy resources and other forms of infrastructure.
    In June 2020, China and Iran allegedly entered into a `Comprehensive
    Strategic Partnership', which includes a maximum investment of $400
    billion to improve Iran's oil, gas, and transportation infrastructure.
    What impact does Chinese economic investment have on the efficacy of
    the international sanction regimes against Iran? What gains does China
    receive from such investment? How would the Chinese Government, or
    Chinese-based companies, benefit from the lifting of U.S. sanctions
    against Iran?

        Answer. In March 2021, the PRC and Iran signed a 25-year strategic
    cooperation agreement, building on a bilateral Comprehensive Strategic
    Partnership signed in 2016. Such PRC partnerships are not unique. The
    PRC has Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships with a number of other
    countries in the region, which often include investment proposals that
    never materialize. The PRC's recently concluded agreement with Iran
    also likely includes such proposals.
        Nevertheless, the Department is watching Iran's economic activities
    closely, including its economic engagement with China. The
    administration's current Iran-related sanctions remain in effect unless
    and until they are lifted, and the U.S. Government will of course
    continue to address efforts at sanctions evasion.

        Question. How does the United States drive a wedge between or shape
    CCP-Iranian relations?

        Answer. While competition defines the U.S. relationship with the
    People's Republic of China, there are other areas of cooperation; one
    of those is the effort to constrain Iran's nuclear program. Beijing has
    no interest in seeing Iran develop a nuclear weapon, given the
    profoundly destabilizing impact that would have in a region upon which
    China depends for its oil and other energy imports.
        The Department will continue to engage with the PRC on this common
    interest and discourage Beijing from taking steps vis-a-vis Iran that
    threaten our interests.

        Question. Please provide your view of the Abraham Accords and their
    impacts for regional security, economic cooperation, and prosperity in
    the region.

        Answer. The Abraham Accords of 2020 between Israel and the UAE,
    Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan represent an important new dynamic and a key
    opportunity to enhance peaceful co-existence and economic integration.
    The Accords have already proven to be a vehicle for economic growth,
    having spurred new trade and investment deals that previously would
    have been unthinkable. Over time, these unfolding relationships and the
    new economic partnerships they are fostering will create opportunities
    for the young and marginalized communities across the region.

        Question. How do plan to expand on the Abraham Accords to broker
    additional normalization agreements and ensure that existing agreements
    reap tangible economic and security benefits?

        Answer. I very much welcome the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I am
    committed to working with countries across the region to deepen both
    the new relationships as well the historical relationships with Egypt
    and Jordan, and foster new ones. I will do this by engaging our
    missions throughout the region, highlighting the economic and security
    benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of
    diplomatic tools at our disposal. If confirmed, I also look forward to
    learning from Israel's new partners in the region to better understand
    how we can work together to advance new normalization agreements and
    strengthen the existing ones.

        Question. In 2016 John Kerry argued that there would be no
    ``separate peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the
    issue of Palestinian statehood. What are your views on Palestinian
    statehood and its ties to additional normalization agreements? Doesn't
    re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the peace process hinder
    prospects of further normalizations with Israel?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
    for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
    world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
    create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
    and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
    solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
    work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
    existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
    the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
    Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its
    ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of
    statehood and support for terrorism?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian
    Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keep flash
    point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good
    governance and accountability that affect the standing of the
    Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that
    lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps
    that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the
    PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent
    upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the
    conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the
    Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic
    opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible
    eventual direct negotiations of a two-state solution.

        Question. In your view, how do Israeli-Arab normalization
    agreements affect the prospects for Israel-Palestinian peace
    negotiations?

        Answer. All such agreements--whether the Abraham Accords, the
    historical peace agreements between Jordan and Egypt and Israel, or
    additional normalization agreements--contribute to diminishing the deep
    antipathy that has characterized Arab-Israeli perspectives for decades.
    In opening new channels for constructive dialogue and diplomacy, and
    for unprecedented people-to-people engagement between Israel and the
    Arab world, these normalization agreements have the potential to create
    new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis and
    Palestinians. Similarly, progress towards a negotiated two-state
    solution may encourage other states in the region to take steps towards
    normalization. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
    opportunities to advance normalization between Israel and its Arab
    neighbors, as well as advance the conditions for direct negotiation of
    a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. Provide your views on the relocation of the U.S. embassy
    to Jerusalem, recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and
    United States recognition of Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights. What is your view on the reversibility of these U.S. policies?

        Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
    the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. The
    administration also recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of Israel; the
    U.S. Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Jerusalem itself is a final
    status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between Israel
    and the Palestinians. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan
    Heights, the administration above all gives great weight to Israel's
    security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran
    remains active in Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to
    part with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights
    provides Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next
    door.
        This administration has not reversed U.S. policy on these important
    issues. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that all issues
    related to Jerusalem and Israel's security are handled with the care
    and sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. Despite opening the aperture of ESF and INCLE to the
    Palestinians, the State Department has achieved no progress on the pay-
    to-slay policy. Please provide your roadmap for addressing this
    egregious practice.

        Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr
    payments is abhorrent. I, and this administration, are absolutely
    committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
    ``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
    international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus
    far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring
    that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing
    reform on this heinous practice.

        Question. At great cost, the United States has worked to support a
    sovereign independent Iraq, reframe the U.S.-Iraq bilateral
    relationship, and foster regional stability. How do you plan to
    continue to further U.S. interests in Iraq? What are your priority
    lines of effort linked to U.S. national security interests? What role
    will institutional reform and anti-corruption efforts play in this
    strategy? What role will countering Iranian influence play in this
    strategy?

        Answer. A sovereign, stable, democratic, and prosperous Iraq is in
    the national interest of the United States as well as our partners in
    the Middle East. U.S. policies and programs are focused on that
    strategic objective. With Iraq's parliamentary elections scheduled for
    October 10, the Department's efforts are focused on increasing
    political participation by increasing trust in the elections'
    credibility, including by leading international efforts to fund the
    U.N. Assistance Mission to Iraq's electoral monitoring and technical
    assistance programs. U.S. assistance and engagements in support of
    institutional reform and anti-corruption efforts also contribute to
    more responsive, transparent, and inclusive democratic governance and
    institutions.
        Since 2014, the United States has led international efforts to
    enable the return of displaced people to their homes and consolidate
    the Iraqi Government's control over areas liberated from ISIS. These
    initiatives and others are hampered by Iran's malign influence,
    including its support for militias operating outside state control, and
    their repeated efforts to target civil society activists and protestors
    for assassination. Iran-backed militias are a continuing threat to the
    Iraqi state. To effectively counter this, it is essential that the
    United States continue its efforts to build the capacity of the Iraqi
    Government and its democratic institutions.

        Question. How do you plan to address the presence of Iranian-backed
    militias?

        Answer. The administration shares your concern about Iran's
    destabilizing activities, including its support for proxies and
    militias. Iran's unacceptable support for terrorism threatens our
    forces, diplomatic personnel, and partners in the region. The President
    is committed to countering any Iranian threat to our personnel and our
    vital interests and has and will continue to respond to any such
    threats using all appropriate means. If confirmed I will work within
    the Department and interagency, using the full spectrum of tools
    available, to address the threat Iranian-backed militia groups pose to
    United States personnel, interests, and partners.

        Question. Critics point to President Obama's withdrawal from Iraq
    in 2011 as one of the biggest errors of his presidency. The Obama
    administration departed without securing a Status of Forces Agreement,
    allowed the Iraqi Security Forces to atrophy, did not adequately
    address the abuses of the Maliki Government, and failed to address
    Sunni disenfranchisement that ultimately set conditions for the Islamic
    State's unchecked movement across the Iraqi border in 2014. Please
    provide your perspectives on the root causes of the rise of the Islamic
    State in Iraq as they related to U.S. policies, views on current troop
    levels as they relate to State Department objectives, and
    recommendations on key State Department initiatives for preventing an
    Islamic State resurgence.

        Answer. There were many factors that contributed to ISIS' rise. The
    Syrian civil war opened a battleground that attracted terrorists from
    across the world to Iraq's doorstep. ISIS has roots in Iraq, but in
    Syria it became a conventional force, asserting control over territory
    and capable of attacking a sovereign state. At the same time, Iraq's
    Government ruled in a sectarian manner and failed to adequately address
    the needs of minority communities, creating a permissive environment
    for a brutal offensive that captured significant Iraqi territory in
    2014-2015. The United States then led a Coalition to assist the Iraqi
    Security Forces, including the Kurdish Peshmerga, in taking back their
    territory. At the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue held in July, the two
    delegations decided that the U.S. military presence would remain in
    Iraq, transitioning fully to advising and assisting the Iraqi forces.
    U.S. troop levels reflect the current stage of the Defeat-ISIS mission
    and the increased capacity of the Iraqi Security Forces.

        Question. How important is continued U.S. troop presence to Iraq's
    stability?

        Answer. U.S. forces are in Iraq at the request of and in
    coordination with the Government of Iraq. The Biden-Harris
    administration supports maintaining a small number of military service
    members to coordinate intelligence-sharing and to advise and assist
    Iraqi counterterrorism forces as they lead the ground fight against the
    continuing threat of ISIS, so it cannot re-emerge to again threaten
    Iraq, the American people, or our partners.

        Question. How appropriate are current bilateral diplomatic
    agreements (exchange of notes) for a sustained diplomatic and security
    cooperation mission?

        Answer. The administration assesses that we have sufficient
    arrangements with the Government of Iraq to continue the fight against
    ISIS and to develop the long-term capacity of the Iraqi Security
    Forces.

        Question. Iraq's security apparatus remains dependent on DoD-
    administered Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF) and
    congressionally-appropriated foreign military financing (FMF).
    Additionally, nearly 50% of Iraq's FMF expenditures are consumed with
    maintaining existing contracts. Please provide your thoughts on
    transitioning Iraq from CTEF to more traditional forms of Title 22
    security cooperation, and `right sizing' the Iraqi Security Forces in a
    manner that the Government of Iraq can sustain given current budget
    shortfalls.

        Answer. Iraqi officials tell us at every opportunity that U.S. and
    Coalition support are necessary to maintain our military gains, as ISIS
    remains a threat in Iraq. While anticipating that Iraq will continue to
    receive substantial assistance from DoD in the short term via the
    Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF), DoD's future spending in Iraq
    is still to be determined. The Biden-Harris administration is focusing
    FMF on long-term security priorities in Iraq. The Office of Security
    Cooperation--Iraq (OSC-I) continues to pursue opportunities that will
    make Iraq more self-sufficient, especially in terms of maintenance. The
    U.S. Government wants to be Iraq's partner of choice and will work to
    ween Iraq off expensive contract maintenance as part of the maturation
    of the Iraqi Security Forces. The Department's efforts are focused on
    leveraging FMF as a vital instrument for developing Iraq's long-term
    capability and capacity to defeat threats to Iraq's sovereignty and
    territorial integrity.

        Question. Lack of United States engagement and enforcement of
    chemical weapons `redlines' during the Obama administration opened the
    door to increased Russian involvement and allowed the civil war and
    abuses against the Syrian people to continue unabated. Current progress
    towards a political reconciliation under UNSCR 2254 have similarly
    stalled. Please provide your views on the United States' role in Syria
    and accelerating progress on UNSCR 2254.

        Answer. The United States is engaged with the U.N., including
    Special Envoy Geir Pedersen, our allies, and other international
    partners, in order to explore options and encourage all possible
    efforts to advance a political resolution to the conflict. While this
    has been the least kinetic year in a decade of conflict in Syria, it
    has proven to be the most disastrous one in economic terms, with 90
    percent of the Syrian people falling below the poverty line. The
    immediate focus of the administration has thus been: ensuring the
    robust provision of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people;
    sustaining ceasefire lines to prevent further violence; and providing
    the necessary resources to support and demonstrate our continued
    commitment to the enduring defeat of ISIS. If confirmed, I commit to
    working to advance efforts to promote progress toward a political
    resolution within the parameters of UNSCR 2254.

        Question. U.S. Syria policy is broadly governed by UNSCR 2254 and
    associated sanctions regimes. Does Bashar al Assad's expanded military
    control and the de facto ceasefire change alter the prospects of a
    political settlement under UNSCR 2254? Do we need a new construct apart
    from UNSCR 2254 for Syria policy?

        Answer. The Assad regime controls some 70 percent of Syrian
    territory, but that increased exercise of control has not provided the
    regime any greater legitimacy, given the terrible record of the past
    decade. The United States remains focused on three priorities: ensuring
    the robust provision of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people;
    sustaining ceasefire lines to prevent further violence; and providing
    the necessary resources to support and demonstrate our continued
    commitment to the enduring defeat of ISIS (); these priorities fall
    within the larger framework of advancing a political settlement to
    secure the future stability of the Syrian people, however remote that
    settlement appears at this time. If confirmed, I will continue to
    engage diplomatically to mitigate the Syrian people's suffering and
    press for accountability for the crimes against humanity committed by
    the regime. The United States will remain engaged with the U.N., our
    allies, and other international partners to encourage all efforts to
    advance the political track. To this end, the United States has been
    working with our partners and allies to support U.N. Special Envoy Geir
    Pedersen's efforts to advance the political process in Geneva.

        Question. What is the linkage between U.S. troop levels in Syria,
    countering the Islamic State, blunting Iranian designs, influencing
    Turk and Russian Syria calculus, and associated impacts on political
    UNSCR 2254 discussions?

        Answer. The U.S. military mission in Syria is there for one
    mission: preventing an ISIS resurgence. The mission requires
    demonstrated U.S. commitment and continued U.S. stabilization
    assistance to our partners. The Syrian Democratic Forces cannot
    continue to take on ISIS without U.S. support. The administration will
    continue to work with Turkey on our shared objectives in Syria, while
    addressing areas of disagreement. The United States has always been
    open to dialogue with Russia on Syria as long as the dialogue
    contributes to protecting civilians and to credibly advancing a
    political resolution to the conflict, as laid out in UNSCR 2254. If
    confirmed, I will use all diplomatic tools available to ensure that the
    political process moves forward.

        Question. What relative effect would a U.S. troop withdrawal have
    on U.S. influence over future negotiations?

        Answer. The United States continues to retain a limited military
    presence in NE Syria for the campaign against ISIS in partnership with
    the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and is deeply committed to this
    partnership. The SDF cannot continue to root out ISIS terrorists on its
    own or guard the tens of thousands of ISIS detainees who are still in
    their custody, without U.S. support. Furthermore, preventing a
    resurgence of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, as well as its branches and
    networks beyond the Middle East, demands revitalized U.S. engagement,
    along with our 82 partners and allies within the Global Coalition to
    Defeat ISIS.

        Question. The Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act is intended to
    prevent rehabilitation of the Assad regime, seek accountability for the
    regime's atrocities, and advance a political solution to the conflict.
    Please provide your views on the role of Caesar legislation in
    furthering U.S. objectives in Syria.

        Answer. The State Department is committed to advancing
    accountability for atrocities committed by the Assad regime, as well as
    for abuses by terrorist organizations and other parties in Syria. The
    Caesar Act, and our other Syria and Syria-related or applicable
    sanctions authorities, are important tools to press for accountability
    and limit the ability of the Assad regime and others to fuel or profit
    from the ongoing conflict. Members of Congress spoke clearly on this
    issue when they voted for the Caesar Act. On July 28, the Biden-Harris
    administration imposed sanctions in the spirit of the Caesar Act on
    Assad regime institutions and officials implicated in human rights
    abuses, illustrating the administration's push for accountability and
    justice for victims. If confirmed, I will continue to use all available
    tools and authorities to target persons perpetrating human rights
    abuses in Syria on behalf of the Assad regime.

        Question. Turkey's objectives in northeast Syria run counter to
    U.S. interests while we tacitly support their activities in the
    northwest. How do we reconcile and balance Syria and Turkey policy? Can
    you balance Syria-Turkey policy without finding a Kurdish solution?

        Answer. Turkey is a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS,
    and we share an interest in sustainably ending the conflict in Syria.
    The United States will continue to work together with Turkey toward our
    shared objectives in Syria and to address areas of disagreement. Turkey
    has remained an important partner in ensuring Syrians have access to
    life-saving assistance, as demonstrated by Ankara's advocacy for the
    adoption of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2585 to reauthorize the
    provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance through Turkey into
    northwest Syria. The United States will work together with Turkey and
    our local Syrian partners for the safety and security of U.S. forces,
    partner forces, and civilians.

        Question. The U.N. experts report on Libya accused the warring
    parties and their international backers--the United Arab Emirates,
    Russia, and Egypt on one side and Turkey and Qatar on the other--of
    violating the arms embargo with total impunity. Similarly, the issue of
    foreign mercenaries has plagued the run-up to Libya's December
    elections. How do you plan to address reported violations of the U.N.
    arms embargo? How do you impose costs on arms embargo violators without
    harming U.S. objectives in other areas? How do you impose costs on
    mercenaries and their sponsors?

        Answer. Ensuring the rights of all Libyans to choose their leaders
    is critical as Libyans seek to regain their sovereignty after years of
    destructive foreign interventions. The October 23, 2020, ceasefire
    agreement calls for respecting the U.N. arms embargo and for the
    removal of all foreign forces and mercenaries from Libya. For the first
    time in many years, there is a broad international consensus on both
    the ceasefire agreement and the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum's
    roadmap for presidential and parliamentary elections in December. This
    consensus includes some, if not all, of those who previously engaged in
    supporting Libyan factions against each other. I am committed to
    working with the interim Libyan Government, regional partners, and the
    U.N. to support the ceasefire agreement and its full implementation as
    called for in UNSCR 2570, including the immediate withdrawal of all
    foreign military forces, foreign fighters, proxy groups, and
    mercenaries. Holding the December elections is a U.S. priority, as a
    new national government will be able to make informed, sovereign
    decisions, including on defense issues.

        Question. While current policy has been to publicize Russian
    adventurism in Libya, how does the United States impose real costs for
    Russia's use of private military contractors, i.e. Wagner, in Libya?

        Answer. Russia has increased its use of private military companies
    like the Wagner Group in disparate parts of the globe, to destructive
    and destabilizing effect; their use represents an attempt to increase
    Russian influence while providing the Kremlin with a thin veil of
    deniability. The United States has sanctioned PMC Wagner and its
    personnel, including its president, Yevgeniy Prigozhin, and has
    publicized Wagner activities in Libya and sub-Saharan Africa. The U.S.
    Government also supports the work of the U.N. Panel of Experts to
    identify violations of the arms embargo. The U.S. Government continues
    to support the Libyan-defined path towards elections, which could pave
    the way for a new Government to establish control over its territory,
    an essential step for removing foreign forces.

        Question. Egypt is located at a strategic crossroads between the
    Mediterranean, Middle East, and Africa, remains an important U.S.
    partner in the region, and is important to Israel's security. However,
    in light of Egypt's growing cooperation with Russia and reports of
    potential Su-35 sales, is Egypt pivoting irrevocably towards Russia?

        Answer. Egypt is a strategic partner for the United States and the
    bilateral defense relationship--more than four decades old--advances
    important U.S. national interests. Egypt's recent decision to apply a
    billion dollars of its own national funds towards refurbishment of its
    Apache helicopters, the largest ever nationally funded procurement of
    U.S. defense articles, underlines that Egypt, too, recognizes the
    strategic nature of the bilateral relationship. Cairo still views the
    United States as its security partner of choice, but we unquestionably
    face intensified competition in the defense procurement arena. Over the
    last decade, Egypt has been diversifying its arms purchases, including
    with French, German, and Italian procurements. The administration
    continues to reinforce the advantages of purchasing U.S. systems,
    including in terms of quality and interoperability with U.S. and
    regional partners. In the case of the potential acquisition of Su-35
    fighter aircraft or other major new military equipment from Russia, the
    administration has emphasized the serious risk of triggering mandatory
    sanctions under CAATSA Section 231. We have by no means lost the battle
    for influence and primacy of position. That said, the U.S. Government
    must continue to focus energy on dissuading Egypt from potential
    significant Russian arms purchases.

        Question. The Egyptians cite holds under the Obama administration
    for their outreach to Russia. Similarly, the Biden administration
    recently held $170M in FMF conditioned on political prisoners. Please
    provide details of the cases associated with the administration's FMF
    hold and the implications of holding FMF over non-American
    imprisonments.

        Answer. Secretary Blinken recently decided to condition the use of
    $130 million in FMF on the Government of Egypt fulfilling specific
    human rights-related requests, which have been the subject of a private
    dialogue. The Biden-Harris administration has engaged with the
    Government of Egypt privately to communicate these requests, and
    believes this approach affords the best prospects for making serious
    progress on this important set of issues.

        Question. Would you characterize a potential Egyptian purchase of
    Su-35s from Russia as a significant transaction as described under the
    Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the relevant State
    Department offices and U.S Government agencies to closely review any
    delivery of Su-35 aircraft from Russia as potentially a significant
    transaction under Section 231 of the Countering America's Adversaries
    through Sanctions Act.

        Question. Have the Abraham Accords set conditions for a renewed
    Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA) or a derivative? What
    multilateral structures you suggest to maintain stability in the Middle
    East while simultaneously reducing U.S. commitment?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to helping
    Israel build partnerships that further integrate it into the region.
    Any sustainable regional economic and security dialogue will need to
    include Israel, and normalization efforts have opened that door. If
    confirmed, I will use diplomacy to press for a structured regional
    dialogue-with support from other members of the United Nations Security
    Council--that explores ways to reduce tensions, create pathways to de-
    escalation, and manage mistrust, particularly between Saudi Arabia and
    Iran.

        Question. Would these multilateral structures force the United
    States to rely on imperfect partners with imperfect human rights
    records? How does the United States strike the appropriate balance
    between U.S. presence and reliance on imperfect partners to maintain
    security and accomplish U.S. national security interests?

        Answer. The President has made clear that the administration will
    not give our partners in the Middle East a blank check to pursue
    policies at odds with American interests and values. If confirmed, I
    will have frank conversations with our partners about our elevation of
    human rights as a foreign policy priority. The deep and strategic
    relationships between the United States and our closest regional
    partners allows us to advance regional security and engage in a
    constructive dialogue on human rights that will make our relationships
    stronger and more sustainable. If confirmed, I will pursue both while
    supporting our closest partners in the face of threats to their
    security.

        Question. During a November 2019 primary debate, then President-
    elect Biden said he would limit arms sales to Saudi Arabia and make
    them the ``pariah that they are.'' President Biden has since suspended
    offensive arms sales to the kingdom and ceased offensive support to the
    Kingdom's operations in Yemen (although this was largely symbolic).
    Isolating Saudi Arabia would likely have negative consequences for
    U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism cooperation, would diminish U.S. efforts to
    improve Saudi Arabia's human rights record, and would eliminate Saudi
    Arabia's potentially helpful role in a broader Middle Eastern
    multilateral security construct.

       How do you frame the U.S. Saudi relationship in a manner that best
            promotes U.S. national security interests and doesn't push
            Saudi Arabia to [the People's Republic of] China ?

        Answer. Saudi Arabia remains a key Middle East partner of the
    United States and can play a constructive role in resolving regional
    disputes and conflicts, as well as contribute to solutions to global
    challenges such as climate change. U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism
    cooperation over many decades has saved countless lives, and directly
    contributed to the fight to defeat ISIS. The U.S. commitment to support
    Saudi Arabia in defending its territory, home to more than 70,000 U.S.
    citizens, is a cornerstone of our strategic partnership and is
    unmatched by any potential rival to U.S. interests in the region. The
    United States also needs this partnership to reflect our values. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's recalibration of the
    U.S.-Saudi relationship to bring greater transparency and
    accountability to it, while anchoring human rights on the bilateral
    agenda and preserving our underlying strategic partnership in
    everything from counterterrorism, to pushing back against Iranian
    malign activities, to higher education and climate change. This is a
    multifaceted and deep-rooted partnership that must address areas of
    concern and advance areas of shared opportunity.

    United Arab Emirates Policy
    UAE's Role in the Middle East
        Question. UAE has served as an important U.S. partner in the Middle
    East and Afghanistan. UAE led efforts to normalize diplomatic ties with
    Israel under the Abraham Accords, and has a deep economic relationship
    with the United States. What is the UAE's role in the broader Middle
    East vis-a-vis U.S. national interests?

        Answer. The UAE has been one of our closest economic, diplomatic,
    and security partners in the Middle East. It has built some of the most
    effective institutions and companies in the region and demonstrated
    that it can play a constructive role in resolving or de-escalating
    regional conflicts. The UAE Government provided tremendous support to
    Operation Allies Refuge, housing, feeding and caring for thousands of
    Americans and Afghans whom the U.S. Government removed from harm's way,
    as they made their way to the United States. The UAE has shown, in its
    historic agreement to establish relations with Israel, as well as its
    productive recent diplomatic efforts with Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt,
    that it can contribute meaningfully to a more peaceful Middle East and
    broader region. That is not to say that the U.S.-UAE relationship has
    not faced challenges. The 2017 Gulf rift divided U.S. partners in the
    region; the UAE's and Qatar's animosity exacerbated conflicts in Libya
    and the Horn of Africa. Doha and Abu Dhabi have made significant
    progress in reconciling these differences since the Al Ula Declaration
    of January 2021, which formally brought the Gulf rift to an end. If
    confirmed, I will encourage continued work to repair relations between
    these two important U.S. partners, and will look to the UAE to continue
    its close and multifaceted partnership with the United States.

        Question. How does the United States moderate UAE's often
    expeditionary Muslim Brotherhood-oriented foreign policy and encourage
    it to take a more productive role?

        Answer. The UAE has been a capable, productive diplomatic and
    security partner for the United States for decades. That is the case
    today as well, on issues such as Libya and in the UAE's helpful efforts
    on the fraught issue of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, an issue
    that has threatened to bring Egypt and Sudan into outright conflict
    with Ethiopia. While we do not always agree with the UAE on its course
    of action, our history of collaborative work--including on multiple
    security operations, from Afghanistan to the campaign to defeat ISIS--
    provides the U.S. Government with ample influence. Experience in Yemen
    and Libya has also taught the UAE important lessons about the ease of
    getting into conflicts and the difficulty of exiting from them. From
    defense cooperation to bilateral trade to diplomatic work to deepen the
    regional benefits of the Abraham Accords, I see significant benefits
    that can be achieved via collaborative work with Abu Dhabi.

    UAE, Russia and China
        Question. Despite being a key U.S. partner in the region, and
    central to normalization efforts with Israel, UAE also has a history of
    deepening cooperation with Russia and the People's Republic of China
    (PRC) that runs counter to U.S. interests. How does the department plan
    to address the UAE's partnership with Russia and [the People's Republic
    of] China?

        Answer. Several U.S. partners in the Middle East have deepened
    cooperation with Russia and the PRC in recent years. The administration
    has been clear that the United States has no issue with normal economic
    relations. Some areas of cooperation with these two countries, however,
    run up against U.S. interests, where they pose a threat to the security
    of sensitive weapons systems, U.S. defense and commercial technology,
    and information technology. If confirmed, I plan to address these
    issues forthrightly with the United Arab Emirates and other partners to
    convey U.S. red lines. We will not compromise on these issues.

        Question. Please provide an update on UAE's relationship with the
    PRC as it relates to the F-35 sale.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has signaled its intent to
    move forward with these proposed defense sales to the UAE, even as the
    two governments continue discussions to ensure there are unmistakably
    clear mutual understandings with respect to Emirati obligations and
    actions before, during, and after delivery. Congress and the
    administration are focused on the same important issues about this
    sale, and if confirmed I will ensure they continue to be addressed.
    Projected delivery dates on these sales, if implemented, would be
    several years in the future. Thus, the administration anticipates a
    robust and sustained dialogue with the UAE to ensure that any defense
    transfers meet mutual strategic objectives to build a stronger,
    interoperable, and more capable security partnership and are employed
    in a manner consistent with international human rights law and the law
    of armed conflict.
        The UAE continues to be a key regional partner for the U.S.
    Government, and its defense procurements help regional security. If
    confirmed, I will work to ensure a continued constructive U.S.-UAE
    relationship while ensuring the UAE understands and respects the
    administration's concern about the PRC's efforts to increase its
    strategic cooperation with the UAE.

    UAE and Libya
        Question. In your assessment, how closely are the Emiratis
    coordinating with the Russian state, as well as its subsidiaries like
    Wagner, in Libya? What forms does this coordination take? Are there
    instances in which it has escalated into concrete and tangible support,
    whether that be to the Russian state or Russian-aligned operators?

        Answer. The United States has called on all external parties,
    including the UAE, to respect Libyan sovereignty and the October 23,
    2020 ceasefire agreement, which called on all foreign forces and
    mercenaries to depart the country. The UAE has supported forces aligned
    with General Haftar in recent years. The Defense Department's Office of
    the Inspector General reported in 2020 that the UAE may have supported
    the Wagner Group in Libya, as well. Recently, the administration has
    urged the UAE, in alignment with the international community's
    consensus, to use its influence with any Libyan political figures to
    help resolve the current impasse over the electoral framework, so that
    presidential and parliamentary elections may be held on time in
    December 2021.

    UAE and Syria
        Question. There is growing concern over the prospect of the UAE
    normalizing ties with Bashar al-Assad. Do you share this concern? Are
    there tools the U.S. can employ to prevent the UAE from normalizing
    relations with the Assad regime, including through the provision of
    reconstruction funds to Syria?

        Answer. I am concerned that any government would consider
    normalizing ties with the Assad regime in Damascus without any measure
    of progress on the myriad requirements laid out in UNSCR 2254. The
    United States will not reestablish or upgrade our diplomatic relations
    with the Assad regime, and will continue to consult closely with our
    partners and allies in the region on the best way to achieve progress
    in Syria. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the UAE and other
    regional partners to consider what they might require of the Assad
    regime--on behalf of the Syrian people--before any potential engagement
    with Damascus. Syrians consistently say that the issue of first
    priority for them is gaining an accounting for missing and detained
    family members, for example.

        Question. In your assessment, is there more the U.S. can do
    diplomatically to end the war in Yemen? If so, what?

        Answer. The United States welcomes the appointment of the new U.N.
    Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg; his appointment, and his
    announced intention to focus on bottom-up political work in Yemen
    presents additional opportunities to muster the requisite pressure on
    the Houthis to agree to a national ceasefire. The U.S. Government
    remains committed to supporting a U.N.-led peace process to achieve a
    durable resolution to the conflict, but a ceasefire is a necessary
    starting point. Sustained engagement by U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking
    has helped create unprecedented international consensus on ending this
    war through inclusive political talks. If confirmed, I will work with
    him and the U.N. Special Envoy to urge all parties to engage with the
    U.N., with each other, and with civil society, without pre-conditions.
    I believe there is an opportunity to achieve peace in Yemen and we must
    seize it.

        Question. Do you believe UNSCR 2216 properly reflects the current
    context in Yemen? Will the new administration seek to modify this
    UNSCR?

        Answer. The administration is committed to exploring all possible
    options, taking into consideration the timing, sequencing, and
    ramifications of any new resolution. The United States continues to
    work with partners in the region, U.N. Security Council members, and
    the U.N. Special Envoy to advance the peace process. Revitalized
    diplomatic engagement in support of the U.N.-led peace effort is
    crucial for ending the war. A new resolution may be appropriate after
    further progress has been made in inclusive political negotiations,
    which remains a key objective of the administration. If confirmed, I
    will continue to strongly support the targeted arms embargo and
    sanctions designations of UNSCR 2216 as key elements of the UNSCR 2140
    Yemen sanctions regime.

        Question. Despite the August 4 explosions and unrest that followed,
    Lebanon's political elites have continued to cling to power. Current
    policy has been to withhold broader financial assistance absent reforms
    targeting corruption and transparency. Please describe your policy
    objectives in Lebanon and how they differ from previous approaches.

        Answer. Lebanon is facing accelerating political, economic,
    security, and public health crises, made worse by the failure of
    Lebanese political elites to form a government and institute critical
    economic reforms. The United States, in coordination with like-minded
    partners, has been pressing Lebanese leaders for the past 13 months to
    form a government; those efforts appear to have paid off. The formation
    of a government under PM-designate Najib Mikati is only the first step;
    the Government must take on structural reforms, and work to end endemic
    corruption. That is the focus of U.S. diplomatic efforts, in tandem
    with other like-minded regional and European partners. Given the dire
    humanitarian situation, the United States also continues to provide
    support directly to those in most need and is working to bolster key
    legitimate institutions that can strengthen Lebanese sovereignty in the
    face of the malign influence of Hizballah. If confirmed, I will
    continue to encourage key partners in Europe and the Gulf to assist the
    Lebanese people and keep up their political engagement in a united
    effort to push Lebanese leaders to make long-overdue reforms.

        Question. What conditions would Lebanon need to meet in order to
    qualify for U.S. financial support? If confirmed, will you continue
    sanctions against corrupt and Lebanese Hezbollah (LH) linked officials
    to advance these reforms?

        Answer. The formation of a government was just the first step in
    Lebanon's long road to arrest the spiraling economic crisis; the next
    steps will necessarily include enacting reforms to address the economic
    crisis, bring more accountability and transparency to a system that is
    rife with corruption, and keep elections on track for next year. The
    Mikati Government must act, and act swiftly. If confirmed, I stand
    ready to support the new government with the hard work ahead. If
    confirmed, I will also support efforts to use economic tools, such as
    targeted sanctions, to pursue Hizballah's financial networks and hold
    accountable those individuals who impede a reform agenda. I will also
    urge other countries to take national-level action to designate, ban,
    or otherwise restrict the group.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working to ensure the $11B
    in CEDRE, IMF, World Bank funding earmarked for Lebanon remains
    contingent on key reforms, including reforms to the electricity/natural
    gas sector, increased transparency, and an audit of the central bank?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the international community
    to ensure that Lebanese leaders understand that meaningful reforms
    remain crucial to unlocking long-term structural support to Lebanon.

        Question. Many in Congress see the Lebanese Armed Forces as a vital
    counterweight to the influence of LH and Lebanon's legitimate security
    guarantor. What role do you see for the LAF in Lebanon?

        Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) are the sole legitimate
    defender of Lebanon, are reliable U.S. partners, and are an important
    counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence. The LAF also remain the
    only cross-confessional institution with broad support from all
    elements of Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party
    affiliations. A strong, stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion
    that its arms are necessary to defend Lebanon from external aggression.
    If confirmed, I will ensure the LAF remain critical partners for the
    United States.

        Question. Do you commit to continued FMF assistance to the LAF,
    barring information that indicates otherwise?

        Answer. The LAF is one of our primary partners in achieving U.S.
    objectives in Lebanon. FMF assistance has become especially critical as
    the LAF has assumed responsibilities beyond its normal remit in
    response to the compounding crises facing the country. If confirmed, I
    commit to using FMF assistance to further the strong partnership
    between the United States and the LAF in support of our security
    objectives.

        Question. Will you commit to consult with Congress before
    modifications to LAF assistance?

        Answer. U.S. foreign policy is optimized when there is constant
    communication and collaboration between the executive and legislative
    branches of government. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our
    cooperation on these issues, and I will work through the interagency
    and with Congress to ensure the delivery of appropriated funds to
    Lebanon.

        Question. Despite efforts to the pivot to the Pacific, competition
    with China must also occur outside the IndoPacific region and on a
    global scale. China's Belt and Road initiatives are prospering in
    Africa, South Asia, and are making lasting inroads in the Middle East.
    Given a diminished U.S. commitment to the Middle East under the Biden
    administration in favor of the IndoPacific, how do you plan to contend
    with the growth of Chinese strategic expansion?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to rebuilding
    and restoring U.S. partnerships across the globe, including in the
    Middle East. This is not a diminishment of the U.S. commitment. If
    confirmed, I will continue to demonstrate to our partners the value of
    a sustained and strategic partnership with the United States through
    diplomacy, economic engagement, and cultural and people-to-people
    exchanges. This stands in contrast to the transactional nature of
    investments by the People's Republic of China (PRC).
        The United States distinguishes itself from Beijing's state-led
    approach by promoting private-sector driven alternatives. The United
    States focuses on partnerships and on strengthening local capacity to
    promote development, innovation, and prosperity. The United States will
    continue to promote entrepreneurship, transparency, good governance,
    fair practices, and internationally recognized environmental, social,
    and labor standards.

        Question. How does the United States remain the partner of choice
    in the Middle East given CCP encroachment and lack of Chinese focus on
    human rights issues?

        Answer. U.S. values--our support for essential freedoms of
    expression and worship, as well as our emphasis on respect for
    universal human rights--offer a potent counterpoint to PRC-style
    autocracy. U.S. higher education and entrepreneurship, and American
    culture are also powerful draws for the societies of the Middle East,
    and if confirmed, I will continue to promote them through energetic
    advocacy and programming. U.S. leadership in addressing global
    challenges like the pandemic and climate change is also a key source of
    our strength as a country.
        The Biden-Harris administration is leading as well on efforts to
    encourage de-escalation in the region, and with increasing success. The
    Gulf rift of 2017 is largely mended, there are encouraging signs of
    outreach between previously adversarial countries like Egypt and
    Turkey, and a re-alignment of regional countries around a common effort
    to resolve conflicts in Yemen and Libya. The U.S. effort resonates with
    countries across the region, demonstrating the value of a long-term
    strategic partnership with the United States.

        Question. The U.S. has growing concerns with China's economic
    relationship with Israel. Given the relative weakness on Israel's
    committee on foreign investment and issues highlighted by the CCP's
    involvement in Haifa port, how do you effectively decouple the CCP from
    Israel?

        Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by
    the People's Republic of China (PRC) to extend influence and acquire
    critical and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in
    Israel. The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance
    investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such
    an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory
    structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a
    responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that
    benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national
    security. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
    committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
    concerns as to its effectiveness, given the voluntary nature of its
    coverage and its lack of coverage for the high-tech sector. If
    confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen its
    foreign investment advisory committee to minimize exposure to national
    security risks, including the acquisitions of critical technologies,
    sensitive data, and critical infrastructure.

        Question. The Department of Defense recently disbanded the Defeat
    ISIS Task Force and dismissed the Task Force Director. Similarly, State
    Department eliminated the Special Envoy to Counter ISIS (SECI) as an
    independent entity and placed the office under the CT Bureau. What are
    your views on the threat posed by ISIS?

        Answer. ISIS in Syria and Iraq remains a serious threat and
    ensuring its enduring defeat remains a central priority of the Biden-
    Harris administration. The dual-hatting of the CT Coordinator and
    Special Envoy does not reflect a diminution of the position of the
    Special Envoy for the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. It instead
    reflects the evolving nature of the ISIS threat to encompass areas
    outside Iraq and Syria, and a desire to situate the enduring Defeat-
    ISIS mission within the established CT Bureau architecture. Doing so
    enables the Defeat-ISIS campaign to more effectively leverage CT Bureau
    civilian counterterrorism capacity-building assets to counter ISIS
    branches and networks globally.

        Question. Thousands of foreign terrorist fighters and their
    families remain in Syrian Democratic Forces prisons or makeshift camps
    in Syria. Repatriation efforts to return these fighters and families to
    their countries of origin have been wildly unsuccessful. These fighters
    and their families represent a strategic vulnerability to the region.
    How will you address repatriation, de-radicalization, and
    demobilization efforts?

        Answer. The best long-term solution for foreign terrorist fighters
    and their family members is repatriation, followed by prosecution,
    rehabilitation, and/or reintegration, as appropriate. If confirmed, I
    intend to deepen our diplomatic outreach to press countries of origin
    to repatriate their citizens from northeast Syria. I will collaborate
    with the U.S. interagency in their work to support countries' efforts
    to repatriate their nationals, including through U.S. Government
    assistance with logistics and planning of repatriations, such as use of
    U.S. Government assets to transport foreign fighters and associated
    family members out of the region, and assistance in building partners'
    counterterrorism capacities for investigations, prosecutions, and
    rehabilitation.

        Question. What civilian security, democracy, and human rights
    programs would you highlight or pursue to address the seeds of conflict
    that led to the Islamic State's rise and allure and have not been
    effectively addressed?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration understands stability and
    its drivers are key to enabling our local partners in Syria to focus on
    fighting ISIS and ensuring its enduring defeat. In one of its first
    acts, the administration lifted the U.S. freeze on stabilization
    assistance for Syria. In March, the administration announced almost $50
    million for U.S. stabilization efforts in northeast Syria and will
    continue these efforts with FY 2021 resources. U.S. assistance in
    northeast Syria prioritizes stabilization activities that contribute to
    the restoration of daily life by closing gaps in local authority
    capacities; supporting transitional justice, justice and
    accountability, and civil society programs; and addressing
    vulnerabilities previously exploited by ISIS.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
               Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. The Israel-Gaza conflict continues to flare up, according
    to recent news reports that Israel's military bombed Palestinian
    militant weapons sites in the Gaza Strip early Sunday, August 22 in
    response to a violent demonstration on Saturday August 21 at the
    perimeter fence that left an Israeli police officer critically injured.
    As Assistant Secretary for NEA, what recommendations would you make to
    President Biden regarding next steps to help manage the tensions there?

        Answer. The May 21 Gaza ceasefire has mostly held, but we are
    engaging multiple partners who have a role to play in calming the
    situation. The August 21 protests ended with the death of one Israeli
    police officer, as well as the death and injuries of a number of
    Palestinians. There have been Israeli airstrikes in response to
    incendiary balloons and rocket attacks from Gaza. The situation remains
    tense because many of the factors that contributed to the May violence
    remain unresolved. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and
    the Palestinian Authority, as well as international partners, in
    maintaining calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keeping flashpoint
    issues in Jerusalem from reigniting the situation. President Biden has
    been clear in his conviction that a negotiated two-state solution would
    best secure the future of a democratic, Jewish Israel, and provide
    equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity to both Israelis and
    Palestinians. I would recommend an affirmative and practical approach
    that encourages constructive, positive and tangible steps by both
    Israeli and Palestinian authorities to keep the possibility of a
    negotiated two-state solution alive.

        Question. As Assistant Secretary for NEA, how are you planning on
    addressing the dismal human rights situation in Egypt even after the
    administration decided against appropriately responding to the
    Congressional provision?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
    Egypt. The Biden administration has made clear its intention to elevate
    the role of human rights in our foreign policy, and that includes in
    the U.S.-Egyptian relationship. The Secretary's decision on FMF--the
    first time a Secretary of State has not waived the Congressionally-
    mandated human rights certification requirement--is only one facet of
    the Department's engagement on human rights. The Department supports
    greater space for civil society and human rights defenders, and freedom
    of expression. The administration's human rights dialogue with the
    Egyptian Government is focused on seeing steady, enduring progress on
    such fundamental rights.

        Question. As Assistant Secretary for NEA, how will you address
    these troubling reports out of Tunisia and continue to stand on the
    side of Tunisia's democracy?

        Answer. The United States shares the Tunisian people's goal of a
    democratic government that is responsive to the country's needs. If
    confirmed, I will urge President Saied to appoint a new head of
    government to address Tunisia's immediate economic and health crises,
    announce concrete plans for a return to the democratic path, and pursue
    reforms through an inclusive process that recognizes the Tunisian
    people's demand for reforms that improve the functioning of their
    democracy. These steps must include diverse political actors and civil
    society as well as respect for the rule of law and fundamental
    freedoms.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Todd Young

        Question. What is your view of the U.S.-Israel relationship? If
    confirmed, what will you do to maintain and strengthen this
    relationship?

        Answer. Israel is a critical partner to the United States and the
    two are united by shared values and strategic interests; those include
    a commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security.
    Israel is a stable country in an unstable region, and the U.S.
    Government's closest security partner in countering a broad spectrum of
    threats, ranging from cyber-attacks to Iran's destabilizing
    proliferation of advanced weaponry to its network of proxies. With an
    open and free society that is largely accepting of LGBTQ+ individuals,
    Israel has been dedicated to the cause of women's empowerment and
    gender equality since the founding of the state. If confirmed, I will
    commit to maintaining and strengthening all aspects of this
    relationship.

        Question. Israel constantly faces terrorist attacks and threats--
    including rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza and attacks from Iranian-
    backed groups in Lebanon and Syria. Do you fully support Israel's right
    to defend itself from terrorist attacks?

        Answer. Yes, I fully support Israel's right to defend itself from
    terrorist attacks and strongly condemn these attacks, no matter where
    they come from.

        Question. What is the status of the recently notified U.S. direct
    commercial sale of $735 million in U.S.-origin precision-guided
    munitions to Israel?

        Answer. I understand the notification was approved and authorizes
    the export of precision-guided munitions, including any technical data
    and defense services, to Israel to support weapons integration, flight
    tests, and hardware delivery of Joint Direct Attack Munition variants
    and Small Diameter Bomb Increment I variants.

        Question. Do you support maintaining the Palestine Affairs Unit at
    the Embassy in Jerusalem? How would opening a separate consulate in
    Jerusalem serve U.S. interests?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the U.S.
    presence in Jerusalem enables our government to carry out a full range
    of diplomatic activities, including engagement with the local
    communities and government leadership. The U.S. Government has been
    clear that our Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Currently, the
    Palestinian Affairs Unit within the embassy is the primary point of
    contact with the Palestinian people. In May, Secretary Blinken stated
    ``the United States will be moving forward with the process to reopen
    our consulate in Jerusalem. That's an important way for our country to
    engage with and provide support for the Palestinian people,'' I
    understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement
    with the Palestinian people and leadership.

        Question. What would be your strategy for strengthening the Abraham
    Accords while persuading more countries to normalize relations with
    Israel? How would you build on the success of the Abraham Accords?

        Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, this
    administration welcomes and strongly supports the Abraham Accords and
    normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
    Muslim world. The Department is leading the U.S. Government's efforts,
    working with the National Security Council and U.S. Government
    interagency, to deepen existing agreements and urge other countries to
    normalize relations with Israel.
        If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries across the
    region to build on existing relationships and develop new ones,
    including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
    Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
    disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in
    the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and
    Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
    state solution.

        Question. What do you believe are the most pressing security
    challenges Israel faces, and what role do those threats play in
    convincing regional partners that Israel is the not the cause of
    instability in the region?

        Answer. Israel believes Iran is the greatest threat to its
    security. As Secretary Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have
    said, the United States is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a
    nuclear weapon, and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies
    and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. An Iran
    with a nuclear weapon is likely to act even more provocatively when it
    comes to these issues. The administration has fundamental problems with
    Iran's actions across a series of issues--including its support for
    terrorism, its ballistic missile program, and its destabilizing actions
    in the region. Our partners in the region share a similar concern.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to use your connection
    and experience in the region to garner more regional support for the
    vital humanitarian needs of the Yemeni people?

        Answer. I am proud that the United States continues to lead the
    humanitarian response to this crisis, with over $4 billion worth of
    assistance provided to the Yemeni people since 2014. If confirmed, I
    will work closely with key countries in the region and around the
    world, as well as the United Nations, to ensure pledges are disbursed,
    humanitarian organizations are adequately funded, and the needs of the
    most vulnerable Yemenis are addressed in a coordinated and effective
    manner. I will also work with the U.N. and other partners to promote
    unfettered access for humanitarian assistance throughout Yemen to
    ensure aid reaches those in need.

        Question. What would be your approach, alongside Tim Lenderking, in
    breaking the diplomatic stalemate that exists in Yemen?

        Answer. The U.S. Government has welcomed the appointment of Hans
    Grundberg, the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen, and remains committed
    to supporting a U.N.-led peace process to achieve a durable resolution
    to the conflict. Sustained engagement by U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking
    has helped create unprecedented international consensus on ending this
    war through inclusive political talks. If confirmed, I will urge all
    parties to engage with the Special Envoy, the U.N., with each other,
    and with civil society, without pre-conditions. I will also ensure the
    governments of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen are taking the
    steps necessary to advance peace, and will work with key international
    and regional partners to press the Houthis to cooperate with the U.N.-
    led process. We have an opportunity to achieve peace in Yemen, and we
    must seize it.

        Question. Do you believe that the Iranian-backed Houthis desire a
    political settlement? Or does Iran desire to maintain a footprint and
    instability from which to target Saudi Arabia? Do you believe that the
    Houthis have the autonomy to decide this for themselves?

        Answer. The Houthis remain singularly focused on their military
    offensive against Marib, the greatest impediment to U.N. and U.S. peace
    efforts. The offensive is also exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian
    crisis, threatening directly some one million IDPs and other civilians
    in harm's way. The Houthi leadership must show they are committed to a
    political settlement by engaging with the new U.N. Special Envoy in
    good faith. In addition to continuing to prosecute the war inside
    Yemen, the Houthis, with Iranian support, have also launched more than
    240 cross-border air attacks on Saudi Arabia this year alone,
    endangering the Saudi people and more than 70,000 U.S. citizens
    residing in the Kingdom. If Iran wants to show it can be a responsible
    actor in the region, Yemen is a good place to start, by ending lethal
    aid and training to the Houthis.

        Question. Denying the Houthis access to key weapons and technology
    from Iran is critical to both reducing the threat the group poses to
    our regional partners and pressuring the group to cease attacks and
    negotiate in good faith. Do you agree? If so, how should the U.S.
    expand cooperation with partners and allies to expose and interdict the
    flow of key Iranian weapons, materiel, and equipment to the Houthis?

        Answer. I agree. The Houthis rely on Iranian weapons, intelligence,
    training, and support to conduct horrific attacks impacting civilian
    targets as well as infrastructure in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Denying
    the Houthis access to this lethal support from Iran is a critical part
    of the Department's regional strategy. If confirmed, I will continue
    with this comprehensive approach using a variety of tools--from
    sanctions to interdiction to support for Saudi Arabia's legitimate
    self-defense needs--to counter Iran's lethal aid to the Houthis and
    other armed groups, as well as it destabilizing behavior more broadly
    in the region. The Department will also continue to prioritize the
    implementation and enforcement of U.N. Security Council resolutions
    barring the unauthorized transfer of weapons to the Houthis.

        Question. What are the biggest dangers Iran poses to the
    international community and how would you rank them in order of
    urgency?

        Answer. The most serious threat that Iran poses globally is its
    untrammeled nuclear program. That is why the Biden administration
    prioritizes constraining Iran's program through measured, determined
    diplomacy. Iran poses additional threats through a spectrum of regional
    and global activities, including but not limited to its plots to kidnap
    our citizens, its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained
    Americans and foreign nationals as political tools, its support for
    terrorism, its lethal support to armed groups, proliferation of
    advanced weaponry to these groups, and its ballistic missile program.
    An Iran with a nuclear weapon would pose an even greater threat when it
    comes to these issues.

        Question. Secretary Blinken has said that any replacement of JCPOA
    needs to be ``longer and stronger.'' How would you define longer and
    stronger? What are the minimum requirements for a ``longer and
    stronger'' deal?

        Answer. Iran's unchecked, unconstrained nuclear program poses a
    threat to global security. Constraining it is therefore the overriding
    priority for the United States and its P5+1 partners. To achieve that
    immediate objective, the administration is pursuing a mutual return to
    compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. If the
    Department is successful in doing so, the intent is to build on that as
    part of a comprehensive approach using a variety of policy tools to
    strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program and address other
    issues of concern.

        Question. Do you believe the United States should learn any lessons
    from Hamas's heinous rocket campaign it unleashed on Israel in May,
    especially concerning Iran's destabilizing proxy campaign it is waging
    throughout the region?

        Answer. Hamas's heinous rocket attacks on Israel in May only
    reinforced the Biden-Harris administration's ironclad resolve on
    Israel's security, including through deterring and countering Iran's
    destabilizing regional activities. This includes the need to work with
    Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of materiel
    and financial support to Hamas and other Gaza-based militant groups.

        Question. Can you explain why it would be a prudent policy to
    pursue a nuclear agreement with Iran without doing anything to stop
    Iran's other destabilizing activities?

        Answer. Even as the administration pursues a diplomatic effort to
    constrain Iran's nuclear program, it continues to address Iran's
    destabilizing regional activities. The Biden administration is
    committed to continuing to counter the threats posed by Iran using the
    various tools at its disposal, including sanctions, and working in
    close coordination with allies and partners.

        Question. How can we look our partners in the face and tell them
    convincingly that we are committed to their security when we permit
    Iran to keep funding terrorist proxies, to keep launching attacks on
    international shipping and energy infrastructure, to keep testing
    ballistic missiles?

        Answer. Iran's destabilizing regional activities are nothing new.
    Tehran has posed such threats for decades, across multiple
    administrations. The Biden administration is unwavering in its
    commitment to its allies and partners and continues to engage closely
    with them as part of a comprehensive approach that includes sanctions,
    interdiction, defense and intelligence cooperation, and support for
    Israel's freedom of action to counter Iran's destabilizing activities.
    In fact, the administration's sustained diplomatic engagement with
    allies and partners has ensured a more united, better coordinated, and
    more consistent approach in countering the Iranian threat and advancing
    our shared goals in the region.

        Question. In your view, are the LAF a viable counterweight to
    Hezbollah's influence within Lebanon?

        Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) is the sole legitimate
    defender of Lebanon, a reliable U.S. partner, and an important
    counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence in the country. A strong,
    stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion that its arms are necessary
    to defend Lebanon from external aggression. The LAF remains the only
    cross-confessional institution with broad support from all aspects of
    Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party alliances.

        Question. Since the U.S. began funding the Lebanese Armed Forces,
    have they taken any meaningful steps to confront Hezbollah?

        Answer. According to a December 2019 GAO Report, the LAF's border
    security and counterterrorism capabilities notably improved from 2013
    to 2018. With the support of U.S. training and equipment, the LAF has
    defeated ISIS in Lebanon, reasserted control over territory along its
    border with Syria, and increased its presence in southern Lebanon in
    support of UNIFIL. These improvements undercut Hizballah's unfounded
    argument that its weapons are necessary to protect Lebanon's
    sovereignty. If confirmed, I will continue to use all the tools at our
    disposal to push back on Hizballah's terrorist activities and
    destabilizing influence in Lebanon and across the region.

        Question. Given the deterioration of the Lebanese state, can you
    assure the committee that U.S. equipment provided to the LAF will not
    fall into the hands of Hezbollah?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure we continue to undertake
    rigorous measures to minimize the likelihood that Hizballah or any
    other terrorist organization will benefit from our assistance,
    including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation
    practices carried out by the U.S. Government and implementing partners.
    The LAF is a strong U.S. partner with an exemplary end-use monitoring
    record. The Department continues to hold the LAF accountable for its
    use of U.S. assistance funds and have no reason to believe that any
    U.S. equipment has fallen into the hands of Hizballah.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. Just last week Lebanon announced a new government
    formation under Prime Minister Mikati. While this is a positive step in
    the formation of a government, I remain concerned about the deep
    economic crisis in the country.

       What are U.S. priorities in engaging with the new Government? How
            can the U.S. help as the country's economy continues to
            collapse further?

        Answer. Lebanon must implement significant reforms to address the
    spiraling economic crisis it faces, on an urgent basis and in a
    sustainable way. If confirmed, I will build on the work by the
    Department and our embassy, and in concert with key partners, to keep
    up the pressure on PM Mikati's new government to implement long-overdue
    economic and governance reforms; these reforms are demanded by the
    Lebanese people, and should be done ideally in partnership with the
    IMF, Lebanese civil society, and other key actors. The Mikati
    Government should also prepare the country to hold parliamentary
    elections in May 2022 as scheduled. The United States and our
    international partners have been clear that Lebanon's leaders must act
    in order to unlock potential financing programs and structural support,
    but the hard work must start immediately. The United States stands with
    the Lebanese people, and will continue to support it and key
    institutions, to help the most vulnerable weather the crisis.

        Question. How can we work with civil society, as well as the
    Lebanese Government, to support transparent and efficient parliamentary
    elections next spring?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to hold PM
    Mikati's new Government accountable for ensuring transparent
    parliamentary elections are held next spring. I will also support our
    existing programs aimed at assisting reform-minded actors to respond to
    the needs of citizens through transparent and democratic processes. If
    confirmed, I will ensure my team works closely with Lebanese civil
    society, which deserves our continued support as it both holds the new
    Government accountable and assists it in implementing needed reforms,
    as well as election monitoring initiatives. I will also work with the
    international community to press for a transparent electoral process to
    obtain credible elections that represent the will of the people,
    untainted by foreign malign influence.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington
    Free Beacon reviewed at least two of them.

        Answer. As a nominee I am not in a position to act on behalf of the
    State Department with regard to its records. I take my responsibilities
    with respect to Congressional oversight seriously and if confirmed, I
    look forward to working with you to respond to your concerns.

        Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance - emails,
    memos, cables, notes, decision memos, briefing papers, instructions,
    etc. - that instructed staffers not to use the phrase ``Abraham
    Accords.''

        Answer. As a nominee I am not in a position to act on behalf of the
    State Department with regard to its records. I take my responsibilities
    with respect to Congressional oversight seriously and if confirmed I
    look forward to working with you to respond to your concerns.

        Question. In your testimony on September 15 you indicated that you
    are supportive of the Abraham Accords. Can you commit to ensuring that
    any guidelines or policies prohibiting using the phrase ``Abraham
    Accords'' are revised and reversed?

        Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration
    refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I
    certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights?

        Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, the
    administration gives great weight to Israel's security. As long as
    Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present in Syria, it
    would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with the Golan
    Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides Israel an
    added measure of security from the turmoil next door. This
    administration has not changed U.S. policy on this important issue.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
    Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. This administration has not altered U.S. policy on this
    important issue. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself
    is a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations
    between Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the
    national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
    will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
    sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both
    Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
    Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
    negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will
    handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
    that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both
    Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
    Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
    negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will
    handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
    that they deserve.

        Question. What are the regional security opportunities for the U.S.
    now that Israel is part of CENTCOM?

        Answer. Now that Israel is part of the U.S. Central Command's area
    of responsibility, regional security opportunities for the United
    States range from enhanced communication between our two countries to
    expanded opportunities for regional multilateral engagements, such as
    exercises and planning conferences.

        Question. How do you plan to maximize Israel's integration into our
    regional security architecture?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would promote Israel's integration into our
    regional security architecture in close coordination with my colleagues
    at the Department of Defense, including CENTCOM.

        Question. Please describe any new significant sanctions that have
    been imposed on Iran since the inauguration of President Biden.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has imposed the following
    Iran-related sanctions since it took office:

       On September 17, the Treasury Department sanctioned international
            financial networks supporting terrorism, including providing
            support to Lebanese Hizballah and Iran's Qods Force;
       On September 3, Treasury sanctioned an Iranian intelligence network
            targeting an Iranian-American activist in the United States;
       On August 13, Treasury sanctioned an oil broker network supporting
            the Qods Force;
       On June 10, Treasury sanctioned an international network enriching
            the Houthis and Qods Force in Yemen; and
       On March 9, the State Department designated Iranian officials
            pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the FY2021 Department of State,
            Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriation Act due
            to involvement in gross violations of human rights.

        Question. Please describe the details of any arrangements, deals,
    or agreements that are being contemplated by the Biden administration
    to reduce pressure on Iran other than reentry into the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

        Answer. There have been no such arrangements, deals, or agreements
    contemplated to reduce pressure on Iran.

        Question. What measures has the Biden administration taken to
    insulate our diplomats from engaging with Iranian officials connected
    to international terrorism or who have been sanctioned?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to ensuring
    Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and diplomacy, in coordination
    with our allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that
    goal. However, the U.S. Government has yet to engage in any direct
    discussions with the Iranian Government or its officials as their
    Government currently bars such interactions. Additionally, State
    Department policy generally limits USG personnel from interacting with
    Iranian officials, and specifically restricts interactions with
    officials known or suspected to be members of terrorist organizations
    or subject to sanctions designations.

        Question. To what degree was the State Department aware of Ghani's
    departure beforehand?

        Answer. I am currently not a State Department employee and am not
    privy to Department knowledge on this issue.

        Question. Did you or any State Department officials, to your
    knowledge, engage in conversations with any governments under NEA's
    purview to request that they provide Ghani with safe haven, including
    the gOvernments of Qatar or the United Arab Emirates?

        Answer. After President Ghani departed Kabul for Uzbekistan and the
    Government of Uzbekistan informed the U.S. of his presence on Uzbek
    soil and that he wished to travel onward to the UAE, the administration
    conveyed to both Governments of Uzbekistan and the United Arab Emirates
    that such arrangements would be a bilateral one between those
    governments and Ghani himself.

        Question. Do you believe that it would be in America's national
    security interest for resources to go to the Government of Lebanon even
    if that government was controlled or unduly influenced by Hezbollah?

        Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization, and the United
    States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. assistance from
    conferring benefits to Hizballah or any other terrorist group,
    including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation
    practices. As part of its security assistance, the U.S. Government
    conducts End-Use Monitoring (EUM) to mitigate the risk of unauthorized
    transfer or use of U.S. technology and equipment. The Lebanese Armed
    Forces continues to comply fully with all EUM reporting and security
    requirements.

        Question. On August 19, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Shea said that
    the Biden administration intends to waive sanctions on the Assad regime
    in order to provide energy to Lebanon: ``There is a will to make this
    happen. There will be some logistical things that need to happen too,
    but I think that it will all fall into place fairly easily.'' The
    waiver will facilitate the transfer of gas and resources through Assad-
    controlled Syria and to Lebanon and its Government. Do you support
    waiving such sanctions?

        Answer. Lebanon is currently experiencing an acute energy crisis
    that is having a terrible impact on critical lifesaving infrastructure
    such as hospitals and the water supply; the crisis needs a long-term
    solution, but shorter-term measures are also urgently needed, given the
    deleterious effect on the public. These potential bilateral and
    multilateral agreements proffered by regional states, which have been
    endorsed by the World Bank, could help Lebanon begin to address its
    power crisis in a sustainable and transparent manner. I understand that
    the Department of State is currently conferring with those partners to
    gain further detail on the proposals and is conferring with the
    Department of Treasury as well. U.S. sanctions remain an important tool
    to press for accountability for the Assad regime, to include on its
    atrocious record of human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will work with
    the Department of the Treasury and our partners to ensure that any
    potential deal our partners reach is consistent with our broader policy
    priorities and all relevant U.S. sanctions. I look forward to
    continuing to consult with Congress on this important issue.

        Question. On September 15 you testified that the Lebanese Armed
    Forces (LAF) are an important partner in the Middle East and serve as a
    check against Hezbollah. Do you support calibrating support for the LAF
    on the degree to which it fulfills those functions? Under what
    conditions would you support restricting assistance to the LAF?

        Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) is the sole legitimate
    defender of Lebanon, a reliable U.S. partner, and an important
    counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence in the country. The LAF
    is also a cross-confessional institution with broad support from all
    aspects of Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party
    alliances. A strong, stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion that
    its arms are necessary to defend Lebanon from external aggression. If
    confirmed, I will continue to build the LAF's capacity to serve as a
    counterweight to Hizballah and act in the interests of the Lebanese
    people.

        Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
    activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah in 2019 and 2020?
    A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.

        Answer. U.S. military assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)
    is focused on developing the LAF's capabilities and professionalism, as
    well as developing it as an institution that acts as a counterweight to
    Hizballah's influence. Since 2006, the United States has provided more
    than $2.5 billion in security assistance to the LAF. This assistance
    has helped increase its capacity to serve as the exclusive legitimate
    defender of Lebanon's sovereignty and violent extremist organizations,
    including ISIS.

        Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
    activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah activities short
    of disarming them in 2019 and 2020, e.g. through roadblocks? A rough
    estimate or a range will be sufficient.

        Answer. U.S. assistance to Lebanon is one of the many tools the
    Department uses to support the Lebanese people, civil society, and
    institutions critical to building a sovereign state responsive to its
    people's legitimate needs. U.S. security assistance also supports
    partners, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security
    Forces, that are critical to stability and security. A government that
    reflects the will and is able to meet the needs of all Lebanese, and
    security institutions that can defend Lebanese sovereignty, undermine
    Hizballah's illegitimate and illegal actions, as well as its malign
    influence in Lebanon and the region.

        Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
    Hezbollah continues to influence or control over the Beirut-Rafic
    Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the airport.

        Answer. The U.S. Government remains concerned about Hizballah's
    influence at ports of entry into Lebanon, including at the airport. In
    PM Mikati's new cabinet, a Hizballah minister was appointed Minister of
    Public Works and Transport.

        Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
    Hezbollah continues to influence or control over the Port of Beirut or
    facilities located within the port?

        Answer. The influence Hizballah exerts over ports of entry remains
    of considerable concern and also denies the Lebanese people the benefit
    of customs revenue, which is significant given the large budget
    deficits Lebanon continues to face. In PM Mikati's new cabinet, a
    Hizballah minister was appointed as Minister of Public Works and
    Transport. The Department will continue to evaluate the impact of this
    appointment and report on the situation. To combat Hizballah's
    influence, the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign
    Assets Control (OFAC) designated under Executive Order 13224 Hizballah
    security official Wafiq Safa for acting for or on behalf of Hizballah.
    As head of Hizballah's security apparatus, Safa exploited Lebanon's
    ports and border crossings to smuggle contraband, enable Hizballah
    travel, and facilitate the passage of illegal drugs and weapons into
    the seaport of Beirut, routing certain shipments to avoid scrutiny.

        Question. Is the administration withholding $130 million in aid
    from Egypt on the basis of the conditions described in the Washington
    Post report? If the report is inaccurate, what parts are inaccurate?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's goal with regard to this
    decision is to seek progress on human rights. The administration
    supports further strengthening the bilateral security and defense
    relationship with Egypt, while also seeking sustainable improvements in
    the Egyptian Government's approach to human rights. The Department has
    focused on specific human rights issues of concern, including cases of
    political detention and restrictions on civil society.
        As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the
    Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and
    effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in
    section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make
    available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism,
    border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the
    exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A)
    of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns
    remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of
    $130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt
    unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human
    rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into
    Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be
    reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the
    prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to
    work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on
    improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expects
    that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented
    to them.
        While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take
    seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if
    confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other
    important issues.

        Question. Please provide a list of any individuals, including if
    relevant, the 16 referred to in the Washington Post story, who are the
    subject of conditions imposed on aid to Egypt. For each individual on
    the list, please list the following:

       Their names;
       Their organizational affiliations;
       The specific charges that the Egyptian Government has brought
            against them, which the U.S. is asking the Egyptians to
            dismiss; and
       Whether the individual is a U.S. citizen, or if not, whether the
            individual holds a Legal Permanent Resident Card, or if not, if
            the individual has applied for immigration or visa status and
            what that status is.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's goal with regard to this
    decision on FMF is to seek progress on human rights. The administration
    supports further strengthening the bilateral security and defense
    relationship with Egypt, while also seeking sustainable improvements in
    the Egyptian Government's approach to human rights. The Department has
    focused on specific human rights issues of concern, including cases of
    political detention and restrictions on civil society.
        As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the
    Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and
    effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in
    section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make
    available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism,
    border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the
    exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A)
    of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns
    remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of
    $130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt
    unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human
    rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into
    Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be
    reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the
    prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to
    work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on
    improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expects
    that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented
    to them.
        President Biden and President al-Sisi in May agreed on the
    importance of a constructive dialogue on human rights. Since then, the
    administration has pressed the Government of Egypt on multiple levels
    to address specific human rights concerns, including during Secretary
    Blinken's discussion with President al-Sisi in Cairo in May. Although
    the Department has and will continue to publicly raise concerns about
    Egypt's human rights record, administration officials have also
    conveyed these specific requests privately, in an effort to avoid
    Egyptian Government sensitivities about responding to foreign pressure.
    The Department anticipates hosting a ministerial Strategic Dialogue
    session with Egypt later this year to advance the U.S. - Egypt
    partnership and secure positive steps on human rights.
        While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take
    seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if
    confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other
    important matters.

        Question. Additionally, for any individual on the list described
    above who is not a U.S. citizen, please also describe:

       The process through which the State Department or as relevant the
            broader interagency reviewed the cases and came to the
            determination that their cases should be used as conditions for
            aid.
       Whether they are affiliated with groups that promote Islamist
            ideologies, distribute anti-Semitic materials, or distribute
            political disinformation.
       Whether the Biden administration intends to grant U.S. visas to
            them should the Egyptian Government release them.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports further
    strengthening bilateral security and defense relationship with Egypt,
    while seeking and sustainable improvements in the Egyptian Government's
    approach to human rights. The Department has focused on specific human
    rights issues of concern, including cases of political detention and
    restrictions on civil society.
        As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the
    Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and
    effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in
    section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make
    available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism,
    border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the
    exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A)
    of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns
    remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of
    $130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt
    unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human
    rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into
    Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be
    reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the
    prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to
    work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on
    improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expect
    that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented
    to them.
        President Biden and President al-Sisi in May agreed on the
    importance of a constructive dialogue on human rights. Since then, the
    administration has pressed the Government of Egypt on multiple levels
    to address specific human rights concerns, including during Secretary
    Blinken's discussion with President al-Sisi in Cairo in May. Although
    the Department has and will continue to publicly raise concerns about
    Egypt's human rights record, administration officials have also
    conveyed these specific requests privately, in an effort to avoid
    Egyptian Government sensitivities about responding to foreign pressure.
    The Department anticipates hosting a ministerial Strategic Dialogue
    session with Egypt later this year to advance the U.S.-Egypt
    partnership and secure positive steps on human rights.
        While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take
    seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if
    confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other
    important matters.

        Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis
    in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

        Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain
    intransigent and focused on their military offensive against the city
    of Marib. That offensive is the single biggest impediment to a national
    ceasefire and follow-on peace talks; it is exacerbating an already-dire
    humanitarian crisis, placing at risk a million internally displaced
    persons who found refuge in Marib after escaping fighting in other
    parts of the country. The Houthis also exacerbate the humanitarian
    consequences of the fuel situation at Hudaydah port by stockpiling fuel
    and manipulating fuel prices, driving up costs far beyond the reach of
    most Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis continue to interfere in the
    delivery of humanitarian aid.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration revoked the terrorism
    designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, in
    recognition of the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen and the adverse
    impact the designation immediately had on NGOs and private commercial
    importers of food and other basic goods. Shortly after the FTO
    designation announcement, the administration began to hear of de-
    risking--by banks, insurance firms, and transport companies--putting at
    risk near-term food imports. The administration listened to concerns
    voiced by the United Nations, humanitarian groups, and bipartisan
    members of Congress, among others, regarding potential impacts of the
    designation on Yemenis' access to basic commodities. The short time
    that passed between the designations and the revocations limited the
    impact the designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and
    commercial imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian
    assistance items are now moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates
    except in some areas under Houthis control.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

        Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and the
    revocations limited the adverse impact that designations could have had
    on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports. In Marib, the
    escalation of hostilities by the Houthis has caused additional needs
    and secondary displacement. The lifting of sanctions, however, has
    helped ensure the safe delivery of life-saving food, emergency shelter,
    water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as essential non-
    food items, such as blankets and water containers.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                      WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2021 (p.m.)

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m., via
    videoconference, Senator Coons, presiding.
        Present: Senators Coons [presiding], Cardin, Kaine, Booker,
    Schatz, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.

            OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE

        Senator Coons. Good afternoon. It is my honor to call this
    hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to order.
        I welcome the chance to serve as chair of this hearing and
    appreciate Chairman Menendez asking me to take this on as we
    consider five highly qualified nominees, and I welcome, as
    ranking member for this hearing, Senator Hagerty and the five
    nominees who are before us.
        Let me briefly introduce them, and I will make a very brief
    statement and then invite Senator Hagerty to make whatever
    opening statement he may care to.
        Our five nominees for this afternoon's hearing are Dr. C.S.
    Eliot Kang, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
    International Security and Nonproliferation; Adam Scheinman, to
    be Special Representative of the President for Nuclear
    Nonproliferation; Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat, to be
    Director General of the Foreign Service; Bathsheba Nell
    Crocker, to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the United
    Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva; and
    Dr. Michael Carpenter, to be U.S. Representative to the
    Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
        Let me begin by thanking all five of you, thanking you for
    your willingness to continue your service to this Nation. And
    let me extend my thanks to your families, who normally, if we
    were in person, would, many of them, be physically with us, and
    so I would have a chance to greet them. I do not know if any of
    them are hovering just off the screen, but please convey to
    them my gratitude for their support for your career and
    service.
        Before we proceed into the substance of your opening
    statements, our colleague from New Jersey Senator Booker will
    introduce Ambassador Bernicat. Let me also, before we proceed
    to that, do two more things. I am going to ask all of our
    nominees today to please keep your statements to roughly 5
    minutes in length. The committee will accept your written
    testimonies in full and submit them for the record.
        And I also want to note for all members and staff who may
    be listening that questions for the record for this
    confirmation hearing will be due by the close of business this
    Thursday, September 16th.
        With that, let me invite Senator Hagerty to make any
    opening comment he would like to. Then we will proceed to an
    introduction by Senator Booker.
        Senator Hagerty?

                    STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

        Senator Hagerty. Chairman Coons, thank you very much. And I
    want to thank Senator Risch for inviting me to serve as the
    ranking member today. And I also want to thank the nominees for
    appearing before our committee today. I appreciate your
    willingness to serve our great Nation. I am looking forward to
    hearing from each of you.
        I would like to start with the nomination to the Director
    General of the Foreign Service. This position has the unique
    responsibility of recruiting, retaining, and sustaining the
    Foreign Service and the civil service workforce of the State
    Department.
        As a former U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I recognize that the
    people of the State Department are critical to the success of
    American diplomacy. For the United States to tackle the growing
    number of complex global challenges, we should seek to build
    the finest diplomatic corps in the world. I look forward to
    hearing from the nominee about how we will achieve this goal.
        Next I would like to turn to the nomination to be Assistant
    Secretary of State for International Security and
    Nonproliferation. As strategic adversaries such as China,
    Russia, Iran, and North Korea continue to expand their arsenal
    of weapons of mass destruction, the world is becoming more
    dangerous each day.
        The United States should look for opportunities to expand
    counterproliferation efforts in ways to stop the spread of
    weapons of mass destruction. I am particularly interested to
    hear from the nominee about his views on the increasing WMD
    threats from China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea and what the
    United States should be doing.
        I would like to turn next to the nominee to be the Special
    Representative of the President for Nuclear Nonproliferation.
    There are a growing number of countries, such as China and
    Iran, that pose significant challenges with respect to nuclear
    energy and nonproliferation norms. I look forward to hearing
    from the nominee about ways to update the NPT for the 21st
    century.
        Now I would like to turn to the nominee to be the U.S.
    Representative to the Organization for Security and Cooperation
    in Europe. I just returned from NATO, and it is clear that
    following the withdrawal from Afghanistan, we are at a critical
    juncture with many of our European allies and partners, and
    they need to know that the United States can and will be a
    reliable partner. This is even more important, considering
    Russia's efforts to spread malign influence throughout Europe.
    I look forward to hearing from the nominee about these issues.
        And now I want to turn my attention to the nominee to be
    the Representative of the United States to the United Nations
    and Other International Organizations in Geneva. As the lead
    U.S. official representing over 100 U.N. bodies in Geneva, you
    will be responsible for advancing U.S. interests in many
    multilateral organizations. As we all know, China and other
    strategic adversaries are looking to expand their influence by
    remaking global institutions in their image. I look forward to
    hearing from the nominee about what steps she intends to take
    to fight for America.
        Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time. Thank you.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
        Let me now invite Senator Booker of New Jersey to offer an
    introduction of Ambassador Bernicat.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        Senator Booker. Well, this is an extraordinary honor,
    Senator Coons. Thank you very much.
        I am really elated, frankly, to be able to introduce
    President Biden's nominee to serve as Director General of the
    Foreign Service, Ambassador Marcia Bernicat. We are currently,
    as you know, facing tremendous challenges all across the globe
    that will not only define the history of the world but will
    most certainly define the history of our Nation. Challenges
    like the global crisis of climate change to taking on the
    COVID-19 pandemic, which continues to cause such tragedy around
    the world.
        And we know this, for all of us Senators who have been
    traveling, America's diplomatic leadership is now needed more
    than ever. And that is why we need this great Jersian
    Ambassador Bernicat leading the diplomatic corps responsible
    for representing the United States of America and advancing our
    interests around the world.
        I can think of no one more qualified for this
    extraordinarily important position. She has served as a Foreign
    Service officer for three decades starting, I think, when she
    was 2 or 3 years old. Ambassador Bernicat has had a career that
    is not just impressive, but impactful.
        She most recently served as senior official for economic
    growth, energy, and the environment at the State Department and
    prior to that served as the Ambassador to Bangladesh and
    previously concurrently as the Ambassador to Senegal and
    Guinea-Bissau.
        Over the course of her diplomatic career, she has received
    extraordinary honors and respect from those who she served
    with. She is somebody that is both well respected and looked up
    to, but also someone in which folks have great confidence in.
        She has served in Barbados, Malawi, Morocco, India, Nepal,
    France, and Mali. All across the world she has made an impact
    and left a lasting legacy. She represents the best of the
    United States of America, and I would say, coming from the
    great State of New Jersey, she represents the best of New
    Jersians. Born in the wonderful Red Bank, New Jersey.
        Ambassador Bernicat probably has many, many accolades, but
    perhaps her two best living legacy examples of her success is
    her two sons, who she has raised while serving in the Foreign
    Service. As we Senators in a bipartisan effort work to reinvest
    in the diplomatic efforts to keep America safe, rebuild our
    alliances and partnerships, and live up to our collective
    values here at home and abroad, Ambassador Bernicat is exactly
    the kind of leader that we need.
        I urge my colleagues not because of fealty to New Jersey, I
    urge my colleagues because of fealty to the United States of
    America to support her nomination.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Booker. I appreciate that
    introduction.
        We are now going to proceed to hear opening statements from
    each of our five nominees in the order in which they were
    noticed for this hearing by the committee.
        So no disrespect, Senator Booker, we are going to begin
    with Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang, and then we will proceed through the
    five nominees in the order that they were noticed.
        Senator Booker. No disrespect taken, but go ahead.
        Senator Coons. It is just part of the traditions of this
    committee.
        So, if I might, Dr. Kang, your opening statement.

    STATEMENT OF DR. C.S. ELIOT KANG OF NEW JERSEY, NOMINATED TO BE
      AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND
                           NONPROLIFERATION)

        Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. Thank you very much.
        Senator Booker, I am also from New Jersey. Ocean County,
    Lakewood, New Jersey.
        Senator Booker. Yes.
        [Laughter.]
        Dr. Kang. Yes. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
    distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
    opportunity to appear before you today.
        I am grateful to President Biden for nominating me to be
    the Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and
    Nonproliferation.
        I am also grateful to Secretary Blinken for his trust and
    faith in supporting my nomination.
        Crossing the Pacific as a 9-year-old immigrant almost half
    a century ago, my only ambition was to taste a real hamburger.
    No doubt my mother and father, who made the fateful decision
    for my family to start a new life in the United States, had
    more lofty hopes for me and my sister, Myung. However, I am
    sure they never imagined the honor of me appearing before this
    august body to be examined for my worthiness to serve this
    great Nation as an Assistant Secretary of State.
        If confirmed, I pledge to continue working tirelessly for
    the American people. Indeed, public service is in my DNA. I
    have been following the footsteps of my late father, a
    decorated combat pilot and a Government official. And my
    mother, a lifelong educator and recipient of New Jersey
    Governor's award for outstanding teaching.
        I started my career in my mother's profession, but the
    events of September 11, 2001, led me to my father's path of
    Government service. It has not been an easy path to tread, but
    unwavering support from my wife, Michelle, and the
    understanding of my two sons, Gregory and Wesley, have
    strengthened my steps and resolve.
        In 2003, I first joined the State Department's Bureau of
    Political and Military Affairs and then Bureau of Arms Control
    as a William C. Foster Fellow, which was a congressionally
    established program for bringing academics into the
    Government's--into the Department's arms control and
    nonproliferation work.
        I became a career civil servant in 2005, and since 2006, I
    have held various leadership positions in the Bureau of
    International Security and Nonproliferation, working to protect
    the American people from dangers posed by the proliferation of
    weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems.
        As a career officer, I have endeavored across four
    presidential administrations to minimize the threat of nuclear,
    chemical, biological, and advanced conventional weapons and the
    destabilization these weapons can cause.
        However, despite tremendous bipartisan efforts and the
    steadfast leadership of this committee to stem the tide of the
    most destructive and horrible weapons, the challenges only
    appears to be growing. Indeed, the explosion of technology
    seems to create as many problems for our security as it solves
    for our society.
        In the late hours of the evening, I reflect upon the
    increasing challenges we face, and I arrive to work every
    morning resolved and determined to do something about them. In
    this commitment, I am not alone.
        I am privileged to serve the American people alongside a
    remarkable group of colleagues who share my dedication, the men
    and women serving in the Bureau of International Security and
    Nonproliferation who frustrate our adversaries and are
    respected by allies and friends throughout the world. I am
    inspired by these public servants who gladly accept personal
    sacrifices to serve our Nation.
        The President's confidence in me, a career officer, is an
    honor for me and my family, but it is also a testament to the
    expertise and ability of the remarkable professionals in the
    Bureau. Indeed, the Bureau is an extraordinary collection of
    civil servants, Foreign Service officers, and contractors with
    expertise in the physical sciences, engineering, intelligence,
    military sciences, communications, and program administration.
    Many are leading subject matter experts with international
    reputations. I am in awe of the tremendous skill and knowledge
    and dedication they bring to tackle some of the most pressing
    security problems facing the world and the Nation.
        If confirmed, I will work even harder to empower my
    colleagues to tackle the challenges this committee expects us
    to meet.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, the ranking member, and the
    members of the committee for your time and attention today and
    for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your
    questions.
        [The prepared statement of Dr. Kang follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang

        Chairman Coons, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
    committee; thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
        I am grateful to President Biden for nominating me to be the
    Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and
    Nonproliferation. I am also grateful to Secretary Blinken for his trust
    and faith in supporting my nomination.
        Crossing the Pacific as a nine-year-old immigrant almost a half-
    century ago, my only ambition was to taste a real hamburger. No doubt,
    my mother and father who made the fateful decision for our family to
    start a new life in the United States had more lofty hopes for me and
    my sister, Myung. However, I'm sure they never imagined the honor of me
    appearing before this august body to be examined for my worthiness to
    serve this great nation as an Assistant Secretary of State. If
    confirmed, I pledge to continue working tirelessly for the American
    people.
        Indeed, public service is in my DNA. I have been following the
    footsteps of my late father, a decorated combat pilot and government
    official, and my mother, a life-long educator and recipient of New
    Jersey Governor's Award for Outstanding Teaching. I started my career
    in my mother's profession, but the events of September 11th, 2001 led
    me to my father's path of government service. It has not been an easy
    path to tread but unwavering support from my wife, Michelle, and the
    understanding of my two sons, Gregory and Wesley, have strengthened my
    steps and resolve.
        In 2003, I first joined the State Department's Bureau of Political-
    Military Affairs and then Bureau of Arms Control as a William C. Foster
    Fellow, which was a congressionally established program for bringing
    academics into the Department's arms control and nonproliferation work.
    I became a career civil servant in 2005, and since 2006, I have held
    various leadership positions in the Bureau of International Security
    and Nonproliferation working to protect the American people from the
    dangers posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and
    their delivery systems. As a career officer, I have endeavored across
    four presidential administrations to minimize the threat of nuclear,
    chemical, biological, and advanced conventional weapons and the
    destabilization these weapons can cause. However, despite tremendous
    bipartisan efforts and the steadfast leadership of this committee to
    stem the tide of these most destructive and horrible weapons, the
    challenges only appear to be growing. Indeed, the explosion of
    technology seems to create as many problems for our security as it
    solves for our society. In the late hours of the evening, I reflect
    upon the increasing challenges we face; and I arrive to work every
    morning resolved and determined to do something about them.
        In this commitment, I am not alone. I am privileged to serve the
    American people alongside a remarkable group of colleagues who share my
    dedication: the men and women serving in the Bureau of International
    Security and Nonproliferation, who frustrate our adversaries and are
    respected by our allies and friends throughout the world. I am inspired
    by these public servants who gladly accept personal sacrifices to serve
    our nation. The President's confidence in me, a career officer, is an
    honor for me and my family, but it is also a testament to the expertise
    and ability of the remarkable professionals in the Bureau. Indeed, the
    Bureau is an extraordinary collection of civil servants, foreign
    service officers, and contractors with expertise in the physical
    sciences, engineering, intelligence, military sciences, communications,
    and program administration. Many are leading subject matter experts
    with international reputations. I am in awe of the tremendous skills
    and knowledge and dedication they bring to tackle some of the most
    pressing security problems facing the nation and the world. If
    confirmed, I will work even harder to empower my colleagues to tackle
    the challenges this committee expects us to meet.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, the Ranking Member, and members of the
    committee for your time and attention today and for your consideration
    of my nomination. I look forward to answering your questions.

        Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Kang.
        Mr. Scheinman?

     STATEMENT OF HON. ADAM SCHEINMAN OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
          SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT FOR NUCLEAR
             NONPROLIFERATION, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR

        Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking
    Member Hagerty, and all other members of the committee present
    today. It is really an honor to appear today as President
    Biden's nominee for Special Representative of the President for
    Nuclear Nonproliferation.
        I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for
    the confidence placed in me, and I am very pleased to be here
    today with my old friend Eliot Kang and all other nominees here
    today.
        Mr. Chairman, this is my second time nominated to serve in
    this position. The first followed more than two decades in the
    Federal civil service working on issues related to nuclear
    weapons proliferation and related nuclear risks. And for the
    last 4 years, I served on the faculty of the National War
    College which, among other benefits, was a welcome opportunity
    to step back and view nuclear matters through a wider lens.
        At the War College, we teach that major U.S. national
    security challenges are best met using all instruments of
    power--diplomatic, military, economic, and informational. And
    in partnership with friends and allies and, on occasion, our
    competitors. A perfect illustration is nuclear proliferation.
    It is a challenge to our vital interests and one for which
    there are no purely military or political solutions.
        There is no doubt that the international system is in
    transition. It is increasingly competitive. It is less
    predictable, and in a time of turbulence, some would ask
    whether the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, or the NPT--an
    agreement conceived in the Cold War period--was still fit for
    purpose. To my mind, the answer is a resounding ``yes.'' There
    is no nuclear weapons challenge facing the United States for
    which the NPT limits our strategic options or for which better
    options would be available in the treaty's absence.
        On the contrary, the NPT is a force multiplier and extends
    the range and reach of our nuclear diplomacy and global
    confidence in nonproliferation norms and all the supporting
    institutions. This, I think, explains the continuity of U.S.
    bipartisan support for the NPT, support that spans 12
    presidencies--6 Democratic and 6 Republican administrations
    from President Kennedy to President Biden.
        As in prior decades, it certainly remains true that nuclear
    proliferation dangers are best tackled not alone, but through
    collective action, and the NPT anchors that action. It is the
    basis for assembling diplomatic coalitions to confront
    countries like Iran and North Korea. Its wide, robust
    international safeguards came into being, and we continue to
    strengthen them. And it provides a framework for peaceful
    nuclear cooperation and restraint on transfers of the most
    sensitive nuclear technologies.
        It also permeates U.S. alliances that are themselves potent
    instruments of nonproliferation policy. Same time we have to
    acknowledge that the NPT is not immune from pressures that
    could erode its appeal. Regional grievances, rising frustration
    of parties over the slow pace on nuclear disarmament actions
    are really serious problems for the NPT's political process.
    And no one here needs any imagination to guess at the
    consequences for the treaty and for international security if
    Iran were to take the path of North Korea and withdraw from the
    treaty to develop nuclear weapons.
        If confirmed, I look forward to doing my part to advance a
    broad U.S. strategy to strengthen the NPT in all aspects. There
    is much work to do, from strengthening the institutional
    machinery for nonproliferation to reassuring allies that they
    can depend on the United States for defense and deterrence and
    providing the arms control enterprise that President Biden has
    started with the agreement with Russia on a 5-year extension of
    the New START Treaty. These are important steps, and I hope
    they lay the groundwork for additional measures.
        Most significantly, our NPT agenda requires steady U.S.
    leadership. We were present at the creation of the
    nonproliferation regime. No other state has our reach or our
    influence to sustain it. And if confirmed, I pledge to do my
    part to carry forward the legacy of U.S. leadership, working
    closely with Congress, with my interagency colleagues and our
    foreign partners to preserve and strengthen this vital
    instrument.
        So, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome any questions you or
    members of the committee may have.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Scheinman follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Adam M. Scheinman

        Thank you Mr. Chairman and members of the committee.
        It is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's
    nominee for Special Representative of the President for Nuclear
    Nonproliferation. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken
    for the confidence they have placed in me. I am also very pleased to be
    here today with my fellow nominees.
        Mr. Chairman, this is my second time being nominated for this
    position. The first time capped more than two decades in the federal
    civil service dedicated to preventing nuclear weapons proliferation and
    related nuclear risks. More recently, I served on the faculty of the
    National War College, which was a welcome break from the day-to-day
    rhythms of government work but also an opportunity to step back and
    view nuclear matters through a wider lens.
        At the war college, we teach that major U.S. national security
    challenges are best met using all instruments of power--diplomatic,
    military, economic and informational--and in partnership with friends,
    allies, and on occasion our competitors. A perfect illustration is
    nuclear proliferation, a challenge to our vital interests and for which
    there are no purely military or political solutions.
        There can be no doubt that the international system is in
    transition, increasingly competitive and less predictable. In a time of
    such turbulence, some ask whether the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty--or NPT, an agreement conceived in the Cold War era--is ``fit
    for purpose.''
        To my mind, this question answers itself resoundingly in the
    affirmative. There is no realistic nuclear weapons challenge facing the
    United States for which the NPT limits our strategic options or for
    which better options would be available in the treaty's absence. To the
    contrary, the NPT is a force multiplier, extending the range and reach
    of U.S. nuclear diplomacy and global confidence in nonproliferation
    norms, rules and supporting institutions. This explains the continuity
    of U.S. bipartisan support for this treaty, support that spans twelve
    presidencies, from President Kennedy to President Biden--that's six
    Democratic and six Republican administrations.
        As in prior decades, we recognize today that nuclear proliferation
    dangers are best tackled not alone but through collective action. The
    NPT anchors such action. It is the basis for assembling diplomatic
    coalitions to confront Iran and North Korea. It is why robust
    international nuclear safeguards came into being and continue to
    strengthen. It provides a framework for peaceful nuclear cooperation
    and restraint on transfers of sensitive nuclear technologies. And it
    permeates U.S. alliances that are themselves potent instruments of
    nonproliferation policy.
        At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the NPT is not
    immune to pressures that over time may erode its appeal. Regional
    grievances and rising frustration of many parties over the slow pace of
    nuclear disarmament actions are serious problems that roil the NPT's
    political process. And one needs little imagination to guess at the
    consequences for the treaty and international security if Iran were to
    take the path of North Korea by seeking to withdraw from the treaty to
    develop nuclear weapons.
        If confirmed, I look forward to doing my part to advance a broad
    U.S. strategy to strengthen the NPT in all its aspects. There is much
    work to do, from strengthening international safeguards, to expanding
    peaceful nuclear cooperation without adding to proliferation dangers,
    to enhancing the security incentives of states to support the NPT.
    Reassuring allies that rely on the United States for defense and
    deterrence is one such measure. Another is reviving the nuclear arms
    control enterprise, as the Biden administration has advanced by
    reaching agreement with Russia on a five-year extension of the New
    START Treaty. The agreement to resume a high-level dialogue on
    strategic stability is another welcome development, one that can lay
    the groundwork for additional measures.
        Most significantly, our NPT agenda requires steady U.S. leadership.
    We were present at the creation of the nonproliferation regime and no
    other state has our reach or influence to sustain it. If confirmed, I
    pledge to do my part to carry forward the legacy of U.S. leadership,
    working closely with Congress, my interagency colleagues, and our
    foreign partners to preserve and strengthen a treaty system that
    contributes so much to the nation's security.
        Thank you again, Mr. Chairman. I welcome any questions you or other
    members of the committee may have.

        Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Scheinman.
        We will now turn to Ambassador Bernicat.

    STATEMENT OF HON. MARCIA STEPHENS BLOOM BERNICAT OF NEW JERSEY,
      A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF THE
      MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE
                            FOREIGN SERVICE

        Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator
    Coons, Ranking Member Senator Hagerty, distinguished members of
    the committee. I am honored to appear before you today.
        I sincerely thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
    the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
    Director General of the Foreign Service and to serve as
    Director of Global Talent Management. If confirmed, I will work
    with the members of this committee to build a workforce better
    able to confront the breadth and depth of challenges we face in
    the 21st century.
        Supporting the more than 76,000 women and men who make up
    our diverse global team would be the highest privilege of my
    four-decade career. I am inspired by my colleagues who so
    dutiful serve our Nation, too often in harm's way. They deserve
    our full support, and their welfare will be my north star.
        Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my aunt and
    uncle, Blanche and Robert Stephens; my sister and brother-in-
    law, Kathryn and Luther White; and brother and sister-in-law,
    Rodney and Cindy Bloom. I would also like to thank my sons,
    Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, and their father,
    Olivier, who hold a special place in my heart in no small part
    for having shared this Foreign Service journey with me across
    the globe.
        As Secretary Blinken noted when he came before this
    committee, when America does not lead on the global stage,
    others who do not necessarily have our best interests at heart
    and mind fill the void, or the challenges simply go
    unaddressed. In order to lead with diplomacy, we need a strong
    State Department.
        Our team has been tested in unprecedented ways over the
    last 20 months. Most recently mobilizing to evacuate more than
    123,000 people, including 6,000 U.S. citizens, 2,800 locally
    employed staff from Afghanistan, one of the largest
    noncombatant evacuations in U.S. history. And this effort was
    preceded in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic by our
    coordinating the repatriation of over 100,000 Americans from
    136 different countries and territories in less than 6 months.
        A 21st century workforce must reflect our diverse Nation.
    If confirmed, I will prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion,
    and accessibility so the Department is fully representative of
    the American people and is a workplace where every employee is
    treated with dignity and respect and has an equal opportunity
    for professional development and promotion. I will work with
    Ambassador Winstanley, the Department's first Chief Diversity
    and Inclusion Officer, to ensure the initiatives she leads are
    embedded at every level of our organization.
        Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 months we have adapted to
    unprecedented circumstances. At State, we are building on that
    experience to invest in a workforce that is more mobile, agile,
    and expeditionary, especially one that gets outside capitals
    more often to directly engage local communities.
        The virtual world provides new tools and expanded outreach,
    for example [inaudible]. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we
    are prepared to return to the workplace while taking full
    advantage of a more hybrid workforce and environment.
        We will also need to build a broader knowledge set to meet
    the challenges our Nation faces--from preventing the next
    pandemic, harnessing the full potential of emerging
    technologies, and addressing climate change, to strengthening
    our alliances and countering our adversaries.
        Our diversity as a nation gives us strategic advantage. By
    seeking the best talent, most creative minds, and our fellow
    citizens' varied experiences and backgrounds, State is better
    equipped to advance America's security, its other interests,
    our values, and commitment to democracy. In our diversity, we
    embody the values to which our Nation aspires, and we also
    inspire Americans to pursue a life of service and give young
    people across the globe hope for a better future.
        Finally, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen
    accountability, empowering our employees to take risks, learn
    from their mistakes, and assume greater responsibility for
    their decisions. And I will endeavor to make healing central to
    all my efforts--from a pandemic that robbed us of too many
    colleagues and family members, from the withdrawal from
    Afghanistan where so many of our employees served over the past
    two decades, and from the racial and social strife that has
    rocked our country and our workforce.
        Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. I
    look forward to answering your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Bernicat follows:]

           Prepared Statement of Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat

        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members
    of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today. I sincerely
    thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they
    have placed in me as their nominee for Director General of the Foreign
    Service and Director of Global Talent Management.
        If confirmed, I will work with the members of this committee to
    build a workforce better able to confront the breadth and depth of
    challenges we face in the 21st century. Supporting the more than 76,000
    women and men who make up our diverse, global team will be the highest
    privilege of my four-decade career. I am inspired by the women and men
    who so dutifully serve our nation, too often in harm's way. They
    deserve our full support and their welfare will be my north star.
        Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my Aunt and Uncle Blanche
    and Robert Stephens, the matriarch and patriarch of our family, my
    sister and brother-in-law Kathryn and Luther White and brother and
    sister-in-law Rodney and Cindy Bloom. I'd also like to thank my sons,
    Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, and their father Olivier, who
    hold a special place in my heart in no small part for having shared
    this Foreign Service journey with me across the globe.
        As Secretary Blinken noted when he came before this committee, when
    America does not lead on the global stage others who do not necessarily
    have our best interests in mind fill the void, or the challenges simply
    go unaddressed. In order to lead with diplomacy, we need a strong State
    Department.
        Our team has been tested in unprecedented ways over the last 20
    months, most recently mobilizing to evacuate more than 123,000 people,
    including 6,000 U.S. citizens and 2,800 Locally Employed Staff from
    Afghanistan, one of the largest non-combatant evacuations in U.S.
    history. This effort was preceded, in the wake of the COVID pandemic,
    by coordinating the repatriation of 101,386 Americans from 136
    countries and territories in less than six months.
        A 21st century workforce must reflect our diverse nation. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion, and
    accessibility so the Department is fully representative of the American
    people and is a workplace where every employee is treated with dignity
    and respect and has an equal opportunity for professional development
    and promotion. I look forward to working with Ambassador Abercrombie-
    Winstanley, the Department's first Chief Diversity and Inclusion
    Officer, to ensure the initiatives she leads are embedded at every
    level of the organization.
        Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 months we have adapted to
    unprecedented circumstances. At State we are building on that
    experience to invest in a workforce that is more mobile, agile and
    expeditionary; especially one that gets outside capitals more often to
    directly engage local communities. The virtual world also provides new
    tools for outreach. Our national network successfully recruited record
    numbers of outstanding, diverse candidates for the Pickering, Rangel,
    and Foreign Affairs IT Fellowships, and pursued ambitious efforts
    focused on diversity for career candidates. If confirmed, I will work
    closely with the Office of Management and Budget and the Office of
    Personnel Management to ensure we are prepared to return to the
    workplace while taking full advantage of a more hybrid workforce and
    environment.
        We will also need to build a broader knowledge set to meet the
    challenges and benefits from the opportunities our nation faces--from
    preventing the next pandemic, harnessing the full potential of emerging
    technologies and addressing climate change, to strengthening our
    alliances and countering our adversaries. Our diversity as a nation
    gives us strategic advantages. By seeking the best talent, most
    creative minds, and our fellow citizens' rich and varied experiences
    and backgrounds, State is better able to advance America's security,
    interests, values, and commitment to democracy. In our diversity we
    embody the values to which our nation aspires, inspire Americans to
    pursue a life of service and give young people across the globe hope
    for a better future.
        Finally, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen accountability,
    empowering employees to take risks, learn from their mistakes, and
    assume responsibility for their decisions. And I will endeavor to make
    healing central to all my efforts--from a pandemic that robbed us of
    too many colleagues and family members; from the withdrawal from
    Afghanistan, where so many of our employees served over the past two
    decades; and from the racial and social strife that has rocked our
    country and our workforce.
        Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. I look
    forward to your questions.

        Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Next we will turn to Ms. Crocker.

      STATEMENT OF HON. BATHSHEBA NELL CROCKER OF THE DISTRICT OF
     COLUMBIA, NOMINATED TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES
       OF AMERICA TO THE OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND OTHER
        INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN GENEVA, WITH THE RANK OF
                               AMBASSADOR

        Ms. Crocker. Thank you, Senator Coons, Ranking Member
    Hagerty, and distinguished members of this committee.
        I am honored to appear before you today as President
    Biden's nominee to be the Representative of the United States
    to the United Nations and Other International Organizations in
    Geneva. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary of State
    Blinken for this opportunity to again serve my country.
        I am so grateful for the love and support of my husband,
    Milan Vaishnav, our daughters, Asha and Farrin, and for their
    sacrifice, should I be confirmed to take on this important
    role. I am also thankful for the support of my father, Chester
    Crocker, and my sisters and their families, and I am thinking
    today of my mom, who would have so proud to witness me
    appearing before this committee again.
        My parents instilled in me a deep commitment to public
    service. I have had no greater honor than serving my country,
    side by side with our career diplomatic corps. And I am
    especially proud that my father and I are the only father-
    daughter Assistant Secretaries of State in State Department
    history.
        My previous roles as Assistant Secretary of State for
    International Organization Affairs at the United Nations and
    overseeing CARE USA's humanitarian work have shown me that the
    United Nations works most effectively when the United States
    leads and leverages all of the tools at our disposal to advance
    U.S. national security interests across and through the United
    Nations system.
        My previous experiences position me well to represent the
    United States across the many different organizations in Geneva
    and ensure sound oversight of the U.S. contributions to those
    organizations. I am committed to advancing reforms to make
    those organizations more efficient and effective and to
    ensuring the United States is best positioned to lead, to
    collaborate, and, where necessary, to outcompete, so that the
    United Nations system remains grounded on its foundational
    values of advancing human rights, democracy, economic
    opportunity, and international peace and security.
        China, Russia, Cuba, and others are threatening those
    values, seeking to co-opt multilateral institutions, including
    Geneva-based organizations, to impose their national agendas
    and reshape the rules-based international organizations. For
    example, at the International Telecommunications Union, the
    People's Republic of China and Russia aimed to undercut U.S.
    efforts to protect the open Internet. If confirmed, I will work
    to ensure that the United States and our like-minded partners
    can drive the discussion and the rules of the road, at the ITU
    and other standard-setting bodies, and support strong
    candidates for leadership in the Geneva-based organizations.
        The Biden-Harris administration decided that the United
    States should run for re-election to the U.N. Human Rights
    Council to ensure that body focuses on the world's worst human
    rights violators. The Geneva-based organizations are critical
    to U.S. efforts to address the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthen
    global health security, and support effective and efficient
    provision of humanitarian assistance in crisis and conflict
    situations around the world. The World Health Organization is a
    central pillar of the global house security architecture.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. leadership in the
    efforts to strengthen the WHO through reforms that promote
    transparency, accountability, cost effectiveness,
    sustainability, and equity across the agency and its programs.
    I am committed to ensuring that the organization can more
    effectively and transparently tackle COVID-19 and future
    emerging global health threats in collaboration with other U.N.
    and international partners.
        During my time at CARE USA, I saw firsthand the key role,
    the vital role that the United States plays in leading and
    supporting humanitarian efforts around the globe. In Geneva,
    the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the
    International Organization on Migration, the Office of the
    Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs, and the International
    Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent are key partners in
    those efforts. And if confirmed, I will ensure robust U.S.
    leadership and oversight at those agencies and look to leverage
    U.S. contributions to drive needed reforms and ensure other
    countries step up.
        At their best, Geneva-based organizations are valuable
    partners across an array of U.S. priorities, including global
    health security, human rights, humanitarian assistance,
    technology, and other standard-setting efforts, climate change,
    intellectual property, trade disarmament, and more.
        If confirmed, I will aim to reestablish U.S. relationships
    and leadership so that we can effectively leverage the unique
    multilateral platform Geneva offers to work with allies and
    partners, the private sector, and civil society to advance U.S.
    goals and push back on PRC and others' efforts to undermine
    those organizations.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this
    committee today. I look forward to your questions and, if
    confirmed, to working with this committee to ensure that USUN
    Geneva effectively meets the challenges of today's strategic
    landscape.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Crocker follows:]

             Prepared Statement of The Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker

        Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member, and distinguished
    members of this committee.
        I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to
    be the Representative of the United States of America to the United
    Nations and Other International Organizations in Geneva. I am grateful
    to President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken for this opportunity
    to again serve my country.
        I am so grateful for the love and support of my husband, Milan
    Vaishnav, and our daughters, Asha and Farrin--and for their sacrifice
    should I be confirmed to take on this important role. I am also
    thankful for the support of my father, Chester Crocker and my sisters
    and their families, and am thinking today of my mom, who would have
    been so proud to witness me appearing before this committee again.
        My parents instilled in me a deep commitment to public service. I
    have had no greater honor than serving my country side-by-side with our
    career diplomatic corps, and I am especially proud that my father and I
    are the only father-daughter Assistant Secretaries of State in State
    Department history.
        My previous roles as Assistant Secretary of State for International
    Organization Affairs, at the United Nations, and overseeing CARE USA's
    humanitarian work have shown me that the United Nations works most
    effectively when the United States leads and leverages all the tools at
    our disposal to advance U.S. national security interests across and
    through the United Nations system.
        My previous experiences position me well to represent the United
    States across the different organizations in Geneva and ensure sound
    oversight of the U.S. contributions to those organizations. I am
    committed to advancing reforms to make those organizations more
    efficient and effective and to ensuring the United States is best
    positioned to lead, to collaborate, and, where necessary, to out-
    compete--so that the United Nations system remains grounded on its
    foundational values of advancing human rights, democracy, economic
    opportunity, and international peace and security.
        China, Russia, Cuba, and others are threatening those values,
    seeking to co-opt multilateral institutions, including Geneva-based
    organizations, to impose their national agendas and reshape the rules-
    based international order.
        At the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), the PRC and
    Russia aim to undercut U.S. efforts to protect the open internet. If
    confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States and our like-minded
    partners can drive the discussion and the rules of the road--at the ITU
    and other standard-setting bodies--and support strong candidates for
    leadership in the Geneva-based organizations.
        The Biden-Harris administration decided that the United States
    should run for re-election to the U.N. Human Rights Council to ensure
    that body focuses on shining a spotlight on the world's worst human
    rights violators.
        The Geneva-based organizations are critical to U.S. efforts to
    address the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthen global health security, and
    support effective and efficient provision of humanitarian assistance in
    crisis and conflict situations.
        The World Health Organization is a central pillar of the global
    health security architecture. If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S.
    leadership in the efforts to strengthen the WHO through reforms that
    promote transparency, accountability, sustainability, cost
    effectiveness, and equity across the agency and its programs. I am
    committed to ensuring that the organization can more effectively and
    transparently tackle COVID-19 and future emerging global health threats
    in collaboration with other U.N. and international partners.
        During my time at CARE USA, I saw firsthand the critical role the
    U.S. plays in leading and supporting humanitarian efforts around the
    globe. In Geneva, the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the
    International Organization on Migration, the Office of the Coordinator
    for Humanitarian Affairs, and the International Committee of the Red
    Cross and Red Crescent are key partners in those efforts, and, if
    confirmed, I will ensure robust U.S. leadership and oversight at those
    agencies and look to leverage U.S. contributions to drive needed
    reforms and ensure other countries step up.
        At their best, the Geneva-based organizations are valuable partners
    across an array of U.S. priorities, including global health security,
    human rights, humanitarian assistance, technology and other standard
    setting efforts, climate change, intellectual property, trade,
    disarmament, and more. If confirmed, I will aim to re-establish U.S.
    relationships and leadership so that we can effectively leverage the
    unique multilateral platform Geneva offers to work with allies and
    partners, the private sector, and civil society to advance U.S. goals
    and pushback on PRC and others' efforts to undermine those
    organizations.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this committee
    today. I look forward to your questions and, if confirmed, to working
    with this committee to ensure that USUN Geneva effectively meets the
    challenges of today's strategic landscape.

        Senator Coons. Thank you, Ms. Crocker.
        Dr. Carpenter, you are our last of our five nominees today.
    We look forward to your opening statement.

    STATEMENT OF DR. MICHAEL CARPENTER OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
      NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR
    SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR

        Dr. Carpenter. Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member
    Hagerty, and members of the committee for this opportunity to
    appear before you today as the President's nominee for
    Permanent Representative to the Organization for Security and
    Cooperation in Europe.
        It is a tremendous honor to be nominated for this position,
    and I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
    the confidence they have placed in me.
        I would also like to thank my parents, my spouse, and our
    two children for their endless love and support.
        My mother immigrated to this country from Poland. She was
    born during World War II while my grandparents, both
    physicians, were fighting the Nazi occupation as clandestine
    officers in the underground Home Army. After the war, the
    Communist dictatorship rewarded their heroism by confiscating
    their property and torturing my grandfather to divulge the
    names of his fellow officers. He refused, even when it cost him
    his job at the local hospital. Over four decades later, though,
    he lived to see the Solidarity movement sweep aside the
    oppressive Communist regime.
        My family's struggles against totalitarianism instilled in
    me an appreciation for the democratic freedoms we enjoy as
    Americans and a conviction that they must never be taken for
    granted. I graduated from high school in 1989, the very year
    that communism was defeated in Central Europe. After earning a
    doctorate studying democratic movements, I joined the Foreign
    Service.
        I was working on the South Caucasus when Russia invaded
    Georgia in 2008, and I was serving as NSC Director for Russia
    when it invaded Ukraine in 2014. Later, at the Pentagon, I led
    efforts to strengthen and support the sovereignty and
    territorial integrity and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the
    countries between NATO and Russia.
        Today, the optimism of 1989 seems distant. Democratic
    institutions are under assault, and increasingly aggressive
    authoritarian regimes seem to weaken and divide democratic
    states against one another. A Communist dictatorship in China
    is trampling human rights and using economic coercion against
    other states.
        A revanchist Russia is repressing civil society and using
    active measures to disrupt and weaken democratic rivals. In
    many countries within the OSCE space, anti-Semitism, racism,
    and intolerance are gaining ground. Judicial independence is
    eroding. Journalists are harassed. And ruling parties with no
    interest in fair electoral competition are capturing state
    institutions.
        Recognizing the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I would
    highlight the following three vital areas, where, if confirmed,
    I would seek to partner with the members of this committee as
    well as with the Helsinki Commission.
        First, to promote comprehensive security across all three
    OSCE dimensions--politico-military, economic and environmental,
    and human rights. Participating states must address not just
    conventional military threats, but also hybrid threats, such as
    election interference, energy coercion, disinformation, dark
    money, cyber operations, and transnational repression. We need
    to find ways not only to shine a light on these malign
    activities, but also to defend ourselves and our democratic
    partners against them.
        Second, to promote prosperity and rule of law,
    participating states must establish stronger anti-corruption
    measures, both east and west of Vienna. Corruption erodes
    economic growth, it undermines security, and it enables state
    capture. Like-minded states must work together to fight
    kleptocracy, using tools like criminal statues against bribery,
    Global Magnitsky-style sanctions, and collective action against
    offshore secrecy.
        Third, our allies and partners must work together to
    strength the resilience of frontline democracies. In Ukraine,
    Georgia, Moldova, Armenia, and many Balkan countries, OSCE
    institutions offer a range of tools for strengthening
    democratic resilience. Supporting religious freedom, media
    pluralism, electoral reform, and judicial independence all fall
    into this basket, as do efforts to bridge societal divides and
    resolve longstanding conflicts.
        Lastly, I want to acknowledge the instrumental role that
    Congress plays in achieving these goals. Whenever Members of
    this body observe an election, condemn human rights abuses, or
    demand push back against foreign coercion, you serve as a force
    multiplier. If confirmed, it will be an honor to work the
    members of this committee, the Helsinki commissioners, and
    other Members of Congress to advance our shared interest in
    democracy, transparency, prosperity, and security for the
    American people.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Dr. Carpenter follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Dr. Michael Carpenter

        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the
    committee for this opportunity to appear before you as the President's
    nominee for Permanent Representative to the Organization for Security
    and Cooperation in Europe. It is a tremendous honor to be nominated for
    this position and I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
        I would also like to thank my parents, my spouse, and our two
    children for their endless love and support.
        My mother immigrated to this country from Poland. She was born
    during World War II while my grandparents, both physicians, were
    fighting the Nazi occupation as clandestine officers in the underground
    Home Army. After the war, the Communist dictatorship rewarded their
    heroism by confiscating their property and torturing my grandfather to
    divulge the names of his fellow officers. He refused, even when it cost
    him his job at the local hospital. Over four decades later, though, he
    lived to see the Solidarity movement sweep aside the oppressive
    Communist regime.
        My family's struggles against totalitarianism instilled in me an
    appreciation for the democratic freedoms we enjoy as Americans and a
    conviction that they must never be taken for granted. I graduated from
    high school in 1989, the very year Communism was defeated in Central
    Europe. After earning a doctorate studying democratic movements, I
    joined the Foreign Service. I was working on the South Caucasus region
    when Russia invaded Georgia in 2008 and was serving as NSC Director for
    Russia when it invaded Ukraine in 2014. Later, at the Pentagon, I led
    efforts to strengthen and support the sovereignty, territorial
    integrity, and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the countries between NATO
    and Russia.
        Today, the optimism of 1989 admittedly seems distant. Democratic
    institutions are under assault and increasingly aggressive
    authoritarian regimes seek to weaken and divide democratic states
    against one other. A Communist dictatorship in China is trampling human
    rights and using economic coercion against other states. A revanchist
    Russia is repressing civil society and using ``active measures'' to
    disrupt and weaken democratic rivals. In many countries within the OSCE
    space, anti-Semitism, racism, and intolerance are gaining ground.
    Judicial independence is eroding, journalists are harassed, and ruling
    parties with no interest in fair electoral competition are capturing
    state institutions.
        Fortunately, the OSCE is uniquely suited to addressing these
    challenges. The Helsinki Final Act's linkages between security,
    economic relations, and human rights and its insistence that the latter
    are not an internal matter but a legitimate concern for all members of
    the international community have been transformational. Today, all
    participating States are held to account for their adherence to OSCE
    principles and commitments. If confirmed, I will continue speaking up
    for human dignity, freedom, and justice wherever they are challenged in
    the OSCE region. There are also bright spots and positive changes
    occurring. Though often less visible, OSCE field missions in Central
    Asia, the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe do highly impactful work
    to promote security, human rights, and rule of law at the local level.
        Recognizing the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I would
    highlight the following three vital areas where, if confirmed, I would
    seek to partner with the members of this committee as well as the
    Helsinki Commission:
        First, to promote comprehensive security across all three OSCE
    dimensions--politico-military, economic and environmental, and human
    rights--participating States must address not just conventional
    military threats but also ``hybrid'' threats such as election
    interference, energy coercion, disinformation, dark money, cyber
    operations, and transnational repression. We need to find ways not only
    to shine a light on these malign activities but also to defend
    ourselves and our democratic partners against them.
        Second, to promote prosperity and rule of law, participating States
    must establish stronger anti-corruption measures both east and west of
    Vienna. Corruption erodes economic growth, undermines security, and
    enables state capture. Like-minded states must work together to fight
    kleptocracy, using tools like criminal statutes against bribery, Global
    Magnitsky-style sanctions, and collective action against offshore
    secrecy.
        Third, our allies and partners must work together to strengthen the
    resilience of frontline democracies. In Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova,
    Armenia, and many Balkan countries, OSCE institutions offer a range of
    tools for strengthening democratic resilience. Supporting religious
    freedom, media pluralism, electoral reform, and judicial independence
    all fall into this basket, as do efforts to bridge societal divides and
    resolve longstanding conflicts.
        Lastly, I want to acknowledge the instrumental role that Congress
    plays in achieving these goals. Whenever members of this body observe
    an election, condemn human rights abuses, or demand pushback against
    foreign coercion, you serve as a force multiplier. If confirmed, it
    will be an honor to work with the members of this committee, the
    Helsinki Commissioners, and other members of Congress to advance our
    shared interest in democracy, transparency, prosperity, and security
    for the American people.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.

        Senator Coons. Thank you.
        And now I am going to begin an initial round of 5 minutes.
    We have a robust participation in this virtual hearing, and I
    will ask just a few brief questions. I will try to direct one
    to each of the nominees, and then we will proceed to a first
    round. And if members are interested in a second round, if you
    please convey that to my team while we are doing these
    questions, that would be quite helpful.
        Dr. Kang, if you would just briefly describe to me what
    would the ISN Bureau's highest priorities be under your
    leadership?
        Dr. Kang. Thank you for that question, Senator Coons.
        I have--my career has been focused on nuclear matters,
    whether it be related to nuclear security, nuclear safeguards,
    even nuclear safety. But my biggest fear has always been a
    biological weapon that is unleashed on the world. And the
    COVID-19 pandemic right now is a wake-up call, and this is an
    area I have been very concerned about for many, many years.
        Four years ago, when I was Acting Assistant Secretary
    during the transition between President Obama and President
    Trump, I tried very much to increase our capability in this
    area in the Bureau. We have a very small staff even now, less
    than a half a dozen. Most of them, fellows, are from elsewhere.
    But when I consider that I had led diplomacy and engagement
    with our foreign partners and elsewhere to make everyone
    cognizant of a danger a radiological device could create, the
    mayhem that it could create and wreak on our economy and the
    casualties it could cause, just imagine what if COVID-19 was a
    purposely designed biological weapon.
        Now, state parties would be hesitant to use such a weapon.
    But I could clearly see a nihilistic group of terrorists and
    the threshold for creating something like this is not as high
    as creating a nuclear weapon without apparatus of a state with
    its engineering and manufacturing capabilities.
        So that is my greatest fear. Yet at the same time, the
    international instrument that at least my Bureau is responsible
    for, the Biological Weapons Convention, is the least
    institutionalized, least developed, and in many ways least
    significant of the many nonproliferation regime out there. So,
    sir, this is one area where I will be focused like a laser beam
    and trying to make some advances.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Kang. I will ask one more
    question, and then I will be asking in a second round.
        Mr. Scheinman, if I could? The NPT tries to balance
    peaceful use of nuclear energy with the goals of preventing the
    proliferation of sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technologies in
    enrichment and reprocessing and reducing the risk of the
    proliferation of nuclear weapons technology. How should the
    United States balance those two goals, and what would you do to
    help improve the effectiveness of the NPT?
        Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you very much for the question,
    Senator Coons. It is really a critical issue for the long-term
    success of the nonproliferation system because if we do not
    adequate controls over peaceful use of nuclear technology, we
    are very likely to see additional proliferation down the road.
        There are two areas where I think we need to spend a lot of
    time and energy. One is ensuring that the IAEA, the
    International Atomic Energy Agency's verification system is as
    strong and robust as possible, that we have agreements among
    states to make it as strong and robust as possible, so that we
    have a very clear firebreak between a country's peaceful
    nuclear program and any potential that that program might be
    put to weapons.
        The system has worked pretty well, but it could certainly
    be improved. And one area in particular that we hope to see
    improvement on is gaining global support for the additional
    protocol to the IAEA safeguards agreement, which is essential
    if we are going to ferret out undeclared nuclear programs.
    Absolutely essential.
        The other area is perhaps a bit outside of the NPT, but it
    deals with supplier policies. I worry about the spread of the
    most sensitive nuclear fuel production technologies, enrichment
    and reprocessing, because if that spreads to additional
    countries, it would be very, very challenging to prevent
    countries from not using that for military purposes down the
    road. So we have to work with the export control supply regime,
    the nuclear suppliers group to encourage the highest level of
    restraint in those transfers.
        We need to work with other nuclear suppliers so that we
    have understandings that when we sign contracts, it is not
    going to include enrichment and reprocessing technology. And we
    should acknowledge in the NPT itself that certain technologies
    are more dangerous than others, and we ought to erect the
    highest possible barriers. So that is some of the ways I think
    we can look at that.
        Senator Coons. Okay, thank you, Mr. Scheinman. I look
    forward to a next round where I will try to question our three
    other nominees.
        Senator Hagerty? Senator Hagerty, you are muted.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ambassador Bernicat, I would like to start with you. I
    would like to begin with a quote from Ambassadors Bill Burns
    and Linda Thomas-Greenfield, and this is the quote. ``The
    personnel evaluation process consumes 3 months of an officer's
    time, with no commensurate accountability for, let alone
    improvement in, individual or collective performance.''
        As U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I worked with some very
    talented colleagues in the State Department, but I can
    certainly sympathize with that statement, given the amount of
    time that people spent on performance evaluations. And I recall
    a saying that if one wants to offer criticism at the Department
    of State that one does it by damning someone by faint praise,
    as they say. I cannot tell you how many 5s I saw on personnel
    evaluation forms. And I strongly advocate for having a more
    rigorous evaluation process to ensure that accountability is at
    the center of the State Department's personnel process.
        So my first question is do you agree with the
    characterization of the State Department's personnel evaluation
    process as described by Ambassadors Burns and Thomas-
    Greenfield?
        Ambassador Bernicat. Senator, thank you very much for that
    question, and you know from your own experience how time-
    consuming our performance evaluation process is.
        I have to say, having served with Linda Thomas-Greenfield
    when she was Director General and being a colleague of Bill
    Burns over the years, I know that Linda in particular worked
    very hard to reform the EER process, which we did. I can tell
    you, if confirmed, I will rededicate my efforts to further
    reforms, which I understand are already being considered.
        The evaluation process is the sole means by which we
    promote people, but it is really the penultimate activity in
    what should be a year's worth of performance evaluation. And as
    a supervisor, I have always--and a leader, I have always
    encouraged my team, if you are a supervisor, to provide honesty
    feedback throughout the year and with the notion of improving
    performance because no one is perfect. And then as to my
    employees to seek that kind of critical feedback because it is
    very hard to see our blind spots, and our performance in those
    blind spots change from time to time. So I assure you that we
    have improvements we can make, and we should make them.
        Senator Hagerty. I am glad to hear it and look forward to
    working with you to talk through metrics. And again, I do not
    mean critical in a bad sense, but as I said, the performance
    evaluations seem so inflated to me as a business person that it
    is hard, it is hard for a person to see how they might improve
    when anyone--when everybody gets such high scores in the
    system.
        One more place I want to turn is the issue of promotion in
    the State Department, Ambassador. Again, I am going to come
    back to Bill Burns and Linda Thomas-Greenfield. They also said
    this, that opportunities for mid-career graduate or
    professional education are scarce--and here is what gets me--
    and they carry little weight with promotion panels.
        The effect is often to penalize employees who receive extra
    training or undertake assignments to other agencies, or they
    work in Congress because they have gone outside of the State
    Department system and spent time there. And if what they say is
    true, it really seems counterproductive to me to building a
    diplomatic corps, that we want to have the type of breadth of
    experience and preparation for the 21st century. And if
    confirmed, I would love to hear how you would ensure that
    professional education, experiences like working on the Hill,
    are something that actually inures to the credit of our State
    Department employees.
        Ambassador Bernicat. Yes, well, thank you. I would say
    three things on this issue.
        One is that expanding your skill set as a Foreign Service
    officer at whatever point in your career is considered a
    valuable and credible reason to promote someone. In and of
    itself, the training is not a promotable function, if you will,
    but have you applied the skills that you learned in that
    additional training or time off?
        Secondly, the promotion boards. Again, my experience as an
    employee and as a supervisor, promotion boards have been
    instructed to in recent years to give added weight to those
    experiences.
        And thirdly, and this is a real key, Senator, we have had a
    roller-coaster experience with hiring, both in terms of budget
    and in terms of hiring freezes over the course of my career. It
    is really difficult to allow people the time that they need to
    take to get training when we are short on personnel. And so, I
    know that our budget requests are looking to once again build
    in the kind of cushion where we can let people take time off
    without harming the core mission.
        And Senator, if I can just add parenthetically, I had a
    year of university training at Berkeley before going to India,
    and I believe it directly helped lead to my promotion after
    that. So I would say when we use those training opportunities,
    build in those exchange opportunities, then they strengthen a
    person's promotability.
        Senator Hagerty. I am glad to hear you say that, and that
    is your perspective. I know talking with my employees at the
    Embassy in Japan, there was a perception that it may--you know,
    it may actually be a disadvantage to take that time off, and I
    understand the resource constraints that make it difficult and
    challenging. But I look forward to working with you because I
    do think those sort of broadening experiences make a real
    difference.
        Mr. Chairman, I will yield my time back. Look forward to a
    second round.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Cardin?
        Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
    And first, let me thank all of our nominees for their
    willingness to continue to serve our country. We thank you. We
    thank your families.
        Dr. Carpenter, I first want to appreciate the meeting that
    we had and your statements today about working with the members
    of the Senate and the Helsinki Commission members and the
    Helsinki Commission itself. I think we share the same
    objectives. I was very pleased to hear your three priorities.
        In regards to the hybrid threat, you are exactly right. I
    call your attention to a report I authored when I was ranking
    on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about Mr. Putin's use
    of an asymmetric arsenal to bring down democratic states. I
    think you will find a lot of the issues you talk about. We
    document Russia's specific use of these tools to compromise
    democracies.
        And that is why resiliency of frontline democracies so much
    needs to be a priority. We have seen a decline of democracies
    globally, and certainly within the OSCE region, there has been
    a significant decline of democratic states.
        And then, lastly, the corruption issue. You and I have
    talked about this. The corruption is the fuel that allows the
    autocratic regimes to stay in power. So I am going to ask your
    help in three bills that are moving through the Congress
    because sometimes we do not get the full cooperation of the
    executive branch and the missions within the State Department.
        One would set up a tier rating system for how well every
    state in country--every country in the world is dealing with
    corruption. The other makes the Global Magnitsky statute
    permanent and strengthens some of the provisions within it. And
    the third establishes a fund that we can use when an
    opportunity presents itself to deal with--dealing with
    corruption in countries.
        All three are bipartisan, and all three are very strongly
    supported. There has been positive action in our committee. But
    I would ask your support for these initiatives because I think
    it very much will help you in regards to your mission.
        So I look forward to working with you, and I will be glad
    to hear a response.
        Dr. Carpenter. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for your
    incredible leadership on these issues. And it has been so
    heartening to see the Helsinki Commission, and you in
    particular, leading the effort on anti-kleptocracy. And I would
    note that the anti-kleptocracy act now has, I believe, seven
    different bills attached to it, all of which strike at key
    elements of global corruption.
        This is a problem, as you just noted, Senator, that is
    inextricably linked to the growth of authoritarianism around
    the world. Often we see regimes that consolidate political
    power that start out by using corrupt means, whether it is
    doling out procurement contracts or using other forms of graft
    and bribery, to be able to accumulate economic power.
        So those two things, sort of the oligarchization of
    politics around the world and the growing authoritarianism of
    politics around the world, go together. And of course, some of
    our biggest competitors, both Russian and China, are experts at
    weaponizing corruption against democratic states.
        So I value these efforts, the incredible number of ideas
    and bills that have come out of the Helsinki Commission, many
    of which you have cosponsored, and look forward to advancing
    this agenda, if confirmed.
        Senator Cardin. I look forward to working with you.
        Dr. Kang and Ambassador Scheinman, I would like to ask you
    about probably the greatest the threat we have on nuclear
    proliferation, and that is Iran. We are in a somewhat difficult
    decision right now not to be part of the JCPOA. Which we have
    seen Iran violate the JCPOA, and yet we are, it looks like,
    supporting a path that will not allow for international
    sanctions. I want to know your strategies for how you will
    advise President Biden and the administration on what can work
    in making sure Iran does not have nuclear weapons.
        Dr. Kang. Perhaps I should start, sir? Absolutely Iran
    should never obtain a nuclear weapon. The President is
    absolutely committed to that, and that is consistent passed
    over a number of administrations. But return to the JCPOA
    advances our national security interest. And it is the
    intention of the President to build a longer and stronger deal,
    which encompasses regional destabilization that Iran is
    responsible for, but also the ballistic missile development
    they have, which could threaten certainly the regional
    neighbors but perhaps, over time, ultimately the United States.
        So, yes, there has been a break in conversations and
    negotiations between our lead negotiator, Rob Malley, who is
    charge of this, since June, but there also has been an election
    in Tehran. Now the Supreme Leader makes the ultimate call, but
    nonetheless, it is left to the presidential administration to
    implement and negotiate their position with us. So we are still
    waiting for a positive response from Iran, but nonetheless as,
    Senator Cardin, you point out, the Iranians are creating plants
    underground, which has nothing to do with peaceful uses of
    nuclear energy.
        Enrichment up to 60 percent for uranium, also producing
    uranium metal of 20 percent, these are dangerous moves. So
    while we have not imposed a deadline for these negotiations, I
    think Secretary Blinken made it clear and stated that we are
    very conscious that as time proceeds, Iran's nuclear advances
    will have a bearing in its view, our view of returning to the
    JCPOA. And President also said the process will not be open
    indefinitely.
        And sir, as someone who had pioneered in many ways and also
    been at the front edge of many nonproliferation and
    counterproliferation sanctions targeting, whether it be DPRK,
    Syria, or Iran, all those machineries and authorities--and
    thanks for tools that Congress has armed us with--we are ready
    to make sure that Iran makes the right decision not just for,
    well, for itself, for the sake for the Iranian people.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Coons. We are next going to hear from Senator
    Young.
        Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman. I will stick with the
    topic of Iran for starters here. Since both Dr. Kang and Mr.
    Scheinman are up for related and somewhat overlapping
    positions, I would like you each to speak to your views on the
    following questions.
        Just to lay the foundation here, at the last moment, the
    IAEA struck a deal with Iranian officials on September 12th to
    continue nuclear monitoring. However, in that deal, the storage
    cards for the monitoring cameras are sealed and cannot be
    viewed until the United States and Iran resume JCPOA talks. But
    this, of course, is a critical time when Iran is actively
    moving towards having enough material for a bomb.
        I would like to know what each of you believes is a
    realistic timeframe before Iran has enough fissile material for
    a nuclear weapon. How much time are we dealing with here?
        Dr. Kang. Ambassador Scheinman, are you comfortable dealing
    with it? Perhaps as a sitting official----
        Senator Young. Dr. Kang, go ahead, please.
        Dr. Kang. Yes, perhaps I am in a better position because I
    do not believe Mr. Scheinman is privy to some of the latest
    information and assessment.
        Senator Young. Yes, go ahead, sir.
        Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. So the platform, of course, this
    particular platform is not ideal for transmitting the most
    accurate and precise information to you, sir. So, if confirmed,
    I certainly will be happy to brief you on this matter.
        Senator Young. Okay, okay.
        Dr. Kang. But it is true, I mean, they have, as when they
    were complying with JCPOA, they were about a year away from
    producing enough fissile material for a viable weapon.
        Senator Young. Sure. Well, there has been----
        Dr. Kang. Now they are months away. Yes?
        Senator Young. I understand, if you are read into this,
    you, of course, would not want to provide any classified
    estimates, which is good. You passed that test. But open
    source, you know, materials indicate that a couple of months is
    some of the latest estimates that may or may not be accurate.
        I will ask each of you to answer the following. What
    alternatives is the Biden administration considering if the
    resumption of talks fails? Dr. Kang?
        Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. So, ultimately, that would be up to the
    President and the Secretary and others at a much higher pay
    scale than myself. But it is clear that what my mission would
    be, and our Bureau is very well equipped to apply those
    necessary sanctions, interdiction, and other measures to make
    sure that there is sufficient incentive for Iran to reconsider
    its position.
        Senator Young. Okay, so your job would not be to offer
    counsel on such matters?
        Dr. Kang. Well, I would definitely voice my opinion, sir,
    and I will be part of the interagency process. But I have been
    dealing with proliferators all my career here at State
    Department.
        Senator Young. Yeah.
        Dr. Kang. DPRK, Syria.
        Senator Young. You mention sanctions, Dr. Kang. We had
    sanctions before this administration came in. So what other
    options might you recommend?
        Dr. Kang. Well, certainly there are other things that once
    again I cannot fully discuss with you in this platform. But as
    a general matter, interdiction is something we are very good
    at. There are varied export control measures that we lead, and
    we will turn those on, right back on.
        Senator Young. Yes, sir.
        Mr. Scheinman, will you be involved consultatively with the
    administration in your role on such matters?
        Ambassador Scheinman. Yes.
        Senator Young. And if so, if you would kindly indicate what
    alternatives the administration should consider if these talks
    fail.
        Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you, Senator. I would note that
    my responsibilities will not include our direct negotiations
    with Iran. That is handled by others in the administration. I
    will probably look at the issue through the lens of the
    Nonproliferation Treaty and what do we do if Iran were to break
    out of the Nonproliferation Treaty.
        Senator Young. Okay. Well, my time is winding down. I would
    just note I also had question for Ms. Crocker pertaining to an
    unrelated matter. It relates to the Human Rights Council and--
    --
        Senator Coons. Just be briefly, if you might, Senator
    Young.
        Senator Young. Yes, I will, indeed. The step they took of
    establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate
    Israel, the only such permanent agenda item on the council. We
    will ask you about that in writing. Perhaps you could offer
    your views on the propriety of that matter.
        Thank you.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Young.
        Senator Schatz?
        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ambassador Bernicat, to all of you, thank you for your
    willingness to serve. I understand that Special Envoy Kerry and
    his team are doing a lot of work in terms of how to make sure
    taking action on climate is a routine part of how our Foreign
    Service thinks about their mission on a day-to-day basis. Can
    you talk a little bit about where you see the opportunities to
    make climate action part of recruitment, training, and
    promoting Foreign Service officers so that it becomes a
    permanent part of the Foreign Service and the State Department
    and does not swing wildly depending on who the Secretary is and
    who the President is?
        Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you so much, Senator Schatz, for
    that question that has been teasing all of us and especially in
    my current role as Acting Assistant Secretary for Oceans,
    Environment, and Scientific Affairs. Our goal is to increase
    the literacy Department wide on [inaudible] environment----
        Senator Coons. Ms. Ambassador Bernicat, in a demonstration
    of the need for greater investment in State Department IT, your
    signal is cutting out very, very badly.
        [Crosstalk.]
        Ambassador Bernicat:--and health issues, it begins with
    recruiting. But of course, the bulk of our corps is generalist,
    and so--I did improve the audio. Is that working?
        Senator Coons. Sure. Why do we not try and continue now?
        Ambassador Bernicat. Can you hear me?
        Senator Schatz. The audio seems to be working. Go ahead.
        Ambassador Bernicat. Okay. I have also changed location. So
    tell me if that helps.
        [Inaudible.] Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
        Recruiting more people with the STH skills as well as
    promoting stem education are part of the plan, but I can assure
    you, sir, if confirmed, that we will also look for ways to
    improve training for all officers and staff as well as to bring
    more people into the various bureaus who have specific
    responsibility for these issues. In no small part because they
    are tied not just to environment, but to energy, to increasing
    jobs, and to everything related to the environment, including
    health.
        Senator Schatz. You know, I think that is a good start, but
    I want to be really crisp with what I am asking. I am looking
    for the kinds of changes that are institutionally difficult to
    reverse and do not depend on who the President is. And just an
    emphasis on who you hire is not an unreasonable start, but I am
    looking for processes, training manuals, curricula, and all of
    that to change because climate is not going to go away as a
    threat multiplier and as a diplomatic challenge. So I look
    forward to working with you on that.
        Ambassador, as you know, we pass a defense authorization
    every year, and we sometimes pass a Coast Guard authorization
    every year, and I am wondering if you can talk about in your
    mind's eye what it would be like if the Congress passed an
    annual State Department reauthorization, as we do for the
    Department of Defense, and how that might help to address the
    challenges that you see with the Foreign Service.
        Ambassador Bernicat. Well, sir, thank you for that
    question, and let me just say, thank you, I look forward to
    working with this committee and with Congress on a whole host
    of issues related to the health and function of our staffs and
    the State Department in general.
        I would say that, you know, in general, our greatest
    resource is our people. And so, the ability--as you say,
    recruiting is a good start, but we also need to make sure that
    we are retaining and developing that talent pool all along the
    way in their career, and to be able to do that in a steady
    funding, to be able to plan workforces out over a period of
    time is really important.
        We are, parenthetically, right now the youngest Foreign--
    excuse me, State Department in terms of seniority that we have
    been years, and that has a lot to do with the hiring surges
    that took place under Secretary Powell and Secretary Clinton,
    as well as a good number of retirements, especially in our
    civil service corps.
        In terms of processes related to the environment, there are
    a whole host of things from legislation that requires specific
    actions. We are--we are leading again from the front on
    environmental issues, and we are committing ourselves to a
    number of actions that have multiple-year execution in order to
    make them happen. And so we are looking to build in ways to
    make sure that we are supporting not only our commitments, but
    the countries that we are asking to make those commitments.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        Mr. Chairman, can I have another minute?
        Senator Coons. One question, if you would, Senator Schatz.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        Just, Dr. Kang, the Biden administration is continuing the
    previous administration's proposals to expand U.S. nuclear
    capabilities, including a new low-yield nuclear sea-launched
    cruise missile that many of us believe is dangerous and
    unnecessary. I understand that some of the true bad actors are
    not persuaded by anything or by much, and that sort of calls of
    hypocrisy are not particularly compelling. But I am also
    wondering about the rational countries that we are trying to
    persuade not to pursue their own nuclear ambitions and how we
    square our pursuing of these low-yield nuclear sea-launched
    cruise missiles with our desire to stop proliferation among
    some of our allies and adversaries who are considering whether
    they want to go down the wrong path.
        Dr. Kang. Thank you for that question, Senator.
        I will try my best to answer that question because that
    would not be in the area of responsibility for the Bureau of
    ISN. It will be for the companion bureau, AVC, Arms Control and
    Verification and, of course, Under Secretary Bonnie Jenkins,
    who has the Department lead on this. But having said that----
        Senator Schatz. In the interest of time, in the interest of
    time and clarity, do you see that as a challenge for the United
    States?
        Dr. Kang. Oh, yes, sir. I mean, there is intimate link
    between arms control and nonproliferation. Those who have--
    possess nuclear weapons in the context of the NPT, a nuclear
    weapons state, they have an obligation to reduce and ultimately
    seek disarmament. So it would set a bad example. For example,
    China massively expanding its nuclear strategic capability is
    counterproductive, and it runs counter to nonproliferation.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
        Senator Coons. Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen: Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking
    Member Hagerty, and congratulations to all of you on your
    nominations. It is great to see a panel of such experience.
        And Ambassador Bernicat, congratulations on the nomination
    to be the Director General of the Foreign Service. I am
    thrilled with the appointment. As you may know, I come from a
    Foreign Service family and very interested and focused on
    ensuring the strong morale and support for the Foreign Service.
        And Senator Dan Sullivan, Republican from Alaska, and
    myself formed the Foreign Service Caucus a number of years ago,
    when we introduced legislation called the Foreign Service
    Families Act. And that act would extend different benefits to
    Foreign Service families to try to bring them up on a par with
    the benefits that are extended to military families serving
    oversees. And I know that the most recent Quadrennial Diplomacy
    and Development Review found, and I am quoting, ``Ensuring
    opportunities for spousal employment should be an integral part
    of plans to retain and motivate staff.''
        Do you agree with that?
        Ambassador Bernicat. Oh, my goodness, Senator Van Hollen, I
    have to just express enormous gratitude for the work that you,
    Senator Sullivan, and others have done particularly on behalf
    of our families. We have almost 2,000 family members now
    working oversees. They bring--and back here in Washington. They
    bring amazing talents to augment our often barebones
    operations. And so, looking for ways to ensure that we can take
    advantage, but also that makes it easier to serve as families.
        You know, Senator, I cannot help but--I cannot resist when
    you mention Foreign Service families, I do not think Bathsheba
    knows this, but I studied under her father at Georgetown
    University. And so in the spirit of being mentored, I do not
    think I would be here today if it were not in part for Chet
    Crocker. So, Bathsheba, I am also part of the family.
        Senator Van Hollen: Well, thank you, Madam Ambassador, for
    mentioning that as well about Chet Crocker, and it is great to
    see Bathsheba here and others. Let me--and just on the Foreign
    Service Families Act, we have asked the chairman of the full
    committee to put it on the next markup calendar, and we are
    waiting for a green light from the ranking member of the full
    committee, and I see no reason for opposition, but we are
    continuing to push.
        So, Dr. Kang, thank you for your current service in the
    acting position, and I look forward to supporting you in this
    confirmation process.
        On the issue of nuclear nonproliferation, Saudi Arabia, as
    you know, has been engaged with successive administrations with
    nuclear cooperation talks but continues to have in place--Saudi
    Arabia, that is--the lowest standard of safeguards with the
    IAEA. And again, they say they want at least two nuclear power
    plants as part of a program going forward, and they seem intent
    on mastering the front end of a nuclear fuel cycle and
    developing enrichment capabilities.
        So my question to you is, has the administration, has the
    Biden administration made any attempt in either bilateral or
    multilateral settings to push Saudi Arabia to sign and
    implement the additional protocol with the IAEA?
        Dr. Kang. Senator, thank you for that question.
        We have been in negotiation with Saudi Arabia since 2012. I
    think that says something. And of course, President Biden has
    made it clear that he will recalibrate our relationship with
    Saudi Arabia in human rights and other matters that complicate
    the relationship.
        Now in terms of having the lowest standard, well, Saudi
    Arabia is party to the NPT, and it has in force a comprehensive
    safeguard agreement. And that in terms of their ambitions are
    very high, and certainly, they have the financial resources to
    make it happen, just as we have seen what UAE has done. But
    having said that, they have not made significant moves in
    actually gaining capability.
        The United States has supported the universalization of
    additional protocol, and that is policy. And also we discourage
    enrichment and reprocessing where these capabilities do not
    already exist.
        And so, we are pursuing a 123 agreement with Saudi Arabia
    because precisely because 123 agreement is a nonproliferation
    tool. So we are, of course, briefing members, as well as staff,
    as if there are any movement on this, and of course, it will
    always be a pleasure to brief you on this matter.
        Senator Van Hollen: Well, I appreciate that. I see the time
    is expired, but we will follow up with you on that, and I will
    be submitting a question for the record on the administration's
    full compliance with the BRINK Act, which was to ensure we plug
    a lot of the loopholes in the sanction regime against North
    Korea. We saw the recent reports about their firing missiles,
    and so I will put that in the record. Thank you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
        And I do not believe Senator Kaine is still with us. Is
    that correct? So I believe every member who is participating
    has had a chance at a first round. Senator Hagerty, I know you
    have got additional questions you would like to ask, and I have
    a few more I will ask, but let me defer to you to begin the
    second round, Senator Hagerty.
        Senator Hagerty. That is very kind of you, Chairman Coons.
    I appreciate it.
        I would first like to turn to Dr. Carpenter, talk about
    Nord Stream 2.
        Dr. Carpenter, you previously said, and I want to quote
    this, ``To make sanctions against Russia work, the United
    States and its allies need to dispense with symbolic gestures
    and impose stronger sanctions that will have an immediate
    economic impact.'' Dr. Carpenter, I just want to say that I
    wholeheartedly agree with that statement.
        And in 2019, you stated the following. ``The European Union
    has, unfortunately, lacked the political will to implement its
    own anti-monopoly rules and stop Nord Stream 2 from coming to
    fruition, which means the U.S. Congress is now the only body
    that can prevent the pipeline from being built.''
        Dr. Carpenter, I wholeheartedly agree with that statement,
    too. Yet, in May, the Biden administration waived U.S.
    sanctions against Nord Stream 2 AG and sanctions against its
    chief executive. And last week, Gazprom announced that it has
    now completed the pipeline.
        So, Dr. Carpenter, my question is this. With the pipeline
    now complete, what do you feel will be the impact on energy
    security in Europe?
        Dr. Carpenter. Well, thank you for the question, Senator. I
    am very concerned by the geopolitical consequences of the Nord
    Stream 2 pipeline. This is a project by the Kremlin that brings
    no new gas molecules from Russia to Europe but merely bypasses
    Ukraine and the Central European countries and delivers that
    very same gas directly to Germany, thereby giving the Kremlin
    enormous leverage over Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, and other
    countries in Central Europe.
        Going forward, if I am confirmed, I will work to
    reinvigorate the second dimension of the OSCE, the economic and
    environmental dimension that deals with energy security, and I
    will seek to work very closely with my friend Amos Hochstein,
    who is the senior adviser to the Secretary on Energy Security,
    to build resilience for our partners, and particularly Ukraine,
    in terms of energy supply, so that Russia cannot continue to
    use energy supplies as a form of political weaponization of
    energy and energy coercion.
        And last thing I will say on this, Senator, I think it is
    very important that the United States continue to have a--
    continue to be ready to use all of the authorities contained
    within PEESA and CAATSA, which are the laws of the land when it
    comes to this.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, I know the OSCE will have many
    divergent opinion in terms of Nord Stream 2, and I wish you the
    best with that, Dr. Carpenter.
        Dr. Kang, can I turn with you now to focus on North Korea.
    You know, we worked enormously hard with Japan, with the U.N.
    Security Council, to impose three different, three successively
    more abiding sets of economic sanctions on North Korea. They
    had an immediate and very, very important effect on North
    Korea's economy. Yet China has continued to undercut our
    position there.
        And at the same time, North Korea has persisted in working
    in secret on their nuclear program, and there is an example I
    would like to highlight. And that is according to
    nongovernmental experts, North Korea is producing uranium at a
    covert facility, covert uranium enrichment facility, known by
    the U.S. intelligence community as the Kangson enrichment site.
        It is not surprising that North Korea would build secret
    facilities to produce fissile material, but it poses
    significant proliferation challenges, especially considering
    Pyongyang's previous efforts to provide Syria with a nuclear
    reactor. If confirmed, you are going to be responsible for
    spearheading the State Department's efforts to reduce WMD-
    related threats by promoting bilateral and multilateral
    initiatives to prevent proliferation.
        So, my question is, Dr. Kang, if confirmed, will you commit
    to providing regular updates to the committee about the
    administration's efforts to address North Korea's declared and
    undeclared nuclear and missile facilities and programs?
        Dr. Kang. Absolutely, Senator. I have a long relationship
    with our lead on re-engagement with North Korea, Ambassador
    Sung Kim. I have extensive relationship in the Government
    talking with Korea, as well as Japan. This will be a top
    priority.
        As you know, North Korea is an awfully hardened state, and
    as you rightly point out, there is always this escape valve of
    China. China made a decision some time ago that it is tolerable
    for North Korea to have nuclear weapons as long as it is a
    buffer state. So it is difficult proposition, but I believe the
    President is on a right path. We have got to calibrate a
    practical approach, and this is something Ambassador Sung Kim
    and myself during the Bush administration have some practical
    experience in.
        Senator Hagerty. I have had the privilege of working with
    Ambassador Sung Kim as well, and I look forward to continue to
    working with both of you as we address this challenge.
        Mr. Chairman, if you would permit me, I have just a follow-
    on question, if I might, for Assistant Secretary Crocker?
        Senator Coons. Of course. Please.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you so much.
        Assistant Secretary Crocker, I want to focus on China's
    growing influence among international organizations. You
    mentioned this in your opening remarks. And while you served as
    the Assistant Secretary for International Organizations during
    the Obama administration, China took over leadership of
    multiple international organizations and staffed them with
    Chinese nationals.
        But in 2017, our posture towards China's malign behavior
    changed. And if confirmed, I hope that you will continue that
    posture developed during the previous administration to
    continue to counter China's influence in global institutions.
    And further, I fully expect you to fight for American influence
    by supporting qualified candidates in leadership positions and
    look to increase positions for Americans, such as greater
    positions in the Junior Professional Officers Program at the
    U.N. and, as you mentioned, representation like at the ITU. But
    I hope to see much more participation there.
        And so, my question is, if confirmed, what actions will you
    take to make certain that qualified United States candidates
    are in leadership positions at U.N. bodies in Geneva?
        Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Senator, and I
    think, as you noted, this is a strategic priority for China,
    and it needs to be a strategic priority for the United States.
    And indeed, the State Department and the administration are
    making a concerted effort working with like-minded partners and
    allies to ensure that we are able to both identify and then
    robustly support qualified, viable, independent candidates for
    leadership positions in international organizations, be they
    American candidates or other like-minded candidates.
        And if confirmed, this will be a top priority for me. It is
    an effort that I fully support, and I would look to use my role
    and the role and the resources of the U.S. mission in Geneva,
    working closely with the State Department and across the
    interagency, to ensure that we are best positioned
    diplomatically and--and in terms of resources to support the
    candidacies.
        You mentioned the ITU, where, of course, there is an
    American candidate up for Secretary General, for an election
    that will take place in September of 2022. And if confirmed, I
    would consider this to be one of my highest priorities on
    getting out to Geneva to support that candidacy and ensure that
    the mission is doing everything it can to support the
    candidacy.
        And I think, again, looking at both election for leadership
    positions but also, as you mentioned, making sure that we are
    strategically focused on ensuring that we are looking also at
    staffing up and down the system. The Chinese are doing that, as
    you note, from the junior political officer level all the way
    up, and we need to do that. And if confirmed, I would look
    forward to working with Congress to make sure--and this
    committee to make sure--that we have appropriate resources to
    do that.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, I am very pleased to hear that,
    Assistant Secretary Crocker. Thank you.
        And I will be submitting a question for the record for Mr.
    Scheinman about China and the NPT. I am very concerned their
    obligations as signatory to that treaty and the fact that they
    are not living up to those obligations. That will be in the
    QFRs coming forward, Mr. Scheinman.
        And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for indulging me with some
    extra time.
        Senator Coons. Of course. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and
    thank you for a series of, I think, reasonable and balanced
    questions. Ironically, the last question you asked of Assistant
    Secretary Crocker was the question I was going to ask.
        Senator Hagerty. I am sorry.
        Senator Coons. And I will add--no, no, I think it is well
    worth focusing on for a moment. One of the things that I was
    most enthusiastic about in terms of actions of a member of the
    previous administration, there was a heated contest for
    leadership of the World Intellectual Property Organization. And
    Andrei Iancu, the former PTO Director, successfully mobilized
    an effort amongst all of our allies to ensure that the
    successful nominee was from a country and a person with
    experience that would suggest a commitment to protecting IP
    rather than someone who might be more questionable in terms of
    their commitment to IP.
        There are so many organizations that you will have some
    role in that I just want to emphasize, and I agree with Senator
    Hagerty that it is important that we, the United States and our
    partners, pay attention to the ways in which China is expanding
    its influence throughout the U.N. system.
        Let me ask one last question then, if I might, Ms. Crocker.
    There is a number of entities of the United Nations, the Human
    Rights Council, for example--UNESCO is another--where we have
    withdrawn, either because of previous conduct, I think it was
    Senator Van Hollen who referenced the sort of permanent agenda
    item on the Human Rights Council questioning Israel that we had
    found objectionable, or whether it is some of the ways in which
    UNESCO, by admitting Palestine, has run afoul of our priorities
    and views. We are now in significant arrearages both with the
    U.N. as a whole and with some of the specialized agencies or
    entities.
        In your view, just speaking broadly, are we better off
    being at the table and current in our payments and pushing back
    on adversaries who have competing perspectives on entities,
    whether it is the WHO or the ITU or otherwise, or are there
    certain circumstances where we need to withdraw from U.N.
    entities because of the ways in which they have conducted
    themselves?
        Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Chairman Coons.
        It is my view, and agree very much with the position and
    approach of the Biden-Harris administration on this, that we
    are far better served to be at the table and in good standing
    in terms of our financial payments to the organization in order
    to be able to effectively drive the kinds of reforms that we
    want to see across the system around accountability,
    efficiency, effectiveness. And also dealing with some of the
    credibility issues that, frankly, exist in different parts of
    the system, whether that is the anti-Israel bias at the Human
    Rights Council that you and Senator Young also raised earlier
    or some of the issues--or some of the issues at UNESCO.
        So I think for sure it is better for us to be in good
    standing from a financial perspective. But also I think it is
    just important to recognize, and this gets also to Senator
    Hagerty's questions earlier, that it is important for us to be
    able to be at the table with the full weight of United States
    from a diplomatic perspective backing us.
        And I certainly saw firsthand when I was Assistant
    Secretary for International Organization Affairs, the important
    role that our bilateral and multilateral missions faced--they
    play and the importance of making sure that they are well
    resourced. And that we have strong people across the board able
    to raise these issues and raise them at the right levels in
    countries around the world because when we are operating at
    full strength diplomatically as the United States, there is no
    one that can really go to bat with us.
        So if we want to go whether it is toe to toe with the
    Chinese or with the full strength that we need to be at to push
    the reforms we want to see across the system, I fully agree
    that we need to both be in good financial standing and also in
    our strongest position possible from a diplomatic perspective.
        Senator Coons. Well, thank you. Thank you both for that
    answer and to all five of our nominees today for your
    willingness to continue your service to the United States and
    for your dedication to taking on these important posts and
    positions.
        As I referenced at the beginning of this hearing, questions
    for the record are due by the close of business this Thursday
    the 16th. A number of members who have participated today have
    indicated they intend to submit QFRs. So please do so respond
    promptly so that we can conclude the hearing process and
    hopefully move forward with your confirmation votes.
        Thank you, Senator Hagerty, for serving as the ranking
    member of this confirmation hearing.
        And to the five of you, congratulations, good luck. I
    personally look forward to supporting your nominations and hope
    to stay in regular touch with you as we go forth to serve the
    people of the United States, depending on the action of the
    Senate in the coming weeks and months.
        So, with that, this hearing is concluded. Thank you all
    very much.

        [Whereupon, at 3:57 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. As you noted during your hearing and in your meeting with
    SFRC minority staff, the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) is the
    least developed of the nonproliferation regimes. What practical steps
    must we take to strengthen the BWC?

        Answer. There are a range of practical steps that can be taken to
    strengthen implementation, increase transparency, and promote the safe
    and secure use of the life sciences for peaceful purposes - but only if
    its members can find the political will. If confirmed, I will work to
    break the longstanding political deadlock in the BWC and advance such
    practical steps.

        Question. Given the limitations of the BWC, what new actions must
    the U.S. take outside the convention to address biological threats?

        Answer. The BWC reflects the global norm against biological weapons
    and provides international legal underpinning for measures taken by
    responsible countries to prohibit and prevent BW, but complementary
    U.S. efforts are essential. New efforts to raise the bar for
    international biosafety and biosecurity are needed. International
    capabilities to detect, respond to, and attribute BW use need to be
    strengthened as well - and because such use could mimic a natural
    outbreak, this means that the links between international public health
    and international security institutions must be reinforced.

        Question. According to 1 FAM 457.3, the Biological Policy Staff is
    charged with ``developing and promoting measures to prevent misuse of
    advances in the life sciences, to include participation in U.S.
    Government and international groups on health security issues; outreach
    to the scientific community and private industry; and promoting
    international standards and norms.'' During your tenures in ISN, what
    specific initiatives or steps have you spearheaded or participated in
    to fulfill that mandate? Please provide examples. What would you like
    to do more of to meet this challenge?

        Answer. Although the Biological Policy Staff is constrained by its
    small size, it has taken a number of steps in this area, including
    briefing on U.S. experiences and advocating that other countries
    develop oversight mechanisms for potentially high-risk research;
    organizing and participating in workshops to assess, test, and refine
    qualitative frameworks for assessing risks and benefits; establishing
    ties between the U.S. National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity
    and its French equivalent; and a G7 Experts' Meeting on Strengthening
    Laboratory Biorisk Management last year. More work in all these areas
    is needed.

        Question. According to the Department of State website, the
    Biological Policy Staff works with foreign partners on the oversight of
    emerging technologies such as synthetic biology. What specific
    initiatives and steps have you spearheaded or participated in to
    address the challenges posed by synthetic biology?

        Answer. A number of offices in ISN work to address issues posed by
    synthetic biology and other emerging technologies. This has included
    promotion of voluntary screening guidelines for providers of synthetic
    DNA; collaboration with iGEM international on outreach regarding dual-
    use awareness and risk assessment; work in the BWC and elsewhere to
    evaluate and promote risk assessment frameworks, including the approach
    set out by the National Academies recently in Biodefense in the Age of
    Synthetic Biology; and promoting new export controls on desktop DNA
    synthesizers and related technology.

        Question. Does ISN have the authorities, personnel, and resources
    it needs to address the proliferation of biological weapons?

        Answer. ISN has significant authorities to address BW
    proliferation, highly qualified and motivated personnel, and an
    important suite of threat reduction programs. However, biological
    weapons proliferation is an enormous challenge both politically and
    technically. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
    identify and address specific needs and opportunities to ensure our
    effectiveness in this important mission.

        Question. Does ISN play any role in approving or disapproving life
    sciences or biological research collaboration with other countries that
    could pose dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses,
    and toxins, even if such collaboration is funded by another federal
    agency? If so, please describe ISN's involvement.

        Answer. ISN does not fund nor directly approve any life sciences
    research. The United States has policies pertaining to Federally funded
    research on high consequence pathogens and dual-use research of
    concern, which are applicable regardless of where the research is
    conducted. These policies establish a high bar for funding based on a
    careful assessment of risks and benefits and require steps to mitigate
    any risks. ISN ensures that Federal policy development takes into
    account our international obligations and urges other countries to
    adopt similar policies that minimize the potential misuse of life
    sciences research.

        Question. Do you agree that ISN must have a stronger role in
    decisions to share weaponizable biotechnology with China and other
    countries that may not be in compliance with BWC obligations?

        Answer. ISN is the focal point within the State Department for
    policies to prevent the misuse of life sciences, and we participate in
    the interagency processes that establish the oversight policies for
    sharing research [and technology] that might pose concern. Our role
    ensures that the policy development considers both our international
    obligations from the BWC and the international implications of our
    policies. We believe this requires careful consideration of risks and
    benefits, and where appropriate, measures to mitigate the risks,
    including for sharing technology with those we have concerns regarding
    their compliance with the BWC.

        Question. What is the U.S. doing to address Russia's offensive
    biological weapons program?

        Answer. As the lead bureau on the BWC, ISN works closely with the
    Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance, as well as others
    within the Department and the interagency to address this and other
    threats. To counter Russia's offensive biological weapons program, the
    United States has engaged with allies and partners and imposed export
    restrictions on certain Russian organizations associated with Russia's
    BW program. If confirmed, I will continue these efforts through direct
    bilateral information exchanges with key allies and partners and
    consider a variety of export-control and sanctions related actions
    against Russia.

        Question. Does the loss of Afghanistan to the Taliban increase the
    likelihood of terrorist bioweapons labs on Afghan territory? What must
    the U.S. do to address any such threats, or other terrorist BW
    capabilities?

        Answer. The accessibility of weaponizable biological materials is
    of great concern to me. If confirmed, I will increase assistance to
    countries in South and Central Asia to reduce threats emanating both
    out of and into Afghanistan.

        Question. China is growing its nuclear arsenal at an alarming rate.
    What impact will this have on the NPT? How should the U.S. address it,
    in the context of the NPT?

        Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
    decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
    the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
    responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear
    weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue those objectives both in
    bilateral engagements with China and in multilateral fora such as the
    NPT Review Conference.

        Question. Should the IAEA be subject to political considerations of
    any particular government and its negotiations on other matters, or
    should the IAEA only consider strict compliance issues?

        Answer. The United States strongly supports the professional,
    technical, and independent work of the IAEA to verify States'
    compliance with their NPT-required safeguards agreements and to
    undertake additional monitoring and verification activities as
    requested by the IAEA Board of Governors. A strong, credible
    international safeguards regime is a core United States national
    security interest.

        Question. At what point do the advances of the Iranian nuclear
    program make any return to the nuclear deal irrelevant?

        Answer. I am carefully evaluating Iran's expansion of nuclear
    activities, as reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency. As
    Secretary Blinken has made clear, continued Iranian nuclear advances
    bring us closer to the point where a mutual return to compliance with
    the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action would fail to reproduce the
    nonproliferation benefits the deal originally delivered. The
    administration remains committed to pursuing a diplomatic solution to
    Iran's nuclear program. If confirmed, I will make clear the window of
    opportunity will not remain open indefinitely.

        Question. Iran has successfully stymied the IAEA's investigation of
    Iran's past nuclear activities. How can the IAEA restart this
    investigation and keep it going effectively?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned that Iran has yet to provide the IAEA
    with the information it needs to resolve questions regarding potential
    undeclared nuclear material. Iran must cooperate fully and
    substantively with the Agency without further delay in a way that leads
    to resolution of these issues. The U.S. is working with Allies and
    partners to reinforce support for the IAEA and the Director General
    (DG) as they pursue these serious issues. If confirmed, I will be
    watching closely whether Iran provides the necessary level of
    cooperation, starting with the DG's meetings with senior Iranian
    officials in Vienna this week and in Tehran in the near future.

        Question. Considering the Iran nuclear archive and the findings in
    the 2021 Arms Control report, can the U.S. confirm today that Iran has
    solely peaceful intentions for its nuclear program?

        Answer. I would refer you to the Intelligence Community regarding
    Iran's intentions. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action provided the
    strongest verification and monitoring measures ever negotiated to help
    ensure Iran's nuclear activities are exclusively peaceful. Resumption
    of mutual compliance with the deal would ensure the renewed
    implementation of these important measures, as well as restrictions on
    the size and scope of Iran's nuclear activities.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran engages in nuclear hedging? Why
    or why not? In that context, is it advisable in your view to lift
    nuclear and terrorism sanctions on Iran?

        Answer. The administration is committed to ensuring that Iran does
    not obtain a nuclear weapon and to addressing the many other issues of
    concern related to Iran. If confirmed, I would remain committed to
    engaging in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a return to mutual
    compliance with JCPOA commitments, and would recommend against
    providing the sanctions relief described in the JCPOA unless there is a
    return to mutual compliance. Regardless of the status of the JCPOA, the
    administration will continue to utilize sanctions to respond to Iranian
    policies that are contrary to U.S. national security interests.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you plan to work within the
    administration to encourage the International Atomic Energy Agency
    (IAEA) to investigate Iran's potentially ongoing nuclear weaponization
    work, which the nuclear archive indicates Tehran hid and dispersed at
    research institutes, universities, and military sites after 2003?

        Answer. Iran's history of deception regarding its past nuclear
    weapons program is not new. Verifiably ensuring Iran never resumes such
    activities, despite Iran's past denials, is a core purpose of the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action, which provides for the most intrusive
    verification and monitoring procedures ever negotiated. The
    administration will continue to seek a mutual return to compliance with
    JCPOA commitments, which would ensure that its critical verification
    and monitoring measures are restored.

        Question. If confirmed, how can you assure Congress that political
    considerations or multilateral issues are not used to avoid holding
    Iran accountable for its noncompliance with safeguard agreements?

        Answer. The United States has made clear our serious concerns
    regarding potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran,
    as reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It is
    essential that Iran fully comply with its legally binding obligations
    under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and its comprehensive
    safeguards agreement with the IAEA to resolve these important matters
    without further delay. The stability of any diplomatic outcome
    regarding Iran's nuclear program relies on the credible resolution of
    these serious issues and Iran's full compliance with its safeguards
    obligations.

        Question. Do you support the Countering America's Adversaries
    Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)? If confirmed, will you fully implement
    it?

        Answer. Yes, I support and, should I be confirmed, am fully
    committed to implementing CAATSA, especially Section 231, for which the
    Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation leads U.S.
    implementation. If confirmed, I will urge all our partners and allies
    to refrain from major new purchases of Russian military equipment that
    could risk mandatory sanctions under CAATSA Section 231.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Benjamin L.Cardin

        Question. How do you envision the United States' role in bolstering
    the international nuclear nonproliferation regime?

        Answer. The Interim National Security Strategic Guidance--issued
    less than two months after the President took office--noted that the
    threats posed by WMD proliferation, ``cannot be effectively addressed
    by one nation acting alone. And none can be effectively addressed with
    the United States on the sidelines.'' The United States led in the
    creation of the international nuclear nonproliferation regime, such as
    the establishment of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the
    International Atomic Energy Agency, and it is vital that we continue to
    lead efforts to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons.

        Question. Should the United States continue to work to prevent new
    states from possessing their own nuclear weapons?

        Answer. Yes. The President's Interim National Security Guidance
    states that ``as we re-engage the international system, we will address
    the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons.'' The Guidance also
    states that nuclear proliferation poses an existential danger.
    Addressing these threats requires that we minimize the number of states
    possessing nuclear weapons, and the administration places a high
    priority on using the tools of national security to achieve this
    objective. Renewed American nonproliferation leadership will be
    essential to reducing the dangers posed by nuclear weapons.

        Question. Which new or expiring agreements require the bureau's
    near-term focus? How should the United States balance the goals of
    increasing states' access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy with
    the nonproliferation goals of preventing the further spread of
    sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technology?

        Answer. The United States is in negotiations for peaceful nuclear
    cooperation agreements with Jordan, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and
    Thailand. If confirmed, I would support the negotiation of additional
    peaceful nuclear cooperation agreements, which are needed for
    significant exports of U.S. nuclear material and equipment, to increase
    access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the highest
    standards of nuclear security and nonproliferation and continue the
    United States' longstanding policy of limiting the spread of enrichment
    and reprocessing capabilities around the world.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. What are your views on the threats posed by biological
    dual-use research of concern?

        Answer. I take threats posed by dual-use research of concern (DURC)
    seriously. In fact, one of ISN's missions is to prevent the life
    sciences from being misused for biological weapons development. Dual-
    use research of concern warrants careful oversight and risk/benefit
    analysis. The ISN Bureau has advocated for thoughtful national
    oversight of such research in international forums, such as the
    Biological Weapons Convention, for almost a decade and, if confirmed, I
    will continue to do so.

        Question. Would Chinese interest in dual-use research of concern be
    consistent with your understanding of the Chinese national strategy of
    military-civil fusion?

        Answer. Military-Civil fusion seeks to develop a singular ecosystem
    within which all dual-use technology is simultaneously advancing
    military and civilian programs. Key to this is the removal of the
    traditional barriers between the national defense and national economic
    systems. Whether specific types of dual-use research of concern might
    be exploited in this way would likely depend on the extent to which the
    research was specifically relevant to People's Republic of China
    military applications and objectives.

        Question. Should the United States be involved in, or support,
    potential dual-use research of concern conducted in China?

        Answer. The United States has federal funding and oversight
    policies for research that might pose particular concerns, including
    dual-use. These policies require careful consideration of risks and
    benefits, and where appropriate, measures to mitigate those risks.
    Policy development is led by the National Security Council and by the
    White House Office of Science and Technology Policy and decisions about
    the funding of specific research proposals are made by the responsible
    funding agency. The ISN Bureau ensures that policy development
    considers both our international obligations and the international
    implications of policy choices.

        Question. Can you explain the ISN Bureau's international outreach
    related to dual-use research of concern in their role as ex-officio
    member of the Nation Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity (NSABB)?

        Answer. The ISN Bureau's international outreach on dual-use
    research of concern has consisted of a variety of advocacy and
    awareness-raising efforts, including participating in or organizing
    workshops and briefings and working to develop common understandings
    internationally. With the exception of efforts to facilitate
    collaboration between the NSABB and its French counterpart, this
    outreach is unrelated to the ex-officio role.

        Question. Did the ISN Bureau, in their role on the NSABB, support
    lifting the moratorium on gain of function research with viruses in the
    United States in 2017?

        Answer. The Department of State's role on the NSABB is a non-voting
    ex officio position. ISN neither advocated for lifting of the
    moratorium nor participated directly in the decision taken by the
    NSABB.

        Question. Would Chinese military research into weaponizing
    pathogens such as coronaviruses be a concern under the Biological
    Weapons Convention (BWC)?

        Answer. Research into the weaponization of any pathogen by any BWC
    State Party would be a matter of concern. If confirmed, I will work
    with my colleagues in the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and
    Compliance to address any concerns regarding compliance with the
    Convention.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to undertake a full-scale
    investigation into the transfer of dual-use technology, know how, and
    money by the U.S. Government to Chinese research institutions engaged
    in synthetic biology and engineering chimeric pathogens through gain of
    function experiments?

        Answer. A number of mechanisms exist to guard against the risk that
    transfers of U.S. technology will be misused. If confirmed, I will work
    to ensure that these mechanisms are effective and are fully utilized,
    taking into account lessons learned.

        Question. At any time, were you instructed to shudder or stop the
    Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance (AVC)
    investigation into the potential Chinese BWC concerns by Biden State
    Department appointees or other administrative staff?

        Answer. No. As I understand it, the AVC Bureau, under the previous
    administration, commissioned an internal inquiry into COVID origins.
    This ad hoc inquiry was conducted as part of a larger contract. I defer
    to the AVC Bureau about details of this contract. I understand the
    group briefed State Department staff during both the Trump and Biden
    administrations.

        Question. What was your role as acting T Assistant Secretary in
    supporting the AVC Bureau's research into potential Biological Warfare
    links to the PLA's Academy of Military Medical Science, (AAMS) which
    was referenced in the January 15 Fact Sheet?

        Answer. I had no role in relation to this research, nor in the
    development of the January 15 Fact Sheet.

        Question. I understand the ISN and AVC office directors responsible
    for Biological Warfare warned of a potential ``can of worms'' that
    would be opened if AVC investigated Chinese BW programs and potential
    ties to research being done at the WIV. What, specifically, was the
    concern with regard to a ``can of worms?''

        Answer. ISN personnel at no point objected to such an investigation
    by AVC or warned against such investigation. Assertions to the contrary
    are incorrect.

        Question. Why would the State Department Weapons of Mass
    Destruction programs, who are responsible for holding the PRC
    accountable to their international obligations, not opt to investigate
    every potential lead? If confirmed, will you allow the State Department
    investigation to continue into potential military links to the research
    at the WIV?

        Answer. The Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance
    has primary responsibility for issues related to assessing compliance
    with arms control agreements, and continues to monitor and assess
    information related to countries' compliance with the BWC, working
    closely with IC colleagues and others in the interagency. If confirmed,
    I will work closely with AVC and other partners to address such
    concerns.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. What can the United States do to reinforce the norms of
    the Chemical Weapons Convention?

        Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
    is the lead on the Chemical Weapons Convention. However, if confirmed,
    I commit to implementing Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and
    Warfare Elimination Act while also coordinating with AVC to limit the
    proliferation of chemical weapons.

        Question. Is the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical
    Weapons (OPCW) up to the task? What reforms would you recommend to make
    it more effective?

        Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
    is the lead on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
    (OPCW). If confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to limit the
    proliferation of chemical weapons.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                  to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, are you committed to fully enforcing INKSNA
    and other U.S. non-proliferation sanctions?

        Answer. Yes. Sanctions are a critical tool that contribute to
    nonproliferation goals. If confirmed, I would join the Department's
    commitment to implementing its sanctions authorities, including the
    requirements of the Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act
    (INKSNA). The Department recently transmitted five INKSNA reports to
    Congress--in Feb 2020, Sept 2020, Nov 2020, Jan 2021, and July 2021--
    clearing a backlog of previously delayed reports. This has led to
    sanctions against 46 foreign entities/individuals for proliferation
    activities, including against 18 entities for supporting Iran's missile
    program.

        Question. What is your assessment of the effectiveness of sanctions
    measures in supporting nuclear non-proliferation?

        Answer. Sanctions are an effective tool in impeding, rolling back,
    and countering proliferation and changing the behavior of those who
    provide aid or support to proliferators. Sanctions are one of a number
    of important tools in the counterproliferation toolkit, and they can be
    deployed in a targeted and strategic manner.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with other agencies, particularly
    with the Department of the Treasury, to fully implement all U.S.
    nonproliferation sanctions, and to work with allies and partners to
    ensure U.N. sanctions are also implemented and enforced.

        Question. Is Iran in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation
    Treaty? If so, how could Iran be compliant with the NPT when it has not
    answered the IAEA's questions on undeclared nuclear material and
    activities?

        Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards
    agreement to declare to the IAEA all peaceful nuclear material and
    related activities in Iran. Iran's failure to provide substantive or
    technically credible responses to the IAEA's questions related to
    possible undeclared nuclear materials and activities in Iran is cause
    for serious concern and raises serious questions regarding Iran's
    compliance with its NPT and IAEA safeguards obligations. These concerns
    are under active discussion in the IAEA Board of Governors. If
    confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in
    Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and
    activities, as well as continued IAEA Board action as necessary to
    ensure Iran complies with its NPT-related obligations.

        Question. Do you think the Biden administration should commit to
    not lifting or waiving sanctions on Iran until it, at a minimum,
    complies with the IAEA's requests on undeclared nuclear material and
    activities?

        Answer. The long-term stability of any diplomatic solution to the
    Iran nuclear challenge relies on the credible resolution of these
    serious safeguards concerns. The administration strongly supports the
    IAEA's ongoing investigations regarding possible undeclared nuclear
    material in Iran. Iran must provide the IAEA full cooperation without
    further delay. The foundation for any long-term solution is strong and
    credible verification; credible resolution of the serious safeguards
    concerns reported by the IAEA Director General must be a brick in that
    foundation. In addition to the assurances that would be provided if it
    does so, a mutual return to compliance with JCPOA commitments, which
    include the strongest verification and monitoring measures ever
    negotiated, would ensure that these critical measures are restored.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. The four Nuclear Security Summits successfully led to
    elimination or downblending of global civilian stocks of weapons usable
    fissile material. If confirmed, what diplomatic efforts will you take
    to encourage countries to reduce stocks of fissile material in their
    military programs and other non-military stocks that are not subject to
    IAEA safeguards?

        Answer. The United States will continue to lead by example in
    eliminating surplus plutonium and downblending highly enriched uranium
    that are no longer needed for defense purposes. The United States has
    called on states to declare moratoria on production of fissile material
    for weapons, and if confirmed I will continue those efforts. In
    addition, I will support U.S. and international efforts and diplomacy
    related to placing fissile material no longer required for military
    purposes under IAEA safeguards and arranging for its appropriate
    disposition.

        Question. Extension of the State Department travel ban to North
    Korea and the need to obtain a specific license from the Treasury
    Department have made it more difficult for generous Americans and
    others to provide life-saving assistance to North Koreans--assistance
    that is explicitly exempted under U.S. law. If confirmed, will you work
    with your State and Treasury Department colleagues to issue new
    guidance that clearly defines what additional goods related to food and
    medicine to be exempted from U.S sanctions?

        Answer. The U.S. Government actively seeks to facilitate the
    provision of humanitarian assistance in the DPRK as a matter of U.S.
    policy, and maintains a number of sanctions exemptions and
    authorizations related to humanitarian aid. It has also led efforts to
    streamline the process for humanitarian exemptions in the U.N. Security
    Council DPRK sanctions committee. The DPRK itself has created the most
    significant barriers to the delivery of aid by closing its borders and
    limiting access for the personnel responsible for implementing such
    projects. If confirmed, I will work to support efforts aimed at helping
    humanitarian aid reach vulnerable people in the DPRK.

        Question. In 2019, President Trump unsigned the Arms Trade Treaty
    (ATT)--a global treaty that regulates the conventional arms trade--
    despite the fact that the treaty simply requires other countries to
    uphold the same domestic legal standard we have: to not transfer arms
    to countries if it is believed they will be used to violate
    international humanitarian law. Will the United States rescind the
    Trump administration's letter to the United Nations stating that the
    United States did not intend to ratify nor fulfill the obligations of
    this treaty?

        Answer. If confirmed, I support reviewing the implications of
    decisions taken to date on the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), both in the
    United States and in the ATT Conferences of States Parties, to
    determine the proper relationship of the United States to the Treaty. I
    believe this review should be situated within the larger context of
    U.S. policy on conventional arms transfers. The United States is the
    largest arms exporter in the world, and it is imperative that U.S.
    transfers of conventional arms are consistent with our laws, values,
    and interests.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
              Submitted to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. In April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative
    for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing
    to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past
    noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT
    obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to
    past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive
    device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives
    for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel
    related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
    nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''
    Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?

        Answer. If being in ``good standing'' means being in compliance
    with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), then the United States
    has, including in the 2021 Compliance Report, indicated concern with
    regard to Iran's compliance with Article III of the NPT. Given Iran's
    past non-compliance with its obligations under the NPT and Iran's NPT-
    required safeguards agreement and its present failure to fully address
    the IAEA's current questions related to implementation of that
    safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State
    Party to the NPT cannot be described as ``good.''

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
    Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If
    no, please explain why

        Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
    compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
    International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
    to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
    2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
    retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
    The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
    nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
    substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
    IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
    lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
    cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
    compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
    International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
    to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
    2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
    retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
    The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
    nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
    substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
    IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
    lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
    cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of
    civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good
    standing of the NPT? If so, why? If not, why not?

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
    NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International
    Atomic Energy Agency.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to
    benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes,
    please explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

        Question. Paragraphs 10-15 of United Nations Security Council
    Resolution (UNSCR) 2231 describe a so-called `snapback mechanism' which
    reverses the termination of sanctions on Iran described in paragraph
    7(a) of that resolution. The resolution requires a ``JCPOA participant
    state'' to notify the U.N. Security Council of an issue it believes
    constitutes ``significant non-performance'' of commitments under the
    JCPOA. By no later than December 2019, the State Department had
    conducted a legal analysis which concluded that ``there is a legally
    available argument we can assert that the United States can initiate
    the snapback process under UNSCR 2231 by submitting a notification to
    the Security Council of an issue that the United States believes
    constitutes significant non-performance.'' Do you agree with that
    conclusion, i.e. that there is a legally available argument for the
    United States to initiate the snapback process? If not, why not?

        Answer. The U.S. initiation of the ``snapback'' of previous U.N.
    sanctions on Iran in 2020 resulted in an impasse at the U.N. Security
    Council that, as a practical matter, undermined its ability to address
    Iran's destabilizing activities. The United States will continue to use
    domestic authorities to address Iran's proliferation activities--
    including Executive Order 13949, which authorizes blocking sanctions
    related to the supply, sale, or transfer of arms or related materiel to
    or from Iran.

        Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of
    INKSNA if Russia sold advanced weapons to Iran, including missile
    technology?

        Answer. The Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act
    (INKSNA) requires reports to Congress identifying, and the discretion
    to impose sanctions against, foreign persons that transfer or receive
    items controlled by the four multilateral export control regimes, (the
    Australia Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Nuclear
    Suppliers Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement), as well as other
    sensitive items, involving the subject countries. I understand that the
    Department is committed to implementing sanctions under INKSNA. For
    example, in July 2021, sanctions were imposed against three Russian
    entities, Asia-Invest LLC, Charter Green Light Moscow (CGLM), and NPP
    Pulsar LLC (Russia), for transferring sensitive items to Iran's missile
    program.

        Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of and
    INKSNA if China sold advanced weapons to Iran, including missile
    technology?

        Answer. The Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act
    (INKSNA) requires reports to Congress identifying, and the discretion
    to impose sanctions against, foreign persons that transfer or receive
    items controlled by the four multilateral export control regimes, (the
    Australia Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Nuclear
    Suppliers Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement), as well as other
    sensitive items, involving the subject countries. I understand that the
    Department is committed to implementing sanctions authorities under
    INKSNA, and that, for example, in November 2020, sanctions were imposed
    against two PRC entities, Chengdu Best New Materials Co Ltd and Zibo
    Elim Trade Company, Ltd. for transferring sensitive items and
    technology to Iran's missile program.

        Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article
    VI obligations?

        Answer. The State Department's most recent Compliance Reports does
    not find China to be in violation of its obligations under Article VI
    of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty's. The AVC Bureau has the lead
    on compliance reporting to Congress.

        Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to
    dampen China's nuclear buildup?

        Answer. The answer to this question involves a range of national
    security instruments, but given the responsibilities of the position
    for which I have been nominated, I will respond from the perspective of
    nonproliferation. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
    decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
    the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
    responsibility and demonstrate greater transparency and restraint with
    respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue
    those objectives both in bilateral engagements with China and in
    multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Chris Van Hollen

        Question. Do you agree that greater enforcement of international
    sanctions against North Korea would strengthen U.S. leverage in nuclear
    talks with Pyongyang?

        Answer. Yes. The DPRK's unlawful weapons of mass destruction (WMD)
    and ballistic missile programs constitute serious threats to
    international peace and security and the global nonproliferation
    regime. A series of United Nations Security Council resolutions have
    put in place sanctions to address the threat posed by the DPRK
    Government's weapons programs and proliferation activities and to deny
    it the means to advance its WMD and ballistic missile programs. If
    confirmed, I will continue to promote their full global implementation
    and look forward to supporting the administration's efforts to pursue
    calibrated and practical diplomacy with the DPRK.

        Question. What steps would you recommend the administration take to
    pressure other countries, in particular China, to enforce international
    sanctions against North Korea?

        Answer. DPRK-related sanctions implementation by other countries,
    including the PRC and Russia, has been uneven. I am clear-eyed that
    while our interests on the Korean Peninsula overlap at times, our
    priorities often differ significantly. If confirmed, I will continue to
    engage the PRC and Russia on DPRK issues and encourage both to play a
    positive role. I will continue to work with other U.N. Member States to
    promote full global sanctions implementation and enhance their capacity
    to fulfill their U.N. obligations.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to fully comply with the Otto
    Warmbier North Korea Nuclear Sanctions and Enforcement Act of 2019
    (title LXXI of Public Law 116-92; 133 Stat. 2244)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's compliance
    with the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act, including as
    amended by the Otto Warmbier North Korea Nuclear Sanctions and
    Enforcement Act of 2019.

        Question. In your view, does cooperation on naval nuclear
    propulsion constitute an allowable peaceful use under the U.S.-
    Australian civilian nuclear cooperation agreement, submitted to
    Congress pursuant to section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as
    amended [P.L. 83-703; 42 U.S.C. 2153 et seq? If not, would
    such cooperation require congressional approval?

        Answer. The 2010 U.S.-Australia Agreement Concerning Peaceful Uses
    of Nuclear Energy would not apply to cooperation on naval nuclear
    propulsion. Any cooperation will be undertaken consistent with
    requirements of the Atomic Energy Act, including with respect to any
    necessary agreements and requisite Congressional review in accordance
    with its provisions.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. China is growing its nuclear arsenal at an alarming rate.
    What impact will this have on the NPT? How should the U.S. address it,
    in the context of the NPT?

        Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
    decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
    the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
    responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear
    weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue those objectives both in
    bilateral engagements with China and in multilateral fora such as the
    NPT Review Conference.

        Question. How will you evaluate if the NPT Revcon is a success? If
    confirmed, what will you do to make it a success?

        Answer. NPT Review Conferences are held every five years to review
    the operation of the Treaty. There are no fixed standards for success,
    and past RevCons have reached consensus on various forms of final
    outcome documents. At a minimum, I expect that NPT Parties will
    recognize the continuing importance of the Treaty and reaffirm their
    commitment to the Treaty. If confirmed, I will work to build the
    broadest possible consensus on principles, goals, and specific actions
    to strengthen the NPT regime.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. Are the provisions of the NPT still relevant over fifty
    years later? How do you assess the effectiveness of the treaty for U.S.
    nonproliferation policy?

        Answer. I believe that the provisions of the Treaty are still
    highly relevant and vital to the preservation of U.S., as well as
    international, security. The NPT is the international legal foundation
    for efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, one of the
    greatest threats to our national security. Almost all countries have
    joined the Treaty, which has helped forestall the widespread
    proliferation of nuclear weapons predicted in the 1960s. The Treaty is
    among the most effective international regimes, contributing to the
    norm against nuclear proliferation as well as robust international
    nuclear safeguards, common nuclear supplier policies, and action on
    nuclear arms control.

        Question. How do you view the NPT's three tenets, nonproliferation,
    disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy? Should one be
    prioritized over the others?

        Answer. Each of these tenets--or ``pillars,'' as we often call
    them--represents a common interest of all NPT Parties. All states
    benefit from and can contribute to each. They should not be treated as
    competing interests. However, since some other Parties often emphasize
    the disarmament or peaceful uses pillars, we encourage all Parties to
    recognize that nonproliferation is an essential foundation for these
    other two. Further steps toward disarmament will be hindered if more
    nuclear proliferation occurs, and states are reluctant to supply
    nuclear wherewithal to others unless they are assured it will be used
    for solely peaceful purposes.

        Question. How should the United States balance the goals of
    increasing states' access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy with
    the nonproliferation goals of preventing the further spread of
    sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technology (enrichment and reprocessing)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would work within the context of the
    Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to make good on its objective of
    expanding access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, while
    promoting the highest standards of nuclear safety, security, and
    nonproliferation and continuing the United States' longstanding policy
    of limiting the spread of enrichment and reprocessing capabilities
    around the world. Proliferation of such technologies is not necessary
    to meet the NPT States Parties' peaceful uses needs.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                  to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Todd Young

        Question. The United Arab Emirates Ambassador to the United States
    earlier this year asked why under current U.S. policy an adversary--the
    regime in Iran--would be allowed to have an enrichment program while
    U.S. partners and allies were committed to nuclear programs without
    enrichment or reprocessing. How would you answer the ambassador's
    question?

        Answer. The United States has long sought to limit the spread of
    uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing capabilities. Under the
    Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran committed to strict
    limits on both the level and scale of its enrichment program and
    related research and development activities, as well as limits on
    reprocessing. The administration believes that diplomacy and a mutual
    return to compliance with the JCPOA are the best path to reestablishing
    limits on Iran's nuclear program and ensuring Iran never acquires a
    nuclear weapon.
        I have long applauded the constructive decision by the United Arab
    Emirates in 2008 to voluntarily refrain from domestic enrichment and
    reprocessing-related activities. If confirmed, I will continue to urge
    other countries to follow in a similar path and will support using all
    measures at our disposal to limit the spread of these sensitive
    technologies both in the region and globally.

        Question. How should the administration address Middle Eastern
    states seeking enrichment and reprocessing capabilities to match Iran's
    if Washington re-enters the JCPOA and accepts the continued existence
    and future growth of Tehran's enrichment program?

        Answer. The United States has a longstanding policy of limiting the
    further spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies to the
    greatest extent possible, and we employ a range of tools to that end.
    The United States shares a common interest with regional partners in
    ensuring through diplomacy that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
    If confirmed, I will urge regional states to rely on the existing
    international market for nuclear fuel and services, rather than seeking
    to acquire or develop such capabilities, and to apply the highest
    nonproliferation standards, including by bringing into force an IAEA
    Additional Protocol if they have not yet done so.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. What leverage do we still have with Iran to halt further
    development of their nuclear program and restrain their destabilizing
    actions in the region?

        Answer. If confirmed as Special Representative, I would not have
    direct responsibility for these issues, but I believe the high priority
    Iran places on sanctions relief gives us leverage in the negotiations
    on a mutual return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
    Action (JCPOA). A mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA and to
    build on that basis are central to the administration's efforts to
    restrict Iran's nuclear program, secure diplomatic support for this
    goal, and address Iran's destabilizing activities in the region.

        Question. I am pleased that the Biden administration has extended
    the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (new START) until 2026.
    However, I remain concerned about Russia's nuclear program,
    particularly given its continued malign actions near and far beyond its
    borders. What more can be done to ensure continued dialogue with Russia
    on this matter, and how will you, if confirmed, ensure that we are able
    to conduct inspections as agreed to in New START?

        Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
    is the lead on bilateral nuclear arms control with Russia. If
    confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to ensure that Nuclear
    Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) States Parties are appropriately
    informed of U.S. dialogue and bilateral treaty implementation with
    Russia. The administration has launched a Strategic Stability Dialogue
    with Russia to discuss strategic stability issues, including future
    arms control and risk reduction. The administration is also working
    with Russia to determine when New START inspections can be resumed
    safely.

        Question. How can we build on the New START extension to cover
    tactical (i.e. short range missiles, nuclear artillery, etc.) and
    emerging nuclear weapon technologies (i.e. Skyfall, nuclear warhead
    unmanned subsurface vehicles, etc.)?

        Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
    is the lead on bilateral nuclear arms control with Russia. If
    confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to ensure that Nuclear
    Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) States Parties are appropriately
    informed of U.S. dialogue and bilateral treaty implementation with
    Russia. The administration will use the time provided by extension of
    the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with
    Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all
    Russian nuclear weapons, including novel strategic systems and non-
    strategic nuclear arms.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                   to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. In April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative
    for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing
    to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past
    noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT
    obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to
    past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive
    device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives
    for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel
    related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
    nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''
    Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?

        Answer. The United States has, including in the 2021 Compliance
    Report, indicated concern with regard to Iran's compliance with Article
    III of the NPT. Given Iran's past non-compliance with its obligations
    under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement and its
    present failure to fully address the IAEA's current questions related
    to implementation of that safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a
    non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as
    ``good.''

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
    Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If
    no, please explain why

        Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
    compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
    International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
    to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
    2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
    retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
    The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
    nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
    substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
    IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
    lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
    cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
    compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
    International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
    to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
    2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
    retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
    The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
    nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
    substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
    IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
    lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
    cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of
    civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good
    standing of the NPT? If so, why? If not, why not?

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
    NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International
    Atomic Energy Agency.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to
    benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes,
    please explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

        Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article
    VI obligations?

        Answer. I understand the State Department examined the issue of
    China's compliance with NPT Article VI in connection with the 2021
    compliance report and determined it did not merit inclusion. If
    confirmed, I commit to follow up with the AVC bureau, which is the
    Department lead on compliance reporting, and to support and advocate
    for the administration's efforts to engage China in nuclear risk
    reduction talks.

        Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to
    dampen China's nuclear buildup?

        Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
    decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
    the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
    responsibility and demonstrate greater transparency and restraint with
    respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue
    those objectives both in bilateral engagements with China and in
    multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. In your view, has China exhibited good faith efforts to
    pursue nuclear negotiations with the United States or any other party
    of the NPT?

        Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
    decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. It is
    urgent for China to take on greater responsibility, transparency, and
    restraint with respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. If confirmed, I
    would work to pursue those objectives both in bilateral engagements
    with China and in multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to providing regular updates
    to the committee on the Biden administration's effort to determine
    whether or not China has violated Article VI of the NPT?

        Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
    has the lead on compliance reporting to Congress. If confirmed, I
    commit to working with them and Congress on matters related to the NPT.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
         Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Robert Menendez

    State Department Attrition
        Question. The Institute for the Study of Diplomacy recently
    released a report that found that almost a third of current foreign
    service officers are seriously considering leaving the Department. This
    finding reflects a broader trend of attrition within the foreign
    service over the past decade.

       What steps will you take, if confirmed, to improve foreign service
            retention and to ensure that the foreign service is motivated,
            engaged, and functioning to the highest degree of their
            professional capabilities? What steps will you take to ensure
            that the Department retains foreign service officers from a
            diversity of backgrounds?

        Answer. On his first day in office, Secretary Blinken addressed the
    Department's workforce and underscored that our task ``starts with
    rebuilding morale and trust'' within our ranks. The Department is
    developing new approaches in support of the President's directive to
    revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. As part
    of this effort, the Secretary appointed Ambassador Gina Abercrombie-
    Winstanley as the Department's first Chief Diversity and Inclusion
    Officer and, if confirmed, I plan to work closely with her to ensure
    that diversity and inclusion practices are integrated strategically
    into personnel-related policies. I also plan to promote workplace
    flexibilities and to highlight for the workforce resources available to
    assist employees: FSI workshops and engagements; 24/7 online access to
    WorkLife4You to address personal issues, including mental health; and
    TalentCare, the single touchpoint for resources for well-being,
    community, safety, and workplace flexibilities.
        If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening our efforts to
    support, retain, and develop our already top notch Foreign Service and
    Civil Service employees to confront the foreign policy challenges of
    the 21st century.

        Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to address
    foreign service officers' concerns regarding assignments, promotions,
    bias, and family matters?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ask Department experts to examine
    whether there is a significantly higher rate of attrition for certain
    populations, and I commit to further analyzing mitigation measures to
    ensure the Department remains an employer of choice for all of our
    employees. Understanding why employees leave the Foreign Service is a
    crucial step in increasing retention. The Department has launched a
    revamped centralized exit survey to better understand the reasons
    employees may decide to leave, and the Department has utilized the
    Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey to drill down on bureau level issues
    that affect retention in support of the President's directive to
    revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. I am
    committed to examining employee concerns, including assignments,
    promotions, bias, family member employment, education of dependents,
    and any other areas, which lead to a loss of our most valuable human
    resources. If confirmed, I will pursue programs and solutions that
    remove barriers to retention of our top talent.

    Diversity
        Question. I remain extremely concerned that the foreign service
    does not sufficiently reflect the makeup of this country and lags
    behind most of the rest of the federal government in hiring and
    retaining a diverse workforce. I appreciate that Secretary Blinken has
    made this a priority from day one. The fact remains, however, that much
    work lies ahead. Our diplomats and State Department personnel represent
    America to much of the world. It is critical that we have foreign
    service and civil service professionals who represent all the richness
    that our nation has to offer.

       How do you intend to ensure that the foreign service recruits and
            retains a diverse workforce?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and
    retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure that GTM
    continues to integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically
    into personnel-related policies in alignment with the Chief Diversity
    and Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and administration's
    priorities. This includes fair and transparent interviewing and hiring,
    workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a culture of inclusion,
    including through professional development and advancement.
        If confirmed, I am committed to listening to our members of the
    Foreign Service and ensuring we retain high performers by investing in
    their professional development and strengthening programs that mentor
    individuals for success, provide actionable feedback on performance,
    chart career progression, provide more interagency and other detail
    opportunities, and create more viable pathways to ensure professional
    growth.

        Question. How do you plan to ensure that diversity is represented
    at all levels of the workforce, especially at senior levels? What
    specific steps do you plan to take with respect to mentoring young and
    mid-level professions, to eliminate bias in promotions, and to
    otherwise improve access to senior positions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with the Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer (CDIO) to ensure that the Department represents the
    diversity of the American people. The Department is developing new
    approaches in support of the President's directive to revitalize the
    foreign policy and national security workforce. GTM and the CDIO's
    office are working to track and ensure progress on performance metrics
    on diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility as outlined in the
    soon-to-be released Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan. The
    Department has already taken steps to widen the candidate pool of
    applicants for senior-level positions through mentorship programs,
    outreach to employee affinity groups, and the inclusion of interviewing
    parameters to ascertain the candidates' commitment to diversity and
    inclusion. In addition, the Department ensures that every promotion
    board panel is racially and ethnically diverse, gender balanced, and
    that all panel members receive unconscious bias training. If confirmed,
    I will continue these efforts to develop our diverse workforce, reach a
    wider candidate pool, and include more candidates from underrepresented
    backgrounds for senior positions.

        Question. How will you promote diversity, equity, and inclusion in
    your own hiring and leadership?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and
    retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure that GTM
    continues to integrate diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility
    practices strategically into personnel-related policies in alignment
    with the Secretary's and administration's priorities. This includes
    fair and transparent interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities,
    and encouraging a culture of inclusion through professional development
    and advancement for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service.
        If confirmed, I will partner with Chief Diversity and Inclusion
    Officer (CDIO) Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley to ensure that the
    Department represents the diversity of the American people. As the
    Secretary has said, diversity and inclusion make us stronger, smarter,
    more creative, and more innovative. The CDIO and her office are
    building on the efforts established by the Bureau of Global Talent
    Management (GTM) and GTM will collaborate with the CDIO on the
    Department's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan which will lay out
    the framework to implement wide-reaching diversity and inclusion
    initiatives along with concrete benchmarks and performance metrics.

        Question. Do you commit to establish and demonstrate inclusive
    leadership practices and to build and maintain a safe work environment?
    How will you each carry that out in practice?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to establish and demonstrate
    inclusive leadership practices and to build and maintain a safe work
    environment. If confirmed, I will expect everyone in the workforce to
    promote a culture of inclusion where every voice is heard, respected,
    and valued. As a senior leader at the Department of State and two-time
    Ambassador, I have led numerous teams comprised of employees from a
    wide variety of backgrounds and worked deliberately to foster inclusive
    work environments.
        I previously served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau
    of Human Resources, now the Bureau of Global Talent Management, where I
    worked directly on accountability mechanisms. If confirmed, I will use
    this experience to work with the Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer
    and Office of Civil Rights to strengthen these accountability
    mechanisms, which are a key component of a culture of inclusion.

    Anomalous Health Incidents
        Question. I remain extremely concerned that the Department's
    response to attacks on personnel, so-called Anomalous Health Incidents,
    remains woefully inadequate and that the Department is not consistently
    providing prompt and equitable treatment for affected personnel and
    family members.

       Do you commit to making the response and treatment of personnel a
            top priority if confirmed?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to making the response and
    treatment of personnel a top priority of mine.

        Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
    pose a threat to the health of State personnel?

        Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
    pose a threat to the health of State personnel.

        Question. What steps, specifically, will you take to improve
    communication with affected personnel, ensure the workforce is
    sufficiently aware of the symptoms to watch for and how to report
    suspected incidents, and ensure all medical treatment is covered and
    reimbursed?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Care Coordination Unit
    and Health Incidents Response Task Force (HIRTF) team on communication
    with affected personnel and the workforce writ large, and ensure that
    employees are apprised of their benefits. The Senior Care Coordinator
    and her team will continue to meet regularly with the group of injured
    employees and will remain available for individual meetings with those
    employees. If confirmed, I will meet with these employees as well. I
    will ensure that the GTM team also works with HIRTF to establish a
    webpage with information for Department personnel and will help amplify
    the page in our DG Digest and other communications. DS and MED has and
    will continue to take every opportunity to remind members of the State
    Department family of the response protocols for all personnel under COM
    security responsibility.

    Assignment Restrictions
        Question. I remain concerned about how assignment restrictions are
    imposed, the limitations they impose on State Department personnel, and
    the ability for personnel to appeal restrictions. Such restrictions
    have historically had a disproportionate effect on communities of
    color, and can impede career advancement.

       Do you share these concerns, and how do you intend to address these
            concerns, if confirmed?

        Answer. I share your concerns about assignment restrictions. If
    confirmed, I will support the Department's review of legally available
    options and broader policy reforms regarding this process, with the
    goal to better leverage the expertise and capabilities of our entire
    workforce as well as to increase transparency. Assignment restrictions
    are based on a number of factors and are intended to mitigate security
    concerns related to foreign preference and foreign influence, where
    security clearances for individuals with these circumstances would
    otherwise be denied, leaving them wholly unable to serve the
    Department. Individuals who are restricted from serving in one or more
    countries have capabilities and expertise that contribute to the
    Department's overall mission and vision. The Department is determined
    to leverage the diversity and skills of our workforce in ways that make
    our policy more robust and transparent, while ensuring our national
    security information remains protected and security concerns are
    mitigated.

        Question. What steps will you take to help improve the promotion
    board process and ensure that promotions are based on merit and not
    unduly influenced by bias?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to
    increase the accountability for diversity & inclusion in evaluations.
        Global Talent Management (GTM) makes every effort to make the
    Department's Selection Boards as diverse as possible, in accordance
    with the Foreign Service Act of 1980. The Department ensures that every
    promotion board panel is racially and ethnically diverse, gender
    balanced. Diversity of experience and perspective is also valued and
    this coming year, GTM will recruit Foreign Service Specialists to serve
    on Generalist Boards. Board members are also required to take diversity
    awareness and unconscious bias training, prior to beginning service.
    GTM has revised Selection Board procedures to focus on assessing
    potential for success at the next level versus past performance,
    valuing multifunctionality, and complexity of work over geography - and
    ensure that each Board member receives consistent guidance and
    training.

    Workforce Training
        Question. Workforce training is a key element to professional
    development, especially as it relates to improving management
    practices.
       Do you believe the Department should provide more opportunities for
            professional development training, particularly for management,
            and if so, what steps will you take to do so?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support expanding professional
    development opportunities for our Civil and Foreign Service workforce,
    including for managers and supervisors, by increasing both the number
    of programs offered and the number of employees participating. This
    includes incentivizing supervisors to empower employees to take
    advantage of long-term training opportunities, developmental rotations,
    domestic and overseas TDY opportunities, and details, as well as
    filling gaps left behind due to staffing shortages. For example,
    creating ``backfill positions,'' (which in and of themselves would also
    provide professional development experience) would support bureaus
    experiencing staffing gaps when Civil Service employees are pursuing
    career development opportunities.

        Question. What steps will you take to ensure that diversity,
    equity, and inclusion are incorporated into professional development
    training and mentorship opportunities?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that diversity, equity,
    inclusion, and accessibility are incorporated into training,
    professional development opportunities, and mentoring programs
    throughout the Department in support of the Secretary's Office of
    Diversity and Inclusion's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan
    (DISP). This includes continuing to train and educate supervisors about
    the importance of recruiting and retaining diverse teams and
    emphasizing that creating an environment of inclusion is essential
    aspect of good leadership. While training alone cannot transform the
    Department, I fully believe that it plays a central role in promoting
    culture change. If confirmed, I look forward to building a stronger,
    more inclusive State Department.

    Mental Health
        Question. As you know, the recent events in Afghanistan will likely
    bear heavily on many State Department personnel, whether that be
    because they previously served in Afghanistan or because they worked
    closely on the evacuation efforts.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to ramp up mental health
            services and to encourage State Department employees to seek
            counseling and support when needed?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues in the Bureau
    of Medical Services (MED) to ensure that we, as an organization,
    continue to hone processes to lower the barriers, perceived or
    otherwise, that stand in the way of our employees seeking and receiving
    the care they need. I will support the Department's efforts to
    communicate to employees that the act of seeking help from a counselor,
    psychotherapist, or other mental health professional to address grief,
    anxiety, family or marital issues, or other concerns, by itself, is not
    considered derogatory in a security clearance determination, and to
    dispel the perceived notion that seeking mental health care might
    adversely affect clearances and career trajectory.

        Question. How will you communicate the availability of mental
    health resources and improve accessibility to them?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will meet State Department personnel on the
    channels and platforms they listen to and learn from. We will use all
    available conduits, including staff emails, internal webpages, internal
    TV channels (a.k.a. BNET), newsletters, handouts, webinars, and message
    boards to make mental health resources and mental health care part of
    the ongoing, daily discussion at the Department of State. These will
    complement the in-person communication of available resources already
    happening through MED's psychologists and social workers in Employee
    Consultation Services (ECS) as well as psychiatrists overseas.
        If confirmed, I will aim to improve accessibility and destigmatize
    mental health care. I will support the Department in making resources
    easily available where and when they are needed, meeting State
    Department personnel where they are overseas and at home. The
    Department does this now in-person whenever possible through Regional
    Psychiatrists posted overseas or ECS clinicians domestically. ECS has
    also expanded capacity recently to travel to overseas sites to work
    collaboratively with our psychiatrists to address crises, deteriorating
    morale, or burnout at posts. If confirmed, I will ensure that we are
    able to maintain this valuable service. I will work with MED to ensure
    continued availability and leverage of technologies such as WebEx,
    Microsoft Teams, and Zoom for the benefit of our employees and
    families.

    Work-Life Balance
        Question. The Department has made significant improvements
    regarding work-life balance, but many aspects, particularly related to
    moving and living overseas, reflect an outdated reality.

       What steps can the Department take to improve work-life balance for
            all employees, including those balancing family obligations?
            What do you intend to focus on to further improve work-life
            balance, if confirmed?

        Answer. As our community readies for a return to on-site work, I am
    committed, if confirmed, to preserving the workplace flexibilities upon
    which employees have come to depend. This includes supporting the
    ongoing implementation of the Mobility Assessment Tool (MAT) to assess
    telework eligibility for domestic positions based on job function,
    training needed for a more efficient hybrid and remote workforce, and
    further expanding the Domestic Employee Teleworking Overseas (DETO)
    program, which enables domestic direct hire Department employees under
    certain conditions to telework from overseas in order to accompany
    their spouse to foreign posts of assignment. If confirmed, I will also
    listen to and assess workforce needs, including through Global Talent
    Management's (GTM) Innovation Portal.

    Civil Service
        Question. As you know, many have commented that a stark divide
    exists between the foreign service and the civil service, in part due
    to the opportunities that are available to foreign service officers,
    but not to those in the civil service.

       What is your assessment of the civil and foreign service divide? If
            confirmed, what steps will you take to help bridge this gap?

        Answer. The strength of the Department's workforce is due in large
    part to the blending of unique but complementary skills and experiences
    among the various corps. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to
    strengthen our partnership and bridge any perceived gap. If confirmed,
    I'm committed to listening to the entire workforce and ensuring we
    develop and retain high performers. I support expanding professional
    development opportunities and increasing not only the number of
    programs, but the number of employees participating.
        If confirmed, I will also invest in Civil Service professional
    development tools and training that chart career progression, prepare
    employees to take on leadership roles earlier in their careers, and
    create pathways for those aspiring to the Senior Executive Service.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
           Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to develop the
    State Department workforce capabilities with respect to strategic
    competition with China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the continued efforts of the
    Bureau of Global Talent Management, the Foreign Service Institute, and
    the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs to create stronger
    incentives for officers to increase their Chinese language skills and
    regional expertise. Concepts already in progress include a TransPacific
    Fellowship program in Taipei; revamping language and hardship
    incentives; and revising the promotion precepts to place additional
    emphasis on super-hard language skills in promotion reviews. Currently,
    the Department has 24 additional Chinese Language designated positions
    worldwide that are not located in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. The
    Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs has several lines of effort
    with the Bureau of Global Talent Management, the interagency, and the
    Secretary to grow and develop our pool of China experts to coordinate
    State's policy, outreach and engagement with partners and allies on
    China, to implement cutting-edge polices with rapid interagency input,
    and to advise Department, interagency, and like-minded government
    partners on effective competition with China.
        In 2020, the State Department stood-up a Mandarin Language Task
    Force to answer the continuing critical need for regional expertise and
    advanced Chinese language skills. The Task Force has already delivered
    an Advanced Mandarin Training Program, with students starting in-
    country, in-depth language training in Summer 2021.
        If confirmed, I will also encourage deploying our employees with
    China expertise to Posts throughout the world to better track China's
    activities globally.

        Question. What is your view on the assignments restrictions
    process? What steps can be done to conduct such a process with greater
    transparency and clarity?

        Answer. Though assignment restrictions presently affect a small
    percentage of the Department's workforce, the Department is reviewing
    legally available options and broader policy reforms regarding this
    process. The aim is to better leverage the expertise and capabilities
    of our entire workforce as well as to increase transparency. Assignment
    restrictions are based on a number of factors and are intended to
    mitigate security concerns related to foreign preference and foreign
    influence, where security clearances for individuals with these
    circumstances would otherwise be denied, leaving them wholly unable to
    serve the Department. Individuals who are restricted from serving in
    one or more countries have capabilities and expertise that contribute
    to the Department's mission and vision. The Department is determined to
    leverage the diversity and skills of our workforce in ways that make
    our policy more robust and transparent, while ensuring our national
    security information remains protected and security concerns are
    mitigated.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
       Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Diversity
        Question. The Director General of the Foreign Service has
    traditionally played a significant role with respect to State
    Department diversity and inclusion programs.

       If confirmed, what specific knowledge and experiences from your
            time at the State Department will you apply to your work in
            diversity and inclusion?

        Answer. As a senior leader at the Department of State and two-time
    Ambassador, I have built and led numerous teams comprised of employees
    from a wide variety of backgrounds, and worked deliberately to foster
    inclusive work environments. If confirmed, I will expect everyone in
    the workforce to promote a culture of inclusion where every voice is
    heard, respected, and valued.
        I previously served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau
    of Human Resources, now the Bureau of Global Talent Management, where I
    worked directly to strengthen accountability mechanisms. If confirmed,
    I will use this knowledge to work with the Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer and Office of Civil Rights to strengthen these
    accountability mechanisms, which are a key component of a culture of
    inclusion.

        Question. How will you collaborate on these matters with the State
    Department's Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer, who is occupying a
    newly created position? Please explain the intended contours of your
    working relationship.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer (CDIO) Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley to ensure
    that the Department represents the diversity of the American people. As
    the Secretary has said, diversity and inclusion make us stronger,
    smarter, more creative, and more innovative. The CDIO and her office
    are building on the efforts established by the Bureau of Global Talent
    Management (GTM) and GTM will collaborate with the CDIO on the
    Department's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan which will lay out
    the framework to implement wide-reaching diversity and inclusion
    initiatives along with concrete benchmarks and performance metrics.
        If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit, develop and
    retain a workforce that represents America in support of the
    President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and national
    security workforce. I will ensure that GTM continues to integrate
    diversity and inclusion practices strategically into personnel-related
    policies in alignment with the CDIO's vision and the Secretary's and
    administration's priorities. This includes fair and transparent
    interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a
    culture of inclusion through professional development and advancement
    for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service, as well as our Locally
    Employed Staff.

    Professional Education and Training
        Question. Many stakeholders, including former State Department
    officials, have long expressed concern that the State Department values
    and emphasizes the professional education and training of its personnel
    to a much lesser degree than not only other U.S. agencies, but also the
    diplomatic corps of other countries such as China. Some note that this
    issue partially reflects agency culture and management practices,
    observing that there are widely-held views in the State Department that
    education and training programs do not enhance one's career and may
    damage promotion prospects.

       Please share your views on whether the State Department's agency
            culture and management practices discourage personnel from
            pursuing training and professional development opportunities,
            especially in the Foreign Service. What changes, if any, should
            the State Department consider with respect to Foreign Service
            promotion criteria, time-in-class restrictions, or other
            policies to provide more incentives for personnel to seek out
            such opportunities?

        Answer. The Department of State recognizes that our greatest asset
    is our people. Both Civil Service and Foreign Service employees are
    encouraged to participate in details and long-term professional
    development opportunities, many of which are highly sought after and
    prestigious. Time-in-class extensions are granted for periods of long-
    term training, including language training, to ensure employees will
    not be penalized by pursuing opportunities that enhance their skills.
    Foreign Service Selection Boards are instructed to place an emphasis on
    continued development of professional expertise and multifunctionality
    and to consider positively the successful acquisition and/or use of a
    foreign language. If confirmed, I will continue to explore incentives
    for Department personnel to pursue training and professional
    development to ensure our workforce has the skills and expertise needed
    to further U.S. security.
        Professional Education and Training. Many stakeholders, including
    former State Department officials, have long expressed concern that the
    State Department values and emphasizes the professional education and
    training of its personnel to a much lesser degree than not only other
    U.S. agencies, but also the diplomatic corps of other countries such as
    China. Some note that this issue partially reflects agency culture and
    management practices, observing that there are widely-held views in the
    State Department that education and training programs do not enhance
    one's career and may damage promotion prospects.

        Question. As Director General, what changes would you propose to
    training and professional development programs for Foreign Service and
    Civil Service staff?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support expanding professional
    opportunities for our Civil and Foreign Service workforce by increasing
    both the number of programs offered and the number of employees
    participating. The Department is developing new approaches in support
    of the President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and
    national security workforce. This includes incentivizing supervisors to
    empower employees to take advantage of long-term training
    opportunities, developmental rotations, domestic and overseas TDY
    opportunities, and details, as well as filling gaps left behind due to
    staffing shortages. For example, full-time professional development and
    training/backfill positions would support bureaus experiencing staffing
    gaps when Civil Service employees are pursuing career development
    opportunities.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
         Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. For years now, Government Accountability Office reports
    have pointed out the lack of diversity in the Department of State, and
    in particular at higher levels of leadership. These recommendations
    were repeated again in the latest report last year, which Secretary
    Blinken acknowledged, and yet we have not seen the numbers change.

       If confirmed, what will be your first steps as Director General to
            truly address diversity at the State Department? Will you
            commit to ensuring a fair assignments process, and to making
            data on diversity in the various bureaus and posts widely
            available?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and
    retain a workforce that represents America in support of the
    President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and national
    security workforce. I will ensure, if confirmed, that GTM continues to
    integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically into
    personnel-related policies in alignment with the Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and administration's
    priorities. This includes fair and transparent interviewing and hiring,
    workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a culture of inclusion through
    professional development and advancement. If confirmed, I commit to
    ensuring the continuation of a fair assignments process, and to making
    data on diversity in the various bureaus widely available consistent
    with applicable law, including PII privacy laws, and the EEOC's
    regulatory requirements.

        Question. Is the State Department still deploying Foreign Service
    Officers to posts where reports of directed energy attacks have taken
    place? If so, what assurances are you providing to these individuals?
    If confirmed, how will you prepare our Foreign Service officers
    accordingly?

        Answer. The interagency community is actively examining a range of
    hypotheses but has made no determination about the cause of these
    incidents or whether they can be attributed to a foreign actor. All
    Foreign Service employees receive regular updates about anomalous
    health incidents (AHI) through various means of communication. AHIs
    have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for
    the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF) to strengthen the
    Department's communication with the workforce, provide care for
    affected employees and family members, and better protect against these
    events in the future as the Department continues to work closely with
    the interagency to find the cause of these AHI. If confirmed, there is
    nothing I will take more seriously than the health and security of the
    workforce. HIRTF is actively working to communicate response protocols
    to the field, in the form of ALDACs, via Regional Executive Directors
    to their respective bureaus, and workforce messaging from the desk of
    the Secretary. Regional Security Officers cover AHIs during their
    newcomer and regular security briefings at overseas posts. Further, if
    confirmed, I will collaborate with HIRTF and the Foreign Service
    Institute to deploy AHI-related content into the Security Overseas
    Seminar (SOS). The SOS is mandatory for all direct-hire federal
    employees posted overseas and highly recommended for Eligible Family
    Members (EFMs) and Members of Household.

        Question. Can I get your commitment that, if confirmed, you will
    ensure that it will be State Department policy for all individuals who
    desire it to have access to the Walter Reed medical facility?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to ensure all our
    employees have access to the best medical care available. The
    Department has established relationships with several centers of
    medical excellence including Walter Reed Medical Center. I will
    continue to advocate for access to Walter Reed along with other health
    care centers recommended by the Bureau of Medical Services or preferred
    by the individual.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
         Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Promoting Diversity
        Question. Prioritizing diversity, equity, inclusion, and
    accessibility at the State Department is essential. Ensuring that the
    Department's personnel is representative of the American people is
    critical to ensuring the effectiveness of our diplomacy and ensuring
    that the United States leads by example when championing human rights
    around the world. To remove barriers low-income students and students
    of color face to participating in internship opportunities and help
    foster a more diverse Foreign Service and workforce at the Department
    of State, I have introduced a bipartisan bill, the Department of State
    Student Internship Program Act, to ensure that internships at the State
    Department are remunerated. This is just one of many steps that can be
    taken to improve diversity.

       What other changes do you think could be made to help increase
            diversity in the State Department's recruitment?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing conversations
    with you and others in Congress on the one-semester paid internship
    program in your bill and the House-passed Department of State
    Authorization Act of 2021.
        The Department's top recruitment priority is enhancing diversity
    among career candidates, in support of the President's directive to
    revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. If
    confirmed, I will review proposals to continue the Department's efforts
    to build a more diverse workforce. The recruitment team created a new
    Volunteer Recruitment Corps which leverages the Department workforce,
    particularly members of the Department's employee affinity groups, to
    augment outreach to prospective applicants. The team added virtual
    private sector recruitment best practices, including candidate sourcing
    via national networks and databases.
        The Department expanded the Pickering and Rangel Fellowships by 50
    percent, starting with the 2021 program year, and recruited record
    numbers of outstanding, diverse candidates for both. The Department is
    considering new Fellowships to meet Specialist career track hiring
    needs and diversity and inclusion initiatives, as we have done for
    Information Specialists with the Foreign Affairs IT Fellowship (FAIT).

        Question. My internship bill will help to address recruitment, but
    retention of employees of color has been another major problem at the
    State Department. What do you believe are the most important steps the
    State Department can take to increase retention?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit,
    develop and retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure
    that GTM continues to integrate diversity and inclusion practices
    strategically into personnel-related policies in alignment with the
    Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and
    administration's priorities. This includes fair and transparent
    interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a
    culture of inclusion through professional development and advancement
    for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service.
        If confirmed, I am committed to listening to the workforce and
    ensuring we retain high performers by investing in their professional
    development and strengthening programs that mentor individuals for
    success, provide actionable feedback on performance, chart career
    progression, provide more training and interagency and other detail
    opportunities, and create viable pathways for those in the Civil
    Service and Foreign Service as they aspire to advance their careers.

        Question. My internship bill will require additional financial
    resource. What initiatives can the State Department pursue immediately
    to increase diversity that do not require additional resources?

        Answer. Currently 16 regional Diplomats in Residence are based
    around the country, hosted by universities but responsible for
    recruitment of professionals and students in a geographic region, not
    just on campus. Seven are hosted by Historically Black Colleges and
    Universities and Hispanic Serving Institutions. The all-virtual
    environment enabled our Diplomats in Residence and recruiters to attend
    more virtual career fairs, host online information sessions, intensify
    activity on social media platforms to include working professionals,
    and reach far more people across the country in FY 2020 than in the
    previous years, including a 39 percent increase in participation in
    diversity-focused events. If confirmed, I will encourage even more
    digital engagement with diverse, prospective candidates with skills
    sets that will enhance our national security.
        The State Department encourages all employees to recruit diverse
    talent by using their professional affiliations and networks to amplify
    Department career opportunities. The new Volunteer Recruiter Corps,
    launched in January 2021, has opened recruitment activities to more
    Department employees, leveraging the Department's existing talent and
    diversity. Half of the initial 500 participants are members of the
    Department's 17 Employee Affinity Groups (EAGs) and all EAGs are
    represented in the Volunteer Recruiter Corps. If confirmed, I will
    consult with the recruitment team on broadening and further engaging
    the Corps.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
             Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator James E. Risch

    U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
        Question. As the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) marks
    its 70th anniversary, global displacement is at an all-time high.
    Demands for life-saving assistance will only increase as the disaster
    in Afghanistan, exacerbated by a hasty U.S. withdrawal, continues to
    unfold, forcing hundreds of thousands of vulnerable Afghan to seek
    safety and shelter as refugees.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you approach ameliorating
    conditions for the existing 2.6 million registered Afghan refugees (2.2
    million of whom are registered in Iran and Pakistan, which presents
    extraordinary challenges), in addition to the inevitable exodus of
    hundreds of thousands more Afghans feeling rule by the Taliban?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage actively with the leadership of
    the key U.N. humanitarian agencies in Geneva as well as NGOs to ensure
    coordination and help monitor evolving needs inside and outside
    Afghanistan. The United States is currently working with these and
    other partners to review and strengthen humanitarian preparedness and
    priority interventions in the region in the event of new refugee
    outflows from Afghanistan, and the Geneva-based agencies will be
    crucial to this ongoing effort. If confirmed, I will ensure that the
    U.S. mission in Geneva coordinates closely across the interagency and
    engages regularly with the Geneva-based humanitarian agencies,
    including UNHCR, and with key donors and other partners to ensure the
    U.N. system is appropriately responding to Afghan's evolving needs,
    inside and outside Afghanistan.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S.
    assistance for Afghan refugees provided through U.N. agencies,
    including UNHCR, reaches its intended beneficiaries and does not
    materially benefit the Taliban?

        Answer. The United States is the largest single donor of
    humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and we will continue our life-
    saving support for vulnerable populations in Afghanistan and in the
    region. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to ensure humanitarian
    assistance in Afghanistan directly benefits the people of Afghanistan.
    U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need through
    our international and non-governmental partners, and not through the
    Taliban. U.N. agencies that deliver U.S. humanitarian assistance in
    Afghanistan follow similar risk mitigation requirements as other
    implementers of U.S. assistance. These risk mitigation measures include
    extensive vetting to reduce the risk of the diversion of funds and
    other resources. Monitoring and strict notification requirements are in
    place to flag issues that could impact assistance delivery.
        If confirmed, I will support the Department's close coordination
    with international partners to stress the importance of remaining
    united in our approach to Afghanistan and delivering humanitarian
    assistance with impartiality, neutrality, and independence. If
    confirmed, I will also support the Department's work with the
    international community to encourage unhindered humanitarian access,
    freedom of movement and employment opportunities for aid workers of all
    genders, and the safety and security of humanitarian staff.
        At the same time, humanitarian access in places like Central
    African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, South Sudan,
    Syria, and Yemen remains highly constrained. With humanitarians
    increasingly under attack, these areas have become the most dangerous
    places in the world for aid workers. To further complicate matters,
    some UNHCR-supported camps (most notably in the DRC following the
    Rwanda genocide in 1994, but also more recently in the displaced
    persons camps in South Sudan), have served as hotbeds for recruitment
    by armed actors and other abuses, including extreme violence against
    women and girls.

        Question. What more can UNHCR do to facilitate and secure
    humanitarian access, prevent diversion by malign actors, protect
    humanitarians and beneficiaries from attack and abuse, and promote
    accountability?

        Answer. As the world's largest single donor to global humanitarian
    response efforts, the United States has a longstanding commitment to
    ensuring appropriate access and effective delivery of assistance. By
    working with partner nations and through important international
    mechanisms, including, inter alia, the U.N. Security Council, the
    United States has always been a leading voice to reinforce the crucial
    principle of U.N. neutrality and push for all appropriate access.
        If confirmed, I will work with UNHCR, other U.N. humanitarian
    agencies, NGOs, and other member states to identify, highlight, and
    address factors that hinder humanitarian access and accountability,
    from risks to humanitarian staff to bureaucratic obstacles imposed by
    governments that delay or divert assistance, as well as mechanisms,
    such as biometrics, that could be used to strengthen accountability
    around assistance. While the United States is the largest single donor
    to UNHCR, close coordination with other like-minded actors also
    supports the effective delivery of life-saving assistance to those in
    need with the safety and security of aid workers at front-of-mind. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. leadership on these issues through
    engagement with diplomatic counterparts, U.N. humanitarian agency
    leadership, public facing engagements, and through governing and other
    executive bodies on which the United States sits.

        Question. Under what circumstances, if any, should assistance to
    camps for displaced persons be halted?

        Answer. Considerations for halting assistance to camps is a complex
    process and must take into account the context of the camps and the
    conflict. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the U.S. continues to
    provide support on the basis of need, whether those in question are in
    camps or are integrated with host communities, and that assistance to
    refugee camps is delivered according to international standards. If
    confirmed, I will actively pursue burden-sharing with other donors,
    national refugee inclusion policies with refugee host countries, and
    work to advance relief to development coherence where possible.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to impressing upon the
    U.N.'s Geneva-based humanitarian assistance agencies, and UNHCR in-
    particular, the importance of establishing and utilizing biometrics and
    other verification mechanisms that will enable the agencies to track
    refugees and internally displaced persons throughout the life of their
    displacement, improve operational planning, eliminate redundancies, and
    enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of donor contributions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these methods are
    implemented in an effective and transparent manner that improves
    accountability for donor contributions and contributes to the larger
    goal of providing quality assistance to beneficiaries. If confirmed, I
    will also urge reluctant states to conduct joint biometric
    registrations with UNHCR, where possible, with the aim of building the
    capacities of host nations to eventually take over the responsibility
    for registering refugees on their territories. Finally, if confirmed, I
    will encourage other states to utilize biometric registration and
    identity management for refugees, particularly those unwilling or
    unable to do so, while attentive to the risk of such data falling into
    the hands of those who might misuse it.

        Question. What concrete steps do you plan to take to reform the
    U.N. Human Rights Council in order to eliminate Agenda Item 7 and
    improve council membership?

        Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
    U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel. When the U.S. has had a seat at the
    table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and have seen
    changes, such as a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting
    Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S.
    friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the
    Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with
    the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S.
    opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
        When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the
    Council, we have been able to engage with our allies and partners to
    keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and
    to encourage and support countries with better records to run for
    seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I will work closely with U.S.
    friends and allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's
    efforts to erode respect for human rights in favor of its authoritarian
    aims and will work to expand space for civil society engagement in the
    Council's work, something the PRC has worked to restrict in recent
    years.

        Question. What points of leverage will you use to secure reforms at
    the U.N. Human Rights Council?

        Answer. I am committed to seeking reforms of the U.N. Human Rights
    Council, if confirmed. U.S. engagement at the HRC can be a force for
    positive change, and we must continue to prioritize needed reforms as
    part of our re-engagement. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. leadership
    on a robust reform agenda. Past experience has shown that when the
    United States is at the table, working closely with U.S. friends and
    allies, as well as non-traditional partners, we can make progress on
    addressing the Council's problematic anti-Israel bias. If confirmed, I
    will also press for U.N. member states to more carefully consider the
    human rights records of countries running for election to the Council
    and encourage countries with good records to run. If confirmed, I will
    ensure that U.S. expectations around Council reforms are prioritized in
    our diplomatic engagements in Geneva.

        Question. What would you define as ``success'' for U.N. Human
    Rights Council?

        Answer. The United States firmly believes that we advance America's
    national interests best when we have a seat at the table in the
    multilateral system, including the Human Rights Council (HRC). Through
    robust U.S. advocacy since our return to the Council as observers in
    February, we have pushed to ensure the Council has shined a powerful
    light on Beijing's human rights abuses in Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong
    Kong; pressured regimes around the world, such as Belarus, Burma,
    Eritrea, Syria, and Venezuela, by sharpening investigative mechanisms
    into their human rights violations and abuses; and worked to advance
    equality for all, protecting women's human rights, advancing the human
    rights of LGBTQI+ individuals, and assuming a leadership role on racial
    justice.
        If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the Council focuses
    on its core mission--to shine a light on the world's worst human rights
    abusers--and on the need to protect civilians. I will also work closely
    with other member states to improve the Council's record through a
    considered reform effort and to address the Council's credibility gap
    due to its anti-Israel bias and its poor membership.

        Question. If the Council does not eliminate Agenda Item 7, will the
    United States continue to run for election at the UNHRC?

        Answer. Yes. U.S. membership on the Council puts us in a much
    stronger position from which to continue to push against anti-Israel
    actions at the HRC and pursue our broader human rights agenda,
    including ensuring the HRC addresses other serious human rights
    situations around the world. If confirmed, I will prioritize continued
    efforts to eliminate Agenda Item 7 as well as other needed reforms of
    the HRC.

        Question. In May, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) created a
    new commission of inquiry to investigate the Israeli-Palestinian
    conflict. The new commission's mandate is much broader in scope
    chronologically, geographically, and substantively than the mandates of
    its predecessors.
        The Biden administration has chosen to reengage with the UNHRC,
    with Secretary Blinken asserting that despite the Council's flawed
    record on Israel ``the best way to improve the Council is to engage
    with it and its members in a principled fashion.'' Blinken committed
    that the U.S. would be at the Council ``table using the full weight of
    our diplomatic leadership'' and said we ``strongly believe that when
    the United States engages constructively with the Council, in concert
    with our allies and friends, positive change is within reach.'' Yet the
    mandate and membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry
    represents a change for the worse rather than the better.

        Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
    the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May,
    2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on
    Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry
    distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater
    dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to
    influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part of broader
    efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human Rights Council,
    in line with other U.N. member states. If confirmed, I will also engage
    regularly with the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear
    U.S. opposition to the Commission. The United States does not intend to
    cooperate with the Commission.

        Question. If confirmed, will you use the full weight of our
    diplomatic leadership to stop the UNHRC from attacking Israel?

        Answer. Yes. I am committed to working with Israel and our other
    allies and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate the HRC's
    attacks on Israel. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United
    States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in Geneva and
    in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world, to address
    the Human Rights Council's longstanding anti-Israel bias.

        Question. How specifically would you plan to defense Israel?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S.
    friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the
    Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with
    the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S.
    opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. If confirmed, I will
    work to reduce the number of Israel-related resolutions at the Council,
    make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to
    reduce the impact of such mandates, and bolster the number of countries
    aligned with U.S. views on the need to permanently tackle the Council's
    bias against Israel. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
    uses its voice and position in Geneva to push back on efforts to
    unfairly single out Israel, works to counteract existing mechanisms
    that are biased against Israel, and consistently makes clear U.S.
    opposition to anti-Israel efforts.

        Question. Will you ensure that no U.S. taxpayer dollars are used to
    fund this UNHRC commission of inquiry?

        Answer. The Commission of Inquiry, like all other HRC mandates, is
    funded by the U.N. regular budget. As such, there is no means to ensure
    that no funding for this mandate comes from the United States regular
    contributions to the U.N. budget. However, if confirmed, I will ensure
    that the United States uses its voice strongly at all opportunities to
    register our opposition to this commission.

        Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) Government is
    actively trying to reshape international institutions to advance its
    malign economic and governance model, including the United Nations. If
    confirmed, how will you work with our democratic allies and partners to
    build resiliency to attempts by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to
    undermine the integrity of multilateral institutions and longstanding,
    widely held democratic values, including with regard to the important
    work of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N. High
    Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and the
    World Intellectual Property Organization?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the
    Department to strengthen our alliances and partnerships as well as
    improve outreach to other countries based on shared multilateral
    priorities, both in Geneva and through bilateral channels. The United
    States has had success coordinating with allies and partners to advance
    an affirmative vision that supports and defends the rules-based
    international order and deters the PRC's attempts to undermine core
    U.N. principles. As part of this effort, if confirmed, I will ensure we
    make clear through our diplomatic engagements that the PRC's actions to
    bully and coerce undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of
    sovereign equality. If confirmed, I will also prioritize working with
    allies and partners to support qualified and independent candidates for
    senior leadership positions at the Geneva-based organizations and
    counter the PRC's attempts to set the agenda in standard-setting bodies
    and to include ideological language in U.N. documents. This will enable
    us to better defend and improve the work of U.N. institutions in
    Geneva, including the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N.
    High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and
    the World Intellectual Property Organization.

        Question. Do you commit to monitoring such attempts and taking
    appropriate actions?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, this will be one of my top priorities.
    The United States is best able to address these issues when we are
    actively engaged and leading at the U.N. and its specialized agencies
    and related organizations. If confirmed, I will use our re-engagement
    with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work with our
    allies and partners to defend the foundational values of the U.N. and
    international rules, standards, and norms. If confirmed, I will seek to
    improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, transparency, and impartiality; take
    targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC efforts, such as its use of the
    U.N. and international organizations to promote the Belt and Road
    Initiative or incorporate its ideology into U.N. documents. If
    confirmed I will also support qualified and independent candidates for
    key positions and ensure that we advance our priorities on issues
    ranging from human rights to emerging technologies, including in
    standard-setting organizations.

        Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles
    in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical
    standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have
    overtly advanced CCP goals, instead of acting independently to advance
    the global good. It is clear the United States has had mixed success
    with elections for heads of International Organizations in the past and
    is taking more robust and coordinated steps to advocate for qualified
    and independent candidates in U.N. bodies. If confirmed, will you
    prioritize robust strategies to secure the election qualified and
    independent candidates to lead the highly specialized U.N. agencies
    based in Geneva?

        Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be the election
    and appointment of qualified, independent candidates to leadership
    positions in the U.N. system. Such personnel are critical to ensuring
    the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational
    principles and values. They also bring strong technical and policy
    skills that enhance the performance and outcomes within the U.N.
    system, which, in turn, bolster U.S. efforts on U.N. reform and good
    governance. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has
    established a new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and
    coordinating elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and like-
    minded candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. That office
    works closely with our multilateral missions, including Geneva, to
    ensure the United States identifies and advocates on behalf of
    interested candidates for key positions across U.N. organizations and
    agencies. If confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with top U.N.
    leadership and our partners and allies to advocate for the placement of
    qualified applicants and candidates, including U.S. citizens, at the
    U.N. and in specialized and technical agencies.

        Question. How do you propose to counter China's malign influence at
    the WHO? Please be specific.

        Answer. The United States is best able to respond to this challenge
    when we are engaged and leading at organizations, including the WHO. If
    confirmed, I will use our re-engagement with the WHO to reassert U.S.
    leadership and work with allies and partners to push back against the
    PRC's attempts to reshape international institutions, rules, standards,
    and values.
        The United States is taking a leadership role in discussions on
    strengthening and reforming the WHO as an opportunity to push forward
    critical reforms that will, inter alia, focus on better pandemic
    preparedness and response, efficiency and effectiveness, transparency,
    and accountability. This includes working to improve WHO transparency
    and accountability through more effective implementation of the
    International Health Regulations and insulating the WHO Director-
    General from political influence and pressure. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize U.S. leadership on these and other reforms to improve WHO's
    performance and accountability and bolster global health security. U.S.
    leadership on these issues at the WHO is critical both to ensuring
    progress on strengthening global health security and rebuilding WHO
    credibility but also to pushing back on the PRC's efforts to undermine
    the organization's accountability, transparency, and governance. If
    confirmed, I will also ensure close engagement with like-minded
    partners and WHO leadership to push for Taiwan's meaningful
    participation at the WHO, including participation at the World Health
    Assembly.

        Question. How will you ensure that COVAX, the vaccines pillar of
    the WHO-supported Access to COVID-19 Tools (ACT) Accelerator, does not
    become a vehicle for subsidizing and distributing substandard Chinese
    vaccines?

        Answer. Gavi will not use funds from the generous U.S. contribution
    supporting COVAX to purchase vaccines produced by Chinese companies.
    U.S. funds have either already been spent down to purchase vaccines
    made by non-Chinese manufacturers or are being used to support the
    purchase of Pfizer vaccines or vaccine readiness efforts in recipient
    countries. Given the immense need for vaccines around the world to help
    control and end the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. Government is
    supportive of COVAX's efforts to rapidly roll-out vaccines authorized
    by the World Health Organization (WHO) as safe and effective. We
    understand that a condition for distribution via COVAX is a WHO
    authorization via an emergency use listing (EUL). If confirmed, I will
    ensure close engagement with Gavi to understand its current and future
    plans for vaccine roll-out and work with the organization as it tries
    to identify additional sources of vaccine to address its supply
    challenges, with more vaccines made by non-Chinese companies expected
    to come online in the coming months.

        Question. What are the top five reforms that you believe the United
    States should pursue at the WHO?

        Answer. The World Health Organization is in need of reform and, if
    confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to make the WHO stronger, more
    independent, and fit for purpose. The United States is using its
    leadership role on WHO strengthening and reform efforts to focus on
    improving WHO's ability to prevent, detect, and respond to future
    pandemics by:

       Improving surveillance and alert systems, including through
            partnerships with Member States and nonstate actors;

       Increasing transparency and the ability of the WHO and Member
            States to quickly and effectively respond to outbreaks,
            especially through strengthened implementation of and
            compliance with the International Health Regulations; and

       Increasing the WHO's cost effectiveness and sustainability.

        The May 2021 World Health Assembly (WHA) established a Member State
    Working Group on Strengthening WHO Preparedness for and Response to
    Health Emergencies (WGPR) to propose actions for WHO reform based on
    the recommendations by three independent review panels and Member
    States for consideration at the next World Health Assembly. If
    confirmed, I am committed to energetically supporting these efforts,
    ensuring strong U.S. leadership to push for a set of practical and
    meaningful reforms that will address performance, management, and
    accountability issues at the organization.

        Question. Do you believe the WHO should lead emergency health
    operations, or would it be better placed to focus on the technical and
    normative aspects of its mission?

        Answer. The WHO engages in vital emergency health work around the
    world, including, for example, the work it is doing to provide critical
    healthcare assistance, including to combat the polio epidemic in
    Afghanistan. But the COVID-19 pandemic revealed troubling gaps in
    global public health investments, capacities, and norms. The United
    States reengaged in the World Health Organization in January in order
    to advance critically needed reforms, reassert our role as a leader in
    global health security, and help the world combat the COVID-19
    pandemic. The United States took an active role in working with G7 and
    other partners to lay the groundwork to strengthen WHO's global health
    emergency preparedness and response. If confirmed, I will support a
    more transparent, effective, and agile WHO that will be better placed
    to detect, report, and respond to emerging health emergencies.

        Question. In preparing for the next World Health Assembly, do you
    agree that diplomatic engagement, including with regard to negotiating
    governance reforms at the WHO, would be best left to competent
    diplomats reporting to the Secretary of State while the technical
    aspects of the International Health Regulations are left to the
    Department of Health and Human Services? Do you see a difference?

        Answer. The Department of State continues to advance WHO reforms in
    close collaboration with the Department of Health and Human Services
    (HHS). We take a whole-of-government approach that leverages all
    agencies' competencies. For example, the U.S. delegation to the WHO
    Working Group on WHO Strengthening for Preparedness and Response to
    Health Emergencies includes key representatives with subject matter
    expertise and multilateral skills from State, HHS, USAID, and the
    National Security Council. The strong cooperation between State, HHS,
    and other relevant agencies will ensure that the United States achieves
    the best possible results from the WHO reform process. If confirmed, I
    will work to ensure that the U.S. brings to bear the full weight of its
    diplomatic and technical leadership to drive WHO reform efforts and the
    ongoing work and oversight of the organization.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure that Taiwan is
    granted full observer status at the WHO and the World Health Assembly,
    regardless of Chinese obstructionism?

        Answer. It is deeply unfortunate that Taiwan's expertise and
    experience on COVID-19 were missing from the 2021 World Health Assembly
    and for the previous several years. The United States has continued to
    express its concern to the World Health Organization leadership, and if
    confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to build support for Taiwan's
    participation at the World Health Assembly through diplomatic
    engagement with WHO member states, WHO leadership, and media and other
    outreach to raise public awareness.
        If confirmed, I will continue U.S. policy to work closely with
    like-minded partners to counter the PRC's efforts to restrict Taiwan's
    meaningful participation at the WHO, World Health Assembly, and other
    U.N. bodies, as well as its efforts to shrink space for civil society's
    meaningful participation in U.N. fora.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
             Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. As we know, women's access to health care, including
    sexual and reproductive health care like modern contraceptives, plays a
    significant role in their empowerment. It also dramatically reduces
    maternal and newborn deaths. Yet the previous administration undertook
    a campaign against inclusive policies and language that has undermined
    U.S. credibility on gender equality and women's empowerment.

       Can you speak to how you will work within the U.N. system in Geneva
            to promote access to health care for women?

        Answer. The United States is best able to promote access to health
    care for women when we are engaged and leading in international
    organizations. If confirmed, I will contribute to the administration's
    re-engagement across the multilateral system by working with partners
    and allies to improve global health capabilities and equitable access
    to health care for women and girls. The administration has prioritized
    the promotion of women's global health and equity, and that action is
    evident in U.S. efforts to increase access to comprehensive health care
    for women and girls; to restore appropriate references to gender in
    U.N. documents; to address health disparities; to advance sexual and
    reproductive health and rights; to prevent and respond to gender-based
    violence (GBV); and to address the gender-specific health effects of
    the COVID-19 pandemic.
        If confirmed, I will advance these priorities across the U.N.
    organizations in Geneva, including through raising these priorities
    with leadership of key U.N. humanitarian organizations, working with
    likeminded partners, and ensuring the United States uses its voice in
    governing and executive boards to ensure continued progress and to make
    clear the strong U.S. support for women's health and gender equity.

        Question. Will you commit to ensuring that the United States talks
    about gender--both by once again using the word and promoting the
    idea--in our engagement with the United Nations?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will promote gender equity and
    equality and women's empowerment across the full spectrum of Geneva-
    based agencies and in all the work they conduct. This will include
    promotion and protection of the rights of LGBTQI+ persons and the
    return of U.S. use of and support for the term ``gender'' in our
    statements at the U.N. and in negotiated U.N. documents.
        If confirmed, I will also restore the U.S. voice in support of
    women's and girls' sexual and reproductive health and rights, including
    access to voluntary family planning, as a key element of the Biden-
    Harris administration's broader commitment to promoting women's health
    and advancing gender equity and equality in the United States and
    around the world.

        Question. Women's access to health care, including sexual and
    reproductive health care like modern contraceptives, plays a
    significant role in their ability to advance their education,
    participate in the economy and support their families and communities.

       Can you speak to how you will work in this post to promote access
            to comprehensive health care across U.N. offices in Geneva?

        Answer. The best way to promote equitable health care access,
    including for women, is for the United States to demonstrate leadership
    on these issues on the global stage, including within international
    organizations such as the U.N. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-
    Harris administration's determined reengagement and leadership by
    working across the U.N. agencies in Geneva and with likeminded partners
    to identify and pursue all appropriate means of promoting equitable and
    comprehensive access to health care, including sexual and reproductive
    health care.
        This means not only strengthening actions through bodies such as
    the World Health Organization, but also ensuring that women's and
    girls' health remains a central objective for organizations such as the
    U.N. Refugee Agency, U.N. Women, UNICEF, the U.N. Population Fund, and
    others charged with supporting human health and wellbeing. If
    confirmed, I look forward to invigorating U.S. diplomatic engagement in
    Geneva to focus on these crucial needs.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you approach restoring
    relationships with U.S. allies and U.S. leadership within the U.N.
    system?

        Answer.
        The Biden-Harris administration has charted a course to mend and,
    where needed, modernize America's alliances. If confirmed, I will
    support those efforts by strengthening U.S. leadership at the Geneva-
    based international organizations, rebuilding partnerships, advocating
    for qualified and independent U.S. and likeminded candidates for U.N.
    positions, and pushing for necessary reforms. I firmly support the
    administration's belief that the United States is most influential when
    it is at the table, working in partnership with allies, and when it is
    engaged across the multilateral system from a position of strength and
    leadership.
        That is the intent in seeking election to the U.N. Human Rights
    Council, and in returning with renewed vigor to dozens of other
    multilateral bodies. If confirmed, I will prioritize reestablishing
    strong relationships with likeminded partners and allies to advance
    common priorities and forming relationships with non-traditional
    partners that can be critical to U.S. efforts to ensure the U.N. system
    remains grounded on its foundational principles and aims and is not co-
    opted by those who seek to undermine the rules-based international
    order.

        Question. In your opinion, has the lack of U.S. leadership at the
    U.N. allowed for countries that seek to overturn democratic norms to
    push their agendas within the U.N. system? Where should we be most
    concerned about this, and what are the first steps to undoing these
    efforts?

        Answer. The United States is best able to address efforts to
    undermine and weaken the U.N. system when we are engaged and leading at
    the U.N. and its specialized agencies and related organizations. If
    confirmed, I will use our re-engagement with the U.N. system to
    reassert U.S. leadership and work with our partners and allies to push
    back against attempts to reshape the U.N. and international rules,
    standards, and values. We are seeing these attempts play out in
    different ways across the U.N. system, including in the human rights
    space, in specialized and technical organizations, and in standard-
    setting bodies.
        If confirmed, I will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness,
    transparency, and impartiality; take targeted actions to oppose efforts
    by some countries to use the U.N. and international organizations to
    promote signature foreign policy platforms or insert national ideology
    and policy into U.N. documents; support qualified and independent
    candidates for key positions; and ensure that we advance our priorities
    on issues ranging from from global health security to humanitarian
    assistance and human rights to emerging technologies, including in
    standard-setting bodies.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
               Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has a long history
    of anti-Israel bias. The Council has repeatedly chastised Israel and
    held it to a double standard, while ignoring gross human rights abuses
    around the world. To this day, Israel is the only country subject to a
    permanent spot on the Council's agenda.

       If confirmed, how will you counter anti-Israel bias at the U.N.
            Human Rights Council and other U.N. agencies?

        Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
    U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC), particularly with respect to the HRC's
    disproportionate focus on Israel and the HRC's problematic membership.
    When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to advocate on
    Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction in the
    number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize
    working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as non-
    traditional partners, to address the HRC's problematic anti-Israel bias
    and will engage regularly with the Office of the High Commissioner for
    Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel
    mandates. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States uses its
    voice and position in Geneva to push back on efforts to unfairly single
    out Israel, works to counteract existing mechanisms that are biased
    against Israel, and consistently makes clear U.S. opposition to anti-
    Israel efforts.

        Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets toward
    Israel from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the ridiculous
    step to establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate
    Israel. What are your thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S.
    cooperate with commission?

        Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
    the U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) following the conflict in Gaza in
    May 2021. The session exemplifies the HRC's disproportionate focus on
    Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry
    distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater
    dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If
    confirmed, I will work to influence the scope and timeline of this
    Commission as part of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated
    fairly by the Human Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member
    states. The United States does not intend to cooperate with the
    Commission.

        Question. The Biden administration has chosen to reengage with the
    UNHRC in the hopes of improving the council's record. Yet this mandate
    and membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry represents a
    change for the worse rather than the better.

       If confirmed, will you use the full weight of American diplomatic
            leadership to stop the UNHRC from engaging in anti-Israel bias?

        Answer. I am committed to working with Israel and our other allies
    and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate attacks on Israel by
    the Human Rights Council. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the
    United States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in
    Geneva and in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world,
    to address the HRC's longstanding anti-Israel bias.

        Question. The Chinese Communist Party has sought to use U.N.
    bodies-including the UNHRC-to aggressively promote a new definition of
    human rights. For instance, in 2017 and 2018, the CCP was able to offer
    resolutions that called for ``people-centered development,'' building a
    ``community of common human destiny,'' and ``mutually beneficial
    cooperation in the field of human rights.'' These resolutions--which
    passed--downplay an individual's inherent human dignity and gives
    authoritarians around the world tacit acceptance for abuse.

       If confirmed, how will you combat the CCP's sophisticated efforts
            to revise international human rights norms at the U.N.?

        Answer. The United States will continue to be vigilant and work
    with others to ensure we have the broadest possible defense of the
    multilateral system's values and norms and are best placed to counter
    the PRC's efforts to erode global human rights norms and pursue its
    authoritarian aims. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues across
    the Department to strengthen current alliances and partnerships as well
    as improve outreach to other countries based on shared human rights
    priorities, both in Geneva and through bilateral channels. As part of
    this effort, the U.S. will also make clear that the PRC's actions to
    bully and coerce undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of
    sovereign equality. If confirmed, pushing back on the PRC's efforts to
    reshape global human rights norms at the U.N. will be one of my top
    priorities, and I will use the full weight of U.S. diplomatic
    leadership toward these efforts.

        Question. One of the many consequences of the Biden
    administration's disastrous Afghanistan decision is that the Taliban is
    now in a position to appoint a new envoy for Afghanistan at the U.N. If
    appointed, this envoy will assume Afghanistan's membership on the
    Commission for the Status of Women. This is ludicrous considering the
    Taliban has been and still is, one of the worst oppressors of women's
    rights.

       If confirmed, how will you encourage the U.N. to invoke Rule 29 to
            ensure a Taliban appointee does not become Afghanistan's envoy
            to the U.N.?

        Answer. The United States has consistently emphasized the
    importance of any future government in Afghanistan to respect the human
    rights and fundamental freedoms of all Afghans. This includes the
    rights of women, children, and minority groups. The United States is
    closely watching the Taliban's actions across the country in this
    regard, and we will judge them by their actions, including with respect
    to their representational efforts at the U.N.
        As Secretary Blinken has said, the Taliban want international
    legitimacy. It is vital that the international community work in unison
    to send a clear message that legitimacy is earned through concrete
    actions. If confirmed, I will work to reinforce these efforts across
    the Geneva-based organizations, including ensuring appropriate focus of
    the U.N. Human Rights Council on the human rights situation in
    Afghanistan.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you use your position to ensure
    that U.N. humanitarian assistance does not benefit the Taliban?

        Answer. The United States is the largest single donor of
    humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and we will continue our life-
    saving support for vulnerable populations in Afghanistan and in the
    region. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to ensure humanitarian
    assistance in Afghanistan directly benefits the people of Afghanistan.
    U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need through
    our international and non-governmental partners, and not through the
    Taliban. U.N. agencies that deliver U.S. humanitarian assistance in
    Afghanistan follow similar risk mitigation requirements as other
    implementers of U.S. assistance. These risk mitigation measures include
    extensive vetting to reduce the risk of the diversion of funds and
    other resources. Monitoring and strict notification requirements are in
    place to flag issues that could impact assistance delivery.
        If confirmed, I will support the Department's close coordination
    with international partners to stress the importance of remaining
    united in our approach to Afghanistan and delivering humanitarian
    assistance with impartiality, neutrality, and independence. If
    confirmed, I will also support the Department's work with the
    international community to encourage unhindered humanitarian access,
    freedom of movement for aid workers of all genders, and the safety and
    security of humanitarian staff. If confirmed, I will engage regularly
    with U.N. humanitarian leadership in Geneva in support of these
    efforts, as well as with other donor countries.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
             Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Re-establishing U.S. Leadership in U.N. Bodies
        Question. China has secured leadership roles in a number of U.N.
    bodies over the last few years, including the Food and Agriculture
    Organization (elected in 2019), International Telecommunication Union
    (re-elected in 2018), International Civil Aviation Organization (re-
    appointed in 2019 and leaving office in August 2021), and U.N.
    Industrial Development Organization (re-appointed in 2017), at the time
    when the prior administration withdrew the United States from a number
    of U.N. bodies, dealing a double blow to our influence with the U.N.
    system. The Biden administration has taken steps to rejoin a number of
    bodies.

       What further steps does the administration plan on taking to re-
            establish U.S. leadership with the U.N. system and to ensure
            that either the United States or our allies regain leadership
            roles in important U.N. bodies?

        Answer. The election and appointment of qualified and independent
    candidates to positions in the U.N. system are critical to ensuring
    that the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational
    principles and values. Qualified U.S. citizens and nationals from like-
    minded countries bring strong technical, policy, and management skills
    that enhance the performance and outcomes within the U.N. system,
    which, in turn, bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good governance.
        The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has established a
    new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and coordinating
    elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and like-minded
    candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. That office works
    closely with posts such as Geneva to ensure the United States is well-
    positioned to identify and advocate on behalf of interested candidates
    for key positions across multiple U.N. organizations and agencies. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with senior U.N. leadership as
    well as our allies and partners to advocate for placement and election
    of qualified and independent applicants and candidates, including U.S.
    citizens, at the U.N. and in its specialized and technical agencies. If
    confirmed, I will also prioritize working closely across the
    interagency, with U.S. bilateral and multilateral missions, and with
    Congress to ensure that we dedicate robust diplomatic efforts to
    leadership election and appointment campaigns.

        Question. What can the State Department do to counter China's
    growing influence within the U.N. system?

        Answer. The United States is best able to respond to this challenge
    when we are engaged and leading at the U.N. and its specialized
    agencies and related organizations. If confirmed, I will use our re-
    engagement with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work
    with our allies and partners to push back against the PRC's attempts to
    reshape international institutions, rules, standards, and values. I
    will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, transparency, and
    impartiality; support qualified and independent candidates for key
    positions; ensure that we advance our priorities on issues ranging from
    human rights to emerging technologies, including in standard-setting
    bodies; and take targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC efforts, such
    as its use of the U.N. and international organizations to promote the
    Belt and Road Initiative or its incorporation of PRC ideology and
    policy into U.N. documents. If confirmed, I will also work closely with
    like-minded partners to counter the PRC's efforts to restrict Taiwan's
    meaningful participation in U.N. bodies and its efforts to shrink space
    for civil society's meaningful participation in U.N. fora.

        Question. The African bloc within the U.N. is a large bloc of
    countries that tends to vote together and can be decisive with respect
    to votes at the United Nations. China has done a lot economically and
    diplomatically to successfully court this bloc, for example convincing
    almost all African countries to abandon Taiwan in favor of China.

       What can the State Department do to work with this bloc to better
            explain U.S. positions and have it vote with the United States
            at the U.N.?

        Answer. The United States shares many priorities with countries in
    Africa, yet too often in multilateral fora our votes do not align. If
    confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the Department to improve
    outreach and partnerships with African and other G-77 countries on our
    shared multilateral priorities, both in Geneva and through our
    bilateral channels. As part of this effort, we will also make clear
    that the PRC's actions to coerce and bully countries to support its
    positions at the U.N. undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of
    sovereign equality and work with those countries to defend our shared
    interests at the U.N.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
               Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, what specific reforms will you push for at
    the Human Rights Council? How will you fight anti-Israel bias at the
    U.N. Human Rights Council?

        Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
    U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic
    membership. When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to
    advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction
    in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as
    non-traditional partners, to address the Council's problematic anti-
    Israel bias and will engage regularly with the Office of the High
    Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to
    problematic anti-Israel mandates.
        We have also seen that when the United States plays an active and
    constructive role on the Council, we have been able to engage with our
    allies and partners to keep off some of the countries with the worst
    human rights records and to encourage and support countries with better
    records to run for seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I would work
    closely with U.S. friends and allies to push back on the People's
    Republic of China's efforts to erode global human rights norms in favor
    of its authoritarian aims and will work to expand space for civil
    society engagement in the Council's work, something the PRC has worked
    to restrict in recent years. If confirmed, I will ensure the United
    States prioritizes these specific reforms.

        Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets at Israel
    from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the step of
    establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate Israel,
    the only such permanent agenda item of the council. What are your
    thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S. cooperate with commission?

        Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
    the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May,
    2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on
    Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry
    distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater
    dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to
    influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part of broader
    efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human Rights Council,
    in line with other U.N. member states. The United States does not
    intend to cooperate with the Commission, and if confirmed, I will make
    clear U.S. opposition to the Commission through regular engagements
    with the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and diplomatic
    counterparts.

        Question. As you know, China continues to seek leadership posts and
    influence inside key standards-making bodies like the International
    Telecommunication Union (ITU), World Intellectual Property
    Organization, and International Organization for Standardization. What
    do you believe is required to effectively push back on Chinese efforts
    to codify CCP-friendly international standards?

        Answer. The United States has consistently participated in the
    activities of key standard-setting bodies to ensure U.S. interests are
    represented, while standing as a bulwark against PRC interests. This is
    achieved by ensuring that organizations are transparent and accountable
    to membership, focused on mandates and core competencies, and led by
    independent, qualified candidates.
        Strong leadership and engagement in international technology
    standards development activities are essential to the national security
    and economic security of the United States. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize electing qualified and independent candidates to lead
    important standard-setting bodies, including the election of American
    citizen Doreen Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the ITU, and
    robust strategies to work with our allies and partners to strengthen
    the international standards development process in alignment with our
    shared values and principles. I will also work to ensure the U.S.
    private sector can appropriately engage in standard-setting processes
    and will strengthen relationships with leadership of the Geneva-based
    standard-setting bodies so that the U.S. can most effectively advance
    our interests.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
               Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Todd Young

        Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has been subject to
    bipartisan criticism for endemic anti-Israel bias. It has in recent
    years taken a leading role in promoting economic measures against
    Israeli Jews and in territories where Israeli Jews live. The Human
    Rights Council has published a blacklist of companies doing business in
    the West Bank and East Jerusalem--including American companies. The
    move puts these companies at severe reputational and potentially even
    legal risks, pursuant to American statutes prohibiting participation in
    such boycott efforts.

       What specific steps do you intend to take to ensure that the
            Council retracts databases and other lists seeking to pressure
            companies into curtailing activities with Israel?

        Answer. The United States opposed the creation of the database and
    release of the report, as mandated by the Human Rights Council in 2016,
    and continues to oppose any work to update it. The United States has
    not provided and has no intention to provide any information to OHCHR
    for the database. If confirmed, I will also encourage other countries
    not to provide any information for the database. The United States
    continues to engage with the High Commissioner in Geneva to make its
    views and opposition clear and to push for retraction of the database.
    If confirmed, I will continue this effort.

        Question. How long do you assess it will take you to ensure that
    the Council retracts all such databases and other lists?

        Answer. I cannot offer a specific timeline. However, I can assure
    you that, if I am confirmed, the United States, and I personally, will
    continue to engage regularly with the High Commissioner in Geneva to
    urge the retraction of this database and push to ensure that the
    database is not further updated.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. What are your views on the future of the Minsk Group and
    how we can promote a better future in the region amid increased Azeri
    and Turkish aggression?

        Answer. The United States takes its role as one of the three OSCE
    Minsk Group Co-Chairs--with France and Russia--very seriously. If
    confirmed, I will support the mandate of the Minsk Group Co-Chairs to
    help Armenia and Azerbaijan negotiate a peaceful, comprehensive
    settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and will support efforts
    invigorate the Minsk Group Co-Chair process to find a lasting solution
    that brings peace and stability to the South Caucasus region. If
    confirmed, I will also look for opportunities for broader OSCE
    engagement in the South Caucasus region to promote peace, security, and
    stability.

        Question. So how will you use the OSCE platform to draw attention
    to human rights abuses and the erosion of the rule of law in Turkey?

        Answer. I share your concerns about democratic backsliding and the
    erosion of the rule of law in Turkey. If confirmed, I will speak
    frankly about democracy and human rights concerns with my Turkish
    counterparts. I will also raise these concerns in statements at the
    Permanent Council and other OSCE venues to ensure that all
    participating States are held accountable for their OSCE commitments.

        Question. What would you do as ambassador to make sure that Turkey
    is unable to derail the OSCE's work on these important issues?

        Answer. All participating States, including Turkey, freely adopted
    OSCE commitments on respect for human rights, the rule of law, and
    democracy. If confirmed, I will use OSCE platforms to hold Turkey and
    other states accountable for their failures to uphold these
    commitments. I share your concern that countries could seek to evade
    criticism of their records by obstructionist tactics, as is currently
    the case with Russia's blocking of procedural decisions regarding the
    Human Dimension Implementation Meeting. If confirmed, I will continue
    to take the firm U.S. position that such tactics are unacceptable and
    work with allies and partners to uphold the principle that the human
    rights record of all participating States is subject to review.

        Question. Given the Kremlin intransigence, what steps will you take
    within the OSCE to ensure that the Kremlin is held accountable for
    abuses against its own people?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue spotlighting Russia's
    failures to uphold its freely made commitments on human rights, rule of
    law, and democracy. I will amplify the voices of embattled civil
    society activists, human rights defenders, and independent journalists.
    I will raise the cases of political prisoners and call out abuses. I
    agree the Kremlin has obstructed the work of the OSCE inside Russia for
    many years, including in the runup to this year's parliamentary
    elections. After obstructing independent media coverage and genuine
    opposition participation, and after imposing unjustified restrictions
    on OSCE observation, the OSCE rightly decided not to observe this
    year's elections. However, that does not mean Russia will evade the
    spotlight or international accountability. If confirmed, I will
    continue the U.S. Mission to the OSCE's efforts to call out the
    Kremlin's failures to abide by its OSCE commitments.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Todd Young

    Nontransparent Behavior with Respect to Its War Games
        Question. Russia's history and continued practice of under-
    reporting, mischaracterizing, or permanently repositioning forces under
    the rubric of exercises is dangerously destabilizing. Many of the
    confidence- and security-building measures contained in the OSCE's
    Vienna Document are designed to provide transparency regarding military
    activities, including military exercises in the field. If it chose to,
    Russia could demonstrate its commitment to international stability by
    ensuring it is transparent before, during, and after military
    exercises. This would give other OSCE participating States greater
    confidence that Russia will refrain from an unlawful threat or use of
    force. Unfortunately, Russia does not consistently fulfill the
    transparency measures it committed to in the Vienna Document. If
    confirmed, I will continue to call upon Russia to meet its
    international obligations and its commitments under the Vienna Document
    and will use the OSCE platform to call out its destabilizing military
    activities while keeping our allies and partners united.

       Is the Vienna document still relevant given how frequently Russia
            violates its spirit and intent? What reforms are most pressing
            to maintain OSCE as a relevant institution?

        Answer. The Vienna Document remains a pillar of military
    transparency and confidence-building in Europe and Eurasia. If
    confirmed, I will work to build support for Vienna Document
    modernization so its provisions are better adapted to new military
    realities, including by working with allies and partners to push Russia
    to participate constructively in results-oriented negotiations.
    Russia's repeated failures over the years to fulfill certain of its
    Vienna Document commitments in good faith undermines other states'
    confidence in Russia's commitment to international stability. However,
    the United States and our allies are better off with these commitments
    in place, in part so we can hold Russia to account.
        The OSCE's comprehensive security concept linking respect for human
    rights within states to cooperation and peace among states helps the
    United States advance its interests within the organization, and this
    concept remains highly relevant today. Useful reforms would include
    those mandating a timely adoption of the Unified Budget and steps to
    facilitate OSCE's core functions, including holding all three
    implementation/review meetings annually. If confirmed, I look forward
    to consulting with Congress on the question of reforms and will
    steadfastly defend the continued independence of OSCE institutions and
    field missions, which do invaluable work to advance our interests.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with OSCE to counter
    the growing belligerence of Russia and its encroachment into Belarus?

        Answer. I am deeply troubled by Russia's malign activities in
    Belarus, including its insertion of Russian propagandists into
    Belarusian state-controlled media outlets to replace Belarusian
    journalists and Belarusian technical personnel, who were either fired
    due to their participation in the pro-democracy movement or quit in
    peaceful protest. Other Russian ``advisors'' have also been deployed to
    Belarus to assist the regime with consolidating power.
        The United States, together with 16 other participating States,
    invoked the OSCE's Moscow Mechanism in September 2020 to investigate
    human rights abuses in Belarus. The Moscow Mechanism is a unique OSCE
    tool that allows for an investigation to be launched without consensus
    and independently of the OSCE Chairmanship. The resulting OSCE
    Rapporteur's report on Belarus thoroughly documented ongoing human
    rights abuses and made specific recommendations, such as calling for an
    end to torture, the release of all political prisoners, the launch of
    an inclusive national dialogue, and new, free and fair elections. If
    confirmed, I will use all applicable OSCE platforms and tools to
    support the human rights and democratic aspirations of the Belarusian
    people and the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of
    the Republic of Belarus.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Human Rights
        Question. Over the past year, the world has suffered the crippling
    impact of COVID-19, which has disproportionately affected our most
    vulnerable citizens and allowed some governments to exploit the
    pandemic to limit fundamental freedoms. Corruption threatens peace,
    prosperity, and human rights across the region, and the Kremlin remains
    intransigent in its overt violence against its neighbors as well as its
    covert attempts to undermine democratic institutions elsewhere.

       As Ambassador, what would be your top priorities for the U.S.
            Mission to the OSCE?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize respect for democracy and
    human rights and continue efforts to push back on Russian and PRC
    malign influence across the OSCE region, particularly Russia's
    aggression in Ukraine, and redouble U.S. engagement to resolve
    protracted conflicts in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova and Nagorno-Karabakh.
    I will focus on addressing conventional military concerns and updating
    the Vienna Document, as well as addressing ``hybrid'' threats such as
    election interference, energy coercion, disinformation, cyber
    operations, and transnational repression. I will prioritize
    establishing stronger anti-corruption measures, and work with allies
    and partners to strengthen the resilience of frontline democracies.
    Finally, I will use OSCE platforms and institutional tools to defend
    human rights and human dignity, promote democratic reforms, and push
    back against growing restrictions on civil society, media and internet
    freedom, judicial independence, and the rising tide of intolerance.

        Question. How can the OSCE contribute to its mission of promoting
    human rights and democracy in Belarus and countries undergoing similar
    situations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available OSCE platforms and
    tools to shine a light on the appalling human rights situation in
    Belarus while affirming our support for democratic norms and
    institutions. While it is up to the people of Belarus to decide their
    political future, the OSCE must continue to hold the authorities in
    Belarus accountable for their actions. The successful invocation of the
    OSCE's Moscow Mechanism by the United States and 16 other countries in
    2020 resulted in the issuance of a report documenting ongoing human
    rights abuses and offering policy recommendations, such as calling for
    an end to torture, the release of all political prisoners, the launch
    of an inclusive national dialogue, and new, free and fair elections. If
    confirmed, I will continue calling Belarus and other participating
    States to account when they violate their human rights obligations or
    disregard the OSCE commitments they freely pledged to uphold.
    Additionally, I will continue support for the OSCE's independent
    institutions, which conduct invaluable human rights programming,
    spotlight repressions against journalists and human rights defenders,
    and provide support to vulnerable populations.

    Rise in Violence:
        Question. Since 2015, I have served as the Special Representative
    on Anti-Semitism, Racism, and Intolerance for the OSCE Parliamentary
    Assembly. We've seen, in recent months, current events trigger latent
    bias in our communities. We go back to 9/11 where we saw the rise of
    hate against the Muslim community, which was translated into violence
    against Muslim Americans. We saw during COVID-19 latent bias against
    the Asian American community. Once again, as a result of recent
    violence in the Middle East, we see a rise of anti-Semitism here in the
    United States and around the world.

       The center's Early Warning Project provides an innovative risk
            assessment tool using methods to spotlight countries where mass
            atrocities have not begun, but where the risk of such violence
            is high. The warning signs are there. As Ambassador, how are
            you planning on addressing this issue with many OSCE
            participating states?

        Answer. I share your alarm at the rise of anti-Semitism, anti-
    Muslim hatred, xenophobia, and other forms of intolerance in the OSCE
    region that, if left unchecked, can lead to mass atrocities. Whole-of-
    government approaches, such as efforts to implement the Elie Wiesel
    Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act and the Global Fragility Act,
    provide the Department, in collaboration with other agencies,
    opportunities to innovate, leverage and utilize valuable tools for
    early warning and early action regarding mass atrocities. Various
    nongovernmental organizations also provide useful metrics for assessing
    risk of mass atrocities. At the OSCE, the Conflict Prevention Center
    staffs a round-the-clock Situation Room to look for early warning signs
    and bring them to the attention of participating States.
        If confirmed, I will condemn hate in all of its forms, and use the
    OSCE's diplomatic, educational, and programmatic tools to build
    international coalitions to act swiftly whenever and wherever there is
    a risk of violence or mass atrocities. In this regard, preventative
    diplomacy is critical. If confirmed, I will also continue U.S. support
    for the tolerance projects of the Office for Democratic Institutions
    and Human Rights and encourage active engagement by the High
    Commissioner on National Minorities to address the triggers of inter-
    ethnic conflict and engage in conflict prevention at the earliest
    possible stage.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                  to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Ted Cruz

    Nord Stream 2
        Question. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is opposed by OSCE countries.
    In 2019, the OSCE passed a resolution ``expressing particular concern
    about the Nord Stream 2 and TurkStream pipeline projects and their
    potential to be used for the political or economic coercion of supply-
    dependent participating State.''
        Congress has of course mandated the use of sanctions to stop Nord
    Stream 2 from coming online, and on September 15 you testified ``I
    think it's very important that the U.S. continues to be ready to use
    all of the authorities contained within PEESA and CAATSA which are the
    laws of the land when it comes to this.'' The statement is in tension
    with statements from other Biden administration officials, who have
    publicly said that the pipeline cannot be stopped, in part because it
    has been physically completed. European allies that believe the
    pipeline should be stopped have, in turn, emphasized that there are
    still several months to prevent its certification and activation.

       Please clarify your September 15 testimony by describing what
            authorities within PEESA and CAATSA should be used.

        Answer. The Protecting European Energy Security Act (PEESA) and the
    Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) both
    provide the administration with authorities to sanction foreign persons
    who engage in certain activity related to the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I
    understand the administration remains committed to implementing CAATSA
    and PEESA, as amended, and that work continues to examine entities
    involved in potentially sanctionable activity.

        Question. Please assess whether you believe the Nord Stream 2
    pipeline can still be stopped from coming online.

        Answer. It is my understanding that while the physical work
    required to construct the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is either finished or
    close to being finished, it could take several more months before
    German authorities are ready to certify the pipeline for use. If
    confirmed, I will continue to oppose the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and
    work to strengthen the energy security of our allies and partners.
        If confirmed, I will use OSCE platforms and tools to push back
    against the Kremlin's coercive energy policies and advance a more
    secure and sustainable energy future for Ukraine and other frontline
    European countries. I would continue to support the OSCE's work to
    build the capacity of participating States to protect their energy
    networks, diversify their energy mixes, improve the investment climate
    in the energy sector, and reduce the environmental footprint of energy
    production, use, and transport.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. How can we apply more pressure in Belarus within the OSCE
    context? Can we do more to support the democratic movement led by
    Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available OSCE platforms and
    tools to spotlight the appalling human rights situation in Belarus,
    urge the Lukashenka regime to engage in a facilitated dialogue with the
    democratic opposition and civil society, and support the Belarusian
    people's democratic aspirations. The OSCE must continue to hold
    Belarus' authorities accountable for their severe human rights abuses
    and allow for the voices of civil society and democratic leaders to be
    heard. The 2020 invocation of the OSCE's Moscow Mechanism by the United
    States and sixteen other countries resulted in a report documenting
    human rights abuses and making policy recommendations supported by the
    United States, such as an immediate end to violence and torture,
    unconditional release of all political prisoners, launch of an OSCE-
    facilitated national dialogue inclusive of civil society and the
    political opposition, and new, free and fair elections under
    international observation.

        Question. I was able to visit Georgia earlier this summer and was
    initially encouraged by the progress undertaken by the April 19
    agreements. However, recent events over the course of the summer
    indicate that there is still insufficient political will to advance the
    April 19 agreement.

       The next round of elections is scheduled for early October--what
            role will the OSCE take in observing these elections?

        Answer. The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
    Rights (ODIHR) has deployed an election observation mission (EOM) for
    Georgia's October 2 local elections. The EOM will consist of 12
    international experts, 30 long-term observers, and 350 short-term
    observers. Observers will monitor all aspects of the election,
    including implementation of electoral reforms, the campaign
    environment, media coverage, and election dispute resolution. Short-
    term observers will monitor the opening of polling stations, voting
    processes, the counting of ballots, and tabulation of results. The EOM
    will assess the elections for compliance with OSCE commitments and
    standards, and international obligations related to the holding of free
    and fair elections.

        Question. What can be done to ensure that the elections are free
    and fair, and that if so, all parties accept the results to allow
    Georgia to move forward politically?

        Answer. The Georgian Government, all political parties, all
    candidates, and election officials have an important role in upholding
    the highest standards of integrity before, during, and after Election
    Day. A robust OSCE election observation mission in Georgia will help
    establish a clear factual record of election processes and conduct, as
    will nonpartisan domestic election monitoring. The United States has
    provided substantial bilateral assistance over the years to promote
    professional and transparent election administration and nonpartisan
    domestic election monitoring. If confirmed, I will continue efforts in
    support of democratic reforms and encourage enhanced OSCE engagement in
    Georgia. Timely implementation of inclusive and transparent democratic
    reforms can reduce political polarization and help Georgia advance its
    Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                         WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:20 a.m. in
    Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
    presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Schatz, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson,
    Young, Barrasso, Cruz, and Hagerty.
        Also Present: Senators Klobuchar, Casey, Toomey, Padilla,
    Feingold, Heinrich, and Lujan.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        We are here today to consider nominations for five very
    important positions. On the first panel, we will hear from Mr.
    Thomas Nides to be the ambassador to Israel, Mr. David Cohen to
    be the ambassador to Canada, and Dr. Cynthia Telles to be
    ambassador to Costa Rica.
        We are also pleased to have a number of our colleagues here
    to introduce some of these nominees. I will turn to them in
    order.
        Senator Klobuchar, I understand you will be introducing Mr.
    Nides.

                    STATEMENT OF HON. AMY KLOBUCHAR,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA

        Senator Klobuchar. Thank you very much, Chairman, and to
    Ranking Member Risch as well. The work this committee does
    touches the lives of people all over the world and we thank you
    for that.
        Right now in the wake of new leadership in Israel, it is a
    critically important moment in our alliance with our friend and
    ally, and we have with us today someone with the experience,
    credibility, and respect to serve as our ambassador to Israel
    and he just happens to have been born in Minnesota, as usual.
        And I am so proud to introduce my good friend, Tom Nides.
    With Tom today is his son Max, who will testify to the fact
    that his dad is wise and patient all the time, right, Max?
    Okay, good.
        And I want to tell you a little bit about Tom. He grew up
    in Duluth as the youngest of eight siblings. His father,
    Arnold, served as the president of Temple Israel and of the
    Duluth Jewish Federation, and his mother, Shirley, was a
    teacher. His sister, Jane, told the Duluth News Tribune that
    their parents would be going crazy with joy if they were alive
    to see their son nominated to serve as ambassador to Israel.
        I was amused the day that Tom was nominated to read the
    headline in the Duluth News, which said simply this: ``Man who
    grew up in Duluth nominated Ambassador to Israel.''
        Tom was innovative from a young age. As a senior at Duluth
    East High School, he was tasked with finding a speaker for his
    high school graduation. Being the proud Minnesotan he was, he
    wanted Walter Mondale, who just happened to be Vice President
    of the United States.
        He learned that the best time as a high schooler to catch
    the Vice President's Chief of Staff was at 5:30 in the morning.
    He reached out and Walter Mondale agreed to speak at his high
    school graduation.
        A year later, Tom and I met as interns for the Vice
    President and I remember walking in and seeing him sitting at
    the desk as a 20-year-old, his legs sprawled up on the desk
    above him, sitting on the chair with a vice presidential pin on
    his lapel.
        And I watched him answer the phone and say, ``Tom Nides
    with the Vice President's office'' in a tone that would
    convince anyone that he was no 20-year-old intern but he was,
    in fact, the chief of staff.
        While I was assigned to do the furniture inventory and
    write down the serial number of every lamp and desk, Tom got to
    save the Lake Superior foghorn for the city of Duluth, and just
    like everything else, he got it done.
        Since then, he continued to serve ably and, most
    importantly for our work here, optimistically in many
    leadership positions, including in the halls of Congress and in
    two presidential administrations.
        He was a trusted adviser to Congressman Tony Coelho and to
    Speaker Tom Foley. He worked for Mickey Kantor in the office of
    the United States Trade Representative and he later served as
    Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources with
    Secretary Clinton under President Obama.
        During that time, he distinguished himself as a key voice
    on Israel and an advocate for humanitarian support for our U.S.
    allies. For his outstanding service, he was awarded the
    Secretary of State's Distinguished Service Award, our country's
    highest diplomatic honor.
        His private sector and trade background as well as his
    strong background in Middle Eastern policy makes him the
    perfect choice to serve as our ambassador to Israel, one of our
    strongest and most enduring allies.
        Members on both sides of the aisle understand that the deep
    friendship between our two countries is based on shared values
    and that Israel's interests in the Middle East are strongly
    aligned with our own. Support for Israel can never ever become
    a partisan issue.
        Now more than ever, we need an ambassador dedicated to
    fostering lasting peace and stability. I am confident that as
    ambassador Tom will further the close alliance between our two
    nations and our commitment to prosperity in the region for
    generations to come.
        He will do a phenomenal job, Mr. Chair, and I strongly urge
    the committee to support his nomination. Thank you to the
    members of the committee.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Senator Casey, Senator Toomey, I understand you will be
    introducing Mr. Cohen. I will ask Senator Casey to go first and
    then Senator Toomey.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY JR.,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

        Senator Casey. Mr. Chairman, thanks very much. I am honored
    to be here with you and appreciate this opportunity as well as
    thanking the ranking member for this opportunity to say a few
    words about my friend, David L. Cohen, to serve as ambassador
    to Canada.
        I am especially grateful to be joined by Senator Toomey. We
    do not always appear together on big issues. But today, we are
    united in our recommendation and our commendation of the work
    of David Cohen.
        I have known David for more than a quarter of a century and
    I have seen him in all kinds of circumstances, most of them in
    connection with public service.
        Many of you know that in addition to being a very
    successful lawyer and doing the work of a lawyer and an
    advocate, he served as chief of staff to the mayor of
    Philadelphia, Ed Rendell.
        To be chief of staff of a mayor of one of America's largest
    cities is about as difficult a job as anyone can imagine. But
    he did it well and he served the people of Philadelphia with
    distinction.
        I think it also bears repeating that sometimes the most
    difficult jobs in public service also are the jobs that teach
    you a lot about what public service is. David understands the
    commitment you have got to make to be a public servant and I
    think he has demonstrated that over and over again.
        In addition to his work for the city and his work as a
    lawyer, later, of course, he joined Comcast, and I tried to
    itemize or list all of the roles he played at Comcast and I
    will just give you just a partial list of the work that he did
    serving in major leadership positions at Comcast, whether it
    was legal work or government affairs, communications,
    administration, real estate, did a lot of work in diversity and
    inclusion to help lead a major corporation in the city of
    Philadelphia and, of course, charitable giving.
        All of those roles he played. All of that work he did and
    more helped Comcast to grow and to be such an important
    corporate partner in Philadelphia for so many institutions in
    the city.
        His community service, I think, is unparalleled, and
    whether it is at Penn Medicine, the work he did at the
    Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce, the work he has done with
    organizations like the Urban League and on and on. We could
    list many more.
        I do not think I have to remind members of this committee,
    the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, about the importance of
    our relationship with Canada, our second largest trading
    partner, ever more so important in the context of the
    challenges we face today, whether it is fighting COVID-19 or
    future viral security challenges, managing climate change,
    addressing the opioid crisis, trade issues, economic issues, on
    and on.
        A lot of those issues, of course, involve many, many
    Pennsylvania businesses and businesses across the country that
    rely upon the stability and the strength of this relationship.
        I would say this in conclusion, Mr. Chairman. This is my
    fifteenth year serving in the Senate and in those years I have
    seen David commit himself to excellence in every task that he
    was presented with.
        I also got to know over those quarter century or more his
    wife, Rhonda, who, in her own way, has contributed so much to
    public service. I asked Rhonda just before this hearing--I
    said, Rhonda, is David ready? And she said, yes, and that is
    all I needed to know. He is ready to do this job in a
    critically important time in our nation's history.
        The last thing I will say is this. There is a line in the
    Scriptures, ``To whom much has been given, much is expected.''
    The good Lord gave David a lot--an intellect, a strength of
    character, a commitment to helping people, and we have asked
    him to do a lot, and much is and has been expected of him and
    he has never failed to deliver. I have no doubt that will be
    the case when he serves as our ambassador to Canada.
        Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Toomey?

                     STATEMENT OF HON. PAT TOOMEY,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA

        Senator Toomey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch, members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Thank
    you for allowing me to introduce briefly my friend, David
    Cohen, and express my enthusiastic support for his nomination
    to be our next U.S. Ambassador to Canada.
        And thank you, David, for your willingness to serve. I was
    delighted to see your wife, Rhonda, is here with you and I
    appreciate the sacrifices required of individuals but also
    their families when they choose to go into public service and I
    am glad to see that you are up for this challenge.
        There is a passage about David in Buzz Bissinger's
    excellent book, ``A Prayer for the City.'' It is a book that
    chronicles the administration of Philadelphia Mayor Ed Rendell,
    which, as Senator Casey pointed out, it is an administration in
    which David Cohen served as chief of staff.
        I think the passage is relevant for today's hearing so I am
    going to read it briefly. It is about David Cohen and it says,
    and I quote, ``It wasn't just his prodigious capacity for work
    that made him so good at what he did. It was his patience as a
    negotiator, the way in which he determined the result he
    wanted, and then, as Macedon put it, exhibited a willingness to
    stay with something forever until he got there.
        In the meantime, he never got frustrated. He never
    personalized or railed or sought vendettas. Once again, the
    normal human impulse to get angry and become agitated that
    never even surfaced,'' end quote.
        Mr. Chairman, I think there is a word for this kind of
    quiet, thoughtful, persistent approach to getting things done.
    It is called diplomacy. David is a longtime resident of
    Pennsylvania, a very active member in the community, as Senator
    Casey pointed out.
        I think it is important to point out that while serving as
    chief of staff to Mayor Ed Rendell through the '90s he played a
    central role in pulling the city out of really dire fiscal
    circumstances and placing it on a stable footing.
        He led a prestigious U.S. law firm prior to joining Comcast
    Corporation in 2002. Senator Casey mentioned some of the many
    roles that David has played at Comcast.
        I would just point out that in addition to helping to forge
    Comcast into a telecommunications powerhouse, David also helped
    to establish Comcast as a really exceptional corporate citizen
    for Philadelphia and Pennsylvania and our country including,
    among many other things, donating millions of dollars to myriad
    charitable causes across the country.
        David's many career accomplishments are accompanied by an
    extensive record of service. As Senator Casey pointed out, he
    has long served on many, many boards and advisory panels
    supporting Philadelphia in particular in its academic,
    athletic, arts communities.
        Just to name two, he was for over a decade the chairman of
    the Board of Trustees for the University of Pennsylvania, and
    currently he sits alongside Senator Casey and myself on the
    U.S. Semiquincentennial Commission.
        All the members of this committee understand full well how
    important Canada is as one of America's allies and neighbors.
    We rely on Canada as a major trade, energy, and security
    partner.
        Frankly, Pennsylvania's proximity to Canada gives us a
    particularly strong tie to that country and our representation
    of Canada is all the more important for folks in the
    Commonwealth.
        The fact is President Biden made an outstanding choice in
    choosing David for this post. David Cohen's very strong
    business background, his deep understanding of government at
    all levels, and his passion for service prepared him well for
    this role.
        Mr. Chairman, I enthusiastically support his nomination and
    encourage my colleagues to do likewise. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        And last but not least, our distinguished colleague from
    California, who is going to introduce Dr. Telles.
        Senator Padilla?

                    STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA

        Senator Padilla. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch, and members of the committee.
        It is my honor to introduce Dr. Cynthia Telles this morning
    from the great state of California, and President Biden's
    nominee to serve as ambassador to Costa Rica.
        As a clinical professor in the UCLA School of Medicine's
    Department of Psychiatry and a widely published researcher, Dr.
    Telles is widely recognized for her work in health care and
    especially in improving the lives of those with mental illness.
        For more than three decades, Dr. Telles has directed UCLA's
    Spanish-speaking psychosocial clinic, where she has helped
    train a generation of clinicians to provide culturally-
    competent mental health services for Latino communities.
        In addition to her work in health care, Dr. Telles brings
    life experience from the region and from serving on a number of
    nonprofit organizations and government commissions.
        As a longtime member of the board of directors of the
    Pacific Council on International Policy, she has worked closely
    with industry and governmental actors to promote global
    engagement in Los Angeles, throughout California, and beyond.
        She has served as a commissioner in the city of Los
    Angeles, America's second largest city, for almost 20 years, as
    well as having served on the board of the California Community
    Foundation and for nearly a decade serving on the board of the
    California Endowment, California's largest health foundation.
        Dr. Telles also continues a family legacy of public
    service, including deep ties to Costa Rica. Her father, Raymond
    Telles, was the first Latino to serve as a U.S. ambassador,
    appointed by President Kennedy in 1961. Dr. Telles grew up
    determined to fight for the world's inequities from a young
    age.
        During her father's ambassadorship, she lived in Costa
    Rica, where she found her calling for both public service and
    public health. Dr. Telles is a uniquely well-qualified person
    to represent the United States and Costa Rica, an important
    regional partner.
        She brings a wealth of experience, dedication, and
    compassion to her role representing the United States and Costa
    Rica.
        I strongly support her nomination, and I urge for her swift
    confirmation.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Padilla.
        With that background, maybe we should have Dr. Telles work
    with us here in Washington to solve a few things.
        [Laughter.]
        The Chairman. Thank you very much. Thank you to all the
    senators who made presentations.
        Let me turn now, first, to a little bit of committee
    business before I get to the nominees. I want to appreciate the
    ranking member's willingness to move forward with nine nominees
    that the committee was scheduled to consider today.
        We postponed the hearing this afternoon out of a deference
    to one of our members, but that has been rescheduled for next
    week.
        I am also glad that you agreed to a few of the nominees
    that I proposed for hearings next week and that you indicated,
    albeit with many caveats, that you may be ready to notice more.
    I, certainly, hope that materializes.
        I remain deeply concerned, however, by the delays and
    obstacles facing the bulk of nominees when it comes to securing
    your approval for their hearings.
        It is inexplicably taking an average of six weeks, almost
    40 days, from the time a nominee's file is complete to the time
    that the minority is willing to move forward, and that is just
    for a hearing. This is almost four weeks slower than it took
    during a similar period in 2009.
        I ask how that is possible. As you know, we have a massive
    backlog at the State Department, USAID, and other nominations
    pending before the committee. We have almost reached 80 and the
    number continues to grow.
        The nominations pending include ambassadorships to China,
    Japan, and countries throughout Latin America, Africa, and
    Europe, places where competition with China and Russia is real,
    where we need ambassadors in place to project U.S. power, to
    assist our citizens, and to promote our companies.
        I would just ask Senator Risch, I appreciate the work we
    have done so far. I need your full cooperation and
    participation to tackle this backlog.
        I would just note that when faced with similar numbers in
    2009, the majority and the minority worked together to move 57
    nominees in just one month.
        There is no reason we cannot do that if we work together.
    To date, I have noticed only nominees who the ranking member
    has agreed to. In fact, I have bent over backwards to restore
    the tradition of comity that was abandoned in the last
    Congress.
        But the slow pace and many obstacles to moving nominees is
    unacceptable. It is dangerous. We are less safe when our
    national security agencies are so short staffed.
        We have to fix this problem. We owe it to the Senate and we
    owe it to all Americans, and I look forward to working with you
    to try to achieve that.
        Let me turn to our nominees. Welcome, and thank you and
    your families for your willingness to serve the country in this
    capacity. I will briefly address each of the positions that you
    have been nominated for.
        Mr. Nides, welcome back to the committee. I am pleased to
    see such a qualified and capable nominee for one of our most
    vital allies. Your extensive experience in management,
    including as the Deputy Secretary of State, will surely serve
    you well in navigating the particulars of our embassy in
    Jerusalem.
        As Israel settles into its new government, it is critical
    that we have an experienced diplomat in place to help pursue
    many of our shared U.S. and Israeli interests across national
    security, technology, cultural, and religious exchanges.
        And while some may try to exploit any small fissures or
    differences in policy opinions between our two countries, this
    committee, the Senate, and the Congress as a whole have
    repeatedly confirmed our unwavering support for Israel's
    security, its right to defend itself in the face of neighbors
    who continue to threaten to wipe it off the map.
        Finally, to all our friends who may or may not be watching
    in Israel and here, let me wish you all a Hag Sukkot Sameah,
    and I look forward to hearing from Mr. Nides.
        I am also pleased that we are reviewing the nomination of
    our next ambassador to Canada. Our alliance with our northern
    neighbors, one of the most important partnerships that we have
    united by shared security interests and strengthened by
    expansive economic ties, our nations are linked by a common
    commitment to democratic principles and to tackling the most
    pressing challenges on the global stage.
        It is with the deepest respect that we also remember that
    our Canadian brothers and sisters fought alongside our men and
    women for decades, most recently in Afghanistan.
        Yet, during the last administration this most essential
    alliance was too often marked by tensions and tariffs, marred
    by insults aimed at Canadian leaders, and neglected by an
    absentee U.S. ambassador.
        It is imperative that we rebuild our relationship with
    Canada, deepen our collaboration to address the challenges
    posed by China and Russia, and work together to address the
    threats posed by climate change.
        Mr. Cohen, I have no doubt you are the right person to
    tackle these challenges and, upon confirmation, will be a
    strong and effective ambassador.
        I am also pleased that we are considering the nomination of
    our next ambassador the Costa Rica. As it celebrates its
    bicentennial, Costa Rica stands out for its consistency on the
    global stage and leadership on environmental stewardship.
        Costa Rica is also an example of democratic resiliency in
    Central America at a time when the region is plagued by weak
    rule of law and leaders who have embraced authoritarian
    tactics.
        It is also unique that we are considering a candidate whose
    father served as ambassador to Costa Rica under President
    Kennedy.
        I am pleased that Dr. Telles, if confirmed, will carry
    forward a family commitment to strengthening our partnership
    and advancing U.S. interests in Costa Rica. We look forward to
    hearing your testimony.
        Let me now turn to the distinguished ranking member,
    Senator Risch, for his opening remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your
    comments regarding nominations. They are always difficult, and
    as I have said publicly and privately to you, having been a
    governor I know how important nominations are and it is
    impossible to govern if you do not have your team in place.
        I do want to review, however, the record on the numbers.
    First of all, I am going to compare the 116th Congress to the
    117th Congress.
        In the 116th Congress, the average Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee nominations processing time with you as the ranking
    member was 94 days.
        On the average, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
    nomination processing time in the 117th Congress so far with me
    as the ranking member it has been 44 days, 50 days less. The
    average processing time, obviously and clearly, is 50 days
    less, and the numbers do not lie.
        On some specifics, take for instance, the Assistant
    Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, Labor. Under the Trump
    nominee, Robert Destro, was 276 days. The Biden nominee, Sarah
    Margon, was 76 days.
        The U.S. U.N. representative, Andrew Bremberg was 245 days
    as the Trump nominee, and under this administration, the Biden
    nominee, Bathsheba Crocker, was 56 days.
        The Assistant Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy,
    and Human Rights at Justice--excuse me, Assistant Secretary--
    Civilian Secretary of Security, Democracy and Human Rights,
    Marshall Billingslea, was 378 days. Uzra Zeya was 34 days.
        U.S. for Arms Control under President Trump, Marshall
    Billingslea, was 244 days. Bonnie Jenkins under this
    administration was 34 days.
        Ambassador to Mexico, Chris Landau, was 57 days under
    Trump. Ken Salazar under this administration for ambassador to
    Mexico was 17 days.
        The number of days from file complete to business meeting
    for U.S. management--the department Secretary of Management,
    Brian Bulatao, was 319 days. The Biden nominee, Brian McKeon,
    was 18 days.
        The Assistant Secretary for Political Military Affairs,
    Clarke Cooper, under Trump, nominee was 260 days, whereas
    Jessica Lewis was 49 days as the Biden nominee.
        The Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs, David
    Schenker, the Trump nominee, was almost one year, 358 days.
    Barbara Leaf was 68 days.
        Other key positions held by Democrats during the Trump
    administration, the legal advisor to the Department of State,
    CJ Mahoney, was 187 days from file complete to hearing. Sarah
    Cleveland, the file has not been complete.
        The ambassador for Pakistan, Bill Todd, the Trump nominee,
    was 180 days from file complete to hearing. Of course, there
    has been no nominee.
        Mr. Chairman, I would ask unanimous consent that this
    matrix be entered into the record.
        The Chairman. Without objection.

        [The information referred to follows:]

    =======================================================================

                           Nomination Processing Time

                      (116th Congress vs. 117th Congress)

                           (As of September 22, 2021)

       Average SFRC nomination processing time in the 116th
            Congress (with Sen. Menendez as Ranking Member): 94
            days\1\
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        \1\ (conservative estimate based on staff research)

       Average SFRC nomination processing time in the 117th
            Congress so far (with Sen. Risch as Ranking Member): 44
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
            days

       Average processing in 117th Congress = 50 days faster than
            116th Congress

                                    Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                        Trump Nominee             Biden Nominee
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    A/S Democracy, Human Rights, Labor (DRL)                                Robert Destro              Sarah Margon
                                                                                 276 days                   76 days
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    U.S. U.N. Representive                                                Andrew Bremberg                Bathsheba Crocker
                                                                                 245 days                   56 days
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    U/S for Civilian Security,                                       Marshall Billingslea                 Uzra Zeya
      Democracy, and Human Rights (J)                                            378 days                   34 days
                                                                                    (NOT CONFIRMED)
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    U/S for Arms Control (T)                                         Marshall Billingslea            Bonnie Jenkins
                                                                                 244 days                   34 days
                                                                                    (NOT CONFIRMED)
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Ambassador to Mexico                                                                 Chris Landau   Ken Salazar
                                                                                  57 days                   17 days
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                                    Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                        Trump Nominee             Biden Nominee
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    U/S Management / Deputy                                                 Brian Bulatao              Brian McKeon
      Secretary for Management                                                   319 days                   18 days
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    A/S for Political Military                                                           Clarke CooperJessica Lewis
      Affairs (PM)                                                               260 days                   49 days
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    A/S for Near Eastern                                                   David Schenker              Barbara Leaf
      Affairs (NEA)                                                              358 days      68 days from hearing
                                                                                             date (Business Meeting
                                                                                             expected in September)
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                                    Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                        Trump Nominee             Biden Nominee
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Legal Adviser to the                                                                 CJ Mahoney          Sarah Cleveland
      Department of State (L)                                          187 days from file                  (FILE INCOMPLETE)
                                                                      complete to hearing
                                                                                    (NOT CONFIRMED)
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Ambassador to Pakistan                                                      Bill Todd                      NONE
                                                                   180 days file complete
                                                                               to hearing
                                                                                    (NOT CONFIRMED)
    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    =======================================================================

        Senator Risch. I commit to you to continue to work as best
    I can, again, realizing that there is always stress on these.
    We take our vetting responsibilities seriously just as you did
    when the President was another party.
        I respect that. I appreciate it, and we are going to
    continue to do the best we can to vet these people and as
    quickly as we possibly can.
        Moving to the panel that we have before us today, I want to
    thank the nominees and, of course, their families for the
    sacrifice that they will share.
        On the nomination for ambassador to Israel, Israel is
    America's most vital ally in a very turbulent region. It faces
    serious threats and it is in the national security interest of
    the United States to ensure Israel is adequately equipped to
    meet these challenges.
        I am deeply disappointed that the House of Representatives
    have attempted to pull the Iron Dome funding from the
    Continuing Resolution. I expect the Senate will remedy that
    issue very quickly.
        Since the Biden administration took office, we have seen no
    movement to expand or strengthen the Abraham Accords. I think
    most everyone that moves in the area of foreign relations
    agrees that the Abraham Accords were tremendous steps forward
    in the relationship we have and others have in the Middle East.
        Many of us have concerns that the administration has
    instead doubled down on the failed Palestinian policies of the
    past. I am also disappointed the administration continues to
    provide assistance to the Palestinians without securing any
    concessions on the egregious ``pay to slay'' program.
        Instead of normalizing this appalling practice through
    deeper relationships with the Palestinian Authority and the
    Palestinian Liberation Organization, the administration should
    pursue changes in Palestinian policies that glorify and promote
    violence and terrorism.
        I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these important
    issues.
        On the nomination for the ambassador to Canada, first of
    all, I appreciated the opportunity to meet personally with the
    nominee and we discussed the importance of a couple of issues
    that are important to me and important to America.
        One is the Columbia River Treaty. The other is the opening
    of the Canadian border, and I was pleased to hear his thoughts
    on that and appeared to be on board as far as both issues are
    concerned.
        The Columbia River Treaty remains an important issue to the
    entire Northwest delegation. I expect that you will prioritize
    these negotiations, should you be confirmed, as we discussed.
        As for the U.S.-Canadian border, I am disappointed in the
    administration's decision on Monday to extend restrictions on
    nonessential travel from Canada to the United States at land
    ports of entry.
        These restrictions are causing significant economic and
    emotional distress to communities such as those in north Idaho
    that depend on well-regulated cross-border traffic. The
    administration should reconsider this decision and reopen our
    land border with Canada as soon as possible.
        Finally, the nomination of ambassador to Costa Rica. Costa
    Rica is an outpost of democratic governance in Central America
    and a valuable trade, security, and diplomatic partner.
        As many as 50,000 Americans call Costa Rica home, in large
    part due to its political and economic stability. Nevertheless,
    Costa Rica's democratic model has come under acute pressure due
    to instability generated by the Ortega regime in Nicaragua and
    the COVID-19 epidemic.
        Costa Rica has also sought deeper relations with China,
    which comes with its own set of challenges. I hope to hear how
    you plan to manage those U.S. relations with this strategic
    partner in Central America.
        Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        Just very briefly, I must say that, of course, one has to
    compare apples with apples and oranges with oranges in terms of
    dates.
        The reality is, is that for the first nine months of the
    Trump administration it took an average of just 22 days--22
    days--to get a nominee scheduled for a hearing, despite many
    serious and well-documented vetting issues.
        It is currently taking an average of 36 days, over three
    weeks longer than that period of time, for the minority to
    clear nominees with completed files for hearings. That is a
    challenge, and bottom line is we have nearly 80 people.
        The final thing I will say is that, unfortunately, the
    previous administration did not vet nominees so looking at
    numbers was extremely meaningless.
        We had nominees that had unprecedented vetting issues,
    lying to this committee, lying to the IRS, indictments, racism,
    #MeToo issues that all came out as a result of the vetting.
    That is why it took time.
        I do not want to belabor it. But I do want to work with the
    ranking member because, as I have heard him say and he said
    again today, that as a governor he understands the importance
    of having people in place in the executive branch to execute. I
    agree with him in this context as well, and hopefully, we can
    get to a point where we are promoting the number of nominees
    for the process.
        We still have the floor issues that have been vexing us,
    which is maybe beyond this committee's pay grade but,
    nonetheless, is a critical issue where Republican members
    exclusively are holding up nominees on the floor to the
    detriment of the national security and interests of the United
    States.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        First of all, I hope we do not mix the issue of what is
    happening on the floor versus what is happening in the
    committee. Like you, I am likewise frustrated with what is
    happening on the floor and, certainly, this is an issue that
    should be tackled by the senior members of leadership of both
    of our teams and get this removed so we can move forward on
    that.
        I am not going to debate the quality of the appointments.
    Obviously, that would take many, many more days than what we
    have here. I will just say that I do commit that I am going to
    continue to work with you to move as rapidly as we can.
        I have no doubt that we will wind up with similar
    frustrations but we will work through them as best we can.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        We ask each of you to summarize your testimony in about
    five minutes or so. Your full statements will be included in
    the record, without objection.
        And we will start with Mr. Nides to make his presentation.

     STATEMENT OF THE HON. THOMAS R. NIDES OF MINNESOTA, NOMINATED
       TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
            UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF ISRAEL

        Mr. Nides. Thank you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    members of the committee. It is a privilege to appear today. It
    is an honor to be asked to serve as the ambassador to the State
    of Israel.
        I want to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken for the
    confidence in me, and I am grateful to share this day with my
    family.
        I would like to thank Senator Klobuchar for her kind words
    of introductions. As the Senator mentioned, she and I have been
    friends for over 40 years having served as interns together for
    Vice President Walter Mondale. I am so, so grateful for her
    friendship.
        As Senator Klobuchar mentioned, I grew up in Duluth,
    Minnesota, the youngest of seven children. My parents were
    leaders in a vibrant but small Jewish community. My dad was the
    president of our temple, our chairman of our local UJA. My mom
    was a leader of both Hadassah and Sisterhood, who grew up
    believing being Jewish was more than a religion but a way of
    life.
        Most importantly, my parents have pressed upon my siblings
    and me the importance, as they say in Hebrew, tzedakah, or
    charity, giving to your community and caring about others.
        During my first trip to Israel, I worked on a kibbutz where
    I discovered the importance of this very young and vulnerable
    nation. As Jews everywhere are celebrating the holiday of
    Sukkot, there is no greater honor than to be asked to
    strengthen the ties between the United States and the State of
    Israel.
        My many trips to Israel, both in the Government and the
    private sector, have strengthened my commitment to sustain
    Israel as a democratic and Jewish state.
        The U.S.-Israel relationship has long been based on both
    common values and strategic interests to remain united in our
    shared commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and
    regional security.
        Should I have the honor of being confirmed, let me just
    spend a moment on a few of the priorities that will guide me.
        First, the United States remains unwavering in its
    commitment to Israel's security supported by a 10-year/$38
    billion Memorandum of Understanding. Israel is one of our
    closest security partners in countering the broad spectrum of
    threats.
        Chief among them is the critical threat that Iran poses.
    President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that
    Iran will never develop a nuclear weapon. Upholding Israel's
    security serves America's national security interests, ensures
    that we will always have a strong, reliable, and secure
    partner.
        Second, United States remains committed to advancing the
    depth and breadth of our bonds between our people, including
    our ever-expanding economic relationship.
        Israel's startup nation economy is welcoming for U.S.
    businesses, with U.S. companies establishing two-thirds of the
    more than 300 foreign investment research and development
    centers in Israel. And, as importantly, President Biden has
    announced he will work with Israel in hopes of them joining the
    Visa Waiver Program.
        Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China
    is a defining feature of the 21st century, and the United
    States views close cooperation with Israel on foreign
    investment as critical to our security and intelligence
    partnership.
        Third, the United States values working with fellow
    democracies to oppose international institutional biases
    towards Israel, and I look forward to working with Israel to
    protect the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful
    assembly, creating an atmosphere all voices can be heard.
        Equally, we must continue to oppose all efforts to isolate
    and delegitimize Israel. If confirmed, while respecting the
    rights of all Americans for free speech, I will continue the
    tireless work of this administration to firmly reject the BDS
    movement and boycott laws which unfairly single out Israel.
        Fourth, the Abraham Accords. Yes, the Abraham Accords are
    critical to the region's stability and prosperity. I will
    personally support every effort to expand cooperation among
    Israel and the countries of the Arab and Muslim world, and I
    hope to strengthen the Abraham Accords and identify
    opportunities to expand Israel's relationship in additional
    countries in the Arab and Muslim world.
        While we support the normalization between Israel and other
    countries, it is not a substitute for Israel-Palestinian peace,
    and we seek to harness existing and future agreements and make
    tangible improvement for the Palestinian people with a view of
    preserving the vision of a negotiated two-state solution.
        I am committed to doing so my part to rebuild the
    partnership between the Americans and the Palestinian people.
        The priorities listed above are only some of the key issues
    that face any diplomat serving in Israel. Frank and fruitful
    dialogues only strengthen our partnership and deepen the bonds
    between Americans and Israelis.
        Before I close, I would like to say something, that if I am
    fortunate to get confirmed, this will be my second time working
    at the State Department with some of the most talented and
    dedicated individuals I have ever had the honor to be with.
        I would be remiss in not thanking every one of them for
    their service. I am humbled and grateful to serve this country
    and to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israeli partnership.
        And thank you for the opportunity to testify, and I look
    forward to your questions.
        Thank you, Senator.
        [Prepared statement of Mr. Nides follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Thomas R. Nides

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today.
        It is an honor to be asked to serve as Ambassador to the State of
    Israel. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
    confidence in me. I am grateful to share this day with my family.
        I would like to thank Senator Klobuchar for her kind words of
    introduction. As the Senator mentioned, she and I have been friends for
    over 40 years, having served as interns together for Vice President
    Walter Mondale. I am grateful for her friendship.
        As Senator Klobuchar mentioned, I grew up in Duluth, Minnesota the
    youngest of seven children. My parents were leaders in a vibrant but
    small Jewish community. We grew up believing being Jewish was more than
    a religion, but a way of life. Most importantly, my parents impressed
    upon my siblings and me the importance of giving back to our community
    and caring about others.
        There is no greater honor than to be asked to strengthen the ties
    between the United States and the State of Israel. My many trips to
    Israel, both in government and the private sector, have strengthened my
    commitment to sustain Israel as a democratic and Jewish state at peace
    with its neighbors.
        The U.S.-Israeli relationship has long been based on both common
    values and strategic interests. We remain united in our shared
    commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security.
    Should I have the honor of being confirmed, some of the priorities that
    will guide my efforts include:

              First, the United States remains unwavering in its commitment
            to Israel's security, supported by our 10-year, $38 billion
            Memorandum of Understanding. Israel is one of our closest
            security partners in countering a broad spectrum of threats
            ranging from climate change to cyber-attacks to nuclear
            proliferation. Chief among these is the critical threat that
            Iran poses.
              President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that
            Iran never develops a nuclear weapon. Upholding Israel's
            security serves America's national security interests and
            ensures that we will always have a strong, reliable, and secure
            partner.

              Second, the United States remains committed to advancing the
            depth and breadth of the bonds between our people, including
            our ever-expanding economic relationship. Israel's start-up
            economy is safe and welcoming for U.S. businesses, with U.S.
            companies establishing two-thirds of the more than 300 foreign-
            invested research and development centers in Israel and
            President Biden announced we will work with Israel in hopes of
            them joining the Visa Waiver Program. Strategic competition
            with the People's Republic of China is a defining feature of
            the 21st century, and the United States views close cooperation
            with Israel on foreign investment risk management as a down
            payment on our security and intelligence partnership.

              Third, the United States values working with a fellow
            democracy to oppose international institutional bias and
            promote human rights at home and abroad. I look forward to
            working with Israel to protect the freedoms of expression,
            association, and peaceful assembly, creating an atmosphere
            where all voices can be heard and highlighting efforts to
            advance the rights of members of vulnerable communities.
            Equally, we must continue to oppose all efforts to isolate and
            delegitimize Israel internationally. If confirmed, while
            respecting the rights of all Americans to free speech, I will
            continue the tireless work of this administration to firmly
            reject the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement and
            boycott laws which unfairly single out Israel.

              Fourth, the Abraham Accords are critical to regional
            stability and prosperity. I will personally support every
            effort to expand cooperation among Israel and countries in the
            Arab and Muslim world, and I hope to strengthen the Abraham
            Accords and identify opportunities to expand Israel's relations
            with additional countries in the Arab and Muslim world.

        While we work to support normalization between Israel and other
    countries, it is not a substitute for Israeli-Palestinian peace, and we
    seek to harness existing and future agreements to make tangible
    improvements for the Palestinian people with a view to preserving the
    vision of a negotiated two-state solution. I am committed to doing my
    part to rebuild the partnership between the American and Palestinian
    peoples.
        The priorities listed above are only some of the key issues that
    face any diplomat serving in Israel. Frank and fruitful dialogues only
    strengthen our partnership and deepen the bonds between Americans and
    Israelis.
        Before closing, I would like to thank the very talented, dedicated
    cadre of public servants who represent the United States faithfully
    both here in Washington and abroad. It goes without saying that, if I
    am confirmed, the safety and security of all Americans, and not just
    those in the Embassy, but all those in Israel and the West Bank and
    Gaza, is my top priority.
        I am humbled and grateful to serve this country and to work to
    strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israeli partnership. Thank you for
    the opportunity to testify and I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Mr. Cohen?

     STATEMENT OF DAVID L. COHEN OF PENNSYLVANIA, NOMINATED TO BE
      AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
                      STATES OF AMERICA TO CANADA

        Mr. Cohen. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch----
        The Chairman. Mr. Cohen, if you could put your microphone
    on.
        Mr. Cohen [continuing]. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and members of the committee, I am proud and humbled to
    appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve
    as the United States Ambassador to Canada.
        I want to thank the President for his nomination, Senators
    Casey and Toomey for their kind introductions, and this
    committee for its courtesy.
        I also would like to acknowledge my wife, Rhonda, who has
    joined us here today. She has supported me--maybe it would be
    more accurate to say that she has put up with me--through 44
    years of marriage. I deeply appreciate her remarkable
    partnership and commitment to my career.
        Canada is one of our most important allies and a partner
    for our economic prosperity and our national security.
        If confirmed, I pledge to devote my full efforts to
    strengthening our unique bilateral partnership. As President
    Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau stated this year in their
    roadmap for a renewed U.S.-Canada partnership, and I quote,
    ``It is in the shared interest of the United States and Canada
    to revitalize and expand our historic alliance and steadfast
    friendship to overcome the daunting challenges of today and
    realize the full potential of the relationship into the
    future,'' unquote.
        In navigating the confirmation process, including meetings
    with members of this committee, I have heard many
    recommendations for expanding and improving the already strong
    relationship between Canada and the United States.
        Based on these discussions, if confirmed, some of my key
    priorities would be, first, preserving and growing the trade
    relationship between Canada and the United States, including as
    detailed in the USMCA.
        At nearly $1.7 billion a day, Canada is our largest trading
    partner and the top export market for more than 30 of our
    states.
        Second, easing border restrictions while protecting public
    health in both countries. As Canada and the United States share
    the world's longest land border with 120 ports of entry and a
    prepandemic daily rate of 400,000 people, crossing over a safe
    and vibrant border is important for bilateral relations, trade,
    tourism, and the personal and family relationships that form
    the bedrock of our cultures.
        I understand that the impact of today's restrictions on the
    many communities along the border, but I also appreciate the
    health sensitivities and concerns that have led to the current
    regulations.
        Third, Canada and the United States cooperatively manage
    multiple watersheds through complex arrangements, several of
    which would benefit from modernization.
        A modernized Columbia River Treaty regime, for example,
    could enhance hydropower and flood risk management in both
    countries. I know that many members share this high priority.
        Fourth, continue to respect and fortify the trusted and
    valuable alliance with Canada on multiple defense
    relationships, including NATO and NORAD.
        We also must honor our commitments to make the necessary
    investments to meet those needs and, of course, our policy
    toward China is a key priority today.
        Finally, continue to advance common priorities of our
    countries on the global stage on issues such as combating
    climate change, anti-corruption, and building more diverse and
    inclusive societies, including for women and girls.
        My varied professional career has been rewarding and,
    ultimately, enhanced by leadership roles in multiple nonprofit
    organizations. One important theme running through my career
    has been the opportunities I have had to serve.
        I am also proud of my success in tackling big complicated
    issues and in bringing people together to solve problems. I am
    excited by the possibility of extending my passion for service
    and applying my collaborative and solutions-based approach in
    the role of ambassador to Canada.
        If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with the members
    of this committee as I represent the President, the Secretary
    of State, and this country in Canada.
        It would be the ultimate honor to work alongside the 1,200
    members of the United States mission in Canada and with the
    Canadian Government to advance our shared priorities.
        Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward
    to your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Mr. Cohen follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of David L. Cohen

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, I am proud and humbled to appear before you today as
    President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to
    Canada. I want to thank the President for his nomination and Senators
    Casey and Toomey--two extraordinary public servants who I have had the
    privilege of working closely with over many years--for their kind
    introductions of me, and I thank this committee for its courtesy.
        I also would like to acknowledge my wife, Rhonda Cohen, who has
    joined us here today. She has supported me--maybe it would be more
    accurate to say that she has put up with me--through 44 years of
    marriage. I can say with absolute certainty that I simply would not be
    here today were it not for her remarkable partnership and commitment to
    my career.
        Canada is one of our most important and committed allies and a
    partner for our economic prosperity and our national security. But I
    understand the significant challenges that lie ahead for both of our
    countries. If confirmed, I pledge to devote my full efforts to
    strengthening our unique bilateral partnership, to enable both
    countries to take advantage of our shared economic and political
    interests.
        As President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau stated in their
    Roadmap for a Renewed U.S. Canada Partnership in February of this year,
    ``It is in the shared interest of the United States and Canada to
    revitalize and expand our historic alliance and steadfast friendship to
    overcome the daunting challenges of today and realize the full
    potential of the relationship into the future.''
        In navigating the nomination and confirmation process, including
    meetings with members of this committee, I have heard many
    recommendations for expanding and improving the already strong
    relationship between Canada and the United States.
        Based on these discussions, if confirmed, some key priorities for
    me are:

       Preserving and growing the trade relationship between Canada and
            the United States, including as detailed in the USMCA. At
            nearly $1.7 billion a day, Canada is our largest trading
            partner and the top export market for more than 30 of our
            states.

       Easing border restrictions while protecting public health in both
            countries. As Canada and the United States share the world's
            longest land border, extending 5,525 miles, with 120 ports of
            entry, and a pre-pandemic daily rate of 400,000 people crossing
            over, a safe and vibrant border is important for bilateral
            relations, trade, tourism, and the personal and family
            relationships that form the bedrock of our cultures. I
            understand the impact of today's restrictions on the many
            communities along the border, but also appreciate the health
            sensitivities and concerns that have led to the current
            regulations.

       Canada and the United States cooperatively manage multiple
            watersheds through complex arrangements, several of which would
            benefit from modernization. A modernized Columbia River Treaty
            regime, for example, could enhance hydropower, flood risk
            management, and ecosystems in the United States and Canada. I
            know that many Members share this high priority.

       Continue to respect and fortify the trusted and valuable alliance
            with Canada on multiple defense and foreign affairs
            relationships, including NATO and NORAD. We also must honor our
            commitments to make the necessary investments to meet current
            and future challenges to our collective security and preserve
            our ability to successfully promote peace and human rights
            globally.

       Continue to advance common priorities of Canada and the United
            States on the global stage on issues such as combating climate
            change, anti-corruption, energy independence, and building more
            diverse and inclusive societies, including for women and girls
            around the world.

        My varied professional career has included the practice of law,
    government service, and a senior executive business role. That career
    has been rewarding, enriching, and ultimately enhanced by leadership
    roles in multiple nonprofit organizations. For me, one important theme
    running through my career has been the opportunities I have had to
    serve. I am proud of my success in tackling big, complicated issues,
    and in bringing people together to solve problems.
        I am excited by the possibility of extending my passion for service
    and applying my collaborative and solutions-based approach in the role
    of United States Ambassador to Canada. If confirmed, I look forward to
    consulting with the members of this committee as I represent the
    President, the Secretary of State, and this country in Canada. It would
    be the ultimate honor to work alongside the 1,200 members of the U.S.
    Mission in Canada for our Government and with the Canadian Government
    to advance our shared priorities.
        Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to your
    questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Dr. Telles?

    STATEMENT OF DR. CYNTHIA ANN TELLES OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO
     BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
            STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA

        Ms. Telles. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor for me
    to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be
    the U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica.
        I am grateful and humbled by the trust placed in me and, if
    confirmed, I really look forward to working with all of you to
    advance our nation's interests in the region.
        With your indulgence, I would like to introduce my husband,
    Joe Waz, and my son, Raymond Jimenez, who are here with me
    today. Their unequivocal love and support mean the world to me.
        Also, I would like to thank my beloved parents, Raymond and
    Delfina Telles, who are with us in spirit. My father taught me
    by example that public service is a noble cause to which he
    dedicated his entire career, having served as the first
    Hispanic elected mayor of a major U.S. city in 1957 and also
    having served as the very first Hispanic U.S. ambassador when
    President Kennedy appointed him to serve in Costa Rica in 1961.
        If confirmed, it would be my life's greatest honor to
    follow in his footsteps.
        I spent several years of my youth in Costa Rica, which came
    to have a special place in my heart. I became very familiar
    with its people, its culture, and its challenges. I also was
    able to witness firsthand the formation of the Alliance for
    Progress with its great dreams of shared prosperity and
    democracy.
        My father was able to organize a summit for President
    Kennedy and all the Central American presidents at the U.S.
    Embassy in Costa Rica. I am committed to using that experience
    to deepen the enduring bonds between Costa Rica and the United
    States and, thereby, to further our mutual interests.
        The United States and Costa Rica have shared an exceptional
    partnership across decades, one that is based not only on
    mutual interests but on shared values of democracy, of good
    governance, of human rights. This strong partnership is
    critical now more than ever.
        We face an unprecedented convergence of challenges in
    Central America: increased drug trafficking by transnational
    criminal organizations, economic downturn exacerbated by the
    pandemic, disruption to the region due to climate change,
    uptick in irregular migration, and also foreign influences that
    threaten to undermine democracy and our priorities in the
    region.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with Costa Rica to
    promote our shared interests throughout the region. Costa Rica
    has been a strong ally in migration management and a regional
    leader in welcoming vulnerable migrants and providing
    international protection for refugees and asylum seekers.
        If confirmed, I will, certainly, work to strengthen its
    asylum protection and temporary worker programs, and to expand
    its capacity in general to deal with migration, including
    border protection.
        Very importantly, I will work with Costa Rica to address
    root causes of migration in the region.
        The U.S. and Costa Rica collaborate closely to combat
    transnational crime organizations. Costa Rica is actually
    crucial to this shared mission, given its strategic location
    which positions it at the largest transshipment hub from South
    America to the U.S. for narcotics bound to our country.
        The good news is that in 2020 Costa Rica interdicted a
    record 71 metric tons of narcotics, mostly cocaine,
    demonstrating not only its commitment and capacity but also,
    very importantly, the huge challenges it faces in the region.
        If confirmed, I commit to strongly support Costa Rica's
    counter narcotics efforts in every way possible.
        For decades, Costa Rica has been a champion of democracy
    and recently demonstrating this by calling out that Ortega-
    Murillo regime in Nicaragua and the Venezuelan Government to
    return to peaceful democracy, to hold free and fair elections,
    to release political prisoners, to hold people accountable for
    corruption.
        Certainly, I will gladly support Costa Rica's efforts to
    promulgate our shared values in the region.
        Although Costa Rica has enjoyed a relatively stable economy
    across time, there are recent troubling signs evidenced by high
    unemployment, by a large public debt, and by stress in the
    public health system due to COVID-19 and increased migration
    from Nicaragua.
        In addition to the human toll that these pose, these
    vulnerabilities can be exploited by our adversaries and
    competitors. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening economic
    partnership with Costa Rica and to promote mutual prosperity.
    Importantly, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to combat the
    COVID-19 pandemic.
        If confirmed, I look forward to leading the embassy team in
    San Jose where my highest priorities will be the protection of
    U.S. citizens and our interests. I will look forward also to
    seeking consultation from this committee.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
    am happy to answer your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Ms. Telles follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of
    the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
    Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica. I am grateful
    and humbled by the trust placed in me.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance our
    nation's interests.
        I would like to introduce my husband, Joe Waz, and my son, Raymond
    Jimenez. Their invaluable support and love mean the world to me.
        I would like to thank to my beloved parents, Raymond and Delfina
    Telles, who are with us in spirit. My father taught me by example that
    public service is a noble cause to which he dedicated his entire
    career. He served as the first Hispanic elected mayor of a major
    American city in 1957 and, subsequently, as the first Hispanic United
    States Ambassador when President Kennedy appointed him to serve in
    Costa Rica in 1961. If confirmed, I will be deeply honored to follow in
    his footsteps.
        I spent several years of my youth in Costa Rica, which came to have
    a special place in my heart. I became very familiar with its people,
    its culture, and its challenges. I am committed to using that
    experience to enhance America's enduring bonds with Costa Rica and,
    thereby, to further our mutual interests.
        The United States and Costa Rica have enjoyed an exceptional
    partnership across decades--one based, not only on mutual interests,
    but on shared values of democracy, good governance and human rights.
    This strong partnership is critical--now more than ever. We face an
    unprecedented convergence of challenges in Central America: increasing
    drug trafficking by transnational criminal organizations; disruption
    from climate change; economic downturn exacerbated by the pandemic; a
    related uptick in irregular migration; and foreign influence that
    threatens to undermine democracy and our priorities in the region.
        In addressing these challenges, Costa Rica has been, not only a
    reliable partner, but an effective role model. If confirmed, I will
    work closely with Costa Rican people to promote our shared interests
    throughout the region.
        Costa Rica has been a strong ally in migration management through
    participation in our Comprehensive Regional Solutions Framework. It has
    been a regional leader in welcoming vulnerable migrants and guest
    workers and providing international protection for refugees and asylum
    seekers, including more than 80,000 Nicaraguans and 30,000 Venezuelans
    in recent years. Through the U.S. funded Protection Transfer Agreement,
    Costa Rica hosts individuals with urgent protection needs from
    Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, while they undergo refugee
    processing for resettlement. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Government to help strengthen its asylum system, support temporary
    worker programs, expand its efforts to deal with migration and
    protection issues and, very importantly, to address the root causes of
    migration.
        The United States and Costa Rica collaborate closely to combat
    transnational criminal organizations that move illicit drugs to the
    U.S. and engage in human trafficking. Costa Rica is critical to this
    shared mission, given its strategic location, which positions it as the
    largest transshipment hub for South American cocaine bound for the U.S.
    In 2020, Costa Rica interdicted a record 71 metric tons of narcotics,
    demonstrating, not only its capabilities, but also the enormous
    challenges it faces. If confirmed, I commit to strongly support Costa
    Rica's counter-narcotics efforts.
        For decades, Costa Rica has been a strong champion of democracy.
    Recently, its Government demonstrated a commitment to pressure
    Nicaragua's Ortega-Murillo regime to hold fair and free elections and
    to release political prisoners. Costa Rica has repeatedly called for a
    peaceful return to democracy in Venezuela and accountability for
    corruption.
        In addressing the climate crisis, the United States has no stronger
    ally in this hemisphere than the Costa Ricans with their longstanding
    commitment to protecting the environment, conserving biodiversity, and
    reducing carbon emissions, in fact, outlining a pathway toward net zero
    emissions by 2050. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with them
    to advance these shared goals.
        Although Costa Rica has enjoyed a relatively stable economy, there
    are recent signs of strain evidenced by high unemployment, untenable
    public debt, and stress on the public health system due to COVID-19 and
    increased migration from Nicaragua. In addition to the human toll,
    these vulnerabilities can be exploited by our competitors and
    adversaries. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening our economic
    relationship with Costa Rica to promote mutual prosperity. In the near
    term, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to fight the COVID-19
    pandemic, which has greatly impacted the country, now in its fourth
    major surge. U.S. support to date has included a donation of half a
    million Pfizer vaccines.
        If confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy team in San
    Jose and to working closely with you.
        My highest priority will be to protect U.S. citizens and to
    champion our interests in cooperation with our strong partners in Costa
    Rica.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I'm happy
    to answer your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Before we start a round of five-minute questions with
    members, there are a series of questions we ask each nominee on
    behalf of the full committee and they, really, require a simple
    yes or no answer.
        I would like to ask each question and get a verbal response
    from each of the nominees. These are questions that speak to
    the importance that this committee places on responsiveness by
    all officials in the executive branch and that we expect and
    will be seeking from you. I would ask each of you to provide
    just a yes or no answer.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
    and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation while policies are being developed, not just
    providing notification after the fact?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
    responding to requests for briefings and information requested
    by the committee and its designated staff?
        [Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you. All of the nominees
    have responded yes verbally.
        I will recognize myself for a series of questions.
        Mr. Nides, this is one of the most important relationships
    we have. It is long-standing, enduring, and incredibly bound by
    common values that we share with the people of Israel.
        I think these are self-evident but I just want to make
    sure. You are committed to Israel's right to self-defense, are
    you not?
        Mr. Nides. Yes, I am.
        The Chairman. Under U.S. law, there is a question of
    Israel's qualitative military edge. You are committed to
    continuing to pursue that under the law, right?
        Mr. Nides. Absolutely.
        The Chairman. And do you support replenishment of the Iron
    Dome missile defense system----
        Mr. Nides. Yes, sir.
        The Chairman [continuing]. Which has saved countless
    Israeli and Palestinian lives as well?
        Mr. Nides. Yes.
        The Chairman. And you spoke to the Abraham Accords, which
    we all cherish that other countries have finally come together
    in recognizing Israel and we hope that that can be pursued even
    more significantly.
        Those are all key elements and you have covered many other
    things in your opening statement.
        Let me turn to Mr. Cohen. Since Canadian authorities
    detained the CFO of Huawei in December of 2019, China's
    Government has engaged in numerous forms of retaliation,
    including the imposition of tariffs and cutting imports of
    Canadian products.
        However, the most egregious case is the PRC's arbitrary
    detention of two Canadian citizens, Michael Spavor and Michael
    Kovrig, as well as the seemingly political conviction of Mr.
    Kovrig last month. These tactics by China require the
    international community to respond with a united purpose. I
    have spoken about this quite a bit.
        What steps will you take to deepen coordination with our
    Canadian allies and ensure that our two countries formulate a
    joint response to the challenges posed by China's coercive
    diplomacy?
        Mr. Cohen. Mr. Chairman, I think the good news is that we
    start from a proposition, as you observed in your opening
    comments, where Canada and the United States share a commitment
    to democratic values and I think they share an abhorrence of
    much of the behavior of the People's Republic of China.
        I think the United States has joined Canada in the
    condemnation of the treatment of the two Michaels. I think
    Canada almost seems to prefer working in multilateral ways in
    its foreign affairs, which sometimes may make it appear that
    they are less outspoken than you might otherwise think.
        In the case of the two Michaels and arbitrary detention,
    they have been very outspoken and the United States has been
    very supportive. I think we are all waiting for Canada to
    release its framework for its overall China policy, and I think
    as ambassador, if I am confirmed, it is an appropriate role to
    be engaged in discussions and make sure that Canada's policies
    reflect its words in terms of the treatment of China, and that
    we do improve the collaboration and coordination between our
    two countries in taking on the existential threat that is China
    politically, economically, diplomatically, et cetera.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        The Congress, as a whole, which is a rarity these days, but
    in a bipartisan way put out legislation, including legislation
    from this committee that became part of the overarching
    legislation on China, recognizing China as our most significant
    geostrategic challenge in the world. Our allies are going to be
    incredibly important to this.
        You and I had an opportunity to speak yesterday. I
    appreciate you coming by the office.
        I hope also upon your confirmation you can work with our
    Canadian partners, who we have a great deal of respect for. We
    honor the service and the sacrifices that they have made
    alongside of us in Afghanistan and other places as a NATO ally.
        But I would hope that they would be more forthcoming on
    democracy and human rights issues in the hemisphere. They are a
    key hemispheric partner. They sit in the OAS with us.
        And yet, I get disappointed at times when, for example, the
    Canadians do not join us, for example, on human rights and
    democracy in Cuba. It is pretty amazing to me.
        I understand Canadians have economic interests in Cuba, but
    those should not overcome the human rights and democracy issue.
    It is something I hope you will work on upon your confirmation.
        Dr. Telles, you mentioned Costa Rica and some of the
    challenges that it has now in COVID and some of the economic
    impacts on it. How do you think we can work together? What
    would be some of your top priorities to work with Costa Rica to
    help it meet these present challenges so it can continue to be
    what it has been on both refugees, democracy, a stalwart in the
    hemisphere?
        Ms. Telles. Chairman, thank you for your question. Very
    timely and relevant at this point.
        And, certainly, as you mentioned, COVID-19 has had a
    significant impact on the economic circumstance in Costa Rica
    as it has throughout the region and also globally.
        One of the things that I would hope to do is to assist the
    Government in addressing the issues right now which are
    currently plaguing it, including high unemployment, also issues
    related to increasing public debt and also the strain that
    COVID-19 has placed on its health system.
        And I would also suggest in dealing with these shorter-term
    issues that may require some financial assistance that we look
    to supporting Costa Rica and it's kind of a long-term economic
    resilience. And that would, certainly, mean to kind of
    strengthening our economic partnership with Costa Rica through
    trade and investment.
        I would, certainly, reach out very proactively to American
    businesses to consider investing in Costa Rica, which has a
    very favorable business climate.
        Additionally, I think that in terms of the longer-term
    resilience issues it will be important for Costa Rica to
    continue down the path it has begun already through its
    accession to the Organization of Economic Development and
    Cooperation, which has, certainly, suggested certain reforms--
    economic and governmental reforms--which they are embarking on.
        I believe that we also need to get the assistance of
    multinational organizations as well as international financial
    institutions to assist with long-term recovery.
        In terms of your question about refugees, as you know, as I
    mentioned, Costa Rica has been an incredible partner, a
    regional leader, in terms of providing protection for refugees
    and asylum seekers.
        And just very recently it, actually, has provided a home as
    it welcomed refugees from Nicaragua, in the last three years
    probably about 100,000 and from Venezuela close to 40,000 in
    the last--it just varies in terms.
        I believe--and even though they are very willing and
    welcoming, it has, certainly, strained to some extent its
    public health system and its infrastructure.
        I think that we need to look at some additional
    humanitarian assistance to Costa Rica and also to figure out
    how we can expand its capacity to receive migrants by
    supporting its temporary worker programs, its asylum protection
    programs also.
        Again, I look forward, if confirmed, to working with the
    Government of Costa Rica to address these issues.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        And let me let start with Mr. Nides. First of all, thank
    you for your enthusiastic condemnation of the despicable and
    anti-Semitic Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement. I
    really appreciate your enthusiasm for that position, which I
    share and many others share.
        We have another member on the next panel who, I think, has
    less enthusiasm for that. But we are going to test that when we
    get there.
        I also want to acknowledge your enthusiastic support for
    the Abraham Accords. That is the most enthusiasm I have heard
    from anyone from this administration regarding the Abraham
    Accords, even though almost everyone agrees that this was one
    of the most significant steps that has happened in the Middle
    East in decades.
        I appreciate that and I also appreciate your personal
    commitments to expand the Abraham Accords where possible. That
    is a game changer in that region. Certainly, the more relations
    that the countries have with each other in the region is good
    for them and it is good for the world. Thank you for that.
        The Palestinian issue that I am most concerned with is the
    ``pay for slay'' program, which I assume you are familiar with,
    and I would ask your thoughts on that, please.
        Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you very much, and I share your
    concern about this abhorrent behavior as it relates to the
    ``pay for slay.'' Obviously, legislation was passed the Taylor
    Force Act, which, we are quite focused on, and if I am
    fortunate enough to get confirmed, I have every intention of
    working with the Palestinians to try to get progress on this.
        But I do not think there is anyone in this administration
    that would disagree with you about what has happened there, and
    we need to work to get it resolved.
        Senator Risch. I appreciate that. I was one of the primary
    sponsors on Taylor Force. I had hoped that it had been more
    successful than it has been.
        But if it is followed closely, it certainly makes inroads
    in that and I, along with others, are criticized sometimes
    because we are tough on the Palestinians and particularly when
    you are talking about money flowing to them because of the
    corruption and the way that the terrorists have a way of
    siphoning money from our money that is going there to help
    people in the country.
        I think this is something that really deserves our
    continued attention and I am, certainly, going to be tough and
    I think everybody is going to be tough on this ``pay for slay''
    program, and I hope you will enthusiastically join us as we
    continue that battle. Thank you.
        Turning to Mr. Cohen, thank you so much for taking the time
    to meet with me on the issues with Canada. I, certainly, wish
    we had the same relationship with all countries.
        Like the Chairman, I am not completely satisfied with their
    view on everything. But that is not unusual. There is virtually
    no country that we are in complete concurrence with.
        Two of the real important issues for me are the Columbia
    River Treaty. It is important to all of us on a bipartisan
    basis who serve from the Pacific Northwest.
        Senator Cantwell and I have been the two leading people on
    the negotiations that are going on. She is a very good partner
    in that regard. We are in complete agreement on where we need
    to go with this.
        We talked about the heavy lift that it is and I know you
    are ready for that challenge, and we expect to continue that as
    it is going and we look forward to your help in that regard.
        On the second issue, and that is the opening of the
    northern border, we share--my state shares a border with Canada
    and we are very painfully and personally aware of the cost of
    this closing.
        I appreciate your commitment to work on getting that open
    as quickly as we can.
        For Ms. Telles, the Costa Ricans switched their diplomatic
    relations from Taiwan to the PRC in 2007, and ever since then
    we have seen the slow creep of Chinese influence in that
    country.
        Could I have your thoughts on that?
        Ms. Telles. Absolutely. Thank you for your question,
    Ranking Member Risch.
        It is something of great concern, quite frankly. China has
    sought for some years now to expand its sphere of influence,
    politically and economically, and it would love nothing better
    than to have a beachhead in Costa Rica.
        And in recent years, in the last few years or so, these
    efforts have become much more aggressive. Whether it is through
    promises of investment and trade or public diplomacy, they
    built them some time ago, as you know, a stadium and a police
    academy, but there are more recent offers of a similar nature.
        Additionally, they attempted vaccine diplomacy. It did not
    work at this point, and they are now very interested, very
    aggressively, actually, pushing, trying to further infiltrate
    the Costa Rican telecommunications system through the sale at
    very good terms of their equipment for cellular phones.
        I would say that I think the biggest, I think, or the most
    important strategy here would be, really, to strengthen our
    economic relationship with Costa Rica in terms of trade and
    foreign direct investment, and as I mentioned, I really want to
    urge the American companies to really invest in Costa Rica.
        That, I think, will be probably one of the biggest
    leverages that we will have over time. Right now, we are their
    top trading partner and the largest contributor to foreign
    direct investment. I would want to preserve that and expand
    that.
        But also, very importantly, I think it would be important,
    certainly, to urge the Costa Ricans to be mindful of our shared
    values of democracy and human rights, and also to encourage
    them when entering into contracts and list agreements to
    prioritize trusted partners and entities that will not
    compromise their long-term security.
        But I am confident that in working with Costa Rica--it has
    been a great partner over many years--that we can achieve these
    goals.
        Senator Risch. Thank you. I appreciate that clear-eyed
    view. Your reference to the relatively small amount of money
    that China spends in these countries gets them tremendous
    leverage at times, whether it is here, whether it is in the
    Small Pacific nations. We have seen that over and over again.
        I appreciate your attention to that and we will all be
    watching it. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Cardin is
    with us virtually.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me start
    by thanking all of our nominees for their willingness to serve
    our country. We thank you. We thank your families.
        These are critically important positions for the United
    States and we thank you for being willing to step up in this
    responsibility.
        Mr. Nides, let me start with you. Thank you for the
    opportunity that we had to chat. I know your record over many,
    many years and I know your strong support for the importance of
    the U.S.-Israel relations.
        We have already covered the issue about Israel's right to
    defend itself. We have already covered the partnership with the
    United States under a Memorandum of Understanding and the
    replenishment of the Iron Dome funds, and we have covered also
    the dangerous efforts that are made to isolate Israel through
    the BDS movement.
        I want to talk in a positive note. We recognize that the
    need for peace between the Palestinians and the Israelis, that
    is in the interest of both Palestinians, Israelis, and the
    United States and the region for security.
        There have been many opportunities in the past where we
    came close but we were not able to complete the negotiations.
    It seems to me that we have two things at this moment that give
    signs of encouragement. We have already talked about one, the
    Abraham Accords, with countries normalizing their relations
    with Israel, and, as you point out, additional countries that
    are candidates for the Abraham Accords.
        And we also have a broad coalition government in Israel
    right now that gives us maybe the political opportunity within
    Israel to be more aggressive on peace. We recognize the
    challenges among the Palestinians and their leadership.
        But could you just share with us your thoughts as to
    whether this might be the right time to pursue peace between
    the Palestinians and Israelis?
        Mr. Nides. Senator Cardin, thank you for your question.
        I think as President Biden said, I think, yesterday at the
    U.N. there is a view that a two-state solution, clearly, is a
    goal to try to attempt to achieve. I do not think any one of us
    believe that that is achievable in the next couple of weeks.
        But I do believe that we need, as a government, to continue
    to create the pathway to achieve that and I think we are doing
    that through a variety of ways. One, talking about the
    importance of a two-state solution. Number two, adding to the
    assistance to the Palestinian people.
        I think there is $400 million of assistance for the
    Palestinian people through a variety of programs to send a
    strong message to the Palestinian people and to encourage both
    the Palestinians and the Israelis not to take unilateral action
    that will make the path towards a two-state solution
    impossible.
        I, obviously, believe that Prime Minister Bennett's visit
    here was a successful one. I think the relationship between the
    prime minister and the foreign minister with the Biden
    administration is strong.
        I hope that relationship will continue to grow as we and,
    hopefully, when I have the opportunity potentially to be
    confirmed I will reach out to the Palestinian people to
    continue to send the message that we not only care, we believe
    in the importance of the same freedom and security and
    prosperity that the Israelis want to achieve.
        Senator, I am, generally, an optimist. You would not take
    these jobs if you were not. I am also a realist. But I hope we
    are beginning the process to create the environment for that to
    happen.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you for that response.
        Mr. Cohen, let me just ask quickly a question in regards to
    U.S.-Canadian relations. We know it is our closest ally from
    the point of view of regional. A great relationship between our
    two countries.
        But I think we have to recognize that there is damage that
    has been done. The Canadian Globe and Mail reported on July
    22nd that, and I quote, ``The political discord in the United
    States remains dangerously deep.''
        And although Canada-U.S. relations are improving now that
    Donald Trump is no longer President, it will be a long time
    before things return to normal, if they ever do.
        Now, I do not want to rehash what happened over the past
    four years. But I do want to just emphasize the fact, and we
    talk to Canadians all the time, there has been damage done in
    our relationship.
        What is your strategy in order to strengthen the ties as
    far as the feelings among the people in Canada and the United
    States towards each other?
        Mr. Cohen. Senator, I agree with the premise of your
    question quite strongly, and I think that it plays to one of my
    strengths over the course of my career.
        I am going to start with the simplest thing. I am going to
    show up. I am going to be there. I am going to reach out.
        One of the outcomes of the election on Monday is there are
    going to be a number of new cabinet ministers and I want to
    make sure that I try to create a relationship and a
    communication channel with the Government and make it clear
    that I am there to listen. I am there to, obviously, represent
    the United States interests, that I am there to be
    communicative and two ways communicative, to communicate our
    desires and our positions, for example, on issues like China,
    as the Chairman raised.
        But I am also there to listen to Canadian concerns and to
    bring them back and to make sure that I create a reality that
    the United States cares about Canada as a strong ally, cares
    about what they think, and wants to be a true partner in trade
    and diplomacy, in defense, in energy and climate change, in all
    of the issues that we share values on and that we work closely
    together.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        The next available member is Senator Coons.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and thank you
    to all three of our nominees today. Thank you for your
    willingness to continue to support our nation and to serve
    overseas and for your families, who are with you today.
        It is my honor to work with you and to question you today,
    and I intend to support your confirmation before the Senate of
    the United States and to welcome and express my appreciation,
    Max, to you--Rhonda, it is great to see you again--to Joe and
    to Raymond.
        All of us are able to sustain our careers in service
    because of the support of our families. Thank you for that.
        If I might, Mr. Nides, I join many others in saying the
    Abraham Accords enjoy bipartisan support. I look forward to
    partnering with you and figuring out how we can more fully
    implement them.
        As the Chairman of the State and Foreign Operations
    Subcommittee, I am committed to working with you on ensuring
    Israel's security and the continued strengthening of that long,
    deep, and important partnership.
        I want to ask you about a specific program that was funded,
    the Nita Lowey Middle East Partnership for Peace Act. It has
    $250 million over five years to support venture capital
    investment in the West Bank and people-to-people programs.
        Are you familiar with this? How do you think it might
    contribute to the very difficult work of developing an
    environment for partnership and for peace?
        Mr. Nides. Thank you very much, Senator, for the question.
        Yes, I am quite knowledgeable about this and I congratulate
    the Congress for doing this program in a bipartisan way with
    your leadership and many of the Republicans who signed on for
    this legislation.
        I happen to have gone out to see former Congresswoman Lowey
    in Westchester a few weeks ago to talk to her specifically
    about the program. The program, as you know, is a $250 million
    program over a five-year period of time that marries both the
    DFC and USAID to do exactly what needs to be done, which is not
    only people-to-people growth but, more importantly, trying to
    use these monies to improve both the Palestinian and Israeli
    relationships.
        Congresswoman Lowey, someone who I have known for a long
    time, it was an honor for her, clearly, but shows the
    importance of her commitment to the U.S.-Israel-Palestinian
    two-state solution idea and for us to focus on that.
        I am quite familiar with it. I have already had some
    preliminary discussions with folks as I got briefed up on it.
    But I think it has got an enormous amount of potential and I
    look forward to working with you as we implement programs if I
    am fortunate enough to get confirmed.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Tom.
        Mr. Cohen, it is great to see you before us and to be with
    you again, and I think you will serve as an excellent
    ambassador to address some of the issues Senator Cardin just
    raised.
        Senator Udall and I actually were part of a bipartisan
    delegation that went to Latvia a number of years ago where we
    visited with a Canadian battalion that was helping lead NATO
    security presence in that Baltic country. Just one of many
    reminders of the ways in which Canada is not just a critical
    trade partner, not just a critical values partner, but is a
    real security partner.
        How will you work with Canada to advance our shared
    security goals through NATO, through NORAD, through their vital
    work in peacekeeping and other partnerships that are essential
    to our security?
        Mr. Cohen. Again, I think I will have the advantage of
    starting with the foundation of a long-term friendship and
    partnership.
        There isn't any resistance to the importance of Canada and
    the United States working together on defense arrangements,
    including the ones that you have identified.
        But as the Chairman pointed out in one of his questions,
    there is always room for improvement. Let me put it that way.
    When I look at the side of our relationships about benefit
    sharing and about making sure that we are all investing
    appropriately in these defense partnerships, in NORAD, Canada
    has not appropriated the sum of money that is necessary to fund
    the modernization and improvement of NORAD that we have agreed
    to conceptually.
        And although the percentage of the Canadian defense budget
    is creeping upwards, it is only at about 1= percent and it is
    projected to drop to as low as 1 percent over the next decade
    or so.
        I think that is an opportunity for dialogue. It is an
    opportunity for conversation. It is an opportunity to say if we
    really believe in the importance of NATO, if we really believe
    in the importance of NORAD, we have to invest appropriately to
    make sure that we can deliver on the defense benefits to both
    of our countries and to the free world.
        Senator Coons. Thank you.
        And if I might, Dr. Telles, just a question to follow up on
    your previous exchange about foreign direct investment.
        I was very encouraged to see Intel's announcement in July
    that they will invest $600 million in a long-idled
    semiconductor microchip plant in Costa Rica.
        How can partners like Costa Rica help partner with us to
    support the near shoring of critical technologies as we look to
    develop supply chains that are more robust and independent?
        Ms. Telles. That is an excellent question, Senator, and I
    do think that that Costa Rica could play a very important role
    in partnering with us in this respect.
        As you know, they have a relatively well-educated well-
    trained workforce. They also offer a very positive business
    environment, open economy, relatively low levels of corruption
    and such.
        And so given that they have already--as you know, one of
    their main exports is medical equipment, but aside from that
    they have a capacity to engage in broader production, and I do
    believe that we could certainly encourage this particular
    partnership even further.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, and I look forward to working
    with you to support and strengthen the ability of the Costa
    Rican people to both welcome refugees and to be a wonderful
    development and security partner with the United States.
        Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        I understand that Senator Young is with us virtually.
        Senator Young. Yes, Chairman. Thank you, sir.
        Mr. Nides, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has made it clear
    that his government opposes the Biden administration's efforts
    to revive the Iran deal, and they would ensure Israel has the
    ability to go it alone in securing itself from Iranian terror.
        I do not necessarily doubt your commitment to the U.S.-
    Israel relationship, especially having visited with you, sir.
    But this administration seems intent on pursuing certain
    policies that, I believe, will only undermine it.
        Mr. Nides, how can an administration that claims to be
    unequivocal about Israel's security continue to press for
    revival of a deal with Iran that Israel's own government
    opposes due to the security risks that it presents?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for the question, as you and
    I discussed in your office.
        I will make two points. One is, as you know, the President
    has been quite clear that he is attempting to use diplomacy to
    resolve the Iran nuclear situation. He has also made it clear,
    as Secretary Blinken has, that he will not stand by to allow
    the Iranians to obtain a nuclear weapon.
        Obviously, I am not a party, since I have not been
    confirmed, to the level of negotiations, but those are the
    binding facts of this relationship and the position of this
    administration.
        Senator Young. If you believe the JCPOA, sir, does enhance
    Israel's security--let us just take that as a premise because
    you would almost have to in order to reconcile the commitment
    to U.S.-Israel relationship and their intent on making sure
    that Israel can defend itself with this JCPOA negotiation.
        Let us just assume the JCPOA enhances Israel's security.
    How do you square that with Israel's opposition to the
    agreement and the prime minister's commitment to do whatever is
    necessary to secure the people of Israel?
        Mr. Nides. Again, Senator, I am not, obviously, currently
    involved in the discussions and negotiations, obviously, with
    Israel or the conversations going on in Vienna.
        I will only say that I think the President has been quite
    clear both in his statements yesterday at the U.N. and the
    public statements that he and the Secretary of State have said,
    is obviously they want to, if possible, use diplomacy to
    resolve the situation.
        And I think, as this process plays out, and if I am
    fortunate enough to be confirmed, obviously, I will be more
    informed about the details of that. But that is, certainly, the
    policy of the administration and I do believe that there are
    ongoing communications between the Israeli Government and the
    American Government as it relates to whatever discussions are
    going on around the diplomatic channel and non-diplomatic
    channel through the conversations among the parties.
        Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Nides.
        Mr. Cohen, the United States and Canada are close trade
    partners, especially evident in the symbiotic relationship
    between my state of Indiana and the Canadians.
        As a leader in the automotive industry, Indiana exports
    over $7 billion in motor vehicles and motor vehicle parts to
    Canada. Canada is also Indiana's largest export destination,
    followed by Mexico, according to 2019 statistics.
        It is safe to say that we rely on access to partners in
    Canada in order to export products all across the globe and
    keep our industries humming, and that access was solidified by
    the landmark USMCA agreement.
        As ambassador, Mr. Cohen, how will you work to mitigate
    supply chain disruptions that business continuously faces as
    they emerge from the pandemic, and do you see value in
    diverting supply chains out of China and closer to U.S. soil?
        Mr. Cohen. Good morning, Senator. Good to see you.
        I think the problem you have put your finger on is
    something I alluded to in my opening statement, which is the
    pandemic has, clearly, been disruptive to supply chains and the
    limitations on travel have complicated things.
        I think, in the automotive world, by the way, we are
    working through the processes of USMCA to try and deal with
    some of the automobile industry issues that were--frankly, were
    one of the reasons for USMCA being passed.
        If I am confirmed, though, I think this is another case
    where my role as ambassador is to help encourage these types of
    discussions and, obviously, anytime we can divert supply chains
    to our hemisphere as opposed to China is an economic benefit to
    the hemisphere and to the United States.
        And to the extent that we can accomplish that, I think that
    is good policy for the United States and for Canada.
        Senator Young. Thank you. I am out of time. I appreciate
    your desire to serve, all of you.
        Senator Schatz. [Presiding.] Thank you, Senator Young.
        Mr. Nides, in my view, we have a moral obligation to help
    the Palestinians that are suffering, and I understand that
    there are those who do not share that view.
        But could you talk about why U.S. humanitarian assistance
    to the Palestinians is not just morally right but good for us
    and for the Israelis and serves the long-term interests of a
    two-state solution?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you very much, and I
    wholeheartedly agree with that.
        The moneys going to the Palestinians are going to the
    Palestinian people, and making life better for the Palestinian
    people has been a bipartisan issue. It has not just been a
    Democratic issue.
        For many years, this committee and the appropriators have
    appropriated money for the Palestinian people from everything
    from water to education to health care.
        I think it makes our national security interests because
    that is who we are as a country. I think it helps the Israelis
    by keeping things calm not only in the West Bank, which I think
    is important for the security, and I think it is important for
    us if we believe, ultimately, that the solution is a two-state
    solution it provides them an opportunity and a guide path for
    that.
        I am in complete concurrence and I think it is important
    with all the caveats that we all understand and all the rules
    which are in place, but giving assistance to the Palestinian
    people--not to the Palestinian Authority, but to the
    Palestinian people--is in our national security best interests,
    and I think and I believe that also in Israel's national
    security interest as well.
        Senator Schatz. Can you flesh out that last part for us?
    Can you talk about the work that the U.S. Government and the
    NGO community does to make sure that our assistance goes to
    support the needs of the Palestinian people and what guard
    rails we will have in place to ensure that the U.S. funding
    does not get diverted from a humanitarian mission?
        Mr. Nides. Sir, I think we are using our trusted partners.
    The auditing that goes on through USAID and our other
    development partners is focused on that.
        We are very aware and very focused on the Taylor Force Act.
    Those monies will be to the Palestinian people. These are
    programs that help healthcare, education, water purification, a
    variety of programs, and I believe, if I am fortunate enough to
    get confirmed to speak for USAID, but I know they are very much
    focused on how those monies are being spent and all the guard
    rails that are put up in conjunction with the laws and
    regulations that are in place.
        Senator Schatz. I will submit this question for the record
    because I want to get to Mr. Cohen.
        But I do want to ask you about the potential for clean
    energy partnerships between the United States and Israel.
        Mr. Cohen, the Canadian Government passed a law this summer
    ratifying its commitment to clean energy by the year 2050. It
    still has a lot of work to do. Everybody has a lot of work to
    do to flesh out its plan and put funding behind it.
        But we do need this kind of ambition and commitment from
    our allies if we are going to combat the climate crisis. Can
    you talk about how we can make climate action more of a main
    part of our bilateral relationship with Canada?
        Mr. Cohen. Good morning, Senator. Good to see you.
        And I think the premise of your question provides some of
    the answer. When we deal with Canada, we are dealing with a
    friend that shares our values and that includes around climate
    issues.
        You have the legislation. You also have Prime Minister
    Trudeau's federal carbon pricing, which was layered on top of
    that legislation and which was just upheld by the Canadian
    Supreme Court. You have got real action being taken by Canada.
        I think the best ways to align is better coordination and
    continued communication. We have got two current examples of
    that. One is the roadmap that I referenced in my opening
    statement, which identifies climate and fighting climate change
    as one of the priorities of Canada and the United States
    working together. That is a statement from the highest levels
    of both governments, the president and the prime minister.
        And the second thing I would point to is the recent
    convening that Climate Secretary Kerry had with Canada and
    promised a periodic high-level convening around climate change-
    related issues to keep the two countries aligned and to keep
    this issue front of mind.
        I mean, I think that both are consistent with my sense that
    we need coordination, communication, at the highest levels of
    our governments.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, and thanks to all of
    you for your willingness to serve.
        Senator Barrasso?
        Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. Nides, congratulations on your nomination. I just had a
    chance to talk with Senator Klobuchar, who gave you such a nice
    introduction, and congratulations.
        I want to talk about Iron Dome. The U.S.-Israel
    relationship has long been the cornerstone of America's
    strategy in the Middle East. Israel constantly faces terrorist
    attacks. We have seen it again recently, threats including the
    rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza, attacks from Iranian-backed
    groups in Lebanon and Syria.
        Iron Dome is the first line of defense for Israel. In May,
    Israel faced over 4,000 rockets and attacks by the Iranian-
    backed terrorist group Hamas. The Iron Dome system intercepted
    more than 90 percent in terms of being effective in
    intercepting the rockets threatening civilians and critical
    infrastructure. It saved lives.
        Yet, what we just saw is the House Democrats removed
    funding for the Iron Dome that had been included in their
    Continuing Resolution funding bill. This just happened within
    the last day.
        Do you support funding to replenish the Iron Dome defense
    system?
        Mr. Nides. Absolutely.
        Senator Barrasso. And how important is continued U.S.-
    Israel cooperation on the Iron Dome and other cooperative
    defense programs?
        Mr. Nides. Very.
        Senator Barrasso. In terms of Jerusalem, is Jerusalem the
    capital of Israel?
        Mr. Nides. Yes.
        Senator Barrasso. Do you believe it should be the permanent
    place of the U.S. Embassy in Israel?
        Mr. Nides. Yes.
        Senator Barrasso. In 2019, the United States formally
    recognized Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Do you
    view the Golan Heights as part of Israel?
        Mr. Nides. We support the current position vis-a-vis the
    threats that we have in Syria with Assad and it is a
    strategically very important strategic position for the
    Israelis.
        Senator Barrasso. In 2018, Congress passed into law the
    Taylor Force Act. It prohibits U.S. economic assistance that
    directly benefits the Palestinian Authority as long as the
    Palestinian Authority continues to pay financial rewards for
    terrorism.
        I know Senator Risch talked about the importance of this
    issue a little earlier in this hearing. Does the Palestinian
    Authority continue to subsidize and pay financial reward to
    terrorists?
        Mr. Nides. I believe they have not stopped these payments.
        Senator Barrasso. If confirmed, are you fully committed to
    stopping the terror incentive payments by the Palestinian
    Authority?
        Mr. Nides. If I am confirmed, absolutely will work to
    achieve that goal.
        Senator Barrasso. There is a new Palestinian Authority law
    that, effectively, nationalized all what were once independent
    civil society groups. These groups need to now submit plans and
    budgets to the Palestinian Authority to review their conformity
    with the, quote, ``work plan of the relevant ministry.''
        The law also gives the Palestinian Authority power to
    dissolve any organization and then seize or transfer its assets
    to a similar Palestinian association or institution.
        You look at that, the way that they are going to do this,
    looking at this and saying would you support the United States
    providing taxpayer resources to these organizations if they can
    be seized by the resources can be seized by the Palestinian
    Authority, which the United States is legally prohibited from
    funding directly?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, I am not totally aware of exactly the
    program you are speaking of but, clearly, the Taylor Force Act
    is the law of the land and, obviously, we will abide by any
    laws, obviously, on the books.
        On that particular one, I am not particularly aware of that
    piece of--or that Palestinian legislation or whatever law that
    may be in place. But I will, certainly, look into it.
        Senator Barrasso. I appreciate your willingness to look
    into it.
        Israel continues to face direct threats from Iran and its
    terrorist proxies. The administration's budget request includes
    $3.8 billion in U.S. security assistance to Israel.
        President Biden has clearly stated, ``I am not going to
    place conditions for the security assistance given the serious
    threats that Israel is facing, and this would be, I think,
    irresponsible.''
        Do you oppose placing conditions on U.S. security
    assistance to Israel?
        Mr. Nides. Yes, sir.
        Senator Barrasso. And how would reducing or conditioning
    security assistance to Israel hurt Israel's ability to defend
    itself from threats?
        Mr. Nides. The reality is the administration does not
    support conditionality on the assistance and, as you know, we
    are at a $38 billion tenure MOU, and the position of the
    administration is we do not support conditionality.
        Senator Barrasso. Last week marked the one-year anniversary
    of the Abraham Accords, the historic diplomatic U.S.-brokered
    agreements between Israel and several of the Arab neighbors.
        The Trump administration helped negotiate several historic
    developments between Israel, its regional Arab neighbors--the
    UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan. They joined Egypt and Jordan
    in establishing relationships diplomatically with Israel.
        These agreements have created a path to peace through
    recognition and engagement rather than isolation and boycotts
    of Israel.
        Israel's foreign minister recently said the Abraham Accords
    club is open to new members as well. Secretary Blinken pledged
    the administration will continue to build on the successful
    efforts of the last administration to keep normalization
    marching forward.
        As the ambassador, what role would you play in fostering
    peace with Israel in the Arab world?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, as I said in my opening statement, I am
    quite focused on the Abraham Accords. I think they are good for
    Israel. If my North Star is a democratic Jewish state, I think
    this makes it stronger.
        Obviously, my hope is that as we operationalize the current
    Abraham Accords countries and then expand it, it will also
    benefit the Palestinians as well. I think, obviously, it is
    something that is good for Israel. It is, certainly, good for
    the United States' national security interests, and we would
    love to, at the time, make sure it is also good for the
    Palestinians as well.
        But I will work closely with the implementation, work to
    strive to get the new additional countries into the Abraham
    Accords, and I look forward to working with you on that.
        Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Schatz. Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
    the witnesses. What a great panel.
        I am fortunate to have two friends on this panel, Tom Nides
    and David Cohen, and Dr. Telles, while we do not know each
    other enough for me to call you a friend, your husband, Joe, is
    a friend. I am an admirer of yours, but a friend of your
    husband. What a good panel. I am really excited to be with you.
        I have two questions. Sometimes I ask questions to make a
    point, but these are questions because they are things I am
    puzzled about. One is for you, Mr. Nides, and one is for you,
    Dr. Telles.
        Mr. Nides, your opening testimony talks about long-time
    U.S. policy dating back to President Truman supporting two-
    state, a peaceful Israel, peaceful Palestine living side by
    side, and that has always been my thought about the best
    outcome there.
        But I will say, I have been to Israel and Palestine now
    probably more than any other country in the world--I do not
    consider myself an expert but I have been a lot--I look for
    evidence that Israeli or Palestinian leadership want a two-
    state solution and I am not sure I see it.
        I do not necessarily see it in the current government of
    Israel that they really want a two-state solution. And when I
    am talking to Palestinian leadership, they sort of suggest that
    they want it but I do not see a capacity to carry it out.
        And when I talk to just everyday people, I often hear two-
    state, one-state, that is for politicians. On the Palestinian
    side, what I often hear is, we just want equal rights to water
    and to voting--equal rights.
        I detect a troubling lack of interest in the two-state
    solution in Israel and Palestine, and it makes me wonder
    whether the U.S. can have a policy for a nation that it does
    not necessarily have for itself.
        My question to you is what evidence is there right now that
    Israeli or Palestinian leadership want a two-state solution?
        Mr. Nides. Sir, it is a great question, obviously. We can
    only control what we can control and, in our view--this is the
    United States' position and this administration's position--is
    to set the table, keeping the parties not doing unilateral
    action that makes that impossible to achieve and we do that by
    a variety of things: assistance to the Palestinians, clear
    support to Israel for their own defense, the MOU, providing
    opportunities on the Abraham Accords, making sure that we
    articulate to the Palestinians that we care about their freedom
    and their prosperity and their security.
        We, as the United States, can only set the table,
    potentially giving us the opportunity to achieve it at some
    point, as the President has articulated.
        I cannot, obviously, speak for the Israelis or, obviously,
    the Palestinians. But, hopefully, if I am confirmed, I can
    speak for the United States and we will at least not to
    exasperate and divide but encourage the parties coming
    together.
        Senator Kaine. I think that is about as good an answer as
    anyone could give, because I am just not sure there is a lot of
    evidence out there right now.
        We should do what we can to, hopefully, create
    opportunities for progress. But it really troubles me, and we
    are in the midst of a painful analysis right now of the last
    chapter of U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan, and one of
    the questions we are having to ask ourselves is did we want
    something, a set of things, for Afghanistan that the Afghan
    leaders did not want for themselves, and we have to be humble
    in asking that question and getting to the bottom of it.
        Dr. Telles, here is my question for you. I lived in
    Honduras for a while, and when I lived in Honduras in 1980 and
    '81, Costa Rica was sort of a real island of stability and a
    very tough Honduras was a military dictatorship. There was a
    Contra war going on against the Government of Nicaragua,
    Guatemala and El Salvador in the midst of brutal civil wars.
        Why has not Costa Rica's success had a little positive
    infection throughout the Americas? It has always puzzled me
    that they have been able, and thank God, they have been able to
    be--they have got challenges, too--but an island of stability.
        But that was 40 years ago that I was in Central America.
    Honduras is not a military dictatorship now but it is equally
    troubled, maybe more violent and killing of journalists and
    activists.
        What is it about Costa Rica that enables it to be
    successful? Why has not that model been attractive to its
    neighbors?
        Ms. Telles. Thank you for your question, Senator, and also
    I appreciate your interest in Central America, knowing that you
    lived there for a bit and were involved in humanitarian
    efforts.
        It is a very good question. It is a fact that Costa Rica
    has really enjoyed a stable democracy and a relatively
    prosperous economy over the years, and it could be a part of
    its roots go back to 1949 when, after almost a year of civil
    strife a constitution was adopted that really emphasized
    democracy but also, importantly, I think, took certain actions
    to invest in the people of Costa Rica.
        They eliminated their army and they put most of their
    resources into public health and into education, and I think
    that that went a long way, I think, towards helping to create a
    middle class, helping to stabilize its long-term interests.
        Why has that not been exported successfully to other
    countries? That is a very good question. If you look at some of
    the history of Central America, some instability has been
    related to military actions which have engaged in coups and
    also repression of the people. And so that is just one simple
    answer.
        But I do hope that Costa Rica can increasingly through its
    leadership in the Central American region and its recent
    presidency, actually, of the Central American Integration
    System will continue to promulgate our shared values of
    democracy and human rights, which are very necessary right now
    in Central America.
        Senator Kaine. I am well over my time, but I really
    appreciate both of you for offering good insights into two very
    tough questions.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair. I yield back.
        Senator Schatz. Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        And to each of you, I want to congratulate you on your
    nominations. It is a tremendous honor to be nominated to
    represent your nation in this way and I wish you the best as
    you move through the hearings process.
        I would like to start with an area that is of particular
    strategic concern, although all of your countries are terribly
    important--the countries that you are hoping to represent the
    United States to--but that is Israel.
        And Mr. Nides, I wanted to reach out to you. Earlier this
    year on a 97 to 3 vote, an amendment that I co-authored with
    Senator Jim Inhofe was passed to ensure that Jerusalem
    continues to be recognized by the United States as the capital
    of Israel.
        That is pursuant to the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995. The
    Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 codified U.S. policy, first,
    ensuring that Jerusalem would be the capital of Israel and that
    Jerusalem should remain an undivided city.
        Mr. Nides, as nominee to be our ambassador to Israel, do
    you support the Jerusalem Act of 1995 and, in particular, do
    you agree that Jerusalem should continue to be recognized as
    the capital of the State of Israel by the United States, that
    Jerusalem should remain an undivided city, and that the United
    States should maintain its embassy to Israel in Jerusalem?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for your question, and the
    answer is yes. The capital of Israel is Jerusalem. The embassy
    is in Jerusalem. If I am confirmed, I will be living in
    Jerusalem. Obviously, that is something that I will be looking
    forward to.
        Obviously, at a certain point, if there is a negotiation
    between the Palestinians and the Israelis as it relates to a
    final status, long from now, that will be up to the parties.
    But from the United States' perspective, Jerusalem is the
    capital of Israel.
        Senator Hagerty. With respect to the Palestinian
    negotiations, I would like to probe further on that.
        Mr. Nides. Please.
        Senator Hagerty. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett recently
    visited here, met with our president.
        President Biden told him, told Prime Minister Bennett that
    he intends to open a U.S. consulate for Palestine in Jerusalem.
    Prime Minister Bennett's response was not positive to that. In
    fact, he indicated publicly his opposition to President Biden's
    proposal.
        Foreign Minister Lapid called Biden's proposal a bad idea.
    Indeed, the U.S. embassy currently has a Palestinian affairs
    unit at Agron. I visited that facility in June of this year.
        If the U.S. Government were to open and maintain an
    embassy, a consulate, a legation, some type of function like
    that, some type of diplomatic facility in Jerusalem besides the
    one that exists inside the U.S. embassy to the State of Israel,
    do you think that that course of action is consistent with the
    Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?
        Do you think that that supports the philosophy of that law
    that Jerusalem is the undivided capital of the State of Israel?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, yes, I do. I, fundamentally, believe
    that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. The embassy will be in
    Jerusalem. As you know, the issue around the consulate, that
    consulate has existed in one form or another for almost 130
    years in one form or another.
        Obviously, the opening of the consulate if it occurs--and
    as you know, the President has indicated, as well as the
    Secretary, that we would like to open the consulate--it will
    have no impact upon the capital of Israel being Jerusalem.
        This is something, obviously, if I am fortunate enough to
    be confirmed I will be, obviously, addressing but, obviously,
    taking my direction from the President and the Secretary of
    State.
        Senator Hagerty. I appreciate the position you are in. I
    just hope that we take into account the position of our ally,
    Israel, our strongest ally in the Middle East, and their
    concerns, I think, are very relevant and pertinent to this
    discussion.
        I would like to turn to another point, very quickly, and
    that is yesterday the House decided to remove funding to
    resupply and replenish the Iron Dome rocket defense system.
        I was very disappointed to see it. I am also happy that
    Leader McConnell and Appropriations Committee Vice Chairman
    Shelby are proposing a Continuing Resolution that will include
    a billion dollars to replenish the Iron Dome.
        In fact, earlier this year, I introduced the Emergency
    Resupply for the Iron Dome Act of 2021 to immediately resupply
    the Iron Dome. I did that along with our colleagues, Senator
    Cruz and Rubio, here.
        I also visited Israel with Senator Cruz immediately after
    the 11-day war. I saw the benefit of having a technology like
    that that saved both Israeli and Palestinian lives.
        And I want to ask you if you agree that that defensive
    capability that we provided through the Iron Dome is actually a
    benefit to our relationship with Israel and to their position
    there?
        Mr. Nides. Absolutely. Senator, I will make just one quick
    point.
        Number one, the President has been very clear that he
    supports the replenishment of the Iron Dome.
        Number two, obviously, it is in our national security
    interest to support a very, very important ally in the region,
    and this is a defensive mechanism. It is to stop rockets from
    raining in on Israel.
        We are supportive of the replenishment and it is in our
    national security interest, and it is our desire and hope that
    those funds will be provided to replenish the Iron Dome.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you. I am very pleased to hear that
    position. Thanks very much.
        Senator Schatz. Senator Murphy?
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Just a
    few quick comments and then a couple of questions.
        Senator Van Hollen and I just returned from a trip to
    Israel to meet with the new Government. Incredibly impressive,
    this coalition that has come together, an unlikely one.
        The United States is at our best when we are a helpful and
    active broker for peace, when we are a friend of Israel but
    when we are also acting to try to bring the Palestinians to the
    negotiating table. We abdicated that responsibility for the
    last four years.
        And as you mentioned, Mr. Nides, there was a consulate in
    Jerusalem for 150 years. This was a effective nonissue prior to
    the closure of that consulate during the Trump administration.
        It is an easy thing to do to just go back to the status quo
    of a century-plus. But it is important to the Palestinians
    because they see it as a way for this administration to signal
    that we care about the plight of Palestinians just like we care
    about the security of Israel.
        Similarly, I support Iron Dome funding. I think we should
    telegraph right now that we are going to continue to be a full
    partner with Israel in making sure that they can defend
    themselves.
        But I also think we need to send a message that we are
    going to restart our partnership with the Palestinians to try
    to address their legitimate humanitarian needs. This committee
    has at times not been helpful in allowing the administration to
    get money to the Palestinian Authority. There are desperate
    reconstruction needs in Gaza right now.
        And so my suggestion is that we should move ahead with Iron
    Dome funding, but we should partner it with some significant
    humanitarian relief to the Palestinian people. I think that is
    just the right thing to do.
        Mr. Nides, I wanted to ask you a specific question about
    the Palestinian elections that have been postponed now. I think
    it is really important for there to be elections in the PA, in
    particular, because we need a shot at new leadership. We need
    the ability of some new voices to be able to break through.
        They were postponed, and the reason given was that there
    was not a commitment by the Israeli Government to allow for
    elections to happen inside Jerusalem.
        I do not know if that is the real reason or not, but I,
    certainly, know it would be a lot better if the Israelis made
    that commitment. And while we were there, the prime minister
    and the PA made a commitment that if the Israelis allowed for
    elections to go forward amongst Palestinians in Jerusalem, they
    would schedule them within six months.
        How important do you think it is that these elections take
    place and what role can you, as an ambassador, play in trying
    to make sure that they occur?
        Mr. Nides. Senator, first of all, thank you for your
    question and your statement, and I wholeheartedly agree with
    you.
        As I said to Senator Kaine a few minutes ago, we, as
    Americans, need to set the table for the potential of a two-
    state solution through assistance and through strong support
    for Israel and the MOU so we can actually walk and chew gum at
    the same time as it relates to doing both at the same time.
        As it relates to the elections, I agree with you elections
    would be good for the Palestinians. If I am fortunate enough to
    be confirmed, I will work with the Israeli Government to assure
    that that issue is not an obstacle to achieve elections.
        And as you and I both know, we are not sure how much of
    that was the reason. But I would, certainly, work to make sure
    that is taken off the table as an issue or an obstacle for
    elections in the--with the Palestinians.
        Senator Murphy. Yeah, I think that is the right approach.
    Let us eliminate all of the excuses to not go forward with this
    election.
        I understand the danger of this election. Hamas is,
    obviously, now in the wake of the latest conflict more
    politically potent in the West Bank than ever before. But that
    in and of itself is not a reason to try to give a new
    generation of leaders the chance to step up.
        Mr. Cohen, just very quickly, sanctions coordination
    between the United States and Canada. We are best when we do
    things together. We worked together, for instance, on sanctions
    on Belarus.
        What is your analysis of the willingness of the Canadian
    Government to be able to continue to work with us on sanctions?
    How important do you think that will be in your new role?
        It seems like an area where we can do more, where we can
    communicate earlier. We are stronger when the United States and
    Canada speak together on issues of pro-democracy and pro-human
    rights sanctions policy.
        Mr. Cohen. Senator, good to see you. Good afternoon.
        I think your question is absolutely correct and whenever
    Canada and the United States can work together we are more
    powerful. We speak with a greater voice.
        The issue of sanctions coordination and sanctions policy is
    an issue that this committee has dealt with and there is
    legislation now for a sanctions coordinator position within the
    State Department, and I think the work was started on creating
    that. The plug was pulled during the Trump administration.
        It is my understanding that work is being done to identify
    a candidate to be nominated for that position, which would
    report to the Secretary of State, and I think that is an
    important tool to improve the coordination of sanctions, which
    will improve the effectiveness of sanctions and will be another
    example of Canada and the United States being able to work
    together to advance our mutual goals.
        Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you very much. I look forward
    to working with you on that.
        The Chairman. [Presiding.] Thank you.
        I understand Senator Van Hollen is with us virtually.
        Senator Van Hollen: Yes. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
    thank you.
        To all of our nominees, congratulations on your
    nominations.
        Mr. Cohen, great to see a fellow Swarthmore alum nominated
    to be our ambassador to Canada. I do have some serious concerns
    with the current disconnect in our policy with respect to
    Canada and travel to the United States.
        If you are vaccinated as a Canadian you can fly to the
    United States but cannot cross the border by car, and this is
    despite the fact that Canada has a higher vaccination rate than
    the United States.
        If I have time at the end of my question, I may circle back
    with you on that issue.
        Mr. Nides, congratulations on your nomination. Great to see
    you. I agree with the points that you made in your opening
    statement.
        I recently traveled to Israel and the West Bank with
    Senator Murphy and two of our colleagues, and you have heard
    some of the report just now from Senator Murphy. We had
    positive visits in both stops. We very much and warmly welcomed
    many of the new steps being taken by the Government in Israel.
        We discussed the importance of our relationship, including
    the continuation of the MOU, which you reference in your
    opening remarks. And I fully support replenishment of the Iron
    Dome, which helped save lives in the recent conflict between
    Israel and Hamas.
        You say in your statement that we need to work to preserve
    the vision of a two-state solution. I agree with you. As you
    know, the President agrees with you.
        If you could just say in your own words why you think that
    that is important for the future, both for Israel and for the
    Palestinians, and what you will do as ambassador to preserve
    that option, as you say, in your statement.
        Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for the question.
        Ifif my North Star is a democratic Jewish state, I believe
    to preserve that--to preserve that, having a two-state solution
    preserves that. I think it creates the environment for the
    Palestinians to live with the same freedom and security and
    prosperity that the Israelis have.
        I believe that us providing the assistance for the
    Palestinian people is critically important. It is not just the
    right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do for our own
    security.
        I think providing security assistance is the right thing to
    do for not only Israel and the Palestinians but for the
    Americans as well.
        Israel is our most, if not one of the most, important
    allies that we have in the region and in the world and keeping
    that safe is relatively and exceptionally important for their
    security and for our national security.
        I just think if you fundamentally believe, as I do, that a
    two-state solution provides that security for the long haul, I
    think it is the right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do,
    and if I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, I will work
    towards that goal.
        Senator Van Hollen: And what specific measures would you
    take as ambassador to preserve that option? Because as you
    know, the door is rapidly closing through changes on the ground
    with respect to a two-state solution. What measures do you
    think need to be taken to keep that option open?
        Mr. Nides. If I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, the
    most important thing is for neither parties, the Israelis or
    the Palestinians, to take unilateral action that prevents that
    from happening.
        And so if I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, I will
    work with the parties to avoid that, and we all know those
    issues that create the environment that allows for conflicts to
    occur.
        I think the goal of the ambassador is to articulate the
    vision of the President and the Secretary of State, but to try
    to keep the parties not creating an atmosphere that we cannot
    move forward on a vision of a two-state solution.
        Senator Van Hollen: Thank you.
        We also, as Senator Murphy said, met with Prime Minister
    Shtayyeh in the West Bank, who said and acknowledged the
    importance of opening up the Palestinian Authority to
    elections.
        As you probably saw, they just announced municipal
    elections this December. But there is the issue of the
    Legislative Assembly elections. I am pleased to hear your
    response to Senator Murphy with respect to working with our
    Israeli partners to make sure that Palestinians in East
    Jerusalem can vote and make sure that that is not an excuse for
    not going forward with the legislative elections.
        Finally, as you know, the President has said that he wants
    to reverse the decision by the Trump administration that shut
    down our consulate in Jerusalem.
        Do you support reopening that consulate as the President
    has committed to do and what do you think the timetable for
    that will be?
        Mr. Nides. I, certainly, support that, as the President has
    indicated and the Secretary of State has announced.
        Until I am confirmed I am not privy to the conversations
    that are happening between the State Department or the
    administration with the Israelis. But, obviously, that is
    something that, once I am fortunate enough to get confirmed,
    will work on and be able to report back to you on a timing.
        Senator Van Hollen: Thank you.
        Mr. Chairman, I cannot see the clock. Has my time run out?
        The Chairman. It ran down a while ago.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Van Hollen: All right. Thank you all very much.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        This particular part of the hearing is now over. This
    record is going to remain open to the close of business
    tomorrow for questions to the record.
        I would urge the nominees if they get a question to respond
    to it expeditiously and fully so that we can consider your
    nominations for a business meeting.
        And with the thanks of the committee, we will now move to
    our second panel.
        [Pause.]
        The Chairman. Let me introduce our second panel as they get
    themselves adjusted to their positions.
        [Pause.]
        The Chairman. We have two nominations on the second panel:
    our former colleague Senator Tom Udall to be an ambassador to
    New Zealand and Samoa, and Ms. Sarah Margon to be the Assistant
    Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights,
    and Labor.
        [Pause.]
        The Chairman. I would ask our other nominees to please take
    your conversations outside of the chamber so we can move on.
        I know that Senators Heinrich and Lujan have expressed
    their interest in introducing Senator Udall but they have not
    yet arrived. We will wait for them in the moment.
        I also understand that our former colleague and member of
    this committee, Senator Feingold, is going to introduce Ms.
    Margon virtually today.
        Is Senator Feingold with us?
        Senator Feingold, welcome back to the committee even if it
    is virtually. We will recognize you to give an introduction of
    Ms. Margon.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. RUSSELL FEINGOLD,
                   FORMER U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN

        Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman and
    Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee.
        Thank you for this opportunity to speak with you today to
    introduce Sarah Margon, a nominee for Assistant Secretary of
    State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, which is known as
    DRL.
        I worked closely with DRL during my tenure at the State
    Department when I was the Special Envoy to the Great Lakes
    region of Africa. I would argue the DRL's work has never been
    more important than it is right now, with democracy going head
    to head with the growing threats of kleptocracy and
    authoritarianism around the globe.
        Right now, democracy is losing some ground in several
    countries with devastating consequences for human rights, the
    rule of law, independent judiciaries, and other democratic
    principles.
        President Biden has stressed repeatedly that human rights
    must be at the center of our foreign policy, and I could not
    agree more. Democracy and human rights go hand in hand, and DRL
    is at the forefront of implementing President Biden's
    commitment to human rights and to crafting and implementing
    policy aimed at strengthening and preserving the democratic
    values and principles that we so staunchly believe in and
    cherish.
        Sarah is an exceptional candidate to lead DRL at this time
    and to help inform and guide human rights and democracy-focused
    U.S. foreign policy. It is a true honor for me to introduce
    her.
        She came to work for me many years ago when I was a member
    of this committee. At the time, she was coming not just from
    Oxfam America but she came into the office almost literally
    right from a trip she had taken to Eastern Chad.
        I mention this because it is indicative of Sarah's lifetime
    commitment to an approach to addressing conflict and crises
    across the globe. Her policy perspectives are continuously
    informed and driven by her experiences traveling to these
    countries and working directly with affected communities and
    through that and her experience and commitment would help
    develop meaningful legislation and policy change as it has
    throughout her career and will in her new role as Assistant
    Secretary of State, if she is confirmed.
        I will just highlight a couple of things that make her
    unique. She has a strong commitment to bipartisan foreign
    policy. I saw this firsthand when she worked in my office and
    worked closely with senators on both sides of the aisle to
    advance meaningful foreign policy.
        This included working with Senator Isakson on many
    democracy issues, Senators Inhofe and Brownback to pass
    legislation to help protect civilians in northern Uganda, and
    Senators McCain and Graham on issues relating to Egypt's
    growing repression and election concerns in 2010, of course,
    just before the Tahrir Square protests in 2011.
        She takes the time to listen to all sides and stakeholders,
    including those whom she disagrees with, so she can ensure that
    she is fully informed. She regularly made time to speak to my
    constituents in Wisconsin and hear their concerns about
    everything from Indonesia and East Timor and Sri Lanka. She
    believed they had important contributions to make to our policy
    work.
        If she is confirmed, I know that Sarah will be committed to
    engaging the American public beyond the Beltway on America's
    role in the world, and she will never lose sight that her
    principal job is to serve the American public.
        Sarah believes fiercely in the important role of Congress
    when it comes to foreign policy. I will state this is
    particularly important to me and one of the reasons that I
    hired Sarah.
        She firmly believes that Congress must play an active and
    assertive role in foreign policy, both in terms of helping to
    build and support an agenda that represents all of America and
    in terms of oversight of the executive.
        She understands the experience and tools to make good
    policy. Her rich experience makes her an expert on the full
    toolkit deployed by our State Department, from punitive
    measures like economic sanctions to incentivizing and
    relationship building.
        She understands that meaningful and impactful policy cannot
    be made in a vacuum, and I saw her demonstrate this as we
    traveled all the way from Eastern Congo to Djibouti and even
    Peshawar, Pakistan, where we were working on these issues.
        Sarah is driven by a deep belief and a commitment to
    ensuring that the United States is a force for good in the
    world. This translates to a fierce commitment to diplomacy and
    the necessary work to build and maintain positive constructive
    relationships across borders.
        I want to close by underscoring Sarah's values, which drive
    her work every day. She brings sincere integrity to her work.
    She is solution oriented, which is exactly what we need at this
    time when democracy is on the back foot around the world and
    when basic fundamental liberties are under attack.
        I think it would be a little hard to find someone who is
    more genuinely devoted to advancing human rights and democracy,
    and doing so in an informed, transparent, and collaborative
    manner than Sarah.
        If confirmed, she will be an open honest broker for
    improving human rights and democracy around the world. I
    recommend Sarah Margon as Assistant Secretary of State for
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and I thank you so much for
    the pleasure of testifying before you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Feingold. It is good to
    see you, and we appreciate your glowing recommendation of Ms.
    Margon.
        We have now been joined by two of our colleagues, Senator
    Heinrich and Senator Lujan, who will join in introducing
    Senator Udall.
        Senator Heinrich?

                  STATEMENT OF HON. MARTIN HEINRICH,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO

        Senator Heinrich. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    and all the distinguished members of this committee, it is
    really my honor today, my distinct honor, to introduce
    President Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S. ambassador
    to New Zealand and Samoa, and, obviously, our former colleague,
    Senator Tom Udall.
        As a long-serving member of this committee, I know Tom is
    no stranger to any of you. But I wanted to make sure to echo
    what I am sure anyone who has worked with Tom Udall over the
    years would say about his incredible character and the deep
    commitment that he has to public service.
        Tom has devoted his entire life to my state, to serving the
    people of New Mexico and to serving this great nation, first,
    as our state's attorney general, then for 10 years in the U.S.
    House of Representatives, followed by two terms in this body,
    in the United States Senate.
        And during the time that the both of us served here
    together in the Senate, Tom Udall proved to be a constant
    friend and close mentor to me. He also set a true example of
    what it means to be a public servant.
        Over his two terms in the Senate, Tom showed all of us how
    to act with decency and integrity, how to stay true to your
    principles but also how to find common ground, and these are
    all qualities that I am very confident will serve him well in
    this new diplomatic role representing our nation's interests
    abroad.
        With all of his experience on climate issues and his work
    with indigenous communities, he is uniquely qualified to build
    upon our nation's cooperation and shared interests with our
    allies in New Zealand and Samoa, and I can truly think of no
    one better suited to represent our country and face
    international challenges than Tom Udall.
        On behalf of Julie and myself, I want to congratulate both
    Tom and his wife, Jill, on this new opportunity to continue
    their lifelong service to our country, and I sincerely hope
    that each and every one of you on this committee will join me
    in supporting this incredibly qualified nominee.
        Thank you, Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Lujan?

                   STATEMENT OF HON. BEN RAY LUJAN,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO

        Senator Lujan. Thank you, Chairman. It is an honor to be
    here this morning before the committee alongside Senators Udall
    and Heinrich.
        Senator Udall has spent his career, his life, serving
    fellow New Mexicans and our brothers and sisters across
    America. Both he and Jill Udall have made a tremendous
    difference in the lives of so many.
        As our state attorney general, U.S. Representative, and
    United States Senator, Tom was deeply and continues to be
    committed to fighting for everyone to get a fair shake.
        You know Tom and Tom knows you. Yesterday at the United
    Nations, President Biden pledged a new era of relentless
    American diplomacy, and today's consideration of Senator Udall
    to serve as U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa is proof
    of the President's commitment to restore American leadership
    around the globe.
        New Mexicans know Tom as a true statesman and as a leader,
    as a friend, and as a mentor who takes the climate crisis
    seriously. He cares about others, he leads by example, and
    treats people with respect and dignity.
        This ambassadorship matters. New Zealand and Samoa are
    leading on many important issues and are important partners in
    the fight against the climate crisis.
        As ambassador, I am confident that Senator Udall will make
    New Mexico and our country proud. He will bring the same energy
    and commitment and, hopefully, a few bolo ties to the world
    stage.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Lujan. This is an exciting day for Tom and Jill,
    and for countless New Mexicans back home. Tom is a highly-
    qualified nominee and it is my honor to stand with him and Jill
    today.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Lujan, for the glowing
    recommendation of our colleague. We appreciate it. We know you
    have other issues to attend to. Do not hesitate to leave when
    you think it is appropriate.
        And I will just note as well that Congressman Malinowski
    from my home state of New Jersey is here with us. He had the
    former position that Ms. Margon is been nominated for as the
    Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human
    Rights, and Labor. We welcome him to the committee.
        And since you are here, Congressman, we need to talk about
    the CASE Act and updating it so that we can actually get some
    information in real time these days. I look forward to working
    with you on that.
        Let me briefly speak to these two nominees.
        Senator Udall, welcome back to the committee. You now know
    what it feels to be on the other side of this questioning. But
    we know you are going to do great. Congratulations on your
    nomination, to Jill as well.
        I am glad that President Biden selected you for this
    important post. I am confident that, upon confirmation, you
    will represent the United States well in New Zealand and in the
    Independent State of Samoa.
        As you know, New Zealand is one of our closest partners, a
    partnership that is critical in this new era of strategic
    competition. Now more than ever, the United States has to
    pursue intense diplomatic outreach in order to support our
    common goals for addressing climate change, expanding economic
    and trade opportunities, and building security partnerships.
        Climate change is one of the most pressing national
    security challenges of our time and it poses a significant
    threat to Pacific Island nations. Overall, I believe we need to
    reinvigorate our diplomatic presence and outreach to New
    Zealand and Samoa, and I am confident that you will be very
    well up to that task.
        We look forward to hearing your goals for how we can deepen
    one of the closest diplomatic relationships we have even
    further.
        Ms. Margon, congratulations on your nomination to DRL. You
    have extensive experience working to advance human rights and
    democratic values as well as support a bipartisan group of
    national security leaders, human rights, and civil society
    organizations, including prominent Jewish organizations who
    believe in the importance of the U.S.-Israel partnership and
    the importance of a two-state solution for ensuring Israel's
    future as a Jewish and democratic state.
        But I also know there have been questions about some of the
    nuances here and I will trust you will be able to answer those
    questions.
        The need for strong effective leadership at the helm of DRL
    has never been more necessary. In every region of the world
    today authoritarian governments are seizing more and more
    power, dismantling core democratic institutions, and closing in
    on journalists and civil society.
        Today, Beijing, Moscow, and their kleptocratic partners are
    driving global authoritarian expansion. They do this through
    increasingly sophisticated digital authoritarian surveillance
    and control tools that we put out a very significant report
    from this committee, and through old-fashioned arrests of
    peaceful protests and shutting down independent media.
        To that end, we witnessed this summer the Cuban regime
    unleash a brutal wave of repression in response to
    unprecedented protests by the Cuban people. While the Trump
    administration took a wrecking ball to our reputation, the
    Biden administration is doing vital work to reassert the U.S.
    role in championing democracy and human rights around the
    globe.
        That effort, however, was badly damaged this summer by the
    flawed withdrawal from Afghanistan and the unfolding human
    rights catastrophe.
        From Burma to Ethiopia, the amount of human rights concerns
    around the world is vast. We understand that, at times, the
    United States faces hard choices where foreign policy and
    national security interests do not align neatly with the values
    we strive to reflect as a nation.
        Upon occasion that is unavoidable. But we also know that
    the organizational structure at the State Department has
    allowed a culture to flourish in which human rights concerns
    gets less traction because the powerful regional bureaus
    frequently sideline DRL.
        I look forward to hearing from you about how, if confirmed,
    you will work to recenter our foreign policy around the core
    American values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law
    that advance our U.S. national interests and the cause of
    freedom and human dignity that rightly belong to people
    everywhere.
        And I will just close by saying today we had a breakfast
    meeting with the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Boris
    Johnson, and in that conversation one of the things that he
    said that I thought was so poignant for our other colleagues to
    hear was how important it was for the United States to raise
    the principles of democracy and human rights, and what it means
    to the rest of the world to do so.
        This is an incredibly important position.
        I know that the ranking member has as well opening remarks
    as it relates to these nominees, and when he returns I will
    recognize him. As such, he is voting right now. But in the
    interests of expediting this process, let me turn to Senator
    Udall first for his opening statement.
        I ask you both to try to summarize your statements in about
    five minutes. Your full statements will be included in the
    record, without objection.
        And with that, Senator Udall, the floor is yours.

       STATEMENT OF FORMER SENATOR HON. TOM UDALL OF NEW MEXICO,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
        THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO NEW ZEALAND AND WITHOUT
             ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION TO THE STATE OF SAMOA

        Senator Udall. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and I want to
    thank so much Senator Heinrich and Senator Lujan for coming and
    introducing me.
        Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee, it is an
    honor and pleasure to meet with all of you again. As a former
    member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have great
    respect for the important work you are doing to consider the
    diplomatic nominations before you.
        Today, I have exchanged my seat on the dais to sit as
    President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States
    Ambassador to New Zealand and to the Independent State of
    Samoa.
        After a career of public service in the state of New
    Mexico, including two terms as New Mexico Attorney General,
    five terms as United States Representative, and two terms as
    United States Senator, I am grateful for the trust of the
    President and Secretary Blinken that they have placed in me to
    represent the United States overseas.
        The advice and consent role of the United States Senate,
    Mr. Chairman, as you know well, is one of the most important
    roles granted to Congress by the Constitution, and I am honored
    by this committee's consideration of my nomination.
        Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to take a
    moment to introduce my wife, Jill Cooper. She has been my
    partner and chief adviser during my 30 years of public service.
    She is an accomplished lawyer in her own right and a strong
    advocate for the arts, having served as a member of the
    President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities.
        And while they are not here with me today in these
    chambers, I would like to recognize my daughter, Amanda, and my
    son-in-law, Judge Jim Noel.
        In January, I marked the conclusion of serving New Mexico
    in the United States Senate. New Mexico is a mountainous and
    rural state strong in its multiculturalism, including a vibrant
    indigenous culture.
        New Mexico is also rich in natural resources and growing
    tech and space and cinematic sectors, complete with a vital
    national security sector. In all these respects, New Mexico is
    very much like New Zealand.
        Both are aiming for the stars. Both continue to invest in
    new space sectors advancing science, human progress, and
    cinematic storytelling set in their unique geographies.
        While there are numerous positive comparisons, it is no
    secret that New Zealand and Samoa, like New Mexico, face
    enormous threats from climate change.
        As a senator, I made protection of the environment a
    priority, from championing the 30 By 30 proposal to conserve 30
    percent of our lands and waters by 2030, to passing the
    landmark bipartisan Frank Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act.
        The president has made it clear that climate consideration
    shall be an essential element of United States foreign policy
    and national security.
        As ambassador, I look forward to working with New Zealand,
    a country that shares my passion for the protection of our
    natural environment.
        I also look forward to maintaining the strong political,
    military, and intelligence relationship we share with New
    Zealand from World War Two when tens of thousands of Americans
    were stationed in New Zealand, through the post-war Five Eyes
    intelligence alliance formed by the United States, Great
    Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and from support
    for our forces in Afghanistan in 2001 as well as other
    peacekeeping missions to formalize our strengthening defense
    cooperation in the 2012 Washington Declaration.
        Just last week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern affirmed that
    recent developments in the Indo-Pacific do not change the
    security intelligence ties of New Zealand to the Five Eyes
    alliance.
        Members of this committee have been clear that the United
    States cannot challenge all the threats in the region alone. We
    need allies like New Zealand and we need to help them thrive
    despite these regional challenges. We should not allow outside
    influences to drive a wedge in that relationship.
        As ambassador, I will work to protect and grow mutual
    goodwill between our nations. Countering and competing with the
    People's Republic of China requires strong partnerships with
    countries throughout the region. Beijing continues to pressure
    countries that stand up to its human rights violations, to
    threaten freedom of navigation, and to violate international
    rules and norms.
        Like you say, I would just ask that the rest of my
    statement be put in the record and it will be a real honor, if
    confirmed, to go off as an ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the courtesies.
    And Ranking Member Risch, I mentioned you. It is wonderful to
    see you here in person. Thank you.
        [Prepared statement of Senator Udall follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of Hon. Tom Udall

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee. It is an honor and a pleasure to meet with all of you again.
    As a former member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have
    great respect for the important work you are doing to consider the
    diplomatic nominations before you.
        Today, I have exchanged my seat on the dais to sit as President
    Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to New Zealand
    and to the Independent State of Samoa. After a career of public service
    in the state of New Mexico, including two terms as New Mexico's
    Attorney General, five terms as United States Representative, and two
    terms as United States Senator, I am grateful for the trust the
    President and Secretary Blinken have in me to represent the United
    States overseas.
        The advice and consent role of the United States Senate is one of
    the most important roles granted to Congress by the Constitution--and I
    am honored by this committee's consideration of my nomination.
        Chairman Menendez, with your permission, I would like to take a
    moment to introduce my wife Jill Cooper. She has been my partner and
    chief advisor during my 30 years of public service. She is an
    accomplished lawyer in her own right, and a strong advocate for the
    arts, having served as a member of the President's Committee on the
    Arts and Humanities. While they are not here with me today in these
    chambers, I'd also like to recognize my daughter Amanda and son-in-law
    Judge Jim Noel.
        In January I marked the conclusion of serving New Mexico in the
    U.S. Senate. New Mexico is a mountainous and rural state strong in its
    multiculturalism-- including a vibrant indigenous culture. New Mexico
    is also rich in natural resources, and growing tech, space, and
    cinematic sectors, complete with a vital national security sector. In
    all these respects, New Mexico is very much like New Zealand.
        Both are aiming for the stars. Both continue to invest in new space
    sectors advancing science, human progress and cinematic storytelling
    set in their unique geographies.
        While there are numerous positive comparisons, it is no secret that
    New Zealand and Samoa, like New Mexico, face enormous threats from
    climate change.
        As a Senator I made protection of the environment a priority, from
    championing the Thirty-by-Thirty proposal to conserve 30 percent of our
    lands and waters by 2030, to passing the landmark bipartisan Frank
    Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act. The President has made it clear ``that
    climate considerations shall be an essential element of United States
    foreign policy and national security.'' As Ambassador, I look forward
    to working with New Zealand, a country that shares my passion for the
    protection of our natural environment.
        I also look forward to maintaining the strong political, military,
    and intelligence relationship we share with New Zealand: from World War
    II when tens of thousands of Americans were stationed in New Zealand,
    through the post-war Five Eyes intelligence alliance formed by the
    United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; and
    from support for our forces in Afghanistan in 2001 as well as other
    peace-keeping missions, to formalizing our strengthened defense
    cooperation in the 2012 Washington Declaration.
        Just last week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern affirmed that recent
    developments in the Indo-Pacific do not change the security and
    intelligence ties of New Zealand to the Five Eyes alliance.
        Members of this committee have been clear that the United States
    cannot challenge all the threats in the region alone. We need allies
    like New Zealand and we need to help them thrive despite those regional
    challenges.
        We should not allow outside influences to drive a wedge in that
    relationship. As Ambassador, I will work to protect and grow the mutual
    goodwill between our nations.
        Countering and competing with the People's Republic of China (PRC)
    requires strong partnerships with countries throughout the region.
    Beijing continues to pressure countries that stand up to its human
    rights violations, to threaten freedom of navigation, and to violate
    international rules and norms.
        To ensure stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region as a
    whole, it is important to note that our relations do not begin and end
    with security. As an island nation, New Zealand is not unique in its
    dependence on international trade.
        It is also one of many countries that has felt the pressure of
    Beijing's attempts to coerce through punitive trade decisions.
        The United States is one of New Zealand's top trading partners. And
    I know from experience that during Senate visits overseas many of us
    looked for ways to increase trade ties between many nations and our
    respective states. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our trade
    relations continue to grow and that you or the companies you represent
    are welcome in New Zealand.
        As Pacific nations with advanced economies, the United States and
    New Zealand have both an opportunity and responsibility to support the
    island nations in the Pacific. All of them are increasingly threatened
    by the immediate threat of COVID-19, but also the growing influence of
    the PRC, and the threats from climate change. The Independent State of
    Samoa, a small island country rich in Polynesian culture is not immune
    to these challenges. We need to continue to reinforce Samoa's
    independence with our Peace Corps and Fulbright initiatives.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee,
    it was one of my great honors to serve on this committee and to serve
    the nation and the people of New Mexico. After a career in public
    service, I am honored by the President's nomination to represent the
    United States in New Zealand and Samoa.
        Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. I am happy
    to answer any of your questions during this hearing or for the record.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Udall.
        As I announced, I would recognize the ranking member at
    this time.
        Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to
    speak briefly on both nominees and then, of course, questions.
        First of all, it will come probably as no surprise to many
    that the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, the nominee is going to be
    a very difficult and a heavy lift for me to support.
        The nominee has made some deeply troubling public
    statements related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
    including on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement--
    BDS movement--against Israel, and funding to the biased
    organizations in Gaza, which I am going to ask some questions
    on.
        The nominee also told my staff, surprisingly, that she
    feels both the current and prior administrations--both the
    current Biden administration and the Trump administration's--
    airstrikes against Iranian proxy targets were illegal.
        This view is against those of the Department of State, the
    Department of Defense, and legal advice spanning both
    administrations. If this is the kind of advice that she is
    going to give to the Secretary, it is going to be very
    difficult to support her.
        Further, the nominee publicly congratulated a private
    company for participating in the BDS movement against Israel
    and urged other companies to do likewise. She also tweeted in
    support of a July 20 New York Times op-ed entitled, ``I no
    longer believe in a Jewish state.'' We will talk about that
    when we get to questions.
        On the nomination for the ambassador to New Zealand and
    Samoa, it is good to see you, Senator Udall, and your lovely
    wife. I talked to Senator Brown this morning and he feels that
    you have won the lottery and have been sentenced to paradise.
    He is high on this.
        If confirmed, you would be charged with stewardship of our
    relationships with these two nations where we have seen malign
    influence from the People's Republic of China and where there
    is room for our partnerships to grow. I look forward to hearing
    your priorities on these issues.
        China recently submitted information to New Zealand to join
    the comprehensive progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership trade
    agreement.
        Yet, we have seen the PRC use its economic might to coerce
    and bully its neighbors in the region. I am, therefore,
    skeptical of PRC's ability to be a good trade partner.
        This development also reminds us of the importance of a
    strong U.S. economic and trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific
    region, a key element of the Strategic Competition Act passed
    by the Senate earlier this year. I will be interested in
    hearing your thoughts on that.
        Again, good to see you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        With that, I will turn to Ms. Margon now.

        STATEMENT OF SARAH MARGON OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
     ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND
                                 LABOR

        Ms. Margon. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and distinguished members of the committee.
        I am honored to be here today as the nominee for Assistant
    Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and
    deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for the
    trust they have placed in me.
        It is an honor to have Senator Feingold introduce me.
    Working for him was a master class in principled integrity. As
    a result of his leadership, I saw how standing up for what is
    right can be central to effective policymaking and that
    reaching across the aisle usually makes for better and stronger
    policy.
        Indeed, America in the world should represent all
    Americans. I come from a long line of New Yorkers, many of whom
    rarely left the state but all of whom believed in the promise
    of a better life through hard work and a little bit of luck.
        It is that gritty mindset that enabled my grandfathers,
    Albert Simon, born Abraham Simonofsky, and Solomon Mogiliwsky,
    changed to Margon, to flourish. One owned a pharmacy In Queens.
    The other became a dentist in Brooklyn.
        That same grit could be found in their wives as well.
    Gertrude Simon labored at her family's light and lampshade
    business in Brooklyn's Pitkin Avenue and raised two girls,
    while Florence Margon became a secretary, carrying her family
    through the Depression and, in later years, raising my father,
    all at the same time.
        I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents, Arthur
    and Marilyn Margon, my brother, Andrew Margon, and sister-in-
    law, Zoe Stopak-Behr, my husband, Sam Chaltain, who is here,
    whose big dreams and generosity are all the cushion one could
    need, and my two sons, who are also here, 8-year-old Izzy and
    12-year-old Leo, both of whom give me hope for the curiosity,
    decency, and empathy of future generations.
        I am also indebted to the women of national security and
    their guidance, wisdom, and community.
        Today's chaotic and complicated world requires us to be
    more firmly tethered to core democratic principles. Rising
    repression and autocracy require us to be bold in adhering to
    these values, which, as the President has said, are inseparable
    from our national interests and are the foundation of our
    diplomatic strength.
        The global assault on basic freedoms also requires us to be
    intentional about who we support and why we fight for rights
    and dignity. This means considering not just policy choices but
    also how we engage in countries where those in power are using
    state institutions, the media, elections, corrupt individuals
    and entities, and even the pandemic to centralize power
    undemocratically and to repress their people.
        If confirmed, I will apply these insights to focus on three
    priorities.
        First, I will ensure DRL carries forward an agenda that
    affirms the United States as a leader and a partner in the
    struggle for democracy, pluralism, and rights.
        Our priority must be protecting these foundational values
    and making sure governments like China, Russia, and Cuba do not
    succeed in their efforts to undermine international human
    rights norms and the rules-based order.
        I will pay special attention to China, whose pernicious
    attacks on dissent and the rule of law are both on the rise
    domestically and fast becoming a common export.
        Second, I believe we must focus on countering technological
    and digital threats as a human rights issue. For example, as we
    have seen too often, the promotion of disinformation from
    Russia, to China, to Ethiopia can have life and death
    implications.
        Without U.S. leadership and push back, malign actors will
    continue abusing technology to enable mass atrocities,
    undermine democracy and human rights, and harm U.S. interests.
        Congress has been on the front lines of this fight and, if
    confirmed, I look forward to navigating the path together.
        Third, I will focus on ensuring human rights as considered
    as part of U.S. arms sales and security assistance. Advancing
    democracy and protecting human rights are national security
    interests, as the President has made clear.
        If confirmed, I will make sure DRL provides strong analysis
    to help ensure our decisions on these issues align with our
    democratic values and our commitments on human rights.
        If confirmed, I look forward to a strong working
    partnership with Congress so that together we can promote and
    protect our shared American values and interests around the
    world.
        I will endeavor to make good use of the bipartisan tools
    you have already developed, from the Global Magnitsky sanctions
    to the Uighur Human Rights Policy Act to the Corporate
    Transparency Act, and I will engage allies, the private sector,
    and civil society to help realize the Biden-Harris
    administration's goal of centering human rights within U.S.
    foreign policy.
        Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look
    forward to your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Ms. Margon follows:]

                       Prepared Statement of Sarah Margon

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    distinguished members of this committee. I am honored to be here today
    as the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human
    Rights, and Labor--and deeply grateful to the President and Secretary
    Blinken for the trust they've placed in me.
        It's a special honor to have Senator Feingold introduce me. Working
    for him was a master class in principled integrity. As a result of his
    leadership, I saw how standing up for what's right can be central to
    effective policy making--and that reaching across the aisle usually
    makes for better and stronger policy. Indeed, America in the world
    should represent all Americans.
        I come from a long line of New Yorkers, many of whom rarely left
    the state, but all of whom believed in the promise of a better life
    through hard work and a little bit of luck. It is that gritty mindset
    that enabled my grandfathers, Albert Simon--born Abraham Simonofsky--
    and Solomon Mogiliwsky--changed to Margon--to flourish. One owned a
    pharmacy in Queens. The other became a dentist in Brooklyn.
        That same grit could be found in their wives as well. Gertrude
    Simon labored at her family's light and lampshade business on
    Brooklyn's Pitkin Avenue and raised two girls, while Florence Margon
    became a secretary, carrying her family through the Depression, and, in
    later years, raising my father--all at the same time.
        I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents, Arthur and
    Marilyn Margon; my brother Andrew Margon, and sister-in-law Zoe Stopak-
    Behr; my husband Sam Chaltain, whose big dreams and generosity are all
    the cushion one could need; and my sons--8.5-year-old Izzy and 12-year-
    old Leo, both of whom give me hope for the curiosity, decency, and
    empathy of future generations. I am indebted to the women of national
    security and their wisdom, guidance and community.
        Today's chaotic and complicated world requires us to be more firmly
    tethered to core democratic principles. Rising repression and autocracy
    require us to be bold in adhering to these values, which as the
    President has said are inseparable from our national interests and are
    the foundation of our diplomatic strength. The global assault on basic
    freedoms also requires us to be intentional about who we support--and
    why we fight for rights and dignity. This means considering not just
    policy choices, but also how we engage in countries where those in
    power are using state institutions, the media, elections, corrupt
    individuals and entities, and even the pandemic to centralize power
    undemocratically and to repress their own people.
        If confirmed, I will apply these insights to focus on three
    priorities.
        First, I will ensure DRL carries forward an agenda that affirms the
    United States as a leader and a partner in the struggle for democracy,
    pluralism, and human rights. Our priority must be protecting these
    foundational values--and making sure governments such as China, Russia,
    and Cuba--do not succeed in their efforts to undermine international
    human rights norms and the rules-based order. I will pay special
    attention to China, whose pernicious attacks on dissent and the rule of
    law are both on the rise domestically and fast becoming a common
    export.
        Second, I believe we must focus on countering technological and
    digital threats as a human rights issue. For example, as we have seen
    too often, the promotion of disinformation--from Russia to China to
    Ethiopia--can have life-and-death implications. Without U.S. leadership
    and pushback, malign actors will continue abusing technology to enable
    mass atrocities, undermine democracies and human rights, and harm U.S.
    interests. Congress has been on the frontlines of this fight, and if
    confirmed, I look forward to navigating the path together.
        Third, I will focus on ensuring human rights is considered as part
    of U.S. arms sales and security assistance. Advancing democracy and
    protecting human rights are national security interests, as the
    President has made clear. If confirmed, I will make sure DRL provides
    strong analysis to help ensure our decisions on these issues align with
    our democratic values and our commitments to human rights.
        If confirmed, I look forward to a strong working partnership with
    Congress, so that together we can promote and protect our shared
    American values and interests around the world. I will endeavor to make
    good use of the tools you have already developed, from Global Magnitsky
    sanctions to The Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act to The Corporate
    Transparency Act. And I will engage allies, the private sector, and
    civil society to help realize the Biden-Harris administration's goal of
    centering human rights within U.S. foreign policy.
        Thank you for the consideration of my nomination. I look forward to
    your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Before I turn to Senator Risch, I have some questions that
    are for the committee as a whole and they require a simple yes
    or no answer.
        These questions speak to the importance that the committee
    places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive
    branch and that we expect and will be seeking from you. I would
    ask each of you to provide verbally a yes or no answer.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Udall. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and
    currently informed about the activities under your purview?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Udall. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation while policies are being developed, not just
    simply providing notification after the fact?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Udall. Yes.
        The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
    responding to questions for briefings and information requested
    by this committee and its designated staff?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Udall. Yes.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Both witnesses said yes to all
    questions. The chair will reserve his time and I will turn to
    the ranking member for his questions.
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ms. Margon, were you here when Mr. Nides testified?
        Ms. Margon. I was in the anteroom, Senator. Yes.
        Senator Risch. Did you hear his testimony and questions?
        Ms. Margon. I did.
        Senator Risch. I assume you do not share his enthusiasm for
    the despicable anti-Semitic movement called BDS--Boycott,
    Divestment, and Sanctions?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement.
        Senator Risch. I am looking here at a tweet that you wrote
    on November 19th, 2018. It says, ``Airbnb to remove listings in
    the Israeli settlements of occupied West Bank. Thanks, Airbnb,
    for showing some good leadership here. Other companies should
    follow suit.''
        Did you write that?
        Ms. Margon. Yes, Senator.
        Senator Risch. And you do not consider that part of the BDS
    movement?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement. I do
    believe that the private sector has an important role to play
    in not pursuing discriminatory practices.
        Senator Risch. I do not understand that.
        Ms. Margon. Senator, I am not and have never been a
    supporter of the BDS movement. I oppose it.
        Senator Risch. How do you square that statement with the
    text that you put out November 19th, 2018?
        Ms. Margon. That tweet was in response to a Human Rights
    Watch report. And again, just to be very clear, I believe the
    private sector across the board has an important role to play
    in not promoting or pursuing discriminatory policies.
        Senator Risch. You support any company that would
    participate in the BDS movement?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement, and
    if I am confirmed to be Assistant Secretary of DRL, I will
    continue to do so just as the Biden administration does.
        Senator Risch. That does not square with what you said here
    on November. You can say it over and over and over again. It
    just does not make it true and it does not square with what you
    said in 2018. Have you changed your mind since 2018?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, that tweet was related to a very
    specific report.
        Senator Risch. It was in respect to a very specific action
    by Airbnb supporting the BDS movement.
        Ms. Margon. That was actually a report relating to their
    renting apartments, and as I have said and will continue--just
    like the Biden administration does, I am firmly opposed to the
    BDS movement.
        Senator Risch. With all due respect, ma'am, I do not
    believe it, not with what you put out here. Saying it over and
    over again just does not square with your actions.
        Ms. Margon. I am sorry, Senator, that you do not believe
    it. That is my firm belief, and if I am confirmed, going
    forward, I think you will see, as a member of the Biden
    administration, that that is the policy that I will implement.
        Senator Risch. When you met with my staff, you made the
    statement that you believed that the air strike against
    Soleimani was illegal. Do you still stand by that statement?
        Ms. Margon. That was from a tweet you are referring to?
        Senator Risch. No. That was in a meeting with my staff when
    you were preparing for this.
        Ms. Margon. That conversation, Senator, was in relation to
    a tweet that I had put out. I think that is probably a
    conversation best had with the Legal Adviser's Office at the
    State Department, for which I am not nominated.
        Senator Risch. Maybe, but you stated that you thought that
    that air strike was illegal. Is that true or not true?
        Ms. Margon. I did write that tweet at the time. But, again,
    I am looking at a position that is not for the Legal Adviser's
    Office.
        Senator Risch. I get that. What I am looking for is your
    view of these things. Obviously, the position you are in is not
    a legal position. But it, certainly, is very important in
    developing policy.
        They also tell me that you said that the strikes that the
    past administration and even the current administration were
    illegal. Is that your position?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, I think, to be fair, there are wide
    discussions over the legality of some of these strikes. I am
    not a lawyer right now. I have never been a lawyer. I did work
    for an organization that engaged on these questions.
        But if I am confirmed, I would consult with the legal
    advisers at the State Department to come to a determination.
        Senator Risch. I get that, and everybody here has to
    consult with the lawyers. Nonetheless, our policy decisions are
    based by our personal beliefs in that regard, and I am really,
    really troubled by these.
        Have they straightened you out? My staff tells me that your
    Sherpa almost fainted when you said that the strikes by the
    current administration were illegal. Have they straightened you
    out on that? Are you willing to go along with the
    administration's view?
        Ms. Margon. Of course, I am willing to go along. President
    Biden and Secretary Blinken have nominated me to do a job and I
    will uphold administration policy.
        Senator Risch. In July of 2020, you retweeted an article
    from the New York Times op-ed entitled, ``I no longer believe
    in a Jewish state.'' You retweeted that with approval. Do you
    still subscribe to that?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, sometimes when we tweet or say things
    in the heat of the moment we do not necessarily think of the
    broader impact of them. When I retweeted that article, what I
    was really focused on was the importance of ensuring Israelis
    and Palestinians could have equal protection under the law,
    access to democratic processes, security, and prosperity. That
    was the thrust of my tweet and what I intended with that.
        I firmly believe in a two-state solution so that Israelis
    and Palestinians can live side by side in peace and security.
        Senator Risch. Thank you for your answers. I am not going
    to support your nomination, obviously. You have not persuaded
    me at all. In fact, I might have been persuaded if you would
    have owned up to these things and confessed there.
        I am sorry I do not have any time for you, Senator Udall.
    But it is nice to see you. I know you will do a good job there
    and I will help you every way I can to get there.
        Thank you very much, and thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member
    Risch, and thanks to our nominees. Congratulations to both of
    you, particularly to Senator Udall and Jill.
        I am such huge fans of both of you as wonderful public
    servants, and it is exciting that you have had a lot of
    wonderful chapters in the past, both in New Mexico government
    and in the United States Senate, and in the House. And this
    next chapter is one I know you will do every bit as well. I am
    so proud to support you.
        Ms. Margon, I want to ask you a question about the part of
    the world that I care most about outside the United States and
    that is the Americas.
        I have been really troubled. I lived in Honduras when it
    was a military dictatorship. It is no longer a military
    dictatorship but, arguably, it is worse, and that is painful. A
    country that has gone from a military dictatorship in 1981 to
    a, quote, ``democracy'' is rife with corruption, the murder of
    journalists, the murder of environmental activists.
        The current president was reelected in a widely disputed
    election. The OAS said it was so marked by fraud that the
    election should be rerun. For some reason, the United States
    discarded the OAS opinion and supported the current government,
    and then what has happened this president has been implicated
    in a variety of drug trafficking cases currently being brought
    in courts in the United States.
        The good news is there is elections this weekend in
    Honduras. He is term limited and cannot run again. But I could
    give you the same story in El Salvador where there is currently
    massive backsliding of a government the people had a lot of
    hope in but it is behaving more and more authoritarian every
    day.
        In Guatemala, serious issues with corruption. In Nicaragua,
    brutal repression of political dissidents. Costa Rica is a bit
    of a bright spot. We heard from Dr. Telles earlier.
        I think the United States does not pay enough attention in
    the Americas. Just because we are not paying attention does not
    mean China is not paying attention. They are. Russia is paying
    attention. Cuba is paying attention. Iran is paying attention.
        And so I would hope this administration could really
    embrace a more robust and continuous engagement with the
    Americas and show other nations because we are all Americans--
    North, Central, or South Americans--show other nations that our
    concern is continuous and not just episodic, quickly to be
    forgotten as we turn our attention elsewhere.
        But if we are going to have an Americas policy we are going
    to have to really grapple with issues of human rights and
    democracy.
        Should you be confirmed, what might your thoughts be about,
    as you say, centering human rights and pro-democracy within
    some of the nations that are the nearest to us?
        Ms. Margon. Thank you, Senator, for that question, and
    thanks for your long-standing work and interest in this region.
    It has been really notable, and you have been a real leader
    along with other members on this committee.
        I think the Biden administration has taken the right
    approach in looking at a root driver strategy and allocating $4
    billion dollars to the region. I think those two tranches are
    really important to start getting at what is at the foundation.
        It is not going to be something that can change overnight.
    But you mentioned many of the issues that we need to be looking
    at--not just assistance and development, but also anti-
    corruption, looking to build an independent judiciary, helping
    to work so that the Security Forces are actually viable
    entities that can protect the people, looking at criminal
    networks.
        There is very much a punitive approach and a carrot and
    stick incentivizing approach and I think they go hand in hand.
    I think even before my confirmation, if that happens, there is
    good groundwork for which DRL will be able to work on.
        I see DRL's role--and if I am confirmed, I will hope to
    amplify this--is to bring the analysis of the human rights
    organizations and civil society into the policymaking, to work
    with the regional bureau closely, but also to work with other
    agencies and, of course, with this body to make sure that there
    is a consistent steadfast approach, that the finances are
    sufficient and, frankly, that we bring in some of the other
    regional actors.
        I spoke yesterday with the Chairman a little bit about
    Latin America and the importance of engaging broadly on
    democratic decline and governance deficits, and I think this is
    the perfect opportunity for DRL to really center its work not
    just on election by election, as you say, but actually building
    and supporting with other partners the context in which those
    elections occur.
        I have never been to Central America myself and I would
    really like to travel there as one of my first trips. I think
    that would send a very important message, not just about our
    commitment as a bureau but our commitment as the United States.
        Senator Kaine. I thank you for that answer. There are two
    opportunities coming up that are really important, the Summit
    for Democracy that President Biden has indicated he wants to
    hold likely next year, and also the U.S. chairmanship of the
    Summit for the Americas, which we have not chaired in 25 years,
    and these are opportunities where these issues of democracy and
    human rights should be front and center. I appreciate your
    answers.
        Mr. Chair, I yield back.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Barrasso?
        Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Congratulations to both of you. Senator Udall, great to see
    you again. Jill, nice to see you. As you know, when you gave
    your final speech on the floor, I made a number of comments
    about our service together and working in a bipartisan way, and
    congratulations on this nomination. I think you will be
    magnificent ambassador. Thank you, Senator.
        Ms. Margon, on April 27th of this year, the Human Rights
    Watch published a report accusing Israel of being an apartheid
    state. Do you believe Israel is an apartheid state?
        Ms. Margon. No, Senator, I do not.
        Senator Barrasso. Do you believe Israel commits war crimes
    when it acts to defend itself from rocket and other terror
    attacks from Gaza?
        Ms. Margon. No, Senator. I strongly support Israel's right
    to defend itself and to protect its people.
        Senator Barrasso. The Biden administration has announced
    its intention to rejoin the United Nations Human Rights
    Council. Do you believe the Human Rights Council has a bias
    against Israel?
        Ms. Margon. That pesky Item 7, Senator, on the agenda at
    the Human Rights Council needs to be addressed. If I am
    confirmed, one of the things I would like to do if the U.S.
    rejoins the Human Rights Council is work with the International
    Organizations Bureau, the ambassador to Geneva, and this
    committee to help reform the Human Rights Council so it is more
    effective, so it does not have a disproportionate bias against
    Israel, including that agenda item.
        I have seen in the past that when the U.S. is a member of
    that Council that there are less anti-Israel resolutions and
    there is a decrease in anti-Israel attacks. That would be one
    of my priorities.
        Senator Barrasso. When I think about the Human Rights
    Council and the membership, do you know how many members of
    them are serious human rights abusers?
        Ms. Margon. There are a number of them that are very
    problematic, Senator. I do not know the exact number.
        Senator Barrasso. Russia?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Barrasso. China?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Barrasso. Pakistan?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Barrasso. Cuba? I could go on.
        It is to point out to me as I look at this, it says--do you
    know of any of these that have actually had a resolution passed
    condemning their own actions while on the Council?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, your concern is well placed and I
    think this would be part of the reform agenda. I will also say
    that the Human Rights Council has put out some extraordinary
    reports in the past that this body, I think, has found very
    useful.
        I would draw your attention specifically to the Commission
    of Inquiry on North Korea. I think it was published in 2014.
    That was an extraordinary documentation of the horrific abuses
    in DPRK.
        And my goal would be not only to help reform the
    membership, which I understand is a priority also of the Biden
    administration, but also to work with the Council so that it
    has stronger, better membership, and they can produce more
    reports like that DPRK report.
        Senator Barrasso. Because it does seem to me that a number
    of these keep themselves on the Council specifically so they
    can avoid accountability.
        In terms of the blacklist the Human Rights Council has come
    up with, the Human Rights Council has published a blacklist of
    companies doing business in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
    Many of them are American companies. It is viewed by many as
    laying the groundwork for sanctions against these companies.
        If confirmed, will you work to encourage the Council to
    retract this database and discourage our allies from
    associating with this in any way?
        Ms. Margon. Yes.
        Senator Barrasso. Okay. And what can the U.S. do to limit
    the continuation of this dangerous exercise by this group?
        Ms. Margon. This is part of why I think U.S. membership on
    the Human Rights Council is so important. It gives us a seat at
    the table. It allows us to help influence decisions, it allows
    us to engage, and it allows us to ensure there is not a strong
    anti-Israel bias, but that the Human Rights Council is looking
    broadly and globally at human rights abuses.
        Senator Barrasso. On January 4th of 2020, you tweeted this,
    ``The Iranian Government is replete with nasty characters.
    Soleimani himself was horrifically brutal. But normalizing
    selective ally engagement to conduct an illegal action that not
    only normalizes assassinations but also escalates dramatically
    has taken us to a whole new scary level.''
        Do you believe that the U.S. attack on General Soleimani
    was illegal?
        Ms. Margon. Senator, this is a tweet. I think if I were
    going forward, looking at this from my position should I be
    confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I would need to review all of
    the evidence and the intelligence to make that assessment and
    consult with the Legal Adviser's Office.
        Senator Barrasso. What is your view of the Biden
    administration's botched drone attack that killed 10 civilians
    outside of Afghanistan in the last couple of weeks?
        Ms. Margon. Thank you for that question. I was really
    pleased to see the Pentagon and its press--excuse me, at its
    press conference admit to the attack, to talk about what had
    been happening, to talk about the investigation that was going
    to be underway.
        I think this is a very important step that the Pentagon has
    taken, and I understand that there is going to be an
    investigation, and from there we will see where it goes.
        Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Okay.
        Ms. Margon, let me just get some things clear for the
    record. Did you ever advocate on behalf of the BDS movement?
        Ms. Margon. No, Senator.
        The Chairman. And regarding the allegation that has been
    flown around there characterizing Israel's actions as apartheid
    and attributed to you, to clarify, that refers to a report
    released by Human Rights Watch long after you departed the
    organization. Is that the case?
        Ms. Margon. That is correct. It was nearly two years later.
        The Chairman. Okay. When we look at the question of human
    rights, especially when one is not in an administration, one
    has the ability to look at it from the vantage--from the
    perspective uniquely about what is it that we seek to uphold in
    terms of the fundamental Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
        Is that not fair to say?
        Ms. Margon. That would be fair to say, yes.
        The Chairman. And the organization that you once worked
    with, Human Rights Watch, which has been quoted by many members
    of Congress when they find it appropriate and of value to do
    so, looked at the world in terms of human rights violations in
    that context. Would that be fair to say?
        Ms. Margon. That is right.
        The Chairman. Okay. The question is about participating at
    the United Nations Human Rights Council. The reality is when we
    are not there, then we cede to the world's worst actors the
    ability to take on allies like the State of Israel.
        Is that a fair statement?
        Ms. Margon. I would say yes, that is.
        The Chairman. While we do not like, and I, certainly, do
    not like--I find it appalling that Cuba can be on the Human
    Rights Council, but in the absence of the United States being
    there, I cannot push back on them and others, at the end of the
    day.
        And so I think that one has to think about the perspective.
    Joining the Human Rights Council is not an acceptance of its
    actions. It is in defiance of its actions. Is that the way you
    would take the view if you were the assistant secretary?
        Ms. Margon. Yes, I think I would.
        I would also say, Senator that it provides an exceptional
    opportunity for the United States to lead and to partner in
    pushing back against a number of those very abusive countries.
        I would also say that the Biden administration has said it
    not only wants to rejoin but reform the Council, and there are
    plenty of opportunities to further that effort.
        The Chairman. Israel remains our only democratic ally in
    the Middle East, and our bilateral relationship is rooted on
    shared democratic values. As in the United States or any
    country with a democratic process, we may not always agree with
    every policy that every government pursues.
        International organizations, however, routinely unfairly
    target Israel for alleged human rights abuses while in the same
    breath actively ignoring the gravely serious human rights
    abuses of the leaders of some of its neighbors.
        Would you commit to pushing back on unfair bias against
    Israel from international human rights organizations?
        Ms. Margon. Yes, absolutely.
        The Chairman. And then, finally, because the world is--as
    much as Israel is incredibly important, the world that you will
    be encountering--there are so many different parts of the world
    so I could spend a lot of time talking to you about arms sales,
    which I will in the near future, about China and Belarus and
    Russia and many other places, about Turkey under Erdogan.
        Even though they are a NATO ally, there are more
    journalists and lawyers in Turkish jails than in any other part
    of the world. That is saying something, considering some of the
    nasty parts of the world. Ethiopia and what is happening there
    in terms of human rights violations.
        I look forward to having a more in-depth discussion with
    you. But I do want to just talk about one--something I broached
    with you when you came to visit me and I appreciated our visit,
    and it is about Cuba.
        You noted that, quote, ``Cuba offers more opportunities
    than dead ends when it comes to human rights, including by
    easing relations with other countries and encouraging them to
    pressure Cuba to, quote, ``tolerate more dissent.''
        I am of the view that dissent should not be tolerated but
    embraced as a fundamental human right. Would you agree with
    that?
        Ms. Margon. I think that is a much better word, Senator.
        The Chairman. Okay. And these statements were made before
    the July 11th protests in Cuba this year, which--where the
    regime unleashed a brutal wave of repression in response to
    average people, mostly led by Afro-Cubans in terms of protests.
        If you are confirmed as the Assistant Secretary for DRL,
    what are some of the specific steps you would take to advance
    democracy and human rights in Cuba?
        Ms. Margon. The protests in July, I think, reminded us very
    clearly, not just us here in the U.S. but globally, that what
    the Cubans need and are looking for--the Cuban people--are
    basic services and basic rights, and they go hand in hand.
        And so there really is an opportunity for the United
    States, working closely with partners in the region and more
    globally, to support civil society more extensively, to ensure
    they have access and are able to be amplified on larger
    platforms to share their experiences with such a brutal and
    horrific government.
        Because it is those experiences, it is those stories, and
    it is their fight for those basic rights that we need to be
    supporting. There are questions about what we can support
    internet wise. There are questions about what we can support
    media wise.
        And I think the review that is underway, Senator, if I am
    confirmed, is something that I will want to be actively
    participating in. But even if that review is done before I am
    confirmed, I look forward to working with you to figure out the
    best ways in which we can support civil society, amplify those
    voices, and make sure that there is an increase in support
    globally for the movement.
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you.
        Senator Udall, you and I had a very good and in-depth
    conversation yesterday about economic opportunities, about how
    AUKUS is going to affect us with New Zealand on security,
    bilateral relationship, about New Zealand vis-a-vis China.
        And so we had such a good in-depth conversation I do not
    feel compelled to explore it again here with you today. But I
    do not want you to think you are not the object of my
    affection.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Udall. Thank you. Thank you.
        The Chairman. With knowing everything that you and I spoke
    about, and I am very pleased with the answers you gave me, I
    will reserve at this time.
        Seeing no other member before the committee, the record for
    this hearing will remain open until the close of business
    tomorrow, Thursday, September 23rd. Please ensure that
    questions for the record are submitted no later than then.
        I urge the nominees to answer those questions fully and
    expeditiously so that you can be considered for a business
    meeting.
        And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
    adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 1:18 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Robert Menendez

    Anomalous Health Incidents
        Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
    Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
    the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
    individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
    is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
    responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

       Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
            threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

        Answer. Yes. There is nothing I take more seriously than the health
    and security of the people who will be working with me. The
    administration is actively examining a range of hypotheses but has made
    no determination about the cause of the AHIs or whether they can be
    attributed to a foreign actor. I understand that AHIs have been a top
    priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health
    Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
    communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees
    and family members, and better protect against these events in the
    future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the
    cause of these AHIs.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
    incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
    appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
    access to medical care?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will do everything possible to ensure
    that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
    appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
    at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
    protocols are being followed?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed there is nothing I take more seriously
    than the health and security of the people who will be working with me.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator James E. Risch

    State Oversight
        Question. Currently, there are three public diplomacy outposts
    serving primarily a Palestinian audience, America Houses in East
    Jerusalem and Ramallah as well as an American Corner in Hebron.

       Do you support keeping these facilities outside of the U.S. embassy
            compound?

        Answer. While I am not in a position to speak to the specific
    facilities of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, if confirmed I am
    committed to ensuring that the U.S. Embassy in Israel's capital,
    Jerusalem, enables our Government to carry out a full range of
    diplomatic activities, including public diplomacy engagement with local
    communities.

        Question. What value do public diplomacy sites focused on the
    Palestinian audience provide to U.S. foreign policy?

        Answer. I believe public diplomacy programs are valuable to U.S.
    national interests, as they allow the U.S. Government to communicate
    with local communities on our Government's strategic objectives. I
    understand that these are critical tools in our engagements with
    Palestinian communities as they encourage common values, such as the
    promotion of human rights, economic growth, freedom of speech, and
    upholding the rule of law.

        Question. Do you support completing the renovation of the America
    House in Ramallah?

        Answer. While I am not in a position to speak to the specific
    facilities of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, if confirmed I am
    committed to ensuring that our diplomatic presence enables our
    Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
    including engagement with local communities.

        Question. Mission Israel has been under enormous stress over the
    past five years with the move of the embassy to Jerusalem, changes to
    the Palestinian Affairs Unit, and COVID.

       What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Israel?

        Answer. Mission Israel is full of dedicated personnel committed to
    their jobs and carrying out U.S. foreign policy objectives. If
    confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative and inclusive
    work environment, and placing a priority on morale.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
    Israel?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build a collaborative and
    inclusive work environment. I am committed to placing a priority on
    embassy morale.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across Mission Israel?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to underscore my commitment to an
    inclusive and representative working environment in support of U.S.
    national interests and strengthening the U.S.-Israel partnership.

    Management Is A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
        Question. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. My management style is one that focuses on promoting a
    collaborative, inclusive, and representative environment that is
    focused on promoting U.S. national interests.

        Question. How do you believe this management style will translate
    to an embassy setting, where processes and resources aren't as readily
    available as they may be at Main State?

        Answer. This style of management has served me well throughout my
    career and will translate well to an embassy setting. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working in partnership with the Embassy Jerusalem team
    to support an inclusive and collaborative environment that promotes
    U.S. national interests.

        Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
    you believe it is incumbent on the new chiefs of mission to integrate
    themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
    intend to do so?

        Answer. I believe that it is important for us all, as
    representatives of the United States of America, to work towards
    serving our country to the best of our ability. If confirmed, I intend
    to fully integrate myself with the embassy team and look forward to
    supporting an inclusive and collaborative environment. We can't succeed
    any other way.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. No, this type of behavior is never acceptable.

        Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with the
    deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. The deputy chief of mission is a key part of the embassy
    community and if confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative,
    inclusive, and constructive partnership with him or her.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to the deputy chief of mission
    being involved in all facets of embassy leadership and working in
    partnership with him or her to strengthen the U.S.-Israel relationship.

        Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

       Given your previous tenure as the Deputy Secretary of State for
            Management and Resources, how do you assess the Department's
            current risk balance?

        Answer. Advancement of U.S. foreign policy objectives inherently
    involves diverse types of risk, and it is the Department's policy that
    employees and leaders engage in risk management for the decisions and
    activities within the scope of their duties. All Department employees
    are expected to identify, evaluate, and mitigate any substantial risks
    to their objectives or to the enterprise in which they are engaged.
    Department leaders, including Chiefs of Mission, require the best
    possible assessment of risk, identification of mitigation measures, and
    evaluations of any remaining residual risk before making decisions.
    Department leaders ensure risk management is a continuous process that
    is adjusted as conditions change, and incorporated into planning and
    decision-making in a systematic, appropriate, timely and transparent
    manner by taking into account uncertainty and the impact on our
    capabilities to protect people, property, information and other assets.

        Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
    embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. The mission of a U.S. diplomat is to promote peace, support
    prosperity, and protect American citizens while advancing the interests
    of the United States abroad. U.S. diplomats are dedicated to public
    service and, even in dire situations, are committed to accomplishing
    their mission and advancing U.S. objectives.

        Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. I believe that it is important for U.S. diplomats to have
    access to, and engage with, a wide range of local populations if the
    security environment permits. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
    that Embassy Jerusalem's diplomatic presence enables our Government to
    carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, including engagement
    with the local communities and government leaders.

        Question. Do you agree that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel,
    should remain undivided, and should be the permanent place of the U.S.
    embassy to Israel?

        Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a
    final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
    Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the national
    visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will handle
    all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they
    deserve. The administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S.
    Embassy in Jerusalem.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work diligently to see a
    new U.S. embassy constructed in Jerusalem?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working diligently to see a new
    U.S. embassy constructed in Jerusalem.

        Question. The administration has made clear its desire to open a
    consulate in Jerusalem for the Palestinians. It is my understanding
    that Israel would have to agree with the opening of a U.S. diplomatic
    facility in Jerusalem or anywhere else in Israel. Is that the case?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken has publicly announced the
    administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I
    understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement
    with the Palestinian people and leadership. While I cannot attest to
    all requirements necessary for opening a diplomatic facility, if
    confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem
    enables our Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic
    activities, including engagement with local communities and government
    leaders.

        Question. The Israeli Government has come out against a Palestinian
    consulate in Jerusalem. FM Yair Lapid said that the proposed reopening
    by the U.S. Government of its Jerusalem consulate would be a ``bad
    idea'' and would send the ``wrong message'' not only to the region and
    to the Palestinians, but to other countries as well, who might view
    this as a green light to establish their own embassies in what they
    perceive to be a Palestinian part of Jerusalem. In addition, such a
    move might destabilize the ``interesting, yet delicate'' coalition
    government. Will you pressure Israelis to reverse their opinion? Will
    you establish a consulate over Israeli objections?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken has publicly announced the
    administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I
    understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement
    with the Palestinian people and leadership. The United States has not
    recognized a ``State of Palestine.'' Reopening the Consulate General in
    Jerusalem would not affect that policy or walk back or change our
    recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
        While I am not privy to internal U.S. Government conversations with
    the Government of Israel, if confirmed, I will handle all issues
    related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. Another legal obstacle to a Palestinian consulate is the
    Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995, passed overwhelmingly by the U.S. House
    and Senate, which recognized united Jerusalem as the capital of Israel
    and states that ``Jerusalem should remain an undivided city.'' Does the
    Jerusalem Embassy Act prevent the United States from reopening a
    consulate for the Palestinians? What location for a Palestinian
    consulate would the 1995 law allow?

        Answer. I understand that Secretary Pompeo determined and reported
    to Congress in 2019 that the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem had officially
    opened, consistent with the requirements of the Jerusalem Embassy Act.
    I also understand the administration is committed, as am I, to keeping
    the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in
    Jerusalem will not affect that policy or walk back or change our
    recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
        If confirmed, I will always work to ensure that all our policies
    are consistent with U.S. interests and applicable U.S. law.

        Question. If President Biden decided against (or Congress
    prohibited in law) the opening of a separate Consulate General to serve
    the Palestinian Authority, would you be prepared to carry out your
    duties as Ambassador to Israel with oversight of consular affairs in
    Palestinian-controlled territories?

        Answer. The U.S. Embassy to Israel, which the U.S. Government has
    been clear will remain in Jerusalem, provides consular services to U.S.
    citizens and lawful permanent residents, as well as communities
    residing in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. The President and
    Secretary Blinken have reaffirmed the administration's intent as well
    to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem, to support renewed
    engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem enables our
    Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
    including providing necessary consular services, and engaging with
    local communities.

        Question. The Biden administration is reportedly conducting a
    review with the goal to open a Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
    office in the United States, despite the legal prohibitions under the
    1987 Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) and the 2019 Promoting Security and
    Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act (PSJVTA). Is the opening of a PLO
    office in the United States permissible under U.S. law? Can you commit
    to using your position as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, if confirmed, to
    advocating against any move to re-open the PLO office in the U.S., in
    contravention of U.S. law?

        Answer. I understand that the issue of the Palestinian presence in
    Washington is a complicated one, with a number of legal implications.
    If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that any possible reopening of
    a PLO office in Washington is consistent with U.S. interests in
    advancing peace and applicable U.S. law.

        Question. In 2019, the Trump administration officially recognized
    Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. In your view, what is the
    strategic benefit of Israel's sovereignty of the Golan Heights? Under
    what conditions would Israeli sovereignty not apply?

        Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
    understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
    As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present
    in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
    the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
    Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. My
    understanding is that this administration has not changed U.S. policy
    on this important issue.
    Foreign Assistance
        Question. There are promising reports about the effectiveness of
    the BriLife vaccine for COVID-19, which the American-Israeli company
    NRx Pharmaceuticals has brought to trial. If approved, this new vaccine
    could prove to be a game-changer in expanding access to safe and
    reliable COVID-19 vaccines across the developing world, while also
    providing a suitable alternative to less reliable vaccines from China.

       If confirmed, will you commit to working with Israel to make its
            World Health Organization (WHO) and Federal Drug Administration
            (FDA) approved COVID-19 vaccines available to low- and lower-
            middle income countries, including as in-kind contributions to
            COVAX, as appropriate?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to working with Israel to make
    doses of its COVID-19 vaccines, authorized by the World Health
    Organization (WHO) and Federal Drug Administration (FDA), available to
    low- and lower-middle income countries, including as in-kind
    contributions distributed through COVAX.

        Question. Institutions in Israel annually request, and routinely
    secure, funding through the American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA
    program). Notably, ASHA is not a development program. Instead, it
    provides funds for infrastructure and equipment for overseas schools,
    libraries, and hospitals ``to highlight American ideas and practices,
    to provide concrete illustrations of the generosity of the American
    people, to further U.S. Government public diplomacy, and to catalyze
    collaborations between U.S. citizens and citizens of other countries''.

       Do you agree that the purpose of U.S. foreign assistance is to end
            the need for its existence?

        Answer. U.S. foreign assistance serves important U.S. national
    security interests, including supporting our enduring partnership with
    Israel and priorities such as helping our allies and partners maintain
    stability and prosperity.

        Question. Noting that Israel is a High Income Country that already
    shares U.S. values, should institutions in Israel continue to be
    eligible for assistance through the ASHA program?

        Answer. While Israel is indeed a high-income country, I continue to
    value the importance of American Schools and Hospitals Abroad, and if
    confirmed, I commit to working to deepen the already existing
    partnerships in Israel.

        Question. If so, why? If not, how do you intend to graduate Israeli
    institutions from dependence upon ASHA funding for basic infrastructure
    and equipment?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the U.S. Agency for
    International Development, which administers the ASHA program, on this
    matter. ASHA programs serve as an important link between American
    institutions and our partners overseas.

        Question. Under what conditions, if any, would you support
    conditioning United States assistance to the West Bank and Gaza?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring U.S. assistance is
    well-calibrated to advance U.S. foreign policy interests. I understand
    that U.S. assistance provides critical relief to those in great need,
    fosters economic development, and supports Israeli-Palestinian
    understanding, security coordination, and stability. It also aligns
    with the values and interests of the United States and our allies and
    partners.

        Question. Would you support conditioning assistance upon measurable
    progress in rolling-back the Palestinian Authority's support for the
    heinous ``pay for slay'' program? If confirmed, would you make this a
    priority?

        Answer. The Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr payments is
    abhorrent. This administration and I are absolutely committed to
    working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr''
    payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and international
    concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work done thus far through
    sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring that part of
    resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing reform of this
    heinous practice.

        Question. What forms of U.S. foreign assistance, if any, should be
    continued in the West Bank and Gaza, notwithstanding the PA's continued
    support for the ``pay for slay'' program?

        Answer. I understand the administration is committed to providing
    assistance in a manner that is consistent with U.S. law. U.S. foreign
    assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves important U.S. interests,
    including providing critical relief to those in great need, fostering
    economic development, and supporting Israeli-Palestinian security
    coordination. Economic and humanitarian assistance programs improve the
    lives of millions of Palestinians by providing immediate relief and
    advancing development across sectors such as health, infrastructure,
    economic growth, and civil society, while security sector programs
    support Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation to enhance the
    stability of the West Bank.

        Question. How would you define ``humanitarian assistance'' in the
    West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.

        Answer. U.S. humanitarian assistance for the West Bank and Gaza
    includes support to U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, other international
    organizations like the World Food Programme, and non-governmental
    organizations with the aim of providing immediate relief to the most
    vulnerable populations, including through support to needy households
    with food, clean water, and healthcare. Addressing immediate
    humanitarian needs, in combination with efforts to strengthen the
    Palestinian economy, civil society, and targeted infrastructure, helps
    eliminate a core source of social tension in the West Bank and Gaza and
    advances freedom, security, and prosperity for the Palestinian and
    Israeli people alike.

        Question. How would you define ``non-humanitarian assistance'' in
    the West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.

        Answer. U.S. foreign assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves
    important U.S. interests, including providing critical support to those
    in great need, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
    Palestinian security coordination through economic, development, and
    security sector assistance. Economic and development programs for the
    West Bank and Gaza support critical issues that further progress toward
    peace such as our support for the development of the Palestinian
    economy, civil society, and other institutions to improve the lives of
    Palestinians and ensure the viability of a future Palestinian state.
    Assistance also supports youth engagement and employment activities, so
    that at-risk youth have access to positive forms of empowerment and are
    not lured by extremist groups. Further, U.S. assistance programs help
    small- and medium-sized enterprises to access financial and technical
    assistance to resume operations, build connections with traditional and
    new markets, and increase profitability. U.S.-funded security sector
    programs support Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation to enhance
    the stability of the West Bank, and advance efforts to uphold the rule
    of law and the protection of human rights and are a priority for both
    the United States and the Government of Israel.

        Question. The Taylor Force Act prohibits assistance that ``directly
    benefits'' the Palestinian Authority. What is your interpretation of
    ``directly benefit''?

        Answer. I understand that, consistent with a report transmitted to
    Congress by the Department of State on May 3, 2018, the U.S. Government
    takes a number of criteria into account in assessing whether assistance
    ``directly benefits'' the PA in this context, such as the intended
    primary beneficiary or end user of the assistance; whether the
    Palestinian Authority is the direct recipient of the assistance;
    whether the assistance involves the payment of Palestinian Authority
    creditors; the extent of ownership or control the Palestinian Authority
    exerts over an entity or individual that is the primary beneficiary or
    end user of the assistance; and whether the assistance or services
    provided directly replace assistance or services provided by the
    Palestinian Authority.

        Question. Despite compliance with the Taylor Force Act, opponents
    of continued assistance to the Palestinians argue that all money is
    fungible and that ESF to the Palestinian people relieves the
    Palestinian Authority of a burden and thus frees up additional funding
    for the pay to slay and martyr's program. Do you believe this to be
    true? Please provide a detailed response to this argument.

        Answer. The administration provides assistance in a manner
    consistent with U.S. law and through experienced, vetted, and trusted
    independent partners, who distribute directly to people in need.
    Further, I understand the administration goes to great lengths to
    provide assistance based on need and to advance important U.S.
    interests.

        Question. The Nita Lowey Partnerships for Peace Act (PPA)
    authorized $250 million annually for five years to support
    peacebuilding initiatives between Israelis and Palestinians, including
    through a ``People-to-People Partnership for Peace Fund'' at the U.S.
    Agency for International Development and a ``Joint Investment for Peace
    Initiative'' at the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation
    (DFC).

       If confirmed, how would you measure progress of these initiatives?

        Answer. I fully support the Nita M. Lowey Middle East Partnership
    for Peace Act (MEPPA). This legislation and the programs it would
    support are critical to strengthening civil society peacebuilding
    projects that build economic cooperation and people-to-people
    engagement between the Israeli and Palestinian people. If confirmed, I
    am committed to ensuring MEPPA is a vital tool of advancing U.S.
    foreign policy and supporting Israeli and Palestinian communities and
    cooperation. If confirmed, I plan to work with my colleagues at the
    DFC, USAID, and the Department of State to develop tools to measure the
    progress of this initiative.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that all
    partners and activities undertaken pursuant to the PPA--including at
    the sub-award level--are fully vetted and transparently reported to
    Congress?

        Answer. I understand the administration will provide assistance in
    the West Bank and Gaza through experienced and trusted independent
    partners, who distribute directly to people in need. The Department and
    the U.S. Agency for International Development have a robust vetting
    process to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources could
    inadvertently support Hamas or other terrorist groups. In addition,
    development and humanitarian partners in the West Bank and Gaza have
    aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at ensuring U.S.
    taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching those for whom we intend it to
    benefit. U.S. assistance is also closely coordinated with Israeli
    authorities.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage co-investment in PPA
    activities by Israelis and Palestinians, in addition to generating
    support by other donors?

        Answer. I believe the PPA and the programs it would support are
    critical to strengthening civil society peacebuilding projects that
    build economic cooperation and people-to-people engagement between the
    Israeli and Palestinian people. I appreciate your and Congress' broad
    support for MEPPA and, if confirmed, I am committed to ensuring MEPPA
    is a vital tool of advancing U.S. foreign policy and supporting Israeli
    and Palestinian communities and generating support with other donors.

        Question. Do you agree that all investments through a Joint
    Investment for Peace Initiative at the DFC must have a nexus to
    development, as envisioned by the BUILD Act which created the DFC?

        Answer. Yes, I agree that all investments through a Joint
    Investment for Peace Initiative at the DFC must have a nexus to
    development.

        Question. The Palestinian Authority recently passed a decree to
    ``nationalize'' NGOs working in the West Bank and Gaza, ostensibly
    giving the PA access to their funding. What concerns does this raise
    for continued assistance to the West Bank and Gaza? What safeguards are
    in place to prevent the PA from syphoning funding from ``nationalized''
    NGOs?

        Answer. I understand the administration is encouraging the
    Palestinian Authority to ensure that civil society organizations are
    free and empowered to engage fully in their activities, which support
    democratic, social, and economic development and are vital to a free
    and democratic Palestinian society and a viable future Palestinian
    state. I also understand the Department is closely following the
    conversation Palestinian civil society is having with the Palestinian
    Authority regarding this law and have engaged the Palestinian Authority
    on this issue. If confirmed, I plan to continue to monitor these
    efforts to ensure that U.S. assistance and civil society activities are
    not adversely affected and remain consistent with U.S. law.

        Question. Despite the cancellation of elections for Palestinian
    leadership, there are concerns that Hamas, a foreign terrorist
    organization, will play a greater role in the Palestinian political
    environment. Should Hamas play a broader role in Palestinian politics
    and hand Fatah a defeat at the polls, how you do reconcile Palestinian
    policy and counterterrorism policy? What are the implications for
    continued assistance to the Palestinian people and expenditures on
    Palestinian Security Forces?

        Answer. U.S. assistance for the Palestinians is provided consistent
    with U.S. law. I understand the Department routinely assesses its
    foreign assistance programming and would do so as necessary following
    Palestinian elections or any other significant change related to the
    Palestinian Authority.

    Security Cooperation
        Question. The U.S. Israel Security Assistance Authorization Act,
    which was enacted into law in 2020, mandates not less than $ 1.3
    billion in security assistance to Israel. What is your position with
    respect to conditioning security assistance to Israel?

        Answer. I do not believe that conditioning security assistance to
    Israel furthers U.S. interests. The President has been clear that the
    administration does not support placing conditions on military aid to
    Israel.

        Question. Do you support fulfilling U.S. funding commitments
    outlined in the current 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)?

        Answer. I fully support the 10-year, $38 billion Memorandum of
    Understanding between the United States and Israel.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to opposing any efforts to
    impose new restrictions on security assistance to Israel, which is an
    important show of the United States' commitment to the security of our
    allies?

        Answer. The President has been clear that he does not support
    placing conditions on military aid to Israel. If confirmed, I commit to
    opposing any efforts to impose new restrictions on security assistance
    to Israel, consistent with the President's policy.

        Question. In light of recent violence between Israel and militants
    in the Gaza Strip, do you support emergency funding for the Iron Dome?

        Answer. Yes, I support emergency funding for the Iron Dome.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to expand U.S.-
    Israel cooperation on the Iron Dome and other similar defense programs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working to expand U.S.-Israel
    cooperation on the Iron Dome and other similar defense programs,
    consistent with the President's policy.

        Question. The 11 day war demonstrated that Israel's Iron Dome
    struggled to meet the demands of a one-front war with Hamas. A two-
    front war with both Hamas and Hezbollah would present a much more
    significant threat. Is Israel's current number of Iron Dome batteries,
    radars and munitions sufficient to meet the threat of a two-front war?
    What are the associated capability gaps you will address as the
    Ambassador to Israel?

        Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
    Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
    security, including its qualitative military edge in the region,
    consistent with U.S. law and policy. On May 20, President Biden assured
    Prime Minister Netanyahu of his ``full support to replenish Israel's
    Iron Dome system to ensure [Israel's] defense and security in the
    future.''
        I understand the administration is prepared to support President
    Biden's commitment to ensure Israel's right to defend itself from
    indiscriminate rocket attacks by assisting Israel in replenishing its
    Iron Dome Air Defense Missile System. If confirmed, I will work with
    Departments of State and Defense colleagues to see what can be done to
    assist Israel in replenishing its Iron Dome systems.

        Question. Israeli vessels have been subject to an increasing number
    of Iranian attacks, which threaten freedom of navigation in the Red Sea
    and beyond. As a result, Israel has increased its deployments in the
    Red Sea region. How can the U.S. better support Israeli efforts to
    protect freedom of navigation?

        Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
    Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
    security, including its qualitative military edge in the region,
    consistent with U.S. law and policy, which is the best way the United
    States can support Israeli efforts to protect freedom of navigation.

        Question. One of Israel's top cyber security firms, NSO Group, is
    responsible for developing advanced cyber hacking technology, including
    Pegasus. NSO insists the software is used exclusively for the purposes
    of combatting terrorism and monitoring serious crime, underscoring the
    fact that the Israeli Government is responsible for vetting the
    company's sales. However, in recent years, numerous countries have been
    accused of using the software to spy civil society activists,
    journalists, and political dissidents among others.

       Do you feel the appropriate oversight checks are in place to
            prevent Pegasus, and other cyber surveillance software like it,
            from being used to commit human rights abuses?

        Answer. The U.S. Government has undertaken a number of steps over
    the last year to avoid tools or products from U.S.-based cyber-
    surveillance companies being used abroad to undermine human rights. I
    understand that in October 2020, the Department of State released the
    first-of-its-kind ``human rights due diligence'' guidance to help
    businesses conduct a human rights impact assessment on relevant
    products or services and the Department of Commerce issued a Final Rule
    that revised the licensing policy for crime-control items in connection
    with human rights concerns, as well as expanded its consideration of
    human rights beyond crime controlled items. If confirmed, I will work
    with our bilateral partners to promote respect for and protect human
    rights.

        Question. To what extent do you feel NSO's licensing of the Pegasus
    spyware is done in a manner that complies with U.S. values and upholds
    U.S. national security interests?

        Answer. The United States condemns the harassment or extrajudicial
    surveillance of journalists, human rights activists, or other perceived
    regime critics. Just as states have the duty to protect human rights,
    businesses have a responsibility, too. Thus, they should work to avoid
    their products or services being used to abuse human rights. President
    Biden has affirmed that ``American leadership must meet this new moment
    of advancing authoritarianism.'' This commitment includes working to
    help U.S. companies avoid fueling authoritarian practices, stemming the
    use of new technological tools for repression, and giving citizens
    tools to improve their digital security. If confirmed, I will uphold
    this commitment and work with our bilateral partners to promote respect
    for and protect human rights.

        Question. The U.S.-Israel Security Assistance Cooperation Act
    passed in the FY21 NDAA allows the United States to waive statutory
    caps on the annual transfer of precision-guided munitions to Israel
    under section 514(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C.
    2321h(b)) under emergency circumstances. Would you consider a one front
    war with Hamas an emergency circumstance? A two front war with Hamas
    and Hezbollah? How do we balance U.S. PGM requirements and Israel's
    requirements?

        Answer. The President has made clear that the United States
    supports Israel's legitimate right to defend itself and I understand
    the administration is prepared to support President Biden's commitment
    to ensure this. While any escalation that risks war is not in our
    interests, I cannot speak to hypothetical questions.

    United Nations
        Question. In 2012, you sent a letter to the Senate Appropriations
    Committee arguing against efforts to distinguish between Palestinian
    displaced by the conflict that led to the creation of Israel in 1948
    and their descendants, who the U.N. currently classifies as refugees.
    This distinction would reduce the number of UNRWA registered refugees
    from 5 million to 30,000.

       Do you still maintain that efforts to limit those who can claim
            UNRWA refugee status would undermine U.S. interests in
            advancing discussions between Israel and the Palestinian
            Authority?

        Answer. Yes. My understanding is that the status of Palestinian
    refugees remains a highly sensitive issue among Palestinians and their
    supporters, including U.S. regional allies such as Jordan.

        Question. Who, in your view, should classify as an UNRWA refugee?

        Answer. My understanding is that the United States recognizes
    UNRWA's definition of Palestinian refugees for the purposes of UNRWA's
    operations. UNRWA's definition of ``Palestine refugees'' is:
    ``[P]ersons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the
    period of June 1, 1946 to May 15, 1948, and who lost both home and
    means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict.'' Descendants of
    eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are eligible for registration with
    UNRWA for the purpose of accessing services. I understand this approach
    to including descendants is similar to that used by UNHCR in other
    protracted refugee situations, such as Afghanistan and Somalia.

        Question. Why does UNWRA require 10,000 more staff to advocate its
    regional mission than UNHCR to advance its global mission?

        Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is
    to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the
    five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which delivers most services to
    refugees through sub-partners, UNRWA employees include schoolteachers
    and health care workers who provide the services directly to
    beneficiaries.

        Question. Do you believe UNWRA should be absorbed by UNHCR, given
    UNHCR's efficiency and infrastructure?

        Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is
    to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the
    five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which works to deliver most
    services to refugees through sub-partners, UNRWA employees include
    schoolteachers and health care workers who provide services directly to
    beneficiaries. UNHCR's mandate focuses on seeking durable solutions
    (such as resettlement, repatriation, and local integration) for
    refugees, which cannot be adequately applied in the Palestinian context
    as these matters are final status issues to be negotiated directly
    between Israel and the Palestinians.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the
    appropriate Congressional committees prior to any consultations related
    to new U.S. contributions to UNRWA?

        Answer. The President and the Secretary have been clear that the
    administration is committed to working with Congress. I understand the
    Department has regularly engaged with Congressional committees since
    resuming humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people. If
    confirmed, I am committed to supporting the continuation of this
    approach.

        Question. How do you plan to work with UNRWA to advance reform,
    particularly as relates to anti-Semitic educational content of text
    books?

        Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
    form. U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own
    curriculum, but use the curriculum of host governments. When concepts
    contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host governments'
    education materials, UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary
    materials for its staff to address the issue. If confirmed, I will
    emphasize the importance of following humanitarian principles,
    including neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.

        Question. In 1997, the Palestinian Authority signed an agreement to
    allow the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
    Organization (UNESCO) to establish a Liaison officer in Ramallah, and
    subsequently upgraded relations admitting the PA as a full member state
    in 2011. In response, both the U.S. and Israel withdrew their member
    status.

       The Biden administration is requesting a waiver to allow the U.S.
            to re-join the body. In your view, should the United States be
            a member of UNESCO?

        Answer. The President has stated he believes firmly that more can
    be accomplished by working within U.N. organizations than outside.
    However, I cannot speak to the administration's review of U.S. policy
    on UNESCO.

        Question. Section 410, Title IV of the FY 94-95 Foreign Relations
    Authorization Act (P.L. 103-236) prohibits the U.S. from making any
    voluntary or assessed contribution to the U.N. or any affiliated
    organization which grants full membership to an entity which lacks
    ``the internationally attributes of statehood'' like the Palestinian
    Authority. If confirmed, can you commit to ensuring no U.S. funds are
    used to make a contribution to UNESCO or any other U.N. body that
    grants the PA full membership status?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all our policies,
    including with respect to U.N. contributions, are consistent with U.S.
    interests and applicable U.S. law.

        Question. How, in your view, should the United States address
    concerns around the body's politicization and alleged anti-democratic
    leanings? What specific reforms should UNESCO pursue before the United
    States rejoins the body?

        Answer. I understand the administration has been reviewing various
    aspects of its multilateral engagement. UNESCO leadership has made
    progress in helping member states avoid politicized debate on Middle
    East questions and should continue its efforts to counter any anti-
    Israel bias in UNESCO decisions and resolutions. UNESCO should continue
    to build on its efforts to promote transparency and accountability in
    its personnel and financial management practices.

        Question. Recently, the Palestinian Authority threatened action to
    circumvent ascension protocols and seek a change in their status at the
    U.N.

       Do you believe this action promotes the Middle East peace process
            and serves the needs of the Palestinian people?

        Answer. As a matter of principle, there are no shortcuts to
    Palestinian statehood outside of direct negotiations between the
    parties. This includes counterproductive unilateral steps to gain
    membership as a state in U.N. specialized agencies and other
    international organizations.

        Question. In your view, what consequences should the Palestinians
    face if they continue to attempt to gain membership in U.N. agencies?

        Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I will
    underscore to the Palestinians that unproductive, unilateral steps are
    not a shortcut to Palestinian statehood.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to prevent the
    Palestinian Authorities' pursuit of full membership in U.N. entities?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will underscore to the Palestinian
    leadership that unproductive, unilateral steps are not a shortcut to
    Palestinian statehood.

        Question. In 2018, the Trump administration withdrew from the
    United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) citing ``chronic anti-
    Israel bias.'' Since, the Biden administration has re-engaged with the
    body, claiming U.S. absence did nothing to address its disproportionate
    focus on Israel. Do you share the Trump administration's assessment
    regarding the UNHRC's reported anti-Israel bias? What steps should the
    U.S. take to improve the UNHRC's impartiality?

        Answer. If confirmed, consistent with administration policy, I will
    oppose efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through
    one-sided resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United
    Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly, the
    Human Rights Council, and other bodies. When we have had a seat at the
    table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have
    seen changes like a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting
    Israel.

        Question. What are your views on the U.N. Human Right Council's
    decision to open a commission of inquiry the wake of the 11 day Israel-
    Gaza conflict in May?

        Answer. I understand that the United States strongly opposed the
    special session of the U.N. Human Rights Council following the
    escalation in Gaza in May. It exemplifies the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel. I believe the establishment of an
    open-ended Commission of Inquiry distracts from the diplomatic work
    necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and prosperity for
    Israelis and Palestinians, and ensure that terrorist organizations,
    including Hamas, do not exploit the situation, including by
    indiscriminate firing of rockets, to further their own destructive
    aims. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded
    partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part
    of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human
    Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states.

        Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will oppose, as I understand the
    administration does already, efforts to unfairly single out or
    delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
    actions across the United Nations, including the Security Council, the
    General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and other bodies. Equally,
    I will firmly oppose any unilateral provocative actions that risk
    sparking more violence and that undermine prospects for a just, durable
    resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, which
    ultimately requires two states. I will work to preserve the path to a
    two-state solution as the best way to ensure Israel's future as a
    Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state they
    seek. I will also continue and sustain diplomatic engagement on the
    issue of settlements.

        Question.  In March, the International Criminal Court (ICC)
    prosecutor opened an investigation into possible war crimes allegedly
    committed in the West Bank and Gaza. Do you believe that the ICC should
    be investigating a case involving alleged Israeli actions in the
    Palestinian territories? If yes, please explain.

        Answer. The United States shares the goals of the International
    Criminal Court (ICC) in promoting accountability for the worst crimes
    known to humanity. Further, the United States has always taken the
    position that the ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries
    that consent to it, or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.
    I understand the administration continues to disagree strongly with the
    ICC's actions relating to the Palestinian situation.

        Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to
    investigate or bring to trial Israeli service members, officials, or
    other Israeli citizens? If yes, please explain.

        Answer. The United States has always taken the position that the
    ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries that consent to it,
    or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.

        Question. Do you believe the ICC's reputation has been diminished
    by recent attempts to prosecute United States and Israeli nationals? If
    no, please explain.

        Answer. The United States has always taken the position that the
    ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries that consent to it,
    or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.

    Abraham Accords
        Question. What is your opinion on the Abraham Accords? What, if
    anything, has hampered additional normalization agreements?

        Answer. I welcome and strongly support the Abraham Accords and
    normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
    Muslim world. While identifying new opportunities and negotiating
    agreements takes time, if confirmed I am committed to working with
    countries across the region to build on existing relationships and
    develop new ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of
    relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools
    at our disposal. I also look forward to learning from Israel's new
    partners in the region to better understand how we can work together to
    advance new normalization agreements and strengthen existing ones.

        Question. How do you plan to operationalizing and expanding the
    existing Abraham Accords to ensure all parties reap tangible economic
    and security benefits?

        Answer. The Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between
    Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world have already made an
    important contribution to regional security and economic development,
    yet even more is possible. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and
    neighboring Arab countries that have normalized relations with Israel
    to identify and capitalize on the many new opportunities that these
    agreements have unlocked.

        Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been
    made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and
    Sudan.

        Answer. While the Israel-Sudan normalization agreement is yet to be
    finalized, I understand the two governments have made significant
    progress towards improving their relations since announcing their
    intention to normalize their relations on October 23, 2020. On January
    6, 2020, Sudan signed the Abraham Accords declaration of principles in
    a ceremony in Khartoum. On April 19, 2021, Sudan officially repealed
    its 1958 law boycotting Israel. If confirmed, I look forward to working
    with the Government of Israel to support the full implementation of the
    normalization agreement.

        Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been
    made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and
    Morocco.

        Answer. Since announcing their intention to normalize their
    relations on December 10, 2020, I understand Israel and Morocco have
    made significant progress in deepening their relations. On January 16,
    Israel reopened its Liaison Office in Morocco and Israel's Charge
    d'Affaires to Morocco, Dr. David Govrin, arrived in Rabat four days
    later. On February 9, Moroccan envoy Abderrahim Beyyoudh arrived in Tel
    Aviv to reopen Morocco's liaison office. In August 2021, the countries
    agreed to open embassies in the future. This diplomatic progress has
    been matched by similar progress in improving economic and social ties.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of Israel
    to ensure the strength of the Israeli-Moroccan partnership continues to
    grow.

        Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been
    made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and the
    United Arab Emirates (UAE). Which sectors do you feel should be
    targeted moving forward as we continue to build upon the historic
    normalization agreement between Israel and UAE?

        Answer. Since normalizing relations, I understand Israel and the
    UAE have enjoyed robust cooperation across a range of areas. Israel
    opened its embassy in the UAE on January 25, 2021 and officially
    inaugurated it on June 29 during Israeli Foreign Minister Lapid's visit
    to Abu Dhabi, the first official visit by an Israeli foreign minister
    since the announcement of the Abraham Accords. On February 26, the
    UAE's first ambassador to the State of Israel, Mohammad Mahmoud Al
    Khajah, was sworn in and he arrived in Israel on March 1. On March 12,
    the UAE announced it was setting up a $10 billion investment fund aimed
    at ``strategic sectors'' in Israel. On May 31, Israel and the UAE
    announced an agreement on a tax treaty. If confirmed I look forward to
    identifying new ways to deepen Israel-Emirati cooperation, including
    increasing trade and investment, building new vehicles to support
    academic and people-to-people exchanges, and expanding security
    cooperation.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of the progress that's
    been made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel
    and Bahrain?

        Answer. Since normalizing relations, I understand Israel and
    Bahrain have signed over a dozen Memoranda of Understanding covering
    cooperative initiatives in sectors ranging from healthcare to
    education. On March 30, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa of Bahrain issued
    a Royal Decree appointing Ambassador Khalid Yusuf Al-Jalahma as head of
    Bahrain's diplomatic mission to Israel, the first Bahraini envoy to the
    country. On September 3, Eitan Na'eh was nominated as Israel's first
    ambassador to Bahrain, the same day that Bahrain's Khalid Yusuf Al-
    Jalahma presented his credentials to Foreign Minister Yair Lapid. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of Israel to
    nurture and grow this important new partnership.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to leverage the existing
    normalization agreements between Israel and its Gulf Arab neighbors, as
    well as Morocco and Sudan, to advocate for other countries to reach
    similar agreements with Israel?

        Answer. I welcome and strongly support the Abraham Accords and
    normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
    Muslim world. If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries
    across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new
    ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
    Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
    disposal. I also look forward to learning from Israel's new partners in
    the region to better understand how we can work together to advance new
    normalization agreements and strengthen existing ones.

        Question. In your view, what tangible benefits does normalizing
    relations with Israel offer to Muslim Majority countries in the Middle
    East and beyond?

        Answer. The Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between
    Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world have made an
    important contribution to regional security and economic development
    and support U.S. national security interests. The Abraham Accords have
    empowered our partners in the region to work together on their shared
    security interests, created new channels for peaceful dialogue and
    exchange, and fostered a broader culture of tolerance across the
    region. They are also an engine of economic growth, having spurred new
    trade and investment deals that previously would have been impossible.
    Over time, these new economic initiatives will create opportunities for
    the young and marginalized communities across the region. As more
    countries in the Middle East and beyond normalize their relations with
    Israel, more opportunities for cooperation and economic development
    will emerge.

        Question. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, you will have
    the opportunity to interact with both the UAE and Bahraini Ambassadors
    to Israel--in addition to potentially hosting delegations or meeting
    with diplomats from other countries normalizing or considering
    normalization with Israel. Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    your Abraham Accords counterparts?

        Answer. I believe it is important to foster and promote the Abraham
    Accords and normalization agreements by identifying ways to strengthen
    and expand them. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, I look
    forward to meeting regularly with my counterparts from Abraham Accords
    countries to capitalize on these opportunities.

        Question. Some argue that the Trump administration's exit from the
    nuclear deal and maximum pressure against Iran coupled with its clear
    pro-Israel policies set the conditions for normalization under the
    Abraham Accords. Please provide your perspectives on this argument.

        Answer. The Abraham Accords have empowered our partners in the
    region to work together on their shared security interests, created new
    channels for peaceful dialogue and exchange, and fostered a broader
    culture of tolerance across the region. They are also an engine of
    economic growth, having spurred new trade and investment deals that
    previously would have been impossible. I believe these shared
    interests, including an interest in working together preserve stability
    in the region in the face of malign actors, were the core drivers
    behind the Abraham Accords and will continue to drive new normalization
    agreements in the future.

        Question. Some have argued that the Abraham Accords may set the
    conditions for a new multilateral security construct in the Middle East
    focused on the shared threat from Iran, countering violent extremist
    organizations, and transnational organized crime. What are your
    thoughts on the potential for new security constructs stemming from the
    Accords and what shape might these take? What do you see as your role
    as the Ambassador to Israel in driving these new constructs?

        Answer. I am committed to helping Israel build partnerships that
    further integrate Israel into the region. Any sustainable regional
    economic and security dialogue will need to include Israel, and
    normalization efforts have opened that door. If confirmed, I will work
    with Israel to identify ways to advance a structured regional dialogue
    that explores ways to reduce tensions, create pathways to de-
    escalation, and manage mistrust.

    Egypt/Jordan
        Question. Please provide your assessment of the Egyptian-Israeli
    relations? What are some of the key frictions points in your view? What
    steps should the United States take to resolve these issues?

        Answer. Peace between Egypt and Israel has lasted for more than 40
    years and both countries have extensive areas of cooperation, including
    security, intelligence sharing, economic and energy. I understand the
    Biden-Harris administration is eager to explore ways to support
    development of a warmer peace between Egypt and Israel, including
    through greater people-to-people and civil society ties. If confirmed,
    I look forward to working with my Egyptian counterpart and Israeli
    officials to strengthen all parts of this partnership.

        Question. In your view, what role does the Multilateral Forces
    Observer Mission (MFO) play in maintaining regional stability? Should
    the U.S. maintain existing levels of support?

        Answer. The Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) remains
    essential to both the treaty relationship between Israel and Egypt and
    the enduring peace and security within the region. The MFO continues to
    work as an intermediary between the treaty parties, enabling open and
    frequent communication between them to maintain strong mutual trust and
    cooperation. The MFO promotes confidence in the treaty, maintains
    dialogue between the parties, and assists them during a period when
    both face security challenges. If confirmed, I will continue U.S.
    support for the MFO and its critical mission.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of the Jordanian-Israeli
    relations? What are some of the key friction points in your view? What
    steps should the United States take to resolve these issues?

        Answer. Israel's relationship with Jordan is both vital and
    complex. Over the 30 years since they signed a peace agreement, they
    have forged strategic ties and developed cross-border business ties
    that employ thousands of Jordanians, signed valuable contracts
    exporting Israeli natural gas to Jordan, and have collaborated on the
    allocation of scarce water resources. While domestic considerations
    tied to Jordan's large Palestinian population have made it difficult
    for Jordan to fully embrace and grow its relationship with Israel, both
    appreciate the need for deeper ties. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with my Jordanian and Israeli counterparts as I work towards
    strengthening all parts of this partnership. I will also work to
    improve coordination between the two countries at the Haram Al-Sharif/
    Temple Mount.

        Question. Since 1967, Jordan's custodial role over Temple Mount has
    helped maintain peace at one of the region's most contentious and
    divisive religious sites. For decades, religious worship at Temple
    Mount has been restricted to Muslims but in recent weeks the Israeli
    Government has authorized a growing number of Jewish worshippers to
    practice there.

       To what extent do you feel this shift if policy threatens to
            trigger further instability in East Jerusalem?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the U.S.
    recognition of the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple
    Mount and to handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
    sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. What specific steps would you propose the U.S. takes to
    address concerns over worship at Temple Mount? What role should Jordan
    play in these discussions?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration made clear that it
    recognizes the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount,
    and it continues to respect the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, which
    recognizes the special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in
    Muslim holy shrines in Jerusalem.
        While I am not privy to diplomatic discussions between the U.S.
    Government and its foreign counterparts, I understand that the U.S.
    Government hopes to partner with its counterparts to express the
    importance of maintaining calm and keeping flashpoints like the
    situation in Jerusalem-be it in the Old City, on the Temple Mount, or
    elsewhere-from igniting the situation.
        If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the U.S. recognition of
    the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount and to
    handling all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
    that they deserve.

    Lebanon
        Question. To what extent do you feel UNIFIL's current mandate is
    sufficient to oversee safety and security along the so-called Blue
    Line? Are there specific reforms to the mandate you feel the U.S.
    should pursue to help address Israel's ongoing security concerns?

        Answer. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) plays
    a critical role in ensuring security and stability along the Blue Line,
    limiting Hizballah's operations in southern Lebanon, and preventing
    escalation between Lebanon and Israel. I was glad to see that the
    United States worked with France and other partners to amend the
    mandate to allow UNIFIL to provide food, fuel, and medicine to the
    Lebanese Armed Forces, a key partner that provides an important
    counterweight to Hizballah's argument that it is the legitimate
    defender of Lebanon. Despite the success that UNIFIL has had in
    implementing its mandate to date, Hizballah continues to impede
    UNIFIL's access to key points along the Blue Line and openly flouts the
    arms embargo established under UNSCR 1701. If confirmed, I will work
    with UNIFIL and international partners to strengthen the mandate and
    enable UNIFIL to fully implement all aspects of that mandate.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to advance efforts to
    resume U.S.-mediated maritime talks between Israel and Lebanon? How do
    you feel the change in administration in both Israel and Lebanon
    impacts the likelihood of negotiations making tangible progress towards
    a viable resolution?

        Answer. The maritime boundary is a decision for both Israel and
    Lebanon to make. The administration remains committed to working with
    the parties toward an agreement benefiting both countries.

        Question. Hezbollah threatens Israel with precision-guided
    munitions often stored in densely packed urban areas. Should the United
    States sanction Hezbollah under the Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless
    Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Why or why not? How do you address
    the PGM threat to Israel?

        Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel is ironclad and, if
    confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States uses all the tools
    at our disposal to confront security threats to Israel, including from
    Hizballah. The U.S. Government remains committed to imposing sanctions
    on Hizballah and its financial supporters and enablers, and the
    Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control's
    designations on September 17, 2021 of members of a major financing
    network of Hizballah demonstrate this administration's commitment to
    continuing to target Hizballah's financial networks around the world.
    If confirmed, I also commit to consult with Congress about the range of
    U.S. efforts to counter Hizballah and support Israel's right to self-
    defense.

    The West Bank and the Palestinian Authority
        Question. In 2016, John Kerry argued there would be no ``separate
    peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the issue of
    Palestinian statehood.

       What are your views on Palestinian statehood and its ties to
            additional normalization agreements?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
    for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
    world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
    create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
    and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
    solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
    work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
    existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
    the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
    Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. Doesn't re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the
    peace process hinder prospects of further normalizations with Israel?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries
    across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new
    ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
    Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
    disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in
    the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and
    Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
    state solution.

        Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its
    ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of
    statehood and support for terrorism?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian
    Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keep flash
    point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good
    governance and accountability that affect the standing of the
    Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that
    lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps
    that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the
    PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent
    upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the
    conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the
    Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic
    opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible
    eventual direct negotiations toward a two-state solution.

        Question. In your view, how do Israeli-Arab normalization
    agreements affect the prospects for Israel-Palestinian peace
    negotiations?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
    for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
    world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
    create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
    and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
    solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
    work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
    existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
    the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
    Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. In 2012, you claimed ``final status issues can and must
    only be resolved between Israelis and Palestinians in direct
    negotiations.'' Do you still feel this is the case? If so, how would
    you support efforts to facilitate direct talks between the Israeli and
    Palestinians?

        Answer. I believe that final status issues can and must only be
    resolved between Israelis and Palestinians in direct negotiations. If
    confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance
    peaceful co-existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as
    help create the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state
    solution between Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. What do you view as the proper role for the U.S. to play
    in assisting the parties' efforts to reach an agreement?

        Answer. I believe the United States is in a position to help create
    the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
    Israelis and Palestinians, which is the best way to ensure equal
    measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for both people.

        Question. Do you agree that the only way to reach a lasting two-
    state resolution to this conflict is through direct, bilateral
    negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians rather than one imposed
    by outside actors?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution achieved through
    direct, bilateral negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians is the
    best way to ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity
    for both people.

        Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its
    ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of
    statehood and terrorism?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian
    Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza, and keep flash
    point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good
    governance and accountability that affect the standing of the
    Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that
    lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps
    that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the
    PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent
    upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the
    conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the
    Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic
    opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible
    eventual direct negotiations toward a two-state solution.

        Question. In August 2021, Israel rolled out several measures
    designed to strengthen the Palestinian Authority, including the
    extension of a $150 million dollar loan to the occupied West Bank. How
    can the U.S. work with the Israeli Government to ensure none of these
    funds are used to support the abhorrent pay for slay program?

        Answer. Both the United States and Israel are likeminded in their
    opposition towards this abhorrent practice. If confirmed, I am
    committed to working with the Israeli Government to ensure funds are
    not misused to support this heinous practice.

        Question. The Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Palestinian
    Liberation Organization (PLO) continue to incentivize and celebrate the
    use of violence against Israel through the egregious ``pay to slay''
    program. In 2019 alone, the Palestinians spent $151 million dollars to
    support imprisoned terrorists and their families. In addition, to these
    prisoner payments, the PA and PLO maintain a ``martyrs' fund'' to help
    support the families of terrorist killed while carrying out violent
    acts against the Israeli state. There is concern the Biden
    administration's decision to re-establish relations with the
    Palestinians in a manner that failed to extract concessions with
    respect to their pay to slay program was a missed opportunity. How has
    the Biden administration's outreach set conditions for any reforms on
    pay to slay?

        Answer. While I am not in a position to comment on private
    diplomatic discussions, this administration and I, are absolutely
    committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
    ``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
    international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus
    far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring
    that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing
    reform of this heinous practice.

        Question. Despite opening the aperture of ESF and INCLE to the
    Palestinians, the State Department has achieved no progress on the pay-
    to-slay policy. Please provide your roadmap for addressing this
    egregious practice.

        Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr
    payments is abhorrent. This administration and I are absolutely
    committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
    ``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
    international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus
    far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring
    that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing
    reform of this heinous practice.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to making efforts to address
    the Palestinian Authority's pay for slay program a priority?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, pursuing reform of this heinous practice
    is a priority for me.

        Question. What is your position on the viability of a two-State
    solution? Is it your sense that the tenure between the Israeli
    Government and the Palestinian authority has changed under the new
    administration led by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians alike. The administration has been clear that Israelis
    and Palestinians alike equally deserve to live in freedom, security,
    and prosperity. As such, the United States is strongly encouraging both
    the Palestinians and the Israelis to avoid unilateral actions including
    settlement activity, annexation, and demolitions, as well as incitement
    to violence and providing compensation for individuals imprisoned for
    acts of terrorism. If confirmed, I am committed to taking an
    affirmative and practical approach that encourages constructive,
    positive steps to keep the possibility of a negotiated two-state
    solution alive.

        Question. Please provide your views on the relative benefits and
    risks of ESF and INCLE expenditures targeted towards the Palestinian
    people and security forces.

        Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
    advances our national security. Our most valued, dependable, and
    effective partner governments and security forces around the world
    uphold democratic values, respect human rights and fundamental
    freedoms, and hold those who violate human rights accountable. I
    believe that we must continue to create and maintain strong security
    relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured
    assistance, and frequent cooperation. Institutional reforms supported
    by U.S. security sector assistance are critical in building the
    capabilities necessary to maintain stability in the West Bank and
    improve the Palestinian Authority security forces. If confirmed, I am
    committed to ensuring that our security sector assistance further
    supports efforts to uphold the rule of law and the protection of human
    rights.

    Gaza Strip and Hamas
        Question. In your view, does Hamas' targeting of civilian
    infrastructure in Israel constitute war crimes?

        Answer. Hamas's heinous rocket attacks on Israel in May only
    reinforced the Biden administration's ironclad resolve on Israel's
    security. I unequivocally condemn all rocket fire into Israel by
    terrorist groups Hamas and PIJ, and human rights abuses being committed
    in Gaza where Hamas, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization,
    exercises de facto authority. The U.S. Government supports Israel's
    inherent right of self-defense, including against rocket attacks from
    Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will be
    committed to stabilizing Gaza to prevent further conflict and loss of
    civilian life.

        Question. Hamas fighters reportedly position military tunnels and
    deploy rocket launches in close proximity to civilian infrastructure,
    like hospitals, schools, and mosques to limit the likelihood of an
    Israeli counterstrike. Is Hamas responsible for using Palestinian
    civilians as human shields to protect its military assets from Israeli
    counter strikes?

        Answer. I unequivocally condemn all rocket fire into Israel by
    terrorist groups Hamas and PIJ, and human rights abuses being committed
    in Gaza where Hamas, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization,
    exercises de facto authority. The President has made clear that the
    U.S. Government supports Israel's inherent right of self-defense,
    including against rocket attacks from Hamas and other Gaza-based
    terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will be committed to stabilizing Gaza
    to prevent further conflict and loss of civilian life.

        Question. The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields Act of
    2018 (P.L. 115-348) mandates sanctions on any member of Hezbollah or
    Hamas who ``knowingly orders, controls, or otherwise directs the use of
    civilians protected as such by the law of war to shield military
    objectives from attack.'' Under the law, the President is required to
    submit to Congress a list of, and impose financial sanctions on, each
    foreign person involved in the use of human shields by Hamas or
    Hezbollah ``on or after the date of enactment.'' Despite widespread
    reporting on Hamas's use of human shields, as of September 21, 2021, no
    action has been pursued under this act. If confirmed, can you commit to
    advocating for the imposition of sanctions under The Sanctioning the
    Use of Defenseless Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Please provide
    your assessment of Qatar's role with respect to Gaza. To what extent do
    you see it as a stabilizing influence?

        Answer. The President has made clear that the United States
    supports Israel's inherent right of self-defense, including against
    rocket attacks from Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups, and
    unequivocally condemns Hamas's human rights abuses in Gaza. If
    confirmed, I will support efforts by across the Government to use the
    tools at our disposal, including sanctions authorities, in countering
    terrorist actors like Hamas. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent
    future conflict. We can do this by working with partners, such as
    Qatar, through meeting humanitarian needs, including increasing access
    to water, sanitation, and hygiene services, and increasing levels of
    electricity and freedom of movement, while facilitating political and
    physical reintegration in the West Bank. Qatar has played a stabilizing
    role in Gaza, and I believe their strong partnership with the
    Government of Israel will continue to help stabilize the situation.

        Question. What is your position on Qatari assistance to the Gaza
    Strip? Can you commit to working with the U.N. and the Government of
    Israel to ensure it IS delivered in a manner that's consistent with
    Israeli and U.S. national security interests?

        Answer. I understand the United States is committed to working with
    the international donor community to support the Palestinian people. If
    confirmed, I am committed to working with the United Nations and
    Government of Israel to ensure assistance to Gaza is delivered a manner
    that is consistent with U.S. and Israeli national security interests.

        Question. To what extent is assistance to Gaza subject to diversion
    by Hamas?

        Answer. I understand the U.S. Government provides assistance in a
    manner consistent with U.S. law and does not direct assistance to
    Hamas. The Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development
    have a robust vetting process to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government
    resources could inadvertently support Hamas or other terrorist groups.
    In addition, our development and humanitarian partners in the West Bank
    and Gaza have aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at
    ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance reaches its intended
    recipients.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of Egypt's role in Gaza
    and its relationship with Hamas.

        Answer. I believe that Egypt plays an important stabilizing role in
    Gaza, exhibited by Egypt's critical efforts to achieve a cessation of
    hostilities during the conflict in May.

        Question. In August 2021, Egypt reportedly closed its main border
    point with the Gaza Strip, Rafah crossing, over ``differences'' between
    Cairo and Hamas with respect to the latest Egypt brokered ceasefire.
    Specifically, officials have cited concerns over the lack of progress
    in indirect talks with Israel following the 11 day war in May and
    efforts to reconcile the militant Palestinian factions that dominate
    Gaza Strip. Do you share these concerns?

        Answer. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future conflict.
    We can do this through meeting humanitarian needs, including increasing
    access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and increasing levels
    of electricity and freedom of movement, while facilitating political
    and physical reintegration in the West Bank. An effective humanitarian
    response requires adequate access to Gaza to allow reputable, vetted
    organizations to meet emergency needs; continued and regular opening of
    border crossings; fast-track processing of humanitarian convoys; and
    the unimpeded movement of relief and recovery supplies, including
    critical goods required to meet the needs of Palestinian families.

        Question. What is your position on the blockade over Gaza that
    Egypt and Israel imposed following Hamas's ascension to power in 2007?
    In your view, should this blockade be lifted? If so, on what basis?

        Answer. I believe we must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future
    conflict. We can do this through meeting humanitarian needs, including
    increasing access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and
    increasing levels of electricity and freedom of movement, while
    facilitating political and physical reintegration with the West Bank.
    If confirmed, I am committed to working with the international
    community and Government of Israel to support these humanitarian
    efforts.

        Question. Given Hamas' continued control over Gaza, what are some
    of the obstacles to post-conflict recovery?

        Answer. Hamas is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in
    accordance with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act
    (INA) and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive
    Order 13224. I understand U.S. engagement in the West Bank and Gaza and
    with the Palestinians is consistent with U.S. law. Given Hamas's role,
    many partners have similar restrictions on operating in Gaza.

        Question. Do you agree that there are significant challenges to
    assisting with long-term reconstruction in the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip?
    In your view, what impact would reconstruction efforts have on Hamas'
    credibility and legitimacy?

        Answer. Yes, I agree there are significant challenges to assisting
    with long-term reconstruction in Gaza and I understand U.S. engagement
    in the West Bank and Gaza and with the Palestinians is consistent with
    U.S. law. I also understand relief and recovery efforts are done in
    coordination with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and
    international donors in a manner that does not permit Hamas to restock
    its arsenal or achieve any legitimacy.

        Question. Please address concerns that long-term reconstruction
    projects in Gaza would merely serve to bolster Hamas' rule much to the
    detriment of the Palestinian people?

        Answer. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future conflict.
    I believe relief and recovery efforts should be done in coordination
    with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and international
    donors in a manner that does not permit Hamas to restock its arsenal.

    Iran and Its Proxies
        Question. Please provide an assessment of the threat Iran poses to
    the security of Israel, including a detailed assessment of the extent
    of support it provides to its proxies, like Hezbollah and Palestinian
    Islamic Jihad (PIJ) which pose similar dangers to Israeli sovereignty
    and the safety of its citizens.

        Answer. Israel believes Iran is the greatest threat to its
    security. As Secretary Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have
    said, the United States is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a
    nuclear weapon, and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies
    and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. An Iran
    with a nuclear weapon is likely to act even more provocatively when it
    comes to these issues. The administration has fundamental problems with
    Iran's actions across a series of issues, including its support for
    terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its support to armed militant
    groups, and its destabilizing actions in the region. Our partners in
    the region share a similar concern.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of the threat Hezbollah
    poses to Israeli security.

        Answer. Israel's top national security priorities are forestalling
    Iran's nuclear ambitions, preventing the proliferation of advanced
    weaponry across the region, and ending support to terrorist
    organizations, particularly Hizballah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic
    Jihad. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to
    Israel's security. The President and the Secretary have been clear that
    this administration has fundamental problems with Iran's behavior
    throughout the region, including acts committed by Iranian-backed
    militia groups. If confirmed, I commit to working with my Israeli
    counterparts to strengthen all facets of the U.S.-Israel partnership.

    Iran
        Question. In your view, should the United States make addressing
    Iran's support to its proxies like Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) a
    priority? If so, how should efforts to limit Iran's regional aggression
    fit into the Biden administration's efforts to pursue a mutual U.S.-
    Iranian return to the 2015 Iran Nuclear Agreement, otherwise known as
    the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA.)

        Answer. Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and other Iranian-backed
    terrorist and militant groups pose a serious threat to the security of
    Israel and to that of the Middle East. The United States is fully
    committed to working with Israel and our other partners in the region
    to deter and defend against these threats, using the full spectrum of
    tools available. Regarding Iran's nuclear program, the administration's
    goal is first to return to mutual compliance with the JCPOA, and then
    to build on that to address other areas of concern, including Iran's
    ballistic missile development and proliferation, and support for
    terrorism. I support using a variety of policy tools to strengthen the
    constraints on Iran's nuclear program and address other issues of
    concern.

        Question. Israel faces constant threats from terrorist
    organizations including Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) in
    Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and various Iran backed militia groups in
    Syria. If confirmed, how do you plan to work with the Government of
    Israel to address the threat Iran and its proxies pose to Israel's
    security?

        Answer. The President has made clear that the United States remains
    unwavering in its commitment to Israel's security. The President and
    the Secretary have also been clear that this administration has
    fundamental problems with Iran's behavior throughout the region,
    including acts committed by Iran backed militia groups. If confirmed, I
    commit to working with my Israeli counterparts to strengthen all parts
    of the U.S.-Israel partnership.

        Question. Do you support Israel's right to defend itself from
    terrorist attacks?

        Answer. Yes. The United States has a long-standing, unshakable
    commitment to Israel's security.

        Question. What role should the U.S. play in safeguarding Israeli
    sovereignty and security?

        Answer. The United States should maintain its unwavering commitment
    to Israel's security and work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-
    Israel partnership.

        Question. Since taking office, President Biden has made
    facilitating a U.S. return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
    (JCPOA) a priority for his administration, and, in February, appointed
    Rob Malley as Special Envoy for Iran to oversee such efforts. Since,
    Special Envoy Malley has engaged in several rounds of indirect talks in
    Vienna, Austria aimed at facilitating a mutual U.S.-Iran return to
    JCPOA.

       After the 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal was signed, the Israeli
            Government, as with our Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
            partners, made clear, both publicly and privately, their
            discontent over the lack of consultations prior to the U.S.
            entry into the agreement. If confirmed, can you commit to
            ensuring the U.S. consults Israel prior to any U.S. re-entry
            into the JCPOA?

        Answer. Yes. I understand that the Department, and in particular
    Special Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, has been in close contact with
    our Israeli partners and will continue consulting closely with them
    throughout this process. I also understand that former U.S. ambassador
    to Israel Dan Shapiro has also recently joined the State Department and
    remains in close consultation with Israel over Iran.

        Question. In your view, how extensive should these consultations
    be? To what extent should the U.S. be responsive to Israeli concerns
    over Iranian proxy activity in the context of talks with Iran?

        Answer. I understand that the Department, and in particular Special
    Envoy Malley and senior advisor Ambassador Dan Shapiro, have been in
    close contact with, and updated, our Israeli counterparts extensively
    throughout the negotiations. If confirmed, I will continue to consult
    deeply and continuously with our Israeli partners on all dimensions of
    Iran policy.

        Question. Further, many have characterized Special Envoy Malley's
    consultations as ``one-way'' and not responsive to their concerns. Do
    you commit to extensive consultations with Israel prior to making
    concessions to Iran?

        Answer. I understand that the Department, and in particular Special
    Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, and senior advisor Ambassador Dan Shapiro
    have been in close contact with partners in Israel and among the Gulf
    Arab states, and will continue consulting closely with these key
    partners as this process proceeds. Every one of us shares a common
    interest: seeing to it that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

        Question. Can you commit to seeking Israel's concurrence before the
    U.S. and Iran finalize any arrangement or agreement related to Iran's
    nuclear program?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to consult deeply and
    continuously with our Israeli partners on the nuclear negotiations and
    on preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you manage disagreements with
    Israel over Iran policy?

        Answer. I believe the Biden-Harris administration has conducted
    itself with a great deal of transparency, knowing that the United
    States and Israel share a common interest: seeing to it that Iran never
    acquires a nuclear weapon. I believe diplomacy, in coordination with
    our allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that
    goal.

        Question. How do you address criticisms that the Biden
    administration's decision to re-engage with Iran merely served to
    isolate Israel and our Gulf partners?

        Answer. The Biden--Harris administration has made clear that the
    United States has an ironclad commitment to Israel's security.
    Alongside that commitment, the administration is focused on de-
    escalating tensions, putting out the fires of conflict in Yemen, Libya,
    and Syria, and enhancing stability throughout the Middle East. The
    Department has updated Israeli and Gulf counterparts regularly before
    and after negotiation rounds, and is regularly engaged in discussions
    on its work to constrain and contain Iran's destabilizing regional
    activities. In fact, the administration's sustained diplomatic
    engagement with allies and partners has ensured a more united, better
    coordinated, and more consistent approach in countering the Iranian
    threat and advancing our shared goals in the region.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working with the Special
    Envoy for Iran, Rob Malley, to ensure Israeli concerns are addressed in
    the context of talks aimed at facilitating a U.S.-Iran re-entry into
    JCPOA? How would you do so?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Malley and
    other colleagues in the administration to continue to consult deeply
    and continuously with our Israeli allies on the nuclear negotiations
    and on preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon.

        Question. The Biden administration has indicated that it will
    address Iran's ballistic missile program and regional terrorism in
    follow-on agreements. Should the United States and Iran rejoin the
    JCPOA, what leverage does the United States possess to encourage follow
    on agreements? Iran's leadership has refused to address regional
    terrorism. How likely is Iran to engage in discussions on its ballistic
    missile program and support for regional terrorism?

        Answer. As the President has said, the goal is first to return to
    mutual compliance with the JCPOA, and then to build on that to address
    other areas of concern, including Iran's ballistic missile development,
    proliferation, and support for terrorism using a variety of policy
    tools to strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program and
    address other issues of concern. The administration will consult
    closely with our allies and partners in the region on ways to address
    this moving forward.

        Question. Should the Iranian regime refuse to rejoin the JCPOA,
    what is ``Plan B'' to address Iran's nuclear program, ballistic missile
    program, and support to terror proxies?

        Answer. The administration has made clear that it believes that
    diplomacy is the best path forward on the nuclear challenge at this
    time. In the event Iran refuses to return to mutual compliance with the
    JCPOA, the administration is prepared to leverage all applicable
    authorities, including sanctions against Iran, as well as the support
    of allies and partners around the world, to prevent Iran from ever
    acquiring a nuclear weapon and to defend U.S. vital interests.

        Question. Do you support Israel's freedom to take unilateral
    military action against Iran's nuclear program, its terror proxies, and
    ballistic missile program? Under what conditions would you constrain
    Israel's freedom of action?

        Answer. The President has made clear that the U.S. commitment to
    Israel's security is ironclad. I support Israel's freedom of action to
    counter Iran's destabilizing activities and the United States will not
    take any action that jeopardizes Israel's security.

    Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) Movement
        Question. Please provide your assessment of the boycott, divest,
    sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel.

        Answer. This administration and I firmly reject the BDS movement,
    which unfairly singles out Israel. While the administration will fully
    and always respect the right to freedom of expression, the United
    States will be a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize
    Israel. We will continue to support Israel's further integration into
    the international community.???

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to prioritizing efforts to
    fight boycott, divest, and sanctions (BDS) Israel globally? If so, how
    would you use your position to do so?

        Answer. If confirmed, while respecting the rights of all Americans
    to free speech, I will continue the tireless work of this
    administration to firmly reject the BDS movement and boycott laws that
    unfairly single out Israel and I will continue to support Israel's
    further integration into the international community.???

        Question. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has publicly
    stated that he will not annex West Bank territory, nor permit it to be
    incorporated into a Palestinian state, though he does intended to
    pursue additional construction in the settlements. Do you believe
    Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal? If so, on what
    grounds?

        Answer. The two-state solution is the best way to ensure Israel's
    future as a Jewish and democratic state, and to give the Palestinians
    the state they seek. I firmly oppose any unilateral provocative actions
    that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects for a
    just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and
    Israelis, which ultimately requires two states. I will continue to
    oppose any unilateral action that undermines the prospects for genuine
    progress and peace, whether that is settlement activity, home
    demolitions, annexation of territory, incitement to violence, or
    compensation for individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism. I am not
    in a position to speak to the administration's legal views. If
    confirmed, I will work to preserve the path to a two-state solution, as
    the best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and democratic state
    and to give the Palestinians the state they seek.

    China
        Question. In recent years, commercial ties between Israel and China
    have grown significantly, as reflected in the Israeli decision to award
    numerous infrastructure projects to Chinese building conglomerates.

       Please provide your assessment of bilateral relations between
            Israel and China.

        Answer. Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China
    is a defining feature of the 21st century. As Israel is a world leader
    in developing innovative technology with military, civilian, and dual-
    use applications, I understand the administration remains deeply
    concerned by PRC attempts to extend influence and acquire dual-use
    technology through acquisition and investment in Israel.

        Question.  Specifically, what, if any, concerns do you have about
    Israeli cooperation with China and the impact on core U.S. national
    security interests?

        Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by
    the People's Republic of China to extend influence and acquire critical
    and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in Israel.
    The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance
    investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such
    an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory
    structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a
    responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that
    benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national
    security.

        Question. In your view, to what extent should Israeli-Chinese
    relations shape and inform Israel's relationship with the U.S.?

        Answer. Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China
    is a defining feature of the 21st century. While the administration
    remains deeply concerned with attempts by the People's Republic of
    China to extend influence and acquire critical and dual-use technology
    through acquisitions and investment in Israel, the United States views
    close cooperation with Israel as important to our security and
    intelligence partnership.

        Question. In 2019, in response to U.S. concerns over growing
    Chinese investment, Israel announced the establishment of an advisory
    committee, led by the Finance Ministry, to oversee and evaluate foreign
    investments in Israel. Right now, that committee is an inadequate
    mechanism and lacks a broad enough scope to protect high technology
    firms. Only foreign investments in the Israeli financial,
    communications, infrastructure, transportation, and energy sectors are
    subject to regulatory approval. Israel is a world-leader in high
    technology industries. Without a mechanism empowered to review in high
    technology firms, Israel will lack the ability to ensure controlling
    and non-controlling investments in these companies do not disadvantage
    Israel's national security. If confirmed, can you pledge to work with
    the Government of Israel to improve oversight of foreign commercial
    investment in Israel, particularly as relates to dual use technology
    and infrastructure?

        Answer. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
    committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
    concerns as to its effectiveness, especially its lack of coverage for
    the high-tech sector. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of
    Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to
    identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment,
    including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data,
    and critical infrastructure.

        Question. From your perspective, what specific reforms should the
    U.S. seek from Israel to help improve its existing foreign investments
    oversight regime?

        Answer. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
    committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
    concerns as to its effectiveness, especially its lack of coverage for
    the high-tech sector. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of
    Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to
    identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment,
    including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data,
    and critical infrastructure.

        Question. Can you commit to working with the Government of Israel
    to ensure its investment oversight regime covers high tech industries?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to
    strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to identify and
    mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment, including
    investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data, and
    critical infrastructure.

        Question. The United States has growing concerns with China's
    economic relationship with Israel. Given the relative weakness on
    Israel's committee on foreign investment and issues highlighted by the
    China's involvement in Haifa port, how do you effectively decouple
    China from Israel?

        Answer. The United States views close cooperation with Israel on a
    variety of national security topics including foreign investment risk
    management as important to our security and intelligence partnership.
    If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen
    its foreign investment advisory committee to identify and mitigate
    risks associated with foreign direct investment, including investments
    involving critical technologies, sensitive data, and critical
    infrastructure.

    Russia
        Question. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett is scheduled to
    travel to Moscow for a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in
    the coming weeks. This will form the basis for joint Israeli-Russian
    cooperation on a number of issues, including Iran's role in Syria which
    remains a top priority concern. Please provide your perspective on the
    Israeli Russian relationship.

        Answer. Russia views its military intervention in Syria as helping
    to solidify a dominant influence in the Middle East and is responsible
    for enabling numerous atrocities on the ground. While we routinely
    condemn Russia's brutal military intervention in Syria on behalf of the
    Assad regime, we recognize Russia has influence on the ground and that
    Israel wishes to test that influence with regards to curbing Iran's
    presence in Syria. The U.S. Government has found narrow areas in which
    to engage with Russia in Syria, for example to extend cross-border
    humanitarian access into Syria through Security Council Resolution
    2585, and we will continue to explore additional avenues for discussion
    if they are to the benefit the Syrian people and stability in the
    region.

        Question. How does the U.S.'s failure to mitigate the threat Iran
    and its proxies pose to Israeli security impact Israel's relationship
    with Russia? In your view, does it make Israel more reliant on Russia
    given the former's active ties with destabilizing actors like Iran and
    its proxy, Hezbollah?

        Answer. Israel's security posture is independent of Russia's
    presence due to Iran's destabilizing tactics through Hizballah and
    other proxies allowing it to focus on subversive activities by those
    responsible.

    VISA Waiver Program
        Question. President Biden in his recent meeting with Prime Minister
    Bennett committed to advance a process to see Israel join the visa
    waiver program. If confirmed, can you commit to making it a priority to
    advance the President's commitment?

        Answer. The administration is fully supportive of Israel joining
    the Visa Waiver Program once it meets all the requirements for
    participation in the program. If confirmed, it is a priority for me to
    advance the President's commitment.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure an efficient visa
    process that allows eligible Israelis to travel to the United States?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to ensure an efficient visa
    process that allows eligible Israelis to travel to the United States.

        Question. Will you work with the Israelis to help bring down the
    refusal rate for Israelis applying for visas?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel
    toward meeting all requirements for participation in the Visa Waiver
    Program.

    Non-Defense Cooperation
        Question. If confirmed, how will you work to expand trade and
    deepen the economic cooperation with Israel?

        Answer. Advancing the depth and breadth of the bonds between our
    people, including our ever-expanding economic relationship, remains a
    top priority for me. Israel is a world leader in innovation, research
    and development, and its start-up economy is safe and welcoming for
    U.S. businesses, with American companies establishing two-thirds of the
    more than 300 foreign-invested research and development centers in
    Israel. If confirmed, I will build on these robust relationships to
    expand trade and deepen economic cooperation with Israel.

        Question. If confirmed, what areas of the U.S.-Israel relationship
    will be priorities for you?

        Answer. The U.S.-Israeli relationship has long been based on both
    common values and strategic interests. We remain united in our shared
    commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security.
    Should I have the honor of being confirmed, maintaining the U.S.
    Government's ironclad commitment to Israel's security, advancing the
    depth and breadth of the bonds between our people, including our ever-
    expanding economic relationship, working with a fellow democracy to
    oppose international institutional bias and promote human rights at
    home and abroad, and supporting the Abraham Accords and exploring new
    opportunities to advance normalization efforts are some of my top
    priorities.

        Question. What areas of the relationship do you think can be
    strengthened?

        Answer. Upholding Israel's security serves America's national
    security interests and ensures that we will always have a strong,
    reliable, and secure partner. If confirmed, I will work closely with
    Israeli partners to address critical threats from Iran and Iranian-
    backed militias and will work to strengthen Israel's foreign investment
    advisory committee to identify and mitigate risks associated with
    foreign direct investment, including investments involving critical
    technologies, sensitive data, and critical infrastructure. By making
    Israel more secure and opening new channels for constructive dialogue
    and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab world, normalization
    agreements also bring with them the potential to create new
    opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis and
    Palestinians. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
    opportunities to advance peaceful co-existence between Israel and its
    Arab neighbors, as well as help create the conditions for direct
    negotiations of a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. In July, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) announced
    a permanent, three person commission to investigate alleged Israeli war
    crimes during the conflict in Gaza earlier this year. Recent reporting
    indicates that all three members--Navi Pillay, Miloon Kothai, and Chris
    Sidoti--hold anti-Israel views. I'm concerned that the composition of
    this commission makes it all too likely that this is just another anti-
    Israel attack by a commission that should be focusing on the ongoing
    genocide of Uyghurs and Muslims in China, or on Cuba's human rights
    violations of peaceful protesters, or at least a dozen other countries.

       If confirmed, what steps would you take to cooperate with the
            Israeli Government to counter this blatant anti-Israel
            sentiment at the U.N.?

        Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
    the U.N. Human Rights Council following the escalation in Gaza in May.
    It exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on Israel. The
    establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry distracts from the
    diplomatic work necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and
    prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians, and ensure that terrorist
    organizations, including Hamas, do not exploit the situation, including
    by indiscriminate firing of rockets, to advance their own destructive
    aims. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded
    partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part
    of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human
    Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states.

        Question. In May of this year, Hamas and other Palestinian
    terrorists launched more than 4,000 rockets that targeted Israeli
    civilians. As you know, shortly after this, the Biden administration
    announced that it would re-open the consulate general in Jerusalem.
    U.S. law is clear that Jerusalem is the undivided capital of Israel.
    Re-opening this consulate sends the wrong message.

       Do you support re-opening the consulate in Eastern Jerusalem?

        Answer. In May, Secretary Blinken publicly announced the
    administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I
    understand that this is a component of the administration's renewed
    engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem enables our
    Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
    including engagement with the local communities and government leaders.

        Question. In your opinion, how does re-opening the Consulate comply
    with the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?

        Answer. I understand that the Jerusalem Embassy Act restricted
    certain funding for the Department of State until the Secretary
    determined and reported to Congress that the U.S. Embassy to Israel had
    officially opened in Jerusalem. During the Trump administration,
    Secretary Pompeo determined and reported to Congress in 2019 that the
    U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem had officially opened, consistent with the
    requirements of the Jerusalem Embassy Act. I understand the
    administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in
    Jerusalem as called for by the Act. Reopening the Consulate General in
    Jerusalem would not affect that policy or walk back or change our
    recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
        If confirmed, I will always work to ensure that all our policies
    are consistent with U.S. interests and applicable U.S. law.

        Answer. Are you aware of other cases where the U.S. operates both a
    consulate and an embassy in the same city?

        Answer. I cannot speak to the global U.S. diplomatic presence,
    however I understand that the Department uses a variety of diplomatic
    and consular platforms to best serve U.S. interests around the world
    and maintained a Consulate General and Embassy in Jerusalem
    simultaneously from May 2018 to March 2019. The Biden-Harris
    administration has made clear that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel
    and the U.S. Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Jerusalem itself is a
    final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
    Israel and the Palestinians.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Todd Young

        Question. Do you believe, as is the policy of the United States,
    that we must assist the Government of Israel with its ongoing efforts
    to forge a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian
    conflict that results in two states living side-by-side in pace and
    security and to encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's
    right to exist as a Jewish state?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
    for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
    world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
    create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
    and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
    solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
    work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
    existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
    the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
    Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. As the President's nominee, do you agree that our
    diplomatic presence in Jerusalem through our Embassy is sufficient to
    meet the consular needs of Palestinians?

        Answer. The U.S. Embassy to Israel, which the United States
    Government has been clear will remain in Jerusalem, provides consular
    services to U.S. citizens and permanent residents, as well as local
    communities residing in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. The
    President and Secretary Blinken have reaffirmed the administration's
    intent as well to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem, to support
    renewed engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem
    enables our government to carry out a full range of diplomatic
    activities, including engagement with the local communities and
    government leaderships.

        Question. While the opportunities for partnership are significant,
    there are also those who worry about China's growing relationship with
    Israel and needed proper guardrails in place when seeking to work on
    technology together. If confirmed, how would you seek to deepen the
    U.S.-Israel partnerships in emerging tech while seeking to deter the
    Israelis from taking steps closer to China?

        Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by
    the People's Republic of China (PRC) to extend influence and acquire
    critical and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in
    Israel. The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance
    investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such
    an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory
    structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a
    responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that
    benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national
    security. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
    committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
    concerns as to its effectiveness, given the voluntary nature of its
    coverage and its lack of coverage for the high-tech sector. If
    confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen its
    foreign investment advisory committee to minimize exposure to national
    security risks, including the acquisitions of critical technologies,
    sensitive data, and critical infrastructure.

        Question. What untapped opportunities exist for mutual exchanges to
    deepen our bilateral research and innovation relationship?

        Answer. Advancing the depth and breadth of the bonds between our
    people, including our ever-expanding economic relationship remains a
    top priority for me. Israel is a world leader in innovation, research
    and development and Israel's start up economy is safe and welcoming for
    U.S. businesses, with U.S. companies establishing two-thirds of the
    more than 300 foreign-invested research and development centers in
    Israel. Three U.S.-Israel bi-national foundations have provided over
    $1.2 billion for joint science and technology projects and both sides
    signed a new Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement that entered
    into force in December 2020. If confirmed, I plan to build on these
    already robust relationships to promote further cooperation in
    bilateral research and innovation, including working with Israel to
    strengthen foreign investment risk management which is a key investment
    in the innovation relationship between the United States and Israel.
        In addition, collaboration made possible because of the Abraham
    Accords and in the Eastern Mediterranean, including with the Eastern
    Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) and 3+1 mechanism, presents new
    opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. These
    efforts can help promote Israel's regional integration and greater
    cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity throughout the
    region. If confirmed, I look forward to expanding these efforts.

        Question. A developing story from September 21 is that progressive
    Democrats in the House of Representatives have stripped funding for
    Iron Dome--Israel's primary tool for defending civilians from Hamas'
    terrorist rocket attacks--out from the upcoming funding bill. If
    confirmed, would you commit to advocating for the Congress to provide
    Israel with all the tools necessary to defend itself?

        Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
    Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
    security, including Israel's ability to maintain its qualitative
    military edge in the region, consistent with U.S. law and policy. The
    President was clear when President Bennett visited Washington at the
    end of August that the administration fully supports replenishing
    Israel's Iron Dome System.
        This administration is committed to ensuring Israel's right to
    defend itself from indiscriminate rocket attacks by assisting Israel in
    replenishing its Iron Dome Air Defense Missile System. If confirmed, I
    will work with relevant State and DoD colleagues to see what can be
    done in this regard.

        Question. In carrying out the Memorandum of Understanding on U.S.
    Foreign Defense Aid to Israel, the funding for which Congress
    authorized last year, what are the most pressing threats that Congress
    must consider when we set aside annual funding for security assistance
    to Israel?

        Answer. The commitment to Israel's security is a cornerstone of
    U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East, supported by the 10-year, $38
    billion Memorandum of Understanding with Israel. This commitment
    includes $3.3 billion in annual Foreign Military Financing. As I shared
    in my opening statement, Israel is one of our closest security partners
    in countering a broad spectrum of threats ranging from climate change
    to cyber-attacks to nuclear proliferation. Chief among these is the
    critical threat that Iran and Iranian-backed militias pose. While
    President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that Iran never
    develops a nuclear weapon, upholding Israel's security serves America's
    national security interests and ensures that we will always have a
    strong, reliable, and secure partner.
        The best way we can do this is by continuing robust levels of
    bilateral U.S. security assistance including through the Foreign
    Military Financing program, which will help to maintain Israel's
    Qualitative Military Edge; and acknowledge strong bilateral ties; and
    enable cutting-edge cooperation on missile defense. U.S. funding also
    supports Israel's continued defense modernization and provides for the
    acquisition of U.S.-origin defense equipment ranging from ammunition to
    advanced weapons systems and training.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Ted Cruz

    Congressional Determinations and Policies
        Question. In 1987, Congress passed The Anti-Terrorism Act, in which
    Congress determined that ``the PLO and its affiliates are a terrorist
    organization and a threat to the interests of the United States, its
    allies, and to international law'' (22 USC Sec. 5201). In 2012,
    Congress passed The United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation
    Act, which established that it is ``the policy of the United States. To
    assist the Government of Israel with its ongoing efforts to forge a
    peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
    that results in two states living side-by-side in peace and security,
    and to encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's right to
    exist as a Jewish state'' (22 USC Sec. 8602). In 2014, Congress passed
    The United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act, which reaffirmed
    that it is ``the policy of the United States. to support the Government
    of Israel in its ongoing efforts to reach a negotiated political
    settlement with the Palestinian people that results in two states
    living side-by-side in peace and security'' (22 USC Sec. 8602 Statutory
    Notes).

       Do you agree with Congress's determination that ``the PLO and its
            affiliates are a terrorist organization and a threat to the
            interests of the United States, its allies, and to
            international law?''

        Answer. My understanding is that subsequent to the 1987 passage of
    the Anti-Terrorism Act, in 1993, in connection with the Oslo Accords,
    the PLO renounced terrorism and recognized Israel's right to exist, and
    Israel recognized the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian
    people for purposes of negotiations for permanent status and peace.
    Subsequently, across administrations, Congress and the executive branch
    have worked together to press the PLO to continue to comply with those
    commitments, and to support its engagement with Israel, and with the
    United States in support of negotiations and its commitments including
    those disavowing terrorism.
        If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our engagement with the
    Palestinians advances Israeli-Palestinian cooperation, understanding,
    peace, security coordination, and stability. To that end, I will work
    with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and international
    community to consider ways in which we can strengthen the position of
    the Palestinian Authority and to recommend that all sides adopt an
    affirmative and practical approach to the conflict that encourages
    constructive, positive steps-like condemning incitement to violence and
    terrorism- to keep the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution
    alive.

        Question. Do you commit to ``assist'' and ``support'' the
    Government of Israel in its negotiations with the Palestinians?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians alike. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
    opportunities to advance peaceful co-existence between Israel and its
    Arab neighbors, as well as to help create the conditions for direct
    negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States should be neutral
    between the Governments of Israel and the Palestinians?

        Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
    ensure equal measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for Israelis
    and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
    for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
    world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
    create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
    and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
    opportunities to advance existing coordination between Israelis and
    Palestinians to help create the conditions for direct negotiations
    between the two parties.

    Sovereignty
        Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
    Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
    relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
    Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
    implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
    communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
    approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
    maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
    which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
    Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out
    and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by
    recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing
    Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by
    seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and
    for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli
    communities, and by taking several other steps.

       Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?

        Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
    understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
    As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present
    in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
    the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
    Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. I
    understand the administration has not changed U.S. policy on this
    important issue.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
    Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. I understand the administration has not altered U.S. policy
    on this important issue. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem
    itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
    negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central
    to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If
    confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care
    and sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of the Golan Heights?

        Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
    understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
    As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present
    in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
    the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
    Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. The
    administration has not changed U.S. policy on this important issue.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a
    final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
    Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the national
    visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will handle
    all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they
    deserve.

    Abraham Accords
        Question. In your testimony you indicated that you are supportive
    of the Abraham Accords. In early 2021 the State Department distributed
    internal guidance through emails about how to refer to the
    normalization between Israel and other countries. In the emails,
    staffers were instructed that the State Dept. would no longer refer to
    the normalization as the ``Abraham Accords,'' and the use of
    ``normalization agreements'' instead was indicated, according to a June
    4 report by the Washington Free Beacon.

       Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington Free Beacon
            reviewed at least two of them.

        Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in
    a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its
    records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional
    oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward to working with
    you to respond to your concerns.

        Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance issued by
    State Department staffers--including emails, memos, cables, notes,
    decision memos, briefing papers, instructions, etc.--regarding the use
    of the phrase ``Abraham Accords,'' from December 2020 through September
    2021.

        Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in
    a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its
    records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional
    oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward to working with
    you to respond to your concerns.

        Question. Can you commit to ensuring that any guidelines or
    policies prohibiting using the phrase ``Abraham Accords'' are revised
    and reversed?

        Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration
    refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I
    certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.

    Palestinian Consulate
        Question. The Biden administration has indicated and recently
    reiterated its intention to open a Palestinian-facing consulate in
    Israel's capital Jerusalem.

       Please describe your assessment of whether the Israeli Government
            supports such a plan?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken publicly announced the administration's
    intent to reopen the Consulate General. I understand that this is part
    of the administration's renewed engagement with the Palestinian people
    and leadership. I am not in a position to comment further on diplomatic
    discussions related to this process. If confirmed, I look forward to
    ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to
    carry out the full range of diplomatic activities, including engagement
    with the local communities and government leaders. My understanding is
    that reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not change our
    recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and the U.S. Embassy to
    Israel will remain in Jerusalem.

        Question. Do you believe that opening a Palestinian-facing
    consulate in Jerusalem in the absence of affirmative permission from
    the Israeli Government would constitute an erosion of their sovereignty
    over Jerusalem? If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the U.S.
    presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to carry out the full
    range of diplomatic activities, including engagement with the local
    communities and government leadership. The U.S. Government has been
    clear that our Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. The administration is
    committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. My
    understanding is that reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will
    not change our recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.

        Question. Do you believe that the opening of a Palestinian-facing
    consulate in Jerusalem would prejudice final status negotiations
    between the Israelis and the Palestinians? If not, why not?

        Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
    the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is
    the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be
    resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the
    Palestinians. The administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the
    U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem
    will not change our recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital. If
    confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care
    and sensitivity that they deserve.

    Energy
        Question. In January 2019, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Greece, Italy,
    Cyprus, and the Palestinian Authority established the East
    Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) headquartered in Cairo. The EMGF, an
    intergovernmental energy forum, knits together Eastern Mediterranean
    and Gulf countries, including through an Israeli-Cypriot-Greek
    pipeline. The forum members agree to work to formulate a common policy
    for the regional energy market.

       Do you support the efforts and objectives of the EMGF?

        Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
    opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum
    can help promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic
    prosperity throughout the region. If confirmed, I would build on the
    work between colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy
    Resources, and European Affairs to coordinate our engagement and am
    eager to learn more about the EMGF's announcement earlier this year
    that it plans to work with specialists to discuss and promote gas
    decarbonization. I would also take steps to align our other regional
    embassies to support this effort in the field so that we can advance
    cooperation, energy security and U.S. national interests.

        Question. Do you support the United States continued involvement
    within the EMFG?

        Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
    opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. If
    confirmed, I hope to continue U.S. involvement with the Eastern
    Mediterranean Gas Forum.

        Question. Do you support efforts by Israel and other regional
    partners to develop a sustainable natural gas infrastructure including
    through bilateral negotiations?

        Answer. I support the development of sustainable, secure, energy
    sources by Israel and other regional partners, including through
    bilateral negotiations. Natural gas discoveries have helped redefine
    relationships and increase energy security in the Eastern
    Mediterranean, and our partners building up capacity in renewable
    energy sources will further transform the energy landscape in this
    region.

        Question. Can you evaluate the impacts of the EMFG on advancing
    peace and cooperation between Israel and regional partners?

        Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
    opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum
    promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity
    and supports Israel's greater integration in the region.

        Question. Can you evaluate the impact that completing the EastMed
    pipeline would have on providing Europe with an alternative to Russian
    supplied gas?

        Answer. If completed, the EastMed Pipeline project could increase
    regional energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean, diversify
    Europe's energy supply, and aid in ensuring a more stable energy
    transition.

        Question. Do you support the continued development of the EastMed
    Pipeline?

        Answer. As I understand it, there are a number of regional energy
    projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under consideration, including
    the EastMed Pipeline. If confirmed, I would advocate for regional
    energy and electrical interconnections that have the potential to
    increase our partners' and allies' energy security, diversify energy
    supplies, and aid in ensuring more stable and sustainable energy
    transitions.

        Question. What impact do you think this energy forum has on
    regional dynamics, including those related to diplomatic, economic, and
    security?

        Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
    opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners and
    promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity
    in the region, which would help advance stability in the Eastern
    Mediterranean.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. After the United States implemented the Jerusalem Embassy
    Act of 1995 (Public Law 104-45)--including by formally recognizing
    Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel on December 6, 2017,
    and by relocating and opening the U.S. Embassy to Israel in Israel's
    capital city of Jerusalem on May 14, 2018--it also closed the U.S.
    Consulate General for the Palestinians and merged this Consulate
    General's functions into Embassy Jerusalem under the U.S. Ambassador to
    Israel's Chief of Mission authority. Do you agree that opening/
    reopening a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in
    particular, after the fact of U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's
    capital on December 6, 2017--would constitute a diminution of U.S.
    recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital?

        Answer. During the Trump administration, Secretary Pompeo
    determined and reported to Congress in 2019 that the U.S. Embassy in
    Jerusalem had officially opened, consistent with the requirements of
    the Jerusalem Embassy Act. I understand the administration is
    committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem as called
    for by the Act. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not
    affect that policy or walk back or change U.S. recognition of Jerusalem
    as Israel's capital.

        Question. Do you also agree that opening/reopening a U.S. consulate
    for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in particular, after the fact of
    U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017--
    would constitute a diminution of Israeli sovereignty? Please begin your
    answer with a yes or no.

        Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a
    final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
    Israel and the Palestinians. I understand the administration is
    committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening
    the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not change U.S. recognition of
    Jerusalem as Israel's capital. If confirmed, I will handle all issues
    related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. The Government of Israel--under then-Prime Minister
    Benjamin Netanyahu and now under Prime Minister Naftali Bennett--has
    consistently opposed the opening/reopening of a U.S. consulate for the
    Palestinians in Jerusalem after the United States recognized Jerusalem
    as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017, and relocated the U.S. Embassy
    to Jerusalem on May 14, 2018. Do you agree that the United States
    should not open/reopen a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in
    Jerusalem if the Government of Israel continues to oppose it? Please
    begin your response with a yes or no.

        Answer. The administration has also been clear, as am I, that our
    Embassy to Israel will remain in Jerusalem. If confirmed, I look
    forward to ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our
    Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
    including engagement with the local communities and government
    leadership. In May, Secretary Blinken stated ``the United States will
    be moving forward with the process to reopen our consulate in
    Jerusalem. That's an important way for our country to engage with and
    provide support for the Palestinian people.'' I understand that this is
    part of the administration's renewed engagement with the Palestinian
    people and leadership.

        Question. Since the change in presidential administrations, some
    U.S. Government officials at times have publicly resisted using the
    term ``Abraham Accords'' and instead insisted on only using the term
    ``normalization agreements.'' If confirmed, do you commit that you will
    refer to the historic agreements that normalized Israel's relations
    with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco by their
    name-the ``Abraham Accords?''

        Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration
    refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I
    certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.

        Question. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, you will have
    the opportunity to interact with both the UAE and Bahraini Ambassadors
    to Israel-in addition to potentially hosting delegations or meeting
    with diplomats from other countries normalizing or considering
    normalization with Israel. Will you commit to meet regularly with your
    Abraham Accords counterparts? What other steps will you take to
    continue Arab-Israeli normalization from your position?

        Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, the
    administration welcomes and strongly supports the Abraham Accords and
    normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
    Muslim world. I understand the Department is leading the U.S.
    Government's efforts, working with interagency partners, to deepen
    existing agreements and urge other countries to normalize relations
    with Israel.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with diplomatic colleagues
    in Israel, including those from countries that have recently
    established ties with Israel. I am committed to working with countries
    across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new
    ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
    Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
    disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in
    the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and
    Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
    state solution.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Robert Menendez

    Canada & China:
        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to deepen
    coordination with our Canadian allies and ensure that our two countries
    formulate a joint response to the challenges posed by China's coercive
    diplomacy? What would success look like to you two years from now?

        Answer. Consistent with the longstanding, strong bilateral
    relationship between Canada and the United States, I have observed that
    the United States and Canada have undertaken significant efforts in
    recent years to coordinate our engagement with the People's Republic of
    China (``PRC''). If confirmed, I would maintain regular contact with
    Canadian leadership to build on this progress and explore new avenues
    in our response to this significant challenge. Success in two years
    would see us having engaged in continued dialogue with Canada to
    identify and act on opportunities to develop a joint approach to the
    PRC that reflects our shared values and effectively pushes back on the
    PRC's problematic activities.

    Anomalous Health Incidents
        Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
    Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
    the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
    individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
    is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
    responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

       Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
            threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

        Answer. Yes, I agree that these incidents are serious and pose a
    threat to the health of U.S. personnel.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
    incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
    appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
    access to medical care?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that any such reported incident
    would be treated seriously and reported quickly through appropriate
    channels, and that affected individuals would receive prompt access to
    medical care.

        Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
    at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
    protocols are being followed?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that I would meet with medical
    staff and RSO at post to discuss any past incidents to ensure protocols
    are being followed.

    Canada and Refugees
        Question. Canadians are among our most reliable partners on refugee
    resettlement, implementing innovative government and privately
    sponsored resettlement programs that enable the world's most vulnerable
    to find safety quickly. The Canadian Government has committed to accept
    20,000 refugees from Afghanistan, adding to the tens of thousands they
    accepted from Syria, and the upwards of one million they've accepted
    since 1980. As conflicts become increasingly protracted and global
    challenges abound, the numbers of people in need of international
    protection will grow exponentially. Our partnership with Canada in
    anticipating and responding to new displacement-related needs will be
    critical.

       If confirmed, how would you seek to leverage Canada's experiences
            and deepen our collaboration with our Canadian partners on
            migration and protection issues?

        Answer. As one of our closest allies, we have worked with Canada
    hand-in-hand on many issues, including migration and refugees. If
    confirmed, I would maintain the robust work our countries have done in
    conjunction with President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau's Roadmap
    for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership on addressing the global
    migration crisis. Our countries share a commitment to providing safe
    haven to refugees, including through refugee resettlement. These
    commitments have been spotlighted recently with Afghan refugees. I
    applaud Canada's commitment to receive 20,000 Afghan refugees, 5,000 of
    whom are to be referred by the United States.
        Additionally, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
    our Canadian partners as they chair the MIRPS (Comprehensive Regional
    Protection and Solutions Framework) Support Platform under the theme of
    ``protection and empowerment of women and girls on the move'' to draw
    attention and support solutions to forced displacement in Mexico and
    Central America.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator James E. Risch

                               western hemisphere
    Canada-China Relations
        Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Canada-
    China relations?

        Answer. Canada-China relations reached their lowest point in 50
    years following both the PRC's arbitrary detention of Canadians Michael
    Kovrig and Michael Spavor in December 2018 and PRC bans on some
    Canadian agricultural exports in response to Canada's arrest of Meng
    Wanzhou on a U.S. extradition request in December 2018. Canada's
    relations with the PRC remain strained.

        Question. Please explain how you would recommend the United States
    work to address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and
    security influence in the Western Hemisphere and the world at large.

        Answer. If confirmed, taking advantage of the historically strong
    bilateral relationship between Canada and the United States, I would
    continue to explore ways to work with Canada to more closely align our
    approaches to Beijing, including to address the challenges the PRC
    presents to our collective interest and to the international rules-
    based order in our hemisphere and around the world. I would work to
    coordinate our policies pursuant to the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-
    Canada Partnership, including when dealing with the PRC's coercive and
    unfair economic practices, national security challenges, and human
    rights abuses, while cooperating on areas where it is in our interest,
    such as on the climate crisis.

        Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the
    Canadian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of
    China to international norms.

        Answer. The Canadian people appear to have a clear understanding of
    the challenges posed by the PRC, from its arbitrary detention of
    Canadian citizens to its use of economic coercion in trade to its
    intimidation of ethnic Chinese, Uyghur, and Tibetan communities in
    Canada. If confirmed, I plan to have significant interactions with
    Canadians and I would have frank conversations with Canadians about how
    the United States and Canada could work even more closely, bilaterally
    and multilaterally, to face the challenges the PRC poses to
    international norms.

        Question. Please explain how the United States and Canada could
    enhance cooperation to counter Chinese disinformation, influence
    operations, academic espionage, and propaganda efforts.

        Answer. These PRC efforts impact the United States, Canada, and
    many of our like-minded allies and partners. If confirmed, building on
    the historically strong bilateral relationship between Canada and the
    United States, I would work to increase cooperation with Canada and
    other likeminded countries to counter these PRC campaigns through joint
    actions, exchange of best practices, and multilateral initiatives.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize collaborative
    initiatives to implement the January 9, 2020 U.S.-Canada Joint Action
    Plan on Critical Minerals Development Collaboration?

        Answer. As part of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada
    Partnership, President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau agreed to
    strengthen the U.S.-Canada Critical Minerals Action Plan to target a
    net-zero industrial transformation, batteries for zero-emissions
    vehicles, and renewable energy storage. If confirmed, I would look to
    the Roadmap to guide my priorities as Ambassador, including efforts to
    strengthen the U.S.-Canada Critical Minerals Action Plan, as well as
    related efforts to build the necessary supply chains to make the United
    States and Canada global leaders in all aspects of battery development
    and production.

        Question. Canada is the only member of the Five Eyes that has not
    formally barred or restricted use of equipment from Huawei in its
    telecommunication networks. Please explain what impact the presence of
    untrustworthy technologies, such as those from Huawei would have to our
    bilateral cooperation with Canada.

        Answer. The United States understands the promise of 5G wireless
    networks, and governments and telecom operators need to prioritize
    security when building their 5G infrastructure. United States technical
    experts assess that the risk of allowing untrustworthy suppliers'
    equipment anywhere in 5G networks cannot be sufficiently mitigated; the
    United States is, therefore, removing untrustworthy equipment from its
    own government and private sector communications networks. Other
    governments, including the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand
    have come to the same conclusion. If confirmed, I would help carry out
    the U.S. Government commitment to ensure that U.S. telecommunications
    networks do not use equipment from untrusted vendors.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about
    the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Canada?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would convey the need for governments and
    telecom operators to prioritize security when building 5G
    infrastructure. Through conversations with the Canadian Government,
    public, and business community, I would stress that allowing untrusted
    telecommunications suppliers to participate in or control any part of a
    5G network creates unacceptable risks to national security, the
    integrity of critical infrastructure, privacy, and human rights.

        Question. Please describe the impact on privacy, censorship, and
    human rights from the inclusion of communication networks and supply
    chains with equipment and services from companies with close ties to or
    susceptible to pressure from governments or security services without
    reliable legal checks on governmental powers.

        Answer. Countries and citizens need to be able to trust that 5G
    equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national
    security, privacy, or human rights. Trust cannot exist where
    information and communications technology and services vendors are
    subject to control by authoritarian governments, like the PRC, which
    lacks an independent judiciary or democratic checks and balances to
    protect companies and consumers and has a long track record of using
    access to data to surveil, harass, and otherwise crack down on its
    dissidents and to enabling other authoritarian governments to do the
    same. Like-minded countries, companies, and civil society groups can
    and must work together to address these threats.

    U.S.-Canada Border Closures
        Question. In August, Canada lifted its travel restrictions on
    Americans that are vaccinated or have a negative COVID-19 test result.
    On September 20, the Biden administration extended restrictions on land
    travel from Canada for at least another month, while lifting air travel
    restrictions for travelers from around the world who have been
    vaccinated or tested negative for COVID-19.

        Answer. Acknowledged, and noted as context for the question that
    follows.

        Question. Please explain your understanding of the reasons behind
    the different approaches to U.S. restrictions on land travel versus air
    travel from Canada.

        Answer. I understand the difficult impacts on United States border
    communities and their residents of COVID-based travel restrictions. I
    also understand the health-based justifications for those restrictions.
    I also understand that decisions regarding travel restrictions are made
    with advice from public health and medical experts, who consult
    regularly with their Canadian counterparts. These decisions are made to
    decrease the spread of COVID-19, especially emergent variants. If
    confirmed, I would coordinate closely with the White House, relevant
    U.S. agencies, and Congress on our policies to protect our borders and
    citizens, and to facilitate cross-border traffic and commercial
    activities to the extent possible.

        Question. In your opinion, does the divergent approach to air and
    land travel with Canada constitutes sound policy?

        Answer. I believe that decisions regarding the health, safety, and
    welfare of the United States and its citizens are best left to our
    public health and medical experts.

        Question. What is your understanding of the economic and emotional
    hardship northern border closures are placing on American border
    communities?

        Answer. I empathize with those who face challenges as a result of
    the ongoing border restrictions. I understand that some U.S. citizens,
    their families, and businesses do not fall under the essential travel
    exemptions and may have experienced social and economic challenges. I
    want to emphasize that I share the desire of many fellow Americans to
    resume normal cross-border travel as soon as possible, once public
    health and medical professionals deem it safe to do so.

        Question. Do you agree that the Biden administration should pursue
    a more consistent approach to air and land travel from Canada?

        Answer. I believe we should resume normal cross-border travel as
    soon as U.S. public health professionals conclude it is safe to do so.
    I trust their recommendations and know that decisions regarding travel
    are made with our safety in mind. If confirmed, I would prioritize the
    safety and security of U.S. citizens in all aspects of my duties.

    Arctic
        Question. Please explain how the United States and Canada can
    revitalize cooperation on continental defense and in the Arctic,
    including the modernization of the North American Aerospace Defense
    Command (NORAD) to effectively defend the Northern Hemisphere against
    the range of threats by peer competitors.

        Answer. As a close and strategically located ally, Canada plays an
    indispensable role in promoting our common defense, especially in the
    Arctic. If confirmed, I would underscore in interactions with Canadian
    officials the strategic importance of NORAD to our mutual continental
    defense and emphasize the urgent need to bolster our aerospace defense
    through modernization efforts - efforts which Canada has embraced.
    Regarding Canada's Future Fighter Capabilities Project, I would
    continue U.S. efforts to advocate for a U.S. solution that would
    provide Canada with world-class defense technology at the best value
    while also supporting continued interoperability in our collective
    defense of Northern America.

        Question. Please explain your views on the growing Chinese and
    Russian presence in the Arctic region.

        Answer. Both Russia and the PRC have increased their activities in
    the Arctic in recent years, the latter going so far as to declare
    itself a ``near Arctic state'' and publicizing its objective of
    extending its Belt and Road Initiative into the Arctic. While
    investment in the Arctic is expected as climate change makes the region
    more accessible, such investment must be transparent, adhere to
    existing international law and practice, and support the needs of the
    peoples of the region. Neither Russia nor the PRC has been transparent
    about its operations in the Arctic, and both are eager to advance their
    interests. At the same time, Russia has indicated willingness to engage
    in discussions on our concerns, agreeing at the June Presidential
    Summit in Geneva to further discuss the Northern Sea Route and improved
    coordination between our respective Coast Guards. If confirmed, I would
    work to strengthen our ability to deter attempts by Russia and the PRC
    to constrain the United States and our allies, including in the Arctic.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate the need to
    heighten deterrence capabilities in the Arctic?

        Answer. The Arctic is a strategic space in which U.S. and Canadian
    capabilities may be put to the test and in which our need to
    communicate credible deterrence is critical. This is another space
    where joint communication and action by the United States and Canada
    will send a more powerful signal. If confirmed, I would consult closely
    with the Department of Defense and others among the interagency to
    ensure we are conveying the full spectrum of our concerns, with
    supporting information, to our Canadian allies.

    U.S.-Canada Border Security
        Question. Last year, the CBP seizures of illicit narcotics along
    the Canadian border were up 1,000 percent. CBP seized nearly 40,000
    pounds of marijuana across 16 ports of entry worth between $100 million
    and $120 million. There are concerns about increases in illicit
    trafficking of drugs through the border between the U.S. and Canada.
    How should the U.S. and Canada work together to better address these
    threats to prevent transnational criminal activity?

        Answer. The U.S.-Canada Joint Action Plan on Opioids was launched
    in Washington on January 31, 2020. On February 23, 2021, President
    Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau recommitted to the U.S.-Canada Joint
    Action Plan on Opioids as part of the larger Roadmap for a U.S.-Canada
    Renewed Partnership jointly issued by both leaders.
        If confirmed, I would build on close bilateral relationship between
    Canada and the United States and the good progress our countries have
    made on the joint action plan to combat opioids, and I would work
    closely with our Canadian counterparts to address the issue of the flow
    of illicit drugs over the border.
        While the COVID-19 pandemic has presented numerous challenges,
    project sub-groups focused on law enforcement, border security, and
    health meet regularly. The Working Group meets quarterly, and the
    Steering Committee meets bi-annually. I applaud the great work our
    respective countries have made to address this important issue, and I
    would support this action plan at every appropriate opportunity.

    NATO
        Question. Canada plans to increase its defense spending by 73
    percent over ten years to reach C$32.7 billion ($25.2b) in 2026-2027.
    If implemented, Canada's total defense spending as a percentage of GDP
    would reach 1.4 percent in 2024-2025, which would fall well short of
    NATO's recommended 2 percent of GDP level. How do you see your role as
    Ambassador, if confirmed, to encourage Canada to adhere to its 2
    percent commitment at NATO?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would engage Canada's leadership to clarify
    the intent behind our security priorities, the underlying concerns that
    drive those priorities, and our position regarding equitable and
    sufficient contributions to NATO.

        Question. Do you agree with Canada's counterargument that the
    countries' contributions to the alliance should be measured more by
    capabilities and the troops they provide over their defense expenditure
    as a percentage of GDP? How would you react to this if confirmed as
    Ambassador?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would express appreciation for Canada's
    notable contributions to security in the hemisphere and globally
    (including through NATO), I would note how both our countries'
    interests have been undermined by the actions of third parties, and I
    would underscore that a robust and concerted response to these threats
    and challenges is required. Such a response must necessarily include
    funding as well as capabilities and troops.

        Question. In what ways can the U.S. and Canada work better together
    in NATO engagements?

        Answer. Our defense cooperation with Canada is one of the most
    comprehensive security relationships globally and comprises both
    bilateral and multilateral arrangements. If confirmed, I would ensure
    U.S. security interests concerning NATO are conveyed and advanced as
    part of the U.S. Mission's bilateral engagement plan. Additionally, I
    would engage Canada's leadership to clarify the intent behind U.S.
    security decisions, and I would regularly solicit Canada's input for
    how best to further strengthen the NATO alliance.

    USMCA (United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement)
        Question. What's your assessment of Canada's implementation of
    USMCA? What challenges do you foresee in USMCA implementation and how
    would you use your role as Ambassador to encourage Canada to rectify
    these issues?

        Answer. Canada continues to work toward meeting its obligations
    under the USMCA, though challenges remain. If confirmed, I will work to
    further Canada's compliance with USMCA issues impacting dairy quotas,
    automotive trade, and digital services, among other topics. We will put
    the interests of American workers and businesses at the forefront of
    our foreign policy.

    Trade Disputes
        Question. The United States has longstanding disputes with Canada
    over softwood lumber imports. U.S. industry contends that Canada
    unfairly subsidizes its lumber by providing cheap access to public
    land. Softwood lumber is now in its fifth iteration of litigation. If
    confirmed as Ambassador, how would you work to ensure U.S. industry
    interests are represented?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the United States
    interagency and industry to ensure fair treatment for U.S. softwood
    lumber producers. Because this remains an active litigation matter, I
    am unable to comment further.

    Energy
        Question. The Biden administration cancelled the Keystone XL
    pipeline's border crossing presidential permit in January 2021, which
    would have moved up to 830,000 barrels of crude daily. Canadian
    Government officials have expressed disappointment with President
    Biden's decision. Do you agree with President Biden's decision to
    revoke the permit?

        Answer. Canada remains the top energy partner of the United States.
    I understand we have a robust trading relationship and shared energy
    infrastructure. Tackling the existential threat of the climate crisis
    requires, as the President's Executive Order of January 20 stated,
    action on a scale and at a speed commensurate with the need to avoid
    setting the world on a dangerous and potentially catastrophic climate
    trajectory. The world must be put on a sustainable climate pathway to
    protect Americans and the domestic economy from harmful climate
    impacts, and to create well-paying jobs as part of the climate
    solution. If confirmed, I would support President Biden's efforts to
    restore American leadership in the fight against climate change and to
    help position our nation to be the global leader in clean energy and
    jobs, while continuing to respect the strong energy partnership between
    Canada and the United States.

        Question. What negative implications does the cancelation of the
    Keystone XL pipeline have on the bilateral U.S.-Canada energy
    relationship? What about the broader bilateral relationship?

        Answer. President Biden spoke with Canadian Prime Minister Justin
    Trudeau in his first call to a foreign leader as President of the
    United States only two days after the cancelation of the permit for the
    Keystone XL pipeline. While President Biden acknowledged Prime Minister
    Trudeau's disappointment regarding the decision to rescind the permit,
    he reaffirmed his commitment to maintain an active bilateral dialogue
    and to further deepen cooperation with Canada. During the call, both
    leaders highlighted the strategic importance of the U.S.-Canada
    relationship and the desire to reinvigorate bilateral cooperation on an
    ambitious and wide-ranging agenda, including combating the COVID-19
    pandemic, strengthening economic ties, defense, and global leadership
    to address the pressing challenge of climate change. The continuing
    strength of our relationship was further demonstrated with the issuance
    of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership in February.

        Question. Do you think this decision has casted doubt among
    Canadians of the U.S. as a long-term reliable energy partner?

        Answer. No. Following President Biden's decision to rescind the
    permit for the Keystone XL pipeline, Prime Minister Trudeau welcomed
    the President's decisions to rejoin the Paris Agreement and to place a
    temporary moratorium on all oil and natural gas leasing activities in
    the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, noting, ``I look forward to
    working with President Biden to reduce pollution, combat climate
    change, fight COVID-19, create middle class jobs, and build back better
    by supporting a sustainable economic recovery for everyone.'' The
    United States and Canada are working together to increase the scale and
    speed of action to address the climate crisis and support the
    transition to a net-zero clean energy future. If confirmed, I would
    support these goals in the course of my duties.

        Question. If confirmed, where does North American energy security
    would fall on your list of priorities as U.S. Ambassador to Canada?

        Answer. Energy security is an important priority. President Biden
    and Prime Minister Trudeau recognized the important energy security
    benefits of our bilateral energy relationship and its highly integrated
    infrastructure as part of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada
    Partnership. President Biden's Build Back Better agenda also highlights
    the importance of creating clean energy jobs as part of our economic
    recovery. If confirmed, I would focus on President Biden's priorities
    for the bilateral relationship as highlighted in the Roadmap, including
    the importance of energy security in the bilateral energy relationship.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you work to promote American and
    North American energy security?

        Answer. President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau have pledged to
    work together to build on the countries' strong energy security
    partnership, including in the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S. Canada
    Partnership and to strengthen action towards a net-zero clean energy
    future. If confirmed, I would work to support this vision by
    communicating often and openly with Canadian counterparts on their
    energy plans, by identifying areas for deeper collaboration between our
    respective governments, and by looking for investment opportunities for
    U.S. companies.

    Foreign Assistance
        Question. In what areas do you see the greatest opportunity for
    U.S-Canadian cooperation in foreign assistance?

        Answer. A top priority of the United States and Canada is to end
    the COVID-19 pandemic and support global health security by working
    together to support global affordable access to and delivery of COVID-
    19 vaccines, including through the COVAX Facility. The United States
    and Canada cooperate closely in multilateral groups to raise global
    climate ambition, including through increased pledges of climate-
    related assistance to developing countries. Consistent with our shared
    values, the United States and Canada promote diversity and inclusion in
    our foreign assistance, particularly in support of gender equality
    through equal rights for women and girls.

        Question. Canada is considered to be a ``strong supporter'' of the
    Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and even hosted
    the Fund's fifth replenishment conference in 2016. Still, Canada has
    provided roughly $2.5 in contributions to the Fund since 2002, while
    the United States has provided over $17.6 billion. Similarly, Canada is
    considered to be an ``anchor'' donor to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, as
    well as to the Gavi-led COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access initiative
    (COVAX). Canada has provided $842 million in contributions for Gavi
    since 2002 and $545 million for COVAX, while the United States has
    provided over $4.4 billion and $3.5 billion, respectively. If
    confirmed, how will you encourage Canada to take on a larger proportion
    of contributions for the Global Fund, Gavi, and COVAX? Do you consider
    this a priority?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to prioritize the issues highlighted
    in the bilateral Roadmap, of which fighting COVID-19 is first and
    foremost. Efforts to support global health security remain a top
    priority for both the United States and Canada, as demonstrated by
    Prime Minister Trudeau's participation at the Global COVID-19 Summit,
    hosted by President Biden on September 22, 2021. Both the United States
    and Canada have agreed to strengthen existing pandemic preparedness
    platforms and arrangements and to work to improve international
    institutions, including the World Health Organization and the Pan
    American Health Organization.

        Question. How will you encourage the Canadian Government to help
    finance international pandemic preparedness and response more broadly?
    What levers does the United States have? Are you willing to use them?

        Answer. Through the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership,
    Canada has committed to strengthening international pandemic
    preparedness as a top priority. If confirmed, I would work closely with
    Canadian counterparts to drive progress on our shared priorities,
    including efforts to support increased global health security.

    Venezuela
        Question. Canada has taken a series of multilateral and bilateral
    actions in support of the Venezuelan people and to weaken the
    illegitimate Maduro regime.

       If confirmed, in what ways would you encourage Canada to take
            heightened action against the corrupt and illegitimate Maduro
            regime?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Canada to continue to
    coordinate with the United States and other international partners to
    maintain and increase pressure on the Maduro regime, as appropriate. I
    would do this by seeking avenues to further isolate Maduro
    internationally, call attention to the regime's human rights abuses,
    and through the application of additional targeted sanctions, if
    warranted.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Canadian
    Government to maintain support for the Guaido-led democratic forces as
    legitimate representative of Venezuela at the Organization of American
    States?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the Canadian Government to
    maintain support for the Guaido-led democratic forces as the legitimate
    representatives of Venezuela at the Organization of American States.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Canadian
    Government to maintain sanctions on the Maduro regime until there is a
    credible transition to democratic order in Venezuela?

        Answer. Canada has implemented significant sanctions against the
    regime to date. If confirmed, I would seek continued support from
    Canada to maintain coordinated pressure against Maduro -including
    through sanctions- until there is a credible process underway to
    restore democracy, rule of law, and human rights in Venezuela.

    Nicaragua
        Question. Canada has issued sanctions related to Nicaragua in
    response to the gross and systematic human rights violations that have
    been committed by the Ortega regime against Nicaraguan people. In what
    ways would you encourage Canada to put further pressure on the Ortega
    regime?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Canada to remain linked up
    with international efforts to further pressure the Ortega regime. I
    would also encourage Canada to continue to take a leadership role in
    the Organization of American States, where it has been instrumental in
    crafting previous joint statements denouncing the Ortega-Murillo
    regime.

                state department management and public diplomacy
    Mission Canada
        Question. Mission Canada has been under enormous stress over the
    past few years with management issuesand COVID.

       What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Canada?

        Answer. Based on the experience of this nomination process, I
    understand our mission in Canada to be staffed by hard-working civil
    servants, foreign service officers and specialists, uniformed military
    personnel, and locally employed staff. Respecting the limitations of my
    role as a nominee, I have not had any personal contact with Mission
    Canada. If confirmed, one of my first priorities would be to assess the
    morale of these dedicated staff members at the embassy and at our
    constituent posts.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
    Canada?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would consult at the start of my tenure
    with key managers at U.S. Embassy Ottawa and at all our constituent
    posts to determine where the strengths and weaknesses of the mission
    are in terms of morale. I would make the maintenance of strong morale a
    priority in my role as Ambassador.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across Mission Canada?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would consult closely with the Canada
    country desk, with others at State and across the interagency, and with
    Congress on priorities for our relationship with Canada. In Canada, I
    would consult with embassy and constituent post staff to solicit a full
    range of inputs and opinions, and I would encourage all to speak
    frankly. I would refer to the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada
    Partnership to inform my vision for Mission Canada, and I would build
    on priorities and lines of effort in Mission Canada's current
    Integrated Country Strategy.
    Management
        Question. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I would describe my management style as collaborative and
    respectful. I consider myself to be an accessible and communicative
    leader. I believe in communicating expectations clearly and in
    providing constructive feedback as required.

        Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
    to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
    your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

        Answer. As noted above, I understand our mission in Canada to be
    staffed by dedicated civil servants, foreign service officers and
    specialists, uniformed military personnel, and locally employed staff.
    I have the utmost respect for their work and for what they do every day
    on behalf of the American people. If confirmed, this respect would be
    the foundation for my management of the complex operations of Mission
    Canada. I have had the experience of working with similarly well
    motivated career (civil service) employees when I served as Chief of
    Staff in the Philadelphia City government. In order to accomplish the
    Mission's goals, I would prioritize securing appropriate resources for
    the Mission, commensurate with the importance of the U.S.-Canada
    relationship.

        Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
    you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
    themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
    intend to do so?

        Answer. I agree with this approach. No leader can be successful if
    he or she lacks understanding of the organization's operations or
    workplace culture. If confirmed, I would commit to understand the
    Mission's operations and culture across the full spectrum of employees
    in Ottawa and at the constituent posts. As a manager and leader, I
    believe strongly in meeting and interacting with a wide swath of the
    employees in the Embassy and in being accessible and communicative.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. No. Respect for subordinates is an essential leadership
    trait.

        Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
    chief of mission?

        Answer. The deputy chief of mission (DCM) plays a key role in
    ensuring that the Mission's priorities are pursued properly and that
    the Mission's functions are carried out smoothly. The DCM is also a
    wealth of institutional knowledge about the bilateral relationship and
    the workings of the State Department and the interagency. If confirmed,
    I would seek to complement the DCM's experience with my leadership of
    the Mission.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would seek the advice of the DCM on how
    best to engage with Canada to pursue U.S. interests, how to solicit
    required resources so that the Mission may fully pursue these
    interests, and how best to support Mission staff in the completion of
    their duties.

    Local Interaction
        Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.

       In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
            walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. Diplomats are most successful when they are able to allot
    ample time and are sufficiently resourced to engage directly and
    regularly with host country and host government contacts. If confirmed,
    I would support and prioritize my own engagement and staff engagement
    with their contacts to the maximum extent possible, consistent with
    Canada's current public health advice.

        Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would assess if the Mission had adequate
    resources to pursue U.S. interests and accomplish its goals, including
    the ability of our diplomats to access a sufficiently representative
    cross section of the local population. If these resources were lacking,
    I would work with my DCM and others to determine how best to fulfill
    our needs.

    Public Diplomacy
        Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Canada?
    What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

        Answer. The bilateral relationship between Canada and the United
    States is strong and productive, with deep, historic ties. Although
    Canadians see the bilateral relationship as vitally important, public
    opinion polling in 2021 showed Canadians perceived the state of
    relations between Canada and the United States with mixed feelings. To
    address this challenge, Mission Canada works to reinforce our shared
    values and goals, including our commitment to combat the COVID-19
    pandemic, building back our economies in environmentally sustainable
    and socially inclusive ways, accelerating climate ambitions, advancing
    diversity and inclusion, bolstering security and defense, and building
    global alliances. Continuing to pursue these objectives, and to
    communicate our commitment and work on these issues would be a top
    priority if I am confirmed.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. The U.S. Mission in Canada conducts public diplomacy
    activities through its eight posts across Canada. Main State, through
    bureaus like Global Public Affairs, Western Hemisphere Affairs, and the
    Global Engagement Center, provides overall policy guidance and general
    messaging. Each post tailors messaging to its audience based on daily
    interactions with the Canadian public.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Canada's Participation in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly
        Question. As Ambassador to Canada, how would you lead the U.S.
    Embassy to work with the newly-elected Canadian members of the
    Parliamentary Assembly to become active in the OSCE PA?

        Answer. Our shared democratic heritage, including the regular
    election of legislative bodies to represent our populations, is a
    foundational aspect of the bilateral relationship between Canada and
    the United States. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to
    build strong connections with members of Canada's Parliament, in
    particular those newly elected on September 20. Canada participated in
    its 29th Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA) on June
    30 to July 6. If confirmed, I would encourage further inter-
    parliamentary dialogue through vigorous engagement with
    parliamentarians. I would also encourage active Canadian participation
    in OSCE PA meetings, committees, and election observation activities to
    advance our shared goals of promoting security, prosperity, and
    democracy in the OSCE region.

        Question. I also authored a law directing the State Department to
    seek to build out a parliamentary assembly in the OAS. How would you
    propose that Canada help to support this initiative?

        Answer. The United States and Canada both have a long history of
    supporting parliamentary exchanges. The Canadian Section of
    ParlAmericas is one of the 35 members of ParlAmericas, an institution
    that promotes Parliamentary Diplomacy in the Inter-American System. The
    international Secretariat of ParlAmericas is incorporated in Canada and
    remains the only interparliamentary forum to have its headquarters
    located in Ottawa.
        If confirmed, I would cite past successes and promote the value of
    parliamentary exchanges, and I would encourage counterparts and
    legislators in Canada to continue to support a parliamentary assembly
    in the OAS comprising elected legislators.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Todd Young

        Question. The Trudeau Government has stated it supports upgrading
    its equipment to strengthen NORAD, including purchasing more than 80
    fighter aircraft. Yet the procurement process has been delayed for more
    than a decade, raising questions about Canada's political commitment to
    NORAD. What message would you communicate to the Government of Canada
    regarding NORAD and our shared aerospace defense?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would build on our robust relationship and
    our frank engagement with Canada to underscore the strategic importance
    of the role NORAD plays in our continental defense, and the urgency
    with which Canada should bolster its contribution to our shared
    aerospace defense. In my engagement with Canada, I would further
    highlight the indispensable role we need Canada to play in promoting
    our common defense due to its position as a close ally and a
    strategically located neighbor. Regarding Canada's Future Fighter
    Capabilities Project, I would continue U.S efforts to advocate for a
    U.S. solution to offer world-class defense technology at the best value
    in support of continued interoperability in defense of Northern
    America.

        Question. How do you view our defense cooperation with Canada?
    Given our recent diplomatic tension with France and other allies over
    questions of defense cooperation, what steps will you take if confirmed
    to reassure Canada about our enduring commitment?

        Answer. Our defense cooperation with Canada is one of the most
    comprehensive security relationships in the world and comprises both
    bilateral and multilateral arrangements. If confirmed, I would ensure
    U.S. security interests are fully represented in the U.S. Mission's
    engagement. Additionally, I would engage Canada's leadership to clarify
    the intent behind our security decisions, and I would regularly solicit
    Canada's input for how best to strengthen our alliance even further.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator Robert Menendez

    Economic Stability
        Question. Costa Rica's remarkable economic growth over the past
    quarter of a century has been made possible through the strength of its
    democratic institutions, its openness to foreign investment, and
    steadfast adherence to environmental and humanitarian principles.
    Although Costa Rica still has one of the lowest poverty rates in the
    region, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a severe impact on the country's
    tourism-dependent economy.
       Given these setbacks, if confirmed as our ambassador in Costa Rica
            what would be your top priorities over the next year to help
            the country recover from the pandemic and build resiliency
            against future potential economic shocks?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our economic
    partnership, which supports prosperity in both Costa Rica and the
    United States. In the short term, I will support Costa Rica's efforts
    to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, which has created a significant
    retraction of the economy, as it has in the region. Additionally, with
    respect to economic resiliency, I will strongly support efforts to
    expand bilateral trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). I will
    encourage Costa Rica to follow through on commitments for governmental
    and economic reforms, which will lead to a more sustainable path toward
    prosperity. I will also urge Costa Rica to leverage its recent
    accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
    to align itself even more closely with standards that will help it
    attract investment from U.S. firms and create quality employment.
    Lastly, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to ensure that post-
    pandemic growth is inclusive, creating opportunities in tourism and
    other key sectors for all its citizens.

    Anomalous Health Incidents
        Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
    Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
    the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
    individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
    is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
    responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

       Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
            threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

        Answer. Absolutely. There is nothing I take more seriously than the
    health and security of the people who will be working with me. The
    interagency community is actively examining a range of hypotheses but
    has not yet made a determination about the cause of the AHIs or whether
    they can be attributed to a foreign actor. AHIs have been a top
    priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health
    Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
    communication with its workforce, provide care for affected employees
    and family members, and better protect against these events in the
    future.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
    incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
    appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
    access to medical care?

        Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that
    employees, who report a possible AHI, receive immediate and appropriate
    attention and care and that the incident is reported through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
    at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
    protocols are being followed?

        Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
    seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
    working at U.S. Embassy San Jose.
    Migration
        Question. Costa Rica has a long tradition of welcoming asylum
    seekers. As of the end of 2020, Costa Rica hosted nearly 122,000 people
    of concern to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
    Already in 2021, nearly 23,000 people have applied for asylum in the
    country, mainly citizens fleeing oppression in Nicaragua.

       Dr. Telles, in your view, how important is it for the United States
            to support Costa Rica's humanitarian efforts and what will you
            do as our ambassador to further these efforts?

        Answer. Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing access to
    international protection for refugees and asylum seekers and welcoming
    vulnerable migrants and guest workers from Nicaragua, Venezuela,
    Colombia, and elsewhere. We anticipate Costa Rica will continue to
    support Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers, which are likely to
    increase as a function of upcoming elections. If confirmed, I will work
    closely with Costa Rica to further our cooperation on migration and to
    assess the need to increase capacity to welcome refugees and asylum
    seekers.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Please describe the evolving Chinese presence in Costa
    Rica since President Solis switched diplomatic relations from Taiwan to
    the People's Republic of China in 2007.

        Answer. Costa Rica was the first Central American country to
    recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2007. The countries
    signed a free trade agreement in 2011 and a bilateral investment treaty
    in 2016, but the economic relationship remains very limited. Foreign
    direct investment (FDI) from the PRC in Costa Rica is small, topping
    $10 million only once in the last decade and never exceeding one
    percent of total FDI inflows. Large PRC-backed infrastructure projects
    have been marred by delays or outright cancelations. Nonetheless, there
    are efforts to increase public diplomacy and to expand the PRC's
    economic presence in specific areas, including telecommunications.

        Question. Please describe any efforts by the PRC to build relations
    with legislators and local government officials in Costa Rica.

        Answer. My understanding is that the PRC has actively built
    relations with legislators and local government officials in Costa Rica
    to build support for PRC-backed infrastructure projects, which have
    been marred by delays or outright cancelations. The PRC has also
    attempted to make inroads with local officials through offers of
    monitoring and communications technology for municipalities.

        Question. Please describe what would be your approach to countering
    Chinese influence in Costa Rica, if confirmed.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously promote the United States
    as Costa Rica's steadfast partner, emphasizing our common democratic
    values and strong track record of success. I will communicate to the
    Costa Rican Government the security risks to Costa Rica's
    telecommunications infrastructure of allowing PRC-backed vendors to
    participate in or control its networks. I will also call attention to
    the poor-quality and costly infrastructure projects financed by the PRC
    and promote high-standard and transparent investment by the United
    States and our partners. I would also continue to support ongoing
    Embassy efforts to build strong relations and security programs with
    local governments, which have already served as effective counterpoints
    to the PRC's efforts to increase its influence in Costa Rican
    municipalities.

        Question. Do you agree that the presence of Huawei in Costa Rica is
    concerning, especially as Costa Rica transitions to 5G?

        Answer. The presence of equipment from untrustworthy vendors, such
    as Huawei, in any country's telecommunications networks is concerning.
    Allowing high-risk suppliers like Huawei to participate in or control
    any part of a 5G network, or nationwide broadband networks, creates
    risks to national security, critical infrastructure, and privacy. If
    confirmed, I will lead Embassy San Jose's ongoing efforts to engage
    with Costa Rica on the risks posed by PRC-backed 5G network providers
    and to encourage the use of only trustworthy vendors in the information
    and communications technology ecosystem.

        Question. Costa Rica participates in China's Belt and Road
    Initiative (BRI) with the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC)
    undertaking upgrades and widening works for is primary national route
    (Route 32), costing US$465 million. Please describe U.S. concerns with
    the Belt and Road Initiative, including in Costa Rica.

        Answer. The United States remains concerned about infrastructure
    projects built under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), including its
    efforts in Costa Rica. In many countries, the PRC uses investment under
    the BRI and diplomatic engagement to create dependency on PRC
    resources. In Costa Rica, efforts include the PRC's donation of a $100
    million national soccer stadium (2011) and subsequent donation of $11
    million to modernize the stadium (2018), as well as a multimillion-
    dollar contribution towards the construction of a police academy. Other
    large public investments in Costa Rica have not been successful. The
    financing and construction of the Route 32 highway expansion has been
    marred by delays, poor planning, and poor budgeting. If confirmed, I
    will work to maintain the United States' position as Costa Rica's
    economic partner of choice and trusted ally by emphasizing our
    geographic proximity, common democratic values, and strong track record
    of success.
        According to the U.N. Refugee Agency, more than 108,000 Nicaraguans
    have fled the repression of the Ortega-Murillo regime in Nicaragua
    since 2018, mainly to the United States and Costa Rica. Nearly 23,000
    Nicaraguans have sought asylum in Costa Rica in 2021 alone.

        Question. Do you agree that the Ortega/Murillo regime in Nicaragua
    has become a source of significant instability in Central America, and
    for Costa Rica specifically?

        Answer. Yes. The Ortega-Murillo Government's repression has
    contributed to instability in Central America and a dramatic increase
    in Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers. The Ortega-Murillo regime
    has taken actions that undermine respect for human rights and
    exacerbate fear and insecurity, thus, fueling surges in migration.
    Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing protection to asylum
    seekers, refugees, and vulnerable migrants, including a great number of
    Nicaraguans. If confirmed, I will work with Costa Rica and our
    international organization partners to increase their capacity to
    process asylum seekers and refugees and to provide protection to
    vulnerable Nicaraguans.

        Question. The Ortega-Murillo regime of Nicaragua continues to
    receive international financing by the Central American Bank for
    Economic Integration (CABEI), despite the instability it generates in
    Central America.

        Answer. I understand that the amount of CABEI financing that
    benefits the Ortega-Murillo Government is disproportionate,
    particularly given the many challenges we are addressing in Central
    America. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to encourage
    Costa Rica to oppose any funding from CABEI that would go toward
    sustaining the Nicaraguan Government while it represses its people and
    undermines democracy and human rights.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with Costa Rica to
    ensure that any loan or assistance provided by CABEI to Nicaragua is
    administered through entities with full technical, administrative, and
    financial independence from the Ortega-Murillo regime?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to
    encourage CABEI members to halt financing that directly benefits the
    Ortega-Murillo Government. If confirmed, I will encourage CABEI
    members, particularly Costa Rica, to explore ways to structure projects
    and work through non-governmental organizations and implementers, in
    order to ensure that financing more directly benefits the Nicaraguan
    people rather than the repressive Ortega-Murillo Government.
        In March 2020, the U.S. indicted Nicolas Maduro and 14 current and
    former Venezuelan officials for allegedly partnering with the FARC to
    use cocaine as a weapon to ``flood'' the United States.

        Question. Do the actions by the Maduro regime related to
    transnational criminal activities undermine U.S. counternarcotic and
    law enforcement cooperation with Costa Rica?

        Answer. We are concerned about the Maduro regime's transnational
    criminal activities and their impacts across the region. Costa Rica has
    become a major transshipment hub for South American cocaine headed to
    the United States, and it is used by transnational criminal
    organizations for trafficking both narcotics and people through Central
    America and Mexico. Therefore, sustaining support of Costa Rica's
    security forces with training, equipment, and infrastructure will be
    key to ensuring their continued success in combating transnational
    crime. If confirmed, I will continue the strong U.S. support to bolster
    Costa Rica's capacity to be our partner in these efforts.

        Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between
    transnational criminal organizations and human smuggling/trafficking
    across Central America and Mexico.

        Answer. Transnational criminal organizations fund their activities
    by engaging in drug trafficking, human smuggling, and human trafficking
    through Central America and Mexico. Irregular migrants pay smugglers to
    guide them through Central America to the United States and then later
    fall prey to human traffickers, who force them into committing crimes,
    such as transporting drugs to the United States. Irregular migrants are
    particularly vulnerable to exploitation and human rights abuses by
    transnational criminal organizations that engage in human trafficking
    crimes, such as commercial sex, forced labor, forced criminality, and
    forced recruitment. Irregular migrants who embark on a journey to the
    United States unwittingly put themselves at greater risk of financial
    hardship and human trafficking abuses.

        Question. What financial benefits would you estimate drug
    trafficking groups are reaping from the increased flows of illegal
    migrants transiting through Costa Rica towards our Southwest border?

        Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) are reaping
    significant profit from smuggling migrants northward through Central
    America. Costa Rican and Panamanian authorities, assisted by a U.S.
    Department of Homeland Security investigative unit, are pursuing a
    cross-border human smuggling ring. Costa Rican media outlets widely
    reported smugglers are charging migrants from $11,000 to $22,000 per
    person.
        In 2020, Guatemala and Honduras declared Hizballah a foreign
    terrorist organization.

        Question. In your opinion, would it be in the interest of the
    United States for Costa Rica to make a similar determination?

        Answer. Yes, it would be in the U.S. interest for Costa Rica to
    make a similar determination.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to seek Costa Rica's
    designation of Hizballah as a foreign terrorist organization?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to seeking Costa Rica's designation
    of Hizballah as a foreign terrorist organization.

        Question. Costa Rica is a reliable partner in the fight against
    illicit narcotics. Please explain how an increase in coca cultivation
    in South America impacts the ability of the Costa Rican Government to
    effectively reduce the flow of illicit narcotics through its territory
    and into the United States.

        Answer. Certainly, increased coca cultivation in South America
    impacts Costa Rica's efforts to reduce the flow of narcotics bound for
    the United States. Costa Rica is the number one transshipment point for
    Colombian cocaine moving towards the United States. Nonetheless, it is
    a strong partner in the fight against drug trafficking as exemplified
    by its interdiction of a record 71 tons of narcotics in 2020. Increased
    coca cultivation leads to a higher volume of cocaine flowing through
    Costa Rica. The Embassy works closely with multiple partners in Costa
    Rica, including their Coast Guard, Border Police, Air Surveillance
    Service, and national police to increase interdictions and to build law
    enforcement capacity. In order to ensure that Costa Rica continues to
    be successful in combating transnational crime, it is critical for the
    United States to maintain its support of Costa Rica's security forces
    with training, equipment, and infrastructure. If confirmed, I will
    continue the strong U.S. support to bolster Costa Rica's capacity to be
    our partner in these efforts.
        There is currently a case of a minor American Citizen who was
    abducted by her mother to Costa Rica. Costa Rica, a signatory to the
    Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction,
    is in direct violation of their agreements under the Convention and has
    not returned the child to her parent here in the U.S.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to engage on this
    matter with Costa Rican authorities?

        Answer. I understand the Embassy maintains regular contact with
    PANI (Costa Rican child protective services, the central authority for
    Hague Abduction Convention cases) and often communicates with the
    parents, in addition to conducting welfare checks on the child when
    possible. If confirmed, I will ensure that compliance with the Hague
    Convention agreements continues to be a top priority for the U.S.
    Embassy.

        Question. How will you work to ensure Costa Rica becomes compliant
    with the obligations under the Convention?

        Answer. Costa Rica was cited for demonstrating a pattern of
    noncompliance in the Department's 2020 and 2021 Annual Reports on
    International Child Abduction due to judicial delays and decisions that
    were noncompliant with the Hague Abduction Convention. To address these
    concerns, the Department of State's Consular Affairs Bureau engages
    with Costa Rican authorities and international partners. As part of
    these efforts, the State Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs helped
    organize a series of judicial seminars focused on the Convention hosted
    by the Costa Ricans in November 2020 and February 2021. If confirmed, I
    will be committed to supporting these and other efforts of the U.S.
    Embassy to help ensure that Costa Rica complies with its obligations
    under the Convention.

        Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in
    Persons report, Costa Rica was again placed on Tier 2, indicating they
    do not meet the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking but are
    making significant efforts to do so.
        If confirmed, how will you engage with the host government on this
    issue to provide additional support to victims, increase prosecutions,
    and continue prevention efforts?

        Answer. The Costa Rican Government demonstrated increasing efforts
    overall to combat human trafficking compared to the previous reporting
    period, considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-
    trafficking capacity. The Costa Rican Government's anti-trafficking
    efforts included employing new investigative techniques in trafficking
    cases, identifying more victims, and converting planned training and
    interagency coordination to virtual delivery amidst the pandemic.
    However, authorities decreased funding for anti-trafficking efforts and
    closed a trafficking-specific emergency shelter. If confirmed, I will
    encourage the Costa Rican Government to strengthen anti-trafficking
    efforts and to continue providing support for ongoing projects that
    improve prosecution efforts, protective services, and prevention
    campaigns.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with Nicaraguan
    activists and refugees in Costa Rica fleeing the persecution of Daniel
    Ortega's regime?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned about the Nicaraguan refugees fleeing
    the Ortega-Murillo Government's repression. If confirmed, I will
    support Costa Rica as it continues to serve as a safe haven for those
    Nicaraguans. I also commit to engage with those courageous individuals
    who are advocating for democracy and human rights in their home
    country.

        Question. What steps is the administration taking to support Costa
    Rica in its efforts to welcome and care for the Nicaraguan refugees
    streaming into the country?

        Answer. Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing protection to
    asylum seekers and vulnerable migrants and has a tradition of welcoming
    vulnerable migrants from Nicaragua. This summer, Costa Rica has seen a
    rise of Nicaraguan asylum seekers and migrants in the wake of political
    violence in Nicaragua. If confirmed, I will work with Costa Rica to
    continue to increase their capacity to process asylum seekers and
    provide protection. Costa Rica is concerned that is does not have the
    resources to continue to care for Nicaraguan asylum seekers and
    vulnerable migrants. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with
    our international organization partners on the ground and the Costa
    Rican Government to build capacity and provide protection.

        Question. The Trump administration's donation of three former Coast
    Guard cutters to Costa Rica in 2018 gave the country its first blue
    water interdiction capability. Since then, seizures of illegal drugs
    has dramatically increased in the country. I applaud this creative use
    of former Coast Guard cutters to support our allies in defense of U.S.
    national security interests. Looking forward, what are the current gaps
    in Costa Rica's capability to disrupt the flow of illegal drugs from
    South America through the country? What is the Biden administration
    doing to address these gaps in cooperation with the Government of Costa
    Rica?

        Answer. Costa Rica remains a strong partner in the fight against
    drug trafficking, interdicting a record 71 tons of narcotics in 2020.
    The Embassy works closely with multiple partners in Costa Rica,
    including their Coast Guard, Border Police, Air Surveillance Service,
    and national police, on increasing interdictions and building law
    enforcement capacity. Costa Rica has become a major transit point for
    South American cocaine heading to the United States. Continuing to
    support Costa Rica's security forces with training, equipment, and
    infrastructure will help ensure it can effectively combat transnational
    crime. If confirmed, I will assess the U.S. support needed to bolster
    Costa Rica's capacity to be our strong partner in these efforts.

        Question. How has U.S. security assistance and cooperation been
    utilized by Costa Rica? If confirmed, what steps would you take to
    oversee and strengthen our cooperation?

        Answer. The U.S. Government works with Costa Rica closely on a
    number of shared security concerns, including narcotics trafficking.
    U.S. security assistance to Costa Rica focuses on four areas:
    counternarcotics; curbing transnational threats and crime; improving
    citizen security and law enforcement capacity; and strengthening rule
    of law. If confirmed, I will continue the strong U.S. support for
    bilateral security cooperation with Costa Rica and assess the need for
    enhancing this partnership.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                  to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. What steps should the United States take to work more
    closely with New Zealand on economic and trade matters?

        Answer. Robust economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific is a key
    part of the Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better.
    The United States will continue working with New Zealand and other
    partners in the Indo-Pacific region to address specific economic issues
    such as infrastructure, the digital economy, and energy.

        Question. How do you anticipate this agreement will affect the
    U.S.-New Zealand bilateral relationship?

        Answer. AUKUS will increase peace and stability in the Indo-
    Pacific, which will have a positive impact on the bilateral
    relationship with New Zealand. PM Ardern has said that she welcomes
    ``the increased engagement of the UK and US in the region and reiterate
    our collective objective needs to be the delivery of peace and
    stability and the preservation of the international rules based
    system.''

        Question. In what ways can we bolster our security partnership with
    New Zealand and work towards stability in the South Pacific?

        Answer. Our military-to-military relationship has reached new
    heights since the signing of the Wellington and Washington declarations
    in 2010 and 2012, respectively. Combined naval patrols and exercises
    have become routine, the New Zealand Army holds one of the Deputy
    Commander positions with the 25th Infantry Division, and the Royal New
    Zealand Air Force has been instrumental in providing critical
    intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support in the
    Pacific.
        The United States and New Zealand defense forces continue to
    explore additional ways to cooperate beyond our current work in the
    areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief and peacekeeping
    support operations.

        Question. What is your assessment of how New Zealand's thinking on
    China has evolved in recent years? And what should the United States be
    doing to influence New Zealand's approach towards confronting and
    competing with China?

        Answer. New Zealand is increasingly concerned about growing PRC
    influence in the Pacific, an indelible part of its own identity and
    backyard. Mission New Zealand in turn has deepened government,
    parliamentary, and academic engagement with the United States. Mission
    New Zealand's Public Affairs section has collaborated with speakers and
    exchanges to promote our shared understanding on issues related to the
    PRC.

        Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
    pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed. There is nothing I take more seriously
    than the health and security of the people who will be working with me.
    There is an extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into the cause
    of these incidents and how we can best protect our people.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
    incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
    appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
    access to medical care?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
    that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
    appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
    appropriate channels

        Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
    at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
    protocols are being followed?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed. Again, there is nothing I take more
    seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
    working with me.

        Question. If confirmed, what opportunities and priorities will you
    pursue to grow U.S.-New Zealand climate cooperation?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to continue strong U.S.-New
    Zealand climate cooperation, for instance on the Global Methane Pledge
    and USDA's AIM4C. The United States is committed to working with New
    Zealand to raise global ambition on climate change.

        Question. What are the U.S.-New Zealand shared security interests
    in building resilience and climate change adaptation capacities in
    Oceania--especially the countries facing existential crises due to
    climate change?

        Answer. Climate change is considered an existential crisis by many
    Pacific Island countries. The United States and New Zealand share
    similar concerns about the security of Pacific Islands that may be
    forced to take on financial debt from other countries, such as the PRC,
    to fund adaptation programs like climate-resilient infrastructure.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                  to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. What are the key interests underpinning U.S. strategy in
    the Indo-Pacific region, and what should our objectives and goals be in
    the region?

        Answer. Strong diplomatic, military, and economic relationships
    with like-minded allies and partners can help ensure a safe, prosperous
    United States. To that end, I support a peaceful and prosperous Indo-
    Pacific region where democracies can thrive, with strong institutions,
    responsible actors, and close security, economic, and people-to-people
    ties.

        Question. The 2018 National Defense Strategy states that ``great
    power competition, not terrorism, is now the primary focus of U.S.
    national security.'' Do you agree with the Defense Department's
    assessment?

        Answer. Counterterrorism remains a deep concern to the United
    States and our partners, as recent acts of terrorism in New Zealand
    have demonstrated. As Secretary Blinken has said, China is the only
    country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
    power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system.
    I support that statement and, if confirmed, will work closely with our
    New Zealand partners to advance U.S. interests and support a free,
    open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

        Question. Do you agree that the objectives and policies of the
    Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the greatest foreign policy challenge
    facing the United States today? If not, why not? What do you think
    instead is our greatest foreign policy challenge?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is the only competitor
    potentially capable of combining its economic, diplomatic, military,
    and technological power to mount a sustained challenge to a stable and
    open international system. However, the United States can still
    cooperate with China on issues of mutual interest. If confirmed, I will
    work with New Zealand under the premise that the U.S. relationship with
    China will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
    be, and adversarial when it must be.

        Question. If confirmed, what will your top 3-5 policy priorities be
    as U.S. Ambassador?

        Answer. I look forward to working with our partners to advance U.S.
    and common interests in a variety of issues. My top three priorities
    would be strengthening our Pacific and Antarctic cooperation, advancing
    security ties, and expanding economic cooperation and commercial
    opportunities. The United States would like to be the Pacific's
    ``partner of choice.''

        Question. How would you characterize the current U.S.-New Zealand
    relationship? What are our main challenges? Where do we have
    opportunities for growth?

        Answer. The United States and New Zealand have a very close
    relationship, with strong political, economic, intelligence sharing,
    security, and people-to-people ties. We cooperate on a range of
    international issues from upholding the rules-based international order
    and defending against threats to shared democratic values. We also work
    together to counter foreign influence and debt diplomacy in the region.
    Our space and cyber cooperation are vibrant and growing. Challenge
    areas include COVID-19 recovery, climate change, and ensuring a free
    and open Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our
    Pacific and Antarctic cooperation, advance U.S.-New Zealand security
    ties, and expand economic and commercial opportunities.

        Question. What role do you see New Zealand playing in the Indo-
    Pacific region in light of the growing challenges from China?

        Answer. China is New Zealand's most important goods trading partner
    and second most important overall trading partner after Australia.
    Recent New Zealand Governments have made tough public statements about
    the PRC's influence in the Pacific and its human rights record and
    sharpened the country's stance on the South China Sea. If confirmed, I
    would continue to work with New Zealand as a likeminded democratic
    partner. In addition to diplomatic responses in the South China Sea,
    New Zealand has funded repairs to identified substandard projects
    completed by Chinese construction companies in the Cook Islands.

        Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security
    relationship with New Zealand in the short-term?

        Answer. New Zealand officials have previously stressed the
    importance of their Government's commitment to increased intelligence
    and defense interoperability, prevention of the movement of foreign
    terrorist fighters, and stoppage of terrorist financing. If confirmed,
    I would continue to expand these efforts and work with the New Zealand
    defense forces to explore additional ways to cooperate beyond our
    current work in the areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster
    relief and peacekeeping support operations.

        Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security
    relationship with New Zealand in the medium- to long-term?

        Answer. U.S. defense engagement with New Zealand is strong but
    limited by the small size of the New Zealand Defense Force. However,
    New Zealand has recently taken steps to increase interoperability with
    the United States by purchasing P-8s and C-130Js and conducting
    combined patrols in the South China Sea with the United States and
    other Five Eye partner nations. If confirmed, I would continue to
    encourage New Zealand to work with the United States as the security
    partner of choice, including by enhancing our cooperation in the fields
    of space and cybersecurity.

        Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our economic
    relationship with New Zealand in the short-term? What about the longer-
    term?

        Answer. Partnerships in innovation, like the technology sector,
    film industry, and the space sector, are helping to drive trade and
    investment in both New Zealand and the United States. New Zealand has a
    small but developed economy that is highly trade dependent, so New
    Zealand's trade dependency on the PRC has a distorting effect on its
    foreign policy. If confirmed, I will explore whether regulatory reforms
    or a digital services/trade agreement could provide interim steps that
    signal U.S. support to New Zealand on trade.

        Question. How would you characterize the current U.S.-Samoa
    relationship?

        Answer. The United States and Samoa enjoy strong bilateral
    relations based on shared values and mutual trust. Cultural and
    historical linkages, including shared connections to the U.S. territory
    of American Samoa, translate into strong people to people ties. The
    United States and Samoa also share close economic ties on multiple
    levels and cooperate on security and policing matters.

        Question. What are our main challenges?

        Answer. China is seeking to grow its influence among the Pacific
    Islands, including Samoa. Samoa is particularly vulnerable to the
    effects of climate change. Additionally, unreported, unregulated and
    illegal fishing threatens the livelihoods of Samoan fisherman. If
    confirmed, I look forward to discussing how to best address these
    challenges with the Government of Samoa.

        Question. Where do we have opportunities for growth?

        Answer. Our engagement with Samoa is vital for a peaceful and
    prosperous Indo-Pacific region where democracies can thrive, with
    strong institutions, responsible actors, and close security, economic,
    and people-to-people ties that benefit the U.S. economy and our people.
    The PRC is engaged in Samoa, as it is throughout the Pacific, and the
    United States needs to be present to maintain and expand its influence.
    If confirmed, I look forward to establishing strong ties with the new
    Government of Samoa and identifying what more we can do together as
    Pacific nations.

        Question. What role does Samoa and the Pacific Islands play in
    broader U.S. strategy goals in the Indo-Pacific?

        Answer. Samoa is an active member of regional and international
    organizations, including the United Nations, the World Trade
    Organization, the Pacific Islands Forum, and the Polynesian Leaders
    Group. Samoa regularly sides with the United States on key votes in
    international fora. Samoa is particularly vulnerable to climate change,
    and I understand the Government will be a willing partner on U.S. or
    global initiatives to mitigate the ongoing effects of climate change or
    expand the use of new climate-friendly technologies. If confirmed, I
    will reassure Samoa that the Pacific region remains an enduring foreign
    policy priority for the United States.

        Question. In your assessment, what are the implications for U.S.
    interests of more pronounced presence and influence by China in the
    Pacific Islands?

        Answer. The PRC's goals for the Indo-Pacific include reducing U.S.
    influence and that of like-minded partners, growing its own influence,
    and reducing Taiwan's international space.

        Question. What forms of influence are we seeing from China that
    could have a negative impact on U.S. interests in the Pacific Islands
    region?

        Answer. The Pacific Island Countries are susceptible to
    questionable loans and infrastructure projects that can threaten their
    sovereignty and the stability and security of the region. China has
    made significant inroads in Samoa over the last decade by providing
    extensive development assistance, primarily in the form of large
    infrastructure projects, including the airport, the national hospital,
    and government buildings. In September 2019, the Solomon Islands and
    Kiribati established diplomatic ties with Beijing, leaving Taiwan with
    just four diplomatic partners in the region (Marshall Islands, Nauru,
    Palau, and Tuvalu). Some Pacific Islands Countries no longer accept PRC
    loans, but grants remain on the table, and there is high demand from
    the region for development and infrastructure assistance.

        Question. How can the U.S. better collaborate with Indo-Pacific
    countries, including New Zealand and Samoa, to deal with the negative
    effects of China's economic coercion and malign political influence?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with New Zealand and
    Samoa where our mutual interests are being undermined by PRC actions.
    Like the United States, New Zealand has areas of cooperation and areas
    of disagreement with China. I welcome New Zealand's public comments on
    regional security and the South China Sea, including that all
    countries, big and small, need to follow the rules of international
    conduct. I also welcome New Zealand's public comments regarding human
    rights in Hong Kong and Xinjiang.

        Question. Do you support pursuing a robust trade agenda in the
    Indo-Pacific region?

        Answer. Robust economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific is a key
    part of the Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better.
    If confirmed, I would support an Indo-Pacific trade agenda focused on
    supporting American working families, defending our values, and
    protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States.
    As President Biden has said, the United States is focused on making
    investments in U.S. workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs
    new trade agreements, including in the Indo-Pacific.

        Question. What are your views on the United States joining the
    Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership agreed to by 11
    other nations in 2019?

        Answer. As White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said, ``The
    President has been clear that he would not rejoin the TPP as it was
    initially put forward.'' Much has changed in the world since the
    original TPP was signed in 2016. The administration is reviewing the
    CPTPP to evaluate its consistency with the Build Back Better agenda. If
    confirmed, I would work with the White House, other agencies, and
    Congress to negotiate and develop trade policies that advance the
    interests of all Americans, support American innovation, and enhance
    our competitiveness.

        Question. What areas can the U.S. expand its trade and investment
    footprint in the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would look for ways to work with New
    Zealand to build the capacity of countries in the Pacific to
    participate in comprehensive, high standard bilateral or multilateral
    trade agreements that remove barriers and unfair practices. I would
    also explore securing, diversifying, and strengthening resilient U.S.
    supply chains to ensure we are prepared not only to defeat COVID-19,
    but to reduce the likelihood that future crises or global challenges
    can impede our supply chains and economic growth.

        Question. Do you support exploring opportunities for expanding
    digital trade in the region specifically? Why or why not?

        Answer. Barriers to digital trade threaten the ability of all
    firms--including small businesses--to benefit from the advantages of
    the digital economy. Our test for trade policies--including in the area
    of digital trade--is whether they deliver for the American worker and
    the middle class. If confirmed, I would apply that metric to any new
    trade deal. For further questions, I refer you to USTR.

        Question. On September 17th, Chinese Commerce Minister submitted
    China's application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement
    for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) to New Zealand's trade minister.
    What should the future of the trade structure in the Indo-Pacific look
    like?

        Answer. I understand that China has submitted a formal request to
    join CPTPP. The United States is not a party to the CPTPP; therefore,
    it defers to CPTPP parties regarding views on China's potential
    accession. That said, if confirmed, I would engage with New Zealand and
    other partners who are members of the CPTPP to remind them that China's
    non-market trade practices and use of economic coercion against other
    countries should factor into CPTPP parties' evaluation of China as a
    potential candidate for accession. For further questions, I refer you
    to USTR.

        Question. The U.S. has been engaged with the Pacific Islands on
    multiple energy projects. What would your priorities be with respect to
    cooperation on energy, should you be confirmed?

        Answer. New Zealand is an important partner for assisting the Indo-
    Pacific region with its clean energy transition. If confirmed, I will
    work to strengthen our energy cooperation with New Zealand to increase
    energy security, expand access to energy, and accelerate the region's
    decarbonization. One project I would like to continue pursuing with New
    Zealand and other like-minded partners is the Papua New Guinea
    Electrification Partnership (PEP), which will help 70 percent of Papua
    New Guinea's population have reliable access to energy by 2030.

        Question. Should the Development Finance Corporation be restricted
    from financing energy projects in Samoa and other qualifying Pacific
    Island nations if those projects are related to oil, natural gas, or
    other fossil fuels?

        Answer. The Development Finance Corporation and other U.S.
    development financing tools will be important to accelerating the
    Pacific's transition to clean energy economies. Assisting the Pacific
    in its deployment of renewable energy can best advance the region's
    energy security, energy access, and decarbonization goals in most
    instances.

        Question. Does New Zealand's nuclear free policy present challenges
    to the U.S.-New Zealand security relationship?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with New Zealand to
    advance our security relationship. Despite its history, New Zealand
    invited the U.S. Navy to send a ship to celebrate the 75th anniversary
    of the Royal New Zealand Navy in 2016. New Zealand has again invited
    the Navy to make a port visit in New Zealand as soon as is practical
    with COVID-19.

        Question. How can we mitigate the negative effects of these
    challenges?

        Answer. U.S.-New Zealand relations have warmed significantly over
    the past decade, which has resulted in several Royal New Zealand Navy
    ship visits to U.S. military ports. The bilateral relationship has
    grown significantly over the past few years and is stronger than it has
    been in decades. If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen our
    partnership.

        Question. Do you commit to messaging these negative effects to New
    Zealand?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the frequent, candid, and
    constructive conversations on issues across the board and at the
    highest levels of government.

        Question. Do you agree that extended deterrence is fundamental to
    our alliance network in the Indo-Pacific?

        Answer. I believe the United States should remain committed to
    maintaining a strong, credible deterrent to defend the United States
    and our allies, while also taking steps to reduce the role of nuclear
    weapons. If confirmed, I will uphold the policy that extended
    deterrence in the Indo-Pacific region plays a critical role in
    advancing U.S. national security interests, including providing
    assurance to allies and promoting nonproliferation.

        Question. China has a history of breaking its promises, and its
    words on climate change often do not match its actions. Will you commit
    to the following: not to advise or support entrance into an agreement
    with the People's Republic of China (PRC) that trades key U.S.
    interests away for cooperation or future promises by Beijing on climate
    change;

        Answer. I believe the United States must judge Beijing by its
    actions, not its words. If confirmed, I will work with allies and
    partners to impose costs on China when it violates international norms
    and agreements. If confirmed, I will also work with New Zealand and
    other partners to press Beijing to raise its climate ambition
    significantly during this critical decade.

        Question. not to recommend any the following policies to either
    secure or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC:

       Decreasing freedom of navigation exercises in the South China;

       Making changes in our defense relationships with any U.S. ally, or
            our overall defense posture in the Indo-Pacific region;

       Delaying arms sales to Taiwan, or pulling back from any form of
            U.S.-Taiwan cooperation;

       Deciding not to pursue policies that safeguard the U.S. economy
            from Beijing's anti-competitive trading practices;

       Terminating sanctions against individuals or entities of the PRC,
            or removing a PRC company from the Entity List;

       Dropping U.S. policies that hold CCP officials and companies
            accountable for egregious human rights abuses, including those
            conducted in Xinjiang?

        Answer. Prime Minister Ardern's Government has spoken out about
    human rights abuses by China, condemned malicious cyber activity by
    Chinese state-sponsored actors, and reaffirmed its support for the
    United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the face of
    expansive Chinese claims in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will
    continue to work with the Government, businesses, and people of New
    Zealand to promote our shared interests on issues related to China. If
    confirmed, I will engage with New Zealand and other partners on climate
    change, while continuing to protect our national security interests and
    working to maintain a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific.

        Question. What is your view on the challenges presented by greater
    presence of Huawei Marine in constructing undersea cables?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would urge our partners to consider the
    potential risks to national and economic security, critical
    infrastructure, and privacy of selecting untrusted vendors to build and
    maintain undersea cable systems. Undersea cables are vital lines of
    communication, but there are national security risks associated with
    network equipment that can be manipulated, disrupted, or controlled by
    authoritarian regimes, like the People's Republic of China, which have
    no regard for human rights or privacy, or where the equipment is
    susceptible to potential unethical, unlawful, and otherwise
    inappropriate behavior, including intellectual property theft.

        Question. Do you commit to prioritizing this issue should it come
    up for either of the two countries where you are credentialed, should
    you be confirmed? How would you use diplomacy and other tools to
    address this issue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would urge our partners to consider the
    potential risks to national and economic security, critical
    infrastructure, and privacy of selecting untrusted vendors to build and
    maintain undersea cables or choosing to land and interconnect with such
    cable systems.

        Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
    New Zealand?

        Answer. I understand Mission New Zealand is, unsurprisingly, a very
    sought after posting with high morale. As an outsider, I do not yet
    know specifics, but I know that Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa,
    like much of the world, have faced quarantine requirements, occasional
    lock-downs, and travel disruptions due to COVID-19 restrictions.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across Mission New
    Zealand?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
    teams at Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa to understand and
    address any issues affecting morale.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across Mission New Zealand?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in
    Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa. I will also clearly communicate
    my priorities and those of the Biden-Harris administration.

        Question. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I believe in being an inclusive manager and encouraging
    everyone to perform to the best of their abilities.

        Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
    to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
    your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

        Answer. As a collaborative and inclusive manager, if confirmed, I
    hope to listen closely and to seek ideas and opinions widely throughout
    Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa. Many of the best ideas come from
    those closest to the issues.

        Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
    you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
    themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
    intend to do so?

        Answer. New Chiefs of Mission must integrate themselves into the
    mission community and culture. A lot can be learned from career State
    Department Personnel.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. I don't believe in berating mission employees in public or
    private. If confirmed, I would work to supply constructive criticism
    without belittling, if and when required. When State Department
    performance reviews are required, I would conduct these with the goal
    of recognizing strong performance and improving weaker performance.

        Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
    chief of mission?

        Answer. As an inclusive manager, if confirmed, I will work to
    empower my deputy chief of mission (DCM) to do his or her best work by
    being trusted and having my full confidence.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my DCM's career-knowledge of
    Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth functioning of
    Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa.

        Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
    embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. My experience overseas has taught me that State Department
    employees are out in the community and trying hard to learn about the
    country they are serving in.

        Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the public affairs teams in
    Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa to ensure we are reaching all of
    the local populations to the best of our ability.

        Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in New
    Zealand? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?

        Answer. I understand there is a vibrant and active public diplomacy
    environment in New Zealand. If confirmed, I would work to expand and
    strengthen the relationship between the people and Government of the
    United States and the citizens of New Zealand and Samoa. Some of the
    successful programs Mission New Zealand has done include cultural and
    sports programming, academic grants, educational exchanges, and
    international visitor programs. I hope to continue science and
    technology-related public diplomacy programs which focus on encouraging
    youth, particularly women, to explore STEM fields, including space
    industries. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for public
    diplomacy programming, although many initiatives have continued by
    shifting online or by changing logistics.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission New
    Zealand to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in
    formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of
    Americans, New Zealanders, and Samoans based at the Embassy in
    Wellington, the Consulate General in Auckland, and the Embassy in Apia,
    Samoa, all provide expertise and local insight. If confirmed, I will
    draw on that local expertise to ensure our public diplomacy messages
    are appropriate for the local audience.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator Todd Young

        Question. How do you assess New Zealand's relationship with China?

        Answer. New Zealand is increasingly concerned about growing PRC
    influence in the Pacific and has made clear that it will follow an
    independent foreign policy that supports the rules-based international
    order in the face of challenges to democracy, human rights, governance,
    free markets, and the global common good. New Zealand's trade
    relationship with China has not stopped its Government from speaking
    out on matters of security and human rights.

        Question. What are the implications for U.S. security and defense
    cooperation from a growing relationship between New Zealand and China?

        Answer. The United States and New Zealand are both committed to the
    security, stability and prosperity of our shared neighborhood, as well
    as strengthening democracy and democratic resilience across the Pacific
    region. We continue to draw on New Zealand's depth of knowledge and
    unique perspective on the South Pacific and look forward to greater
    partnership in the North Pacific.
        Both the United States and New Zealand have a clear national
    interest in ensuring freedom of navigation and overflight, respect for
    international law, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful
    resolution of disputes. New Zealand's relationship with China, like
    ours, can be expected to have aspects of competition and cooperation.

        Question. If confirmed, what would be your message to the
    Government of New Zealand regarding strategic competition with China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with New Zealand where
    our mutual interests are being undermined by PRC actions, while
    recognizing areas where cooperation with China is still possible. I
    welcome New Zealand's public comments on regional security and the
    South China Sea, including that all countries, big and small, need to
    follow the rules of international conduct. I also welcome New Zealand's
    public comments regarding human rights in the PRC including in Hong
    Kong and Xinjiang.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Ms. Sarah Margon by Senator Robert Menendez

    Cuba
        Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human
    Rights, and Labor, what are some of the specific steps you would take
    to advance democracy and human rights in Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Government continues
    its steadfast support and engagement with Cuban human rights defenders,
    activists, and other civil society members to bolster their important
    work; promote human rights, fundamental freedoms, and democracy; and
    facilitate the free flow of information to the Cuban people, including
    access to the internet. I will also support continued use of targeted
    sanctions and other punitive measures that respond to human rights
    violations. In addition, I will work closely with partners and allies--
    in the region and beyond--to develop a coordinated, comprehensive, and
    expanded approach to this support.

        Question. What are the redlines, in your view, for the steps that
    the D!az Canel regime must take before there should be any sort of
    normalization with Cuba?

        Answer. Before any sort of normalization with Cuba takes place,
    there must be signs that the Diaz-Canel regime is adhering to long-
    established benchmarks for democratic governance, respect for human
    rights, and fundamental freedoms. This includes the release of
    political prisoners, the freedom of movement, speech, and expression,
    and an end to arbitrary detention.

        Question. Will you commit to pushing back on unfair bias against
    Israel from international human rights organizations?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to pushing back against unfair
    and disproportionate bias against Israel across the international
    system.

        Question. There have been extensive efforts by many countries
    including China, Saudi Arabia, Belarus and Russia, to engage in
    assassinations, abductions, and other forms of violence against
    nationals abroad, including human rights activists, dissidents, and
    members of diaspora communities. Freedom House recently documented 608
    cases of direct, physical transnational repression since 2014,
    including assassinations, abductions, assaults, detentions, and
    unlawful deportations. How should the United States respond to and
    deter these activities?

        Answer. Human rights abuses through transnational repression
    activities are disturbing and must be taken seriously, and I understand
    that the Biden administration is focusing additional attention and
    resources to combatting the growing scourge of transnational
    repression. If confirmed, this will be a top priority for me,
    especially given the potential implications transnational repression
    has here at home. I will endeavor to ensure that human rights
    activists, journalists, political dissidents, former insiders, and
    members of minority groups are able to exercise their human rights and
    fundamental freedoms without fear of retribution, retaliation,
    punishment, or harm from the governments of their home state and that
    if they flee their home state they are adequately protected. To promote
    accountability for government officials who engage in transnational
    repression, I will ensure that combatting transnational repression
    remains a high priority for DRL, and will work closely with interagency
    partners, as well as congressional allies, to consider all available
    tools to deter perpetrators, including financial sanctions and visa
    restriction authorities such as the Khashoggi Ban, which the Department
    announced in February to promote accountability for governments that
    threaten and attack journalists and perceived dissidents overseas.

        Question. In what ways should we work together with our partners
    and allies to combat this sort of authoritarian reach and protect
    threatened communities?

        Answer. I take very seriously the growing threat of transnational
    repression, as I understand the Biden administration does. If
    confirmed, I will support and lead diplomatic engagement with like-
    minded partners to deter, counter, and hold accountable perpetrators of
    transnational repression. I support information-sharing between like-
    minded partners to identify and build evidence against those
    responsible for these attacks, to prevent transnational repression from
    occurring, and to protect the individuals who are targeted. I will
    coordinate diplomacy, messaging, and action such as sanctions, with our
    partners and allies, to strengthen their impact and deterrent effect.
    Publicly denouncing individuals involved in transnational repression,
    as with other human rights abuses, can help deter them and others from
    committing subsequent attacks.

        Question. Please describe the Department's efforts to address
    abuses and violations of the rights of people with disabilities.

        Answer. I understand that the Department's disability rights
    programs promote the rule of law and good governance by strengthening
    the capacity of Disabled Persons Organizations (DPOs) to effectively
    promote implementation and enforcement of national and local disability
    rights laws. Currently, the Department's disability rights programming
    is in 46 countries including: 7 countries in Africa, 11 countries in
    East Asia and the Pacific, 4 countries in Europe and Eurasia, 8
    countries in Near East Asia, 4 countries in South Central Asia, and 12
    countries in the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will be happy to
    consult on these programs.

        Question. How much funding does the Department provide to foreign
    governments, foreign NGOs, and U.S. NGOs to promote and advance the
    rights of people with disabilities?

        Answer. I understand that DRL has approximately $15,500,000 in
    active programming dollars focused on disability rights programming in
    46 countries.

        Question. How does the DRL bureau engage with other parts of the
    Department and the broader interagency to prioritize support for people
    with disabilities in U.S. foreign policy, including in bilateral
    engagements?

        Answer. I understand that DRL promotes the full inclusion of
    persons with disabilities by providing capacity building training,
    resources, and technical assistance to Department personnel and
    collaborating with regional and functional bureaus and the interagency
    to achieve policy objectives that promote inclusion and expand
    disability rights. Further, I understand that DRL works with federal
    agencies to support bilateral policy engagements on employment,
    inclusive education, accessibility, and independent living.

        Question. Describe the Department's efforts to support human rights
    defenders, both in terms of support to their work and support to
    provide them with safety and protection when threatened. Please be
    specific. How does the Department currently define a human rights
    defender?

        Answer. I understand the Department defines a human rights defender
    (HRD) as an individual, working alone or in groups, who non-violently
    advocates for the promotion and protection of universally recognized
    human rights and fundamental freedoms. I understand the Department
    supports HRDs through a variety of diplomatic tools, including by
    engaging with the U.N. and its special rapporteurs to address specific
    threats against human rights defenders; developing policies to reduce
    violence against human rights defenders; working across the interagency
    to strengthen policies and practices related to protecting human rights
    defenders; and conducting foreign assistance programs. More
    specifically, I understand DRL has developed programming to provide
    HRDs with flexible, short-term, emergency financial support that gives
    them the real-time assistance they need to increase their safety and
    continue their critical work. I understand short-term emergency grants
    include support for: medical expenses, legal representation, prison
    visits, trial monitoring, temporary relocation, security, equipment
    replacement, daily living necessities, and dependent support. Since the
    inception of impact reporting, I understand 97 percent of respondents
    stated that the assistance received has had a positive impact on their
    safety or reduced the threat they faced and 80 percent of respondents
    have been able to continue their human rights work in some way.

        Question. Please describe the role played by the DRL bureau in the
    planning for the December Summit for Democracy.

        Answer. The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor serves as
    the subject matter experts within the Department. Given the scope of
    the Summit shared to date, I am confident that DRL has been involved in
    providing technical expertise in anti-corruption, human rights,
    countering authoritarianism, supporting marginalized populations, and
    engaging international organizations and civil society. DRL is also
    skilled in planning and hosting large events including the Community of
    Democracies Governing Council Ministerial in 2017. If confirmed, I will
    also engage in Summit planning and implementation.

        Question. What influence does the DRL bureau have on the invitees
    to and the agenda of the Summit?

        Answer. I understand that both established and emerging democracies
    will be invited to participate in the Summit. I have not seen the
    invitation list nor the agenda and am not involved in internal
    administration deliberations. Therefore, I cannot provide specifics
    about them, but believe DRL has played an important role in providing
    input and more generally that this is an important opportunity for the
    Biden administration to shore up not only its support for global
    democracy but its own commitments to democracy as well. If confirmed, I
    will engage on both the agenda and the proposed invitees.

        Question. What criteria or process is being used to determine which
    countries which will receive invites, and which countries will not?

        Answer. It is my understanding that since this is a Presidential
    Summit, the White House will make the final determination on which
    countries will receive an invitation. I understand the Summit will
    include both established and emerging democracies and presume
    geographic diversity and country context may have also been factors in
    the invitation list. In my view, the Summit would benefit from the
    diversity of perspectives and voices discussing both democratic
    achievements and challenges and hearing directly from organizations and
    individuals who work on democracy and understand how best to secure
    some of the core institutional components of a democracy in today's
    world.

        Question. How do you think the U.S. arms transfer process should
    change to better incorporate human rights and civilian harm concerns,
    and what changes would you advocate for as Assistant Secretary?

        Answer. I understand the administration is already working to
    develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms
    transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign policy
    priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at the
    center of foreign policy. While I understand human rights and civilian
    harm concerns are one of several factors taken into account in the arms
    transfer process, together with the implications of such sales for U.S.
    and regional security, bilateral relations, and U.S. commercial
    interests, if confirmed I will make sure DRL is at the right decision-
    making tables to ensure human rights concerns are incorporated into the
    process early on and given adequate weight. In addition, I will
    coordinate closely with the Political-Military (P/M) and regional
    bureaus to ensure they are seeing the same information and analysis
    that we see. If confirmed, I will ensure that the arms sales process
    gives appropriate weight to any human rights and civilian harm
    concerns.

        Question. Do you agree that the U.S. Government should refrain from
    exporting arms to fragile states or countries at risk of atrocities?

        Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
    advances our national security interests. Our most valued, dependable,
    and effective partner governments and security forces around the world
    uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold
    human rights violators accountable. The United States must continue to
    create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners
    through diplomacy, measured assistance, frequent and ongoing
    cooperation, and carefully considered arms exports. If confirmed, I
    will work to ensure our arms export policies uphold and support U.S.
    laws on global fragility and atrocity prevention.

        Question. Under Erdogan, Turkey is neither a reliable NATO ally nor
    a democracy. Turkey is among the top jailers of journalists and lawyers
    in the world, which is unacceptable for a NATO member. The Government
    of Turkey has slapped arbitrary restrictions on the Orthodox Church and
    Orthodox community, Turkey's Kurds, and other minority groups. We must
    be clear-eyed about Erdogan and the autocratic path he is taking, and
    we must stand with the Turkish people as they work to change that. What
    is the best way to support civil society and counter Erdogan's
    aggressive push for power?

        Answer. I share your concerns about measures employed by the
    Government that negatively impact civil society and other voices
    critical of the Government in Turkey. I am deeply troubled by the
    pattern of punitive actions by Turkish officials targeting those whose
    views differ from those of the Government. Turkey has been an important
    NATO Ally for nearly 70 years and addressing democratic backsliding is
    critical to our alliance. If confirmed, I would call for the immediate
    release of Osman Kavala, who remains incarcerated on specious charges
    despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling calling for his
    immediate release, and will work to coordinate with U.S. allies,
    particularly in the EU, on this issue. I would also urge Department
    action to underscore for the Turkish Government the fundamental
    importance of the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and
    association in democracies. I would urge the Turkish Government to
    revise laws that restrict freedom of expression and other essential
    freedoms guaranteed by Turkey's constitution. I would also urge the
    Department and the embassy to regularly engage with Turkish civil
    society, hear their concerns, and amplify their voices.

        Question. The situation in Tigray and across Ethiopia is bleak.
    U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, released a
    statement, in which she deplored ``multiple and severe reports of
    alleged gross violations of human rights, humanitarian and refugee
    law'' committed by all parties to the conflict in Tigray. Violations
    included extrajudicial killings, torture, sexual violence, rape, and
    racially-targeted killings. President Biden recently signed an
    executive order threatening sweeping new sanctions against all parties
    if serious negotiations do not start, attacks on civilians continue,
    and if humanitarian access remains blocked.
        While this is a welcome step, what more can the United States do to
    ensure that gross human rights violations cease in Ethiopia and that
    all parties are held accountable for mass atrocities committed over
    these past eleven months?

        Answer. It is imperative that the United States continue to use
    every available tool to urge all parties to end the conflict in
    northern Ethiopia and cease all gross violations of human rights. These
    tools include the newly-signed Executive Order; a visa restriction
    policy targeting those responsible for, or complicit in, undermining
    resolution of the crisis; foreign assistance restrictions; defense
    trade controls; multilateral development bank lending; and certain
    trade benefits.
        The United States must continue to marshal its diplomatic resources
    to press for a negotiated ceasefire; full and unhindered humanitarian
    access; protection of civilians; the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from
    Ethiopia; a withdrawal of the Tigray People's Liberation Front and
    Amhara regional forces to their home regions prior to the military
    conflict; and a political settlement of the crisis. The United States
    also must continue to press our concerns with like-minded partners,
    regional governments, the African Union, eminent African voices, and
    the U.N. Security Council and engage independent actors--including
    Ethiopian civil society--in the process. If confirmed as Assistant
    Secretary, I would work steadfastly to resolve the human rights crisis
    in Ethiopia through these and other means.
        I also believe that U.S. efforts must remain focused on ensuring
    that all those who are responsible for atrocities, violations of
    international humanitarian law, and human rights abuses in Ethiopia are
    held accountable in transparent processes. To that end, if confirmed as
    Assistant Secretary, I would make sure that DRL continues to support
    independent, international investigations of human rights violations
    and abuses and atrocities as part of a broader strategy to advance
    transitional justice efforts in Ethiopia.

        Question. During the 2020 Armenia-Azerbaijan war, according to
    human rights organizations, the Azeri military deliberately targeted
    civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh with cluster munitions and committed
    extrajudicial executions, including decapitations, as well as beatings
    of prisoners of war. The State Department's 2020 Country Report on
    Human Rights for Azerbaijan documented these and other gross human
    rights violations by the Azeri military. How will you lead State
    Department efforts to hold Azerbaijan accountable? Why does the
    administration continue to provide an exemption waiver for Section 907
    of the FREEDOM Support Act, further incentivizing this conduct?

        Answer. The 2020 Country Reports on Human Rights for Azerbaijan and
    Armenia both detail credible reports of unlawful killings involving
    summary executions of detained combatants and civilians, and civilian
    casualties during the 44 days of intensive fighting last fall. The
    Biden-Harris administration is deeply committed to fostering respect
    for human rights. I understand that the administration has been urging
    both sides to investigate any and all allegations of human rights
    abuses or violations of international humanitarian law and bring to
    justice those responsible, and, if confirmed, I would press for
    accountability for such abuses. I also understand that administration
    officials have been urging both sides to return all remaining
    detainees--an area of work I would also take up, if confirmed, should
    it remain unresolved.
        U.S. assistance to the Government of Azerbaijan is provided
    consistent with Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act and related
    provisions of U.S. law. Assistance provided to the Government of
    Azerbaijan that does not fall under a statutory exemption is contingent
    upon a presidential waiver certifying that such assistance is a)
    necessary to support U.S. efforts to counter international terrorism,
    or b) is necessary to support the operational readiness of U.S. Armed
    Forces or coalition partners to counter international terrorism, or c)
    is important to Azerbaijan's border security, and d) will not undermine
    or hamper ongoing efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement between
    Armenia and Azerbaijan or be used for offensive purposes against
    Armenia. The aforementioned waiver authority comes with reporting and
    consultation requirements to help ensure that Congress is fully
    informed with respect to assistance for the Government of Azerbaijan.
    Additionally, all units receiving U.S. security assistance continue to
    go through the Leahy vetting process. If confirmed, I would strongly
    support the Leahy vetting process, which DRL is responsible for
    managing.

        Question. In the past year, the Lukashenka regime has detained
    thousands of protesters, torturing hundreds, jailed political
    opponents, banned and shut down media organizations, and persecuted its
    people both at home and abroad. The regime is weaponizing migrants by
    forcing them at gunpoint to cross illegally into Poland, Latvia, and
    Lithuania. How can the United States partner with countries like
    Lithuania and others on the front lines of democracy to support the
    democratic opposition in Belarus?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen U.S. support for
    the pro-democracy movement in Belarus and promote accountability for
    the regime's abuses. As such, I will press for additional sanctions to
    promote accountability for those responsible for human rights abuses,
    undermining democracy in Belarus, and for supporting the Lukashenka
    regime. Similarly, I hope to continue U.S. support for international
    mechanisms designed to document the regime's abuses, including the
    International Accountability Platform for Belarus (IAPB) and U.N. fact-
    finding mission. If confirmed, I seek to increase U.S. support for
    Belarusian civil society, independent media, and exiles fleeing
    repression. Lastly, I hope to increase cooperation with likeminded
    countries in the context of the Summit for Democracy, including
    Lithuania, which has done remarkable work to provide a safe haven for
    the Belarusian opposition, civil society, journalists, and ordinary
    citizens fleeing the Lukashenka regime's repression. Lithuania
    continues to demonstrate its strong commitment to democratic values,
    and we look forward to collaborating with them and others to safeguard
    and advance democracy globally.

        Question. Earlier this month, Russian occupation authorities in
    Crimea detained more than 50 Crimean Tatars, reportedly beating them
    and questioning them without lawyers present. Arbitrary arrests, forced
    disappearances, and torture of Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians
    have been a recurring feature of Russian occupation, with many
    residents being persecuted on religious grounds. An estimated 30,000
    Tatars have fled from the region. How can the State Department work
    with the international community to hold Russian authorities
    accountable for their crimes in occupied Crimea?

        Answer. I am appalled by the egregious abuses Russia carries out in
    occupied Crimea and its targeting of Crimean Tatars, ethnic Ukrainians,
    and other religious and ethnic minorities for intimidation, harassment,
    and repression. Such abuses must cease immediately and perpetrators
    must be held to account. If confirmed, I will lead the U.S. Government
    in playing an active role in the newly launched Crimea Platform to
    increase the spotlight on Russia's occupation of Crimea, hold Russian
    occupation authorities to account for their human rights abuses on the
    peninsula, and implement policy that increases the costs to Russia for
    their continued occupation. Crimea is Ukraine. I would also focus on
    securing releases for political prisoners and documenting human rights
    abuses so that perpetrators can be held to account.

        Question. Hungary, Poland, and other nominal democracies in Europe
    continue to backslide on democracy and human rights. These countries
    have undermined the independence of their judiciaries. In addition,
    Hungary has outlawed gender transition and gay adoption, and banned
    LGBTQ content from television and in schools. Poland has created `LGBT-
    free'' zones in almost 100 Polish regions, town and cities. How can the
    Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor work with NATO partners
    like Hungary and Poland to meet not only their defense commitments to
    the alliance, but their commitments on values like individual liberty,
    human rights, democracy, and the rule of law?

        Answer. I share the concerns expressed by the Biden-Harris
    administration and members of Congress regarding the undermining of
    democratic institutions in Poland and Hungary. Being a member of NATO
    includes commitments to Transatlantic values, not only security. If
    confirmed, I would engage with governments, civil society, the private
    sector, and core European allies to support strengthening Poland and
    Hungary's democratic institutions and urge transparency and respect for
    the rule of law. I would work with partners in the European Union to
    encourage the EU and member states to amplify U.S. messages through
    complementary statements and action. Additionally, I would look for
    opportunities to use available tools, including the Global Magnitsky
    sanctions passed by the Congress, when there is sufficient credible
    information that a particular politician has engaged in corruption or
    serious human rights abuses. I am troubled by the rise in anti-LGBTQI+
    rhetoric and legislation in recent years in both countries. If
    confirmed, I would work with the Special Envoy to Advance the Rights of
    LGBTQI+ Persons to raise awareness of this challenge and determine the
    best way to respond to discriminatory laws and policies and intolerant
    rhetoric while engaging local communities and/or organizations and
    maintaining the safety and security of LGBTQI+ persons.

        Question. The UK's Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis
    introduced a proposal in July that would create a statute of
    limitations on all crimes committed during the Troubles prior to April
    1998. The proposal is not supported by a single political party in
    Northern Ireland, signaling cross-community opposition, and its
    incompatibility with the intent undergirding the Good Friday Agreement.
    1,000 civil cases seeking justice and resolution for crimes during the
    Troubles are currently pending in the High Court in Belfast, indicating
    a continued desire to address legacy issues in the courts. What
    leverage can the United States exert on the United Kingdom to ensure
    that it protects the Good Friday Agreement, and respects the
    intertwined questions of legacy and reconciliation?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to protecting the gains of the
    Belfast/Good Friday Agreement as the bedrock of peace, stability, and
    prosperity in Northern Ireland. Constructive engagement with all
    affected parties is critical, and I will continue to urge the parties
    to negotiate within existing mechanisms when differences arise. I will
    encourage a focus on solutions that promote peace and stability in
    Northern Ireland and help victims move forward.

        Question. As of August, The Memorial Human Rights Center in Moscow
    recognized 329 Russian political prisoners that were imprisoned in
    connection with their right to freedom of religion. This list includes
    87 Jehovah's Witnesses. Memorial identifies another 81 political
    prisoners for non-religious reasons, including those on the front lines
    of democracy in Russia like opposition leader Alexey Navalny and his
    supporters. How will you use your role as Assistant Secretary to
    pressure the Russian Government to release those unjustly imprisoned by
    the Putin regime?

        Answer. I share your concern about the growing number of political
    prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Russia, one of the many
    manifestations of the Kremlin's deepening repression. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that the Department continues to call for the release of
    political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in public statements
    and in multilateral fora. I will work with likeminded governments and
    civil society organizations to raise awareness of their cases and
    demonstrate solidarity with their families, friends, and colleagues. I
    will also use all available tools to promote accountability for those
    officials responsible for their wrongful imprisonment and work with
    other allies to ensure they're doing the same.

        Question. In September, on the eve of the Russian elections, the
    Russian Government accused Google and Apple of supporting extremism
    under the Russian extremism law for hosting apps critical to informing
    Russians of candidates associated with Alexei Navalny's democracy
    movement. How will you work to address the increasing media repression
    in Russia, where the internet seems to be the last outpost for freedom
    of expression? How will you engage U.S. tech companies on their
    policies and practices with regard to authoritarian regimes like
    Putin's?

        Answer. I share your concern about the stark erosion of media
    freedom in Russia, including increasing restrictions on Internet
    Freedom. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Department continues to
    promote the courageous work of Russia's independent media, civil
    society organizations, and democratic elements of society, and call out
    and hold accountable the Russian Government for its repressive actions.
        More broadly, concerns around the use of technology to undergird
    authoritarian tendencies are only accelerating. While the United States
    needs to continue promote connectivity to an open, interoperable,
    reliable, and secure internet where the rights that all persons have
    offline are also protected online, including freedom of expression,
    there is also much work to be done engaging a wide range of
    stakeholders, including other governments and tech companies, to
    advocate for implementation of human rights principles in the tech
    space. But additionally, if confirmed, I will work across the
    Department to help build a collective and strategic approach to
    combatting digital authoritarianism that ensures public-private
    partnerships and any potential regulation are rooted in the promotion
    and protection of basic rights and the core principles of democratic
    governance.

        Question. Locally-employed U.S. Embassy and Consulate staff remain
    in prison following the Government's purges in 2016. In June 2020, one
    translator employed by the U.S. Consulate was sentenced to more than 8
    years in prison. Will you prioritize getting these staff out once
    confirmed?

        Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing prosecutions of U.S
    locally employed staff in Turkey based on unsubstantiated charges
    related to their official duties. If confirmed, I would strongly
    support continued Department efforts to secure the immediate release of
    Metin Topuz from prison and press Turkey to terminate any judicial
    controls or prosecutions targeting Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay,
    including movement restrictions.

        Question. In June 2021, the Turkish Constitutional Court agreed to
    hear a case seeking to ban the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), the
    country's third largest political party and a strong proponent for
    ethnic Kurdish rights. The campaign follows years of replacing
    democratically-elected HDP mayors with so-called ``trustees'' appointed
    by the Government. The State Department reported in its 2020 Country
    Report on Human Rights for Turkey that ``the Government suspended 81
    percent of HDP mayors elected in the March 2019 municipal elections,
    suspending 16 mayors in 2020 alone.'' What do you intend to do about
    this democratic backslide in Turkey, especially ahead of potential snap
    elections? How will your bureau ensure ethnic minority rights and
    political representation are protected in Turkey?

        Answer. I share your concerns about democratic backsliding, erosion
    of rule of law, and the repressive tactics employed by the Turkish
    Government. If confirmed, I would urge Department action to make clear
    to the Turkish Government the importance of political pluralism.
    Banning the country's second largest opposition party would unduly
    subvert the will of Turkish voters, further undermine democracy in
    Turkey, and deny potentially millions of Turkish citizens their elected
    representation. If confirmed, I would urge the Government to abandon
    efforts to dissolve the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and impose
    political bans on hundreds of HDP members. I would also call upon the
    Turkish authorities to investigate and hold accountable perpetrators of
    violence against HDP members. I would also support efforts to ensure
    all parties in Turkey are able to campaign freely and on a level
    playing field. I would also seek to work closely with like-minded
    governments and consider engaging private sector companies that might
    also have an interest in advancing rule of law issues to the benefit of
    all Turkish citizens.

        Question. How is State measuring Bangladesh's progress on labor
    rights in the aftermath of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster? Is the
    administration considering restoration of Dhaka's access to the
    Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)? Under what circumstances or
    conditions would it do so?

        Answer. I understand that since the horrific building collapse at
    Rana Plaza in 2013, the United States Government has worked with
    partners across the international community, major industries, and
    Bangladeshi authorities to advocate for and enable improvements in
    factory safety, which included the establishment of new agreements by
    major international brands to enforce safety standards across
    factories. While these changes are encouraging, much more needs to be
    done to institutionalize safety standards across Bangladesh's major
    industries, as evidenced by the tragic fire at a juice factory in July
    2021. The Department of State works closely with the U.S. Trade
    Representative (USTR) and the Department of Labor to monitor
    Bangladesh's progress to meet internationally recognized labor rights,
    especially workplace safety, freedom of association, and collective
    bargaining. I commit, if confirmed, to upholding the USTR's position
    that if Congress reauthorizes GSP, restoring Bangladesh's GSP benefits
    must be contingent upon strengthening labor rights and workplace
    safety, as well as improving the overall business and civil society
    operational environment.

        Question. Extrajudicial killings by the Rapid Action Battalion
    (RAB) have reportedly spiked since the Government of Bangladesh began
    its `war on drugs' in the months ahead of the December 2018 elections.
    Do you support imposing sanctions on senior commanders of Bangladesh's
    Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which has reportedly conducted more than
    400 extrajudicial killings since 2015?

        Answer. I share the Biden-Harris administration's deep concern
    regarding reports of extrajudicial killings in Bangladesh and urge the
    Government to thoroughly and transparently investigate and hold
    perpetrators accountable. I believe the United States Government must
    continue to press the Bangladeshi Government to uphold its commitments
    to human rights and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will seek to
    utilize available tools to promote accountability, including, as
    applicable, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the
    Department of the Treasury to consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions
    program, in a targeted manner, to advance our human rights goals.

        Question. There have been nearly 600 forced disappearances of
    activists, opposition members, and government critics since Prime
    Minister Hasina took office in 2009, as documented in Human Rights
    Watch's August 2021 report. How will you address this issue?

        Answer. I understand the Department of State has repeatedly
    emphasized its concern over reports of enforced disappearances and have
    urged the Government to hold perpetrators accountable. If confirmed, I
    will maintain this approach in bilateral meetings, multilateral
    exchanges, and coordinate with like-minded partners to stop these
    abusive practices and protect human rights in Bangladesh. If confirmed,
    I will explore the use of available tools to promote accountability and
    deter further violations and abuses.

        Question. Rights groups have detailed increased abuse of Tamil
    political prisoners--including beatings, burnings, suffocations, sexual
    assaults--since Gotabaya Rajapaksa became president in 2019. What
    consequences should there be to hold those responsible accountable?

        Answer. Such allegations of abuse and gross violations of human
    rights are disturbing and must be taken seriously. If confirmed, I will
    work to promote the protection of human rights for all in Sri Lanka,
    including, but not limited to, members of ethnic and religious minority
    groups, women and girls, LGBTQI+ persons, and persons with
    disabilities. For reconciliation to take place, members of the Tamil
    and other ethnic communities can no longer suffer from systematic
    discrimination and targeted treatment such as monitoring, harassment,
    and abuse by security forces. If confirmed, I will utilize all
    available tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable,
    Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the Department of the
    Treasury to consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions program, in a
    targeted manner, to advance our human rights goals. I will also
    advocate that Sri Lanka amend its Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)--
    legislation that denies due process and is used disproportionately to
    crack down on members of Tamil and Muslim minority communities. If
    confirmed, I will continue the Department's commitment to promote
    justice, accountability, and reconciliation measures in support of all
    people in Sri Lanka.

        Question. In January 2021, Michelle Bachelet pushed for targeted
    sanctions on Sri Lankan military commanders implicated in war crimes
    committed during the civil war, including the current army chief and in
    March, the Human Rights Council passed resolution 46/1 promoting
    accountability in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, recently policies and actions
    indicate that the Government's commitment rule of law, judicial
    processes, and democracy are weak. How will you work to hold
    accountable those who perpetrated atrocities during the war and since,
    including current Sri Lankan officials and, if possible, forestall
    further deterioration in Sri Lankan democracy?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the backsliding of democratic
    governance and human rights in Sri Lanka, especially pertaining to
    justice for victims, civil society, rule of law, human rights
    defenders, and religious freedom. The United States' co-sponsorship of
    Human Rights Council resolution 46/1 is a testament to our Government's
    commitment to promoting democratic values, human rights for all, and
    accountability measures. If confirmed, I will utilize all available
    tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable, Section
    7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the Department of the Treasury to
    consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions program, in a targeted manner,
    to advance our human rights goals. I will also urge my Sri Lankan
    counterparts, at the highest levels, to follow through on
    recommendations of the United Nations and Sri Lanka's robust civil
    society to make progress on justice, accountability, and reconciliation
    objectives. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's commitment
    to promote democratic values, respect for human rights, justice, and
    accountability measures in support of the people of Sri Lanka.

        Question. The five countries of Central Asia--despite progress in
    some--regularly confine human rights defenders, political opposition
    figures, outspoken minority members, and others to lengthy detention
    without trial or following conviction for trumped-up charges. What will
    you do to ensure that our diplomacy with these countries continues to
    advocate for these unlawfully detained prisoners?

        Answer. Countries are stronger when they enshrine and respect the
    rights to peaceful protest and freedom of expression. Despite
    advancement in some Central Asian countries, many challenges remain on
    these issues, including meaningful democratic reform. If confirmed, I
    will urge these issues be a priority for our diplomacy in Central Asia.
    I will stress the long-term benefit in strengthening protection of
    human rights. I am particularly concerned about the criminalization of
    non-violent political speech and the detention of political prisoners,
    but also concerned by an uptick in restrictions on freedom of
    expression and politically motivated detentions in the run up to
    upcoming elections in the region. If confirmed, I will directly engage
    on specific cases, broader systematic concerns regarding political
    prisoners, and the need to protect dissenting voices.

        Question. Democratic progress in Central Asia is always uncertain.
    Some countries may be trending in the right direction now, but we know
    that this could change. What can the U.S. do to shore up human rights
    in the region amidst our competing priorities with regard to China,
    Russia, and Afghanistan?

        Answer. Thirty years after their independence, some Central Asian
    countries have made considerable progress in human rights reforms;
    however, significant challenges in the region remain. Addressing these
    shortcomings by promoting democracy and human rights in Central Asia is
    central to our regional efforts to reassert core values and advance
    respect for human rights, especially for women, girls, and minority
    groups, as a cornerstone of our foreign policy. If confirmed, I will
    support and reinforce ongoing reforms while pressing governments to
    take necessary steps to create genuinely pluralistic political systems
    that uphold human rights for all, including women, members of religious
    and ethnic minority groups, LGBTQI+ persons, persons with disabilities,
    and opposition members. I will press governments to secure fundamental
    freedoms and expand space for civil society--including organizations
    that work on resource transparency and accountability--by amending
    problematic laws, easing excessive and burdensome administrative
    requirements, and enhancing trust between the Government and
    independent civil society. U.S. support is vital for democratic
    progress to continue in Central Asia.

        Question. Minority groups in Pakistan are under duress. Members of
    the Ahmadi Muslim community are frequently accused of, prosecuted for,
    and murdered on the basis of their identity or the belief that they
    have committed blasphemy or apostasy. Furthermore, the Pakistani
    Government has successfully pressured U.S. based technology companies
    to remove web-based content and apps provided by the Ahmadi community
    to its members. How will you lead State Department efforts to the State
    Department to address the dire human rights situation there for
    millions of minorities? What tactics will you employ to ensure that the
    internet in Pakistan remains free of malicious government control for
    these same persons?

        Answer. I am very concerned about Pakistan's continued enforcement
    of blasphemy laws, which are inconsistent with international human
    rights law. Several dozen people are currently serving life
    imprisonment or are on death row for blasphemy.
        I am also deeply concerned by the targeted killings of individuals
    accused of blasphemy and members of Pakistan's Ahmadiyya Muslim
    community, spurred in part by discriminatory anti-Ahmadi laws. A recent
    example of such violence was the assassination of Tahir Naseem, an
    Ahmadi and U.S. citizen who was murdered by a violent extremist in open
    court while on trial in Peshawar for blasphemy in July 2020.
        If confirmed, I will advocate for the human rights of all
    individuals irrespective of their religion or beliefs. I will advocate
    for everyone to have the opportunity to live freely from harassment or
    threat of violence and to practice the religion of their choice. I will
    work with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom
    and the Office of International Religious Freedom to engage technology
    companies, to highlight the human rights costs of enabling these abuses
    by governments, and to help empower civil society groups, including
    religious actors, advocating against the use and abuse of blasphemy
    laws. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues across the U.S.
    Government actively supporting freedom of expression online and offline
    and working to remove obstacles facing members of minority groups
    around the world.

        Question. I have concerns about the persecution of minorities in
    India, the re-categorization of Muslim citizens as stateless persons
    under the Citizenship Amendment Act. What will you do to ensure that
    Indian democracy and its diverse population remain a centerpiece of our
    diplomacy with India?

        Answer. I share your concerns and believe strongly in the
    importance of Indian democracy serving as a model for the region. If
    confirmed, I would advocate the United States Government continue to
    place human rights and democratic principles at the heart of our
    diplomacy with India, including an open, inclusive civil society, and
    respect for human rights, including the freedoms of religion or belief,
    expression, peaceful assembly, and association. If confirmed, I will
    urge Indian officials to protect and respect the right to practice
    one's religion or belief, the right to peaceful assembly, and freedom
    of expression for all, on and offline, in keeping with India's
    constitution and democratic values.

        Question. After a decade of work to establish a civilian-led
    democratic government, the Tatmadaw tragically overthrew Burma's
    Government. The same leaders now running the country are guilty of
    genocide against the Rohingya and of a sustained campaign of violence
    against Burma's ethnic minorities. While I welcome Secretary Blinken's
    decision to review the atrocities and make a determination on genocide,
    such determination is long overdue.
        How can the United States work to promote accountability for the
    military's gross abuses and atrocities? When will the administration
    announce whether the Tatmadaw and/or the Burmese regime committed
    genocide against the Rohingya people?

        Answer. I am appalled by the atrocities that the Burmese military
    continues to commit against the people of Burma, which underscores the
    urgency of promoting accountability for perpetrators of atrocities and
    other human rights violations and abuses. I understand that the
    administration is taking action, alongside our allies and partners, to
    promote justice for victims and accountability for those responsible,
    including by supporting the U.N. Independent Investigative Mechanism
    for Myanmar, providing assistance to Burmese civil society actors
    seeking justice, and implementing sanctions on those responsible for
    these horrific abuses. The Secretary has committed to reviewing whether
    the atrocities committed against Rohingya constitute specific atrocity
    crimes. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary in reaching a
    decision and to making sure our commitments on accountability are
    implemented with both the spirit and the letter of the law.

        Question. After a decade of work to establish a civilian-led
    democratic government, the Tatmadaw tragically overthrew Burma's
    Government. The same leaders now running the country are guilty of
    genocide against the Rohingya and of a sustained campaign of violence
    against Burma's ethnic minorities. While I welcome Secretary Blinken's
    decision to review the atrocities and make a determination on genocide,
    such determination is long overdue.
        How can the United States continue to support democracy and human
    rights in Burma and halt the horrific reversal of progress there?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing our longstanding
    support for democracy and promotion of respect for human rights in
    Burma, which is vital in the face of the military coup d'etat and
    continued deterioration of civilian security and human rights across
    the country. I would continue to support Burma's pro-democracy movement
    and provide humanitarian assistance on the basis of need, including to
    ethnic and religious minority communities as appropriate, and to
    regularly meet with members of Burma's civil society. Ensuring their
    voices are heard as part of the roadmap for Burma's democracy is an
    essential part of its legitimacy and so if confirmed I would urge that
    the U.S. remain steadfast in our support for the people of Burma.
    Additionally, I would encourage strong diplomatic engagement and
    cooperation with our likeminded and regional partners, including in
    international organizations, to deny the military regime international
    credibility and press the regime to reverse course. If confirmed, I
    will support continued efforts to pursue targeted sanctions and other
    actions to deny the military financial resources and promote
    accountability for perpetrators of human rights abuses.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Ms. Sarah Margon by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. What would you do to bolster and reiterate the U.S.
    Government's commitment to protect and advocate for those on the
    frontlines, including civil society organizations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to bolster protections for the
    human rights and fundamental freedoms of all people--including women,
    youth, and members of historically marginalized groups--so that they
    may shape the laws, policies, and political processes that affect their
    lives. To do so, I will support the utilization of a wide array of
    tools to achieve this goal, including bilateral and multilateral
    diplomacy; public messaging; accountability tools; and foreign
    assistance to civil society, including rapid response programs to
    support journalists, activists, and human rights defenders under threat
    for their work. I will also make sure to seek out the views of civil
    society groups and activists, meet them when I travel, help ensure they
    are able to participate in multilateral fora, and take all steps to
    ensure their concerns are central to our consideration on larger U.S.
    policy decisions.

        Question. How would you direct the State Department to enhance the
    protections globally governing freedom of expression and press?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Bureau of Democracy, Human
    Rights, and Labor to work with other parts of the Department, executive
    branch agencies, and Congress to bolster efforts to promote the ability
    of people everywhere to exercise their right to freedom of expression--
    online and offline--free from harassment, intimidation, and violence.
    This includes through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy; public
    messaging; accountability tools; multi-stakeholder initiatives such as
    the Media Freedom Coalition, the Freedom Online Coalition, and the
    President's upcoming Summit for Democracy; and foreign assistance to
    civil society, including rapid response programs to support activists,
    human rights defenders, and journalists under threat.

        Question. How will you prioritize a ``whole-of-government''
    approach to human rights policy and its application in regional and
    functional diplomatic relationships?

        Answer. The diplomatic work of the United States encompasses all
    the work of all applicable federal agencies and tools. If confirmed I
    will consult broadly with federal agencies and within the Department to
    ensure that U.S. policy on human rights and fundamental freedoms is a
    significant component of decision-making. If confirmed, my job will be
    to use resources and information to ensure policy making adequately
    reflects core human rights and democracy standards. It means ensuring
    DRL is at the table, participating actively in interagency debates and
    decision making. It also means making sure DRL is viewed across the
    foreign service as career enhancing and a net positive in career
    development so there is interest, engagement, and an understanding of
    why our work matters. This cross-Bureau and interagency work is a high
    priority and essential to effective diplomacy.

        Question. There is serious concern about the state of press freedom
    around the world. If confirmed, what actions will you take to curb
    suppression of press freedom and support independent journalists around
    the world?

        Answer. I share the concern that press freedom is threatened
    globally. If confirmed, I will direct the Bureau of Democracy, Human
    Rights, and Labor to work with other parts of the Department, executive
    branch agencies, and Congress to promote the ability of journalists
    everywhere to do their work--online and offline--free from harassment,
    intimidation, and violence. This includes through bilateral and
    multilateral diplomacy; public messaging; accountability tools; multi-
    stakeholder initiatives such as the Media Freedom Coalition, the
    Freedom Online Coalition, and the President's upcoming Summit for
    Democracy; and foreign assistance to civil society, including rapid
    response programs to support journalists under threat and training and
    capacity building programs to bolster the safety of independent
    journalists globally. If confirmed I'll also look at new ways to
    partner in support of press freedom and to do so with allies around the
    globe--whether other governments, philanthropic groups, or the private
    sector.

        Question. Everyone should be able to practice their faith however
    they choose, including in places like China, India, and Uzbekistan. How
    does international religious freedom factor into your priorities?

        Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have made clear that
    the United States prioritizes respect for human rights, including
    freedom of religion or belief, as a key foreign policy objective. Human
    rights are universal--no matter where someone is born, what they
    believe, how they identify, or whom they love, they are entitled to the
    enjoyment of these rights. Human rights are also co-equal,
    interrelated, and interdependent. All people should be able to organize
    their lives in accordance with their conscience, free from violence,
    abuse, and discrimination. If confirmed, I intend to work alongside the
    Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and with our
    embassies and consulates around the world, to deploy the full range of
    diplomatic tools--both positive and punitive--to encourage governments
    to respect their international obligations and commitments to protect
    freedom of religion or belief.

        Question. What do you believe is the U.S. Government role in
    advocating on behalf of religious minorities?

        Answer. I believe the U.S. Government must be committed to
    advancing religious freedom internationally, including the protection
    of members of religious minority groups, across the globe. As a part of
    those efforts, we must demonstrate solidarity with those struggling to
    secure their rights and provide foreign assistance to build the
    capacity of local organizations to effectively advocate for themselves.
    We must assist victims of abuses through direct advocacy with foreign
    governments and other forms of emergency assistance, including working
    to free individuals imprisoned for their beliefs. It is also imperative
    that we engage in bilateral diplomacy to encourage governments to bring
    their laws and policies into alignment with their obligations and
    commitments to promote respect religious freedom, including ensuring
    protection for members of religious minority groups. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with the Office of International Religious
    Freedom and its appointed Ambassador at Large on these issues.

        Question. Would you describe the U.N. Human Rights Council as a
    deeply flawed body? Why or why not?

        Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) does have flaws,
    including in particular the Council's problematic membership and its
    disproportionate focus on Israel. If confirmed, I am committed to
    ensuring with colleagues the HRC can be as effective and balanced as
    possible. When the United States has a seat at the table, it has been
    able to advocate on Israel's behalf, resulting in changes like a
    reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel, a clear
    benchmark for U.S. leadership, and has stood up to more problematic
    members with notable records of abuse. When the United States plays an
    active and constructive role on the Council, it has been able to engage
    with our allies and partners to keep some of the countries with the
    worst human rights records off the Council and encourage countries with
    better records to run for seats.

        Question. Can you please explain in detail how the Biden
    administration plans to reform the U.N. Human Rights Council?

        Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
    U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic
    membership. When the U.S. has had a seat at the table, it has been able
    to advocate on Israel's behalf, and has seen changes like a reduction
    in the number of resolutions targeting Israel, one benchmark I will use
    for our leadership. I have not been part of these conversations, but I
    understand it is a priority for the administration--and certainly one
    for me, if confirmed. As part of that effort, I will prioritize working
    closely with U.S. friends, allies, and long-time HRC experts in civil
    society to address the Council's problematic membership record and its
    anti-Israel bias. I will engage regularly with the Office of the High
    Commissioner for Human Rights on a wide range of issues and also make
    clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
        When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the
    Council, it has been able to engage with our allies and partners to
    keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and
    to encourage and support countries with better records to run for
    seats.

        Question. Do you believe that human rights should be a permanent
    agenda item for the U.N. Security Council?

        Answer. Human rights are woven into the agenda items for the U.N.
    Security Council in its work to maintain international peace and
    security. Peace and security are intrinsically linked to respect for
    and support of human rights. The U.N. Human Rights Council, to which
    the United States is running for an elected seat, is the premier U.N.
    body focused on human rights issues. I look forward to utilizing that
    platform to advance human rights, if confirmed.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. That said, human rights are
    woven into the agenda items for the U.N. Security Council in its work
    to maintain international peace and security. Peace and security are
    completely linked to respect for human rights. The U.N. Human Rights
    Council, to which the United States secured an elected seat, is the
    premier U.N. body focused on human rights issues. If confirmed, I look
    forward to utilizing that as well as other multilateral platforms to
    advance human rights.

        Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?

        Answer. I am committed to achieving a comprehensive and lasting
    peace between the Israelis and Palestinians and to supporting dignity,
    equal protection under the law, and fundamental freedoms for all. For
    as long as Israel has been a member of the United Nations, Israel has
    been treated differently from other nations at the United Nations. Such
    unequal treatment not only unfairly singles out Israel, it undermines
    the legitimacy of the United Nations itself.
        If confirmed, I will uphold President Biden's strong commitment to
    Israel and its security. This includes opposing efforts to unfairly
    single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions,
    reports, and other actions across the United Nations, including the
    Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and
    other bodies. I will also continue to oppose any unilateral provocative
    actions that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects
    for a just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and
    Israelis, which ultimately requires two states.
        I understand the United States will block any resolution that we
    believe may undermine Israel's security or seek to impose a resolution
    to the conflict.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will oppose, as
    I understand the administration does already, efforts to unfairly
    single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions,
    reports, and other actions across the United Nations, including the
    Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and
    other bodies. Equally, I will firmly oppose any unilateral provocative
    actions that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects
    for a just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and
    Israelis, which ultimately requires two states. I will work to preserve
    the path to a two-state solution as the best way to ensure Israel's
    future as a Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians
    the state they seek. I will also continue and sustain diplomatic
    engagement on the issue of settlements.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee in a bipartisan manner, including by
    providing timely, accurate, and complete information on all relevant
    strategies, initiatives, programs, and assistance under the purview of
    DRL?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed I would welcome the opportunity to work
    closely with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in a bipartisan
    manner, and in coordination with the Bureau of Legislative Affairs.

    Foreign Assistance
        Question. If confirmed, under what conditions, if any, would you
    support conditioning U.S. foreign assistance?

        Answer. Conditions that prohibit certain assistance to foreign
    security forces that are credibly implicated in gross violations of
    human rights, such as the Leahy Laws, support the U.S. foreign policy
    objective of promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental
    freedoms. U.S. national security is strengthened when partner
    governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
    values, promote, and protect human rights, hold human rights violators
    accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental
    freedoms. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department of State's
    continued rigorous implementation of the Leahy Laws and similar
    conditions. Foreign assistance is an important part of how the U.S.
    engages globally--a way for us to engage local communities and support
    their goals for a more pluralistic society. I believe the principle of
    ``do no harm'' is an important one for all donors to embrace. If
    confirmed, I would work closely with colleagues at USAID to consider
    whether restrictions on U.S. foreign assistance related to DRL equities
    are prudent.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe effective
    implementation of existing U.S. law provides helpful starting points to
    identify the conditions under which I would support appropriate
    conditioning or limitations on applicable U.S. assistance. For example,
    Section 502(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act precludes assistance to
    governments that engage in a consistent pattern of gross violations of
    internationally recognized human rights. Similarly, the Leahy laws
    prohibit the provision of applicable U.S. assistance to foreign
    security force units that are credibly implicated in gross violations
    of human rights. U.S. national security is strengthened when partner
    governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
    values, promote, and protect human rights, and hold those responsible
    for human rights violations accountable. In addition, if confirmed, I
    would carefully examine, on a case-by-case basis, other human rights
    factors that may impact decisions about foreign assistance, such as
    whether another government is engaged in acts that could constitute
    atrocities or gender-based violence.

        Question. Would you support conditioning assistance to the West
    Bank and Gaza upon the achievement of measurable progress in ending the
    Palestinian Authority's support for human rights atrocities through the
    heinous ``pay for slay'' program?

        Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr
    payments is abhorrent. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to
    working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr''
    payments to address longstanding U.S. and international concerns. If
    confirmed, I will commit to closely tracking requirements under the
    Taylor Force Act and other similar legislation and ensuring that U.S.
    assistance is consistent with it. By providing critical humanitarian
    relief, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
    Palestinian security coordination, we will help millions of vulnerable
    Palestinians and promote a stable environment that benefits both
    Israelis and Palestinians in a manner that is consistent with our
    values, with U.S. foreign policy priorities, and with U.S. law.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe the Palestinian
    practice of prisoner and martyr payments is abhorrent. The Biden-Harris
    administration is committed to working to end the practice of
    Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr'' payments to address longstanding
    U.S. and international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the
    work thus far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure,
    underscoring that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship
    is seeing an end to this heinous practice.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with regional and
    functional bureaus, including the Bureau for Political-Military Affairs
    (PM) to ensure statutory restrictions on the provision of certain forms
    of U.S. foreign assistance to foreign security forces that commit human
    rights abuses are upheld on the one hand, while balancing U.S. national
    security interests and regional security imperatives on the other?

        Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
    advances U.S. national security interests. Our most valued, dependable,
    and effective partner governments and security forces around the world
    uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold
    human rights violators accountable. Human rights is one of a number of
    national security interests that need to be considered as part of U.S.
    foreign assistance, but ensuring human rights is part of that
    conversation requires doubling down on both information-sharing and
    relationship-building. I understand DRL colleagues are engaged in
    building relationships with the various regional and functional
    bureaus; if I am confirmed, I will not only support such efforts but
    undertake them myself. If confirmed, I will work to support to the
    fullest extent partner governments' accountability mechanisms essential
    to the resumption of assistance to elements of foreign security forces
    critical to U.S. national security and regional security.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with regional and
    functional bureaus to ensure that statutory restrictions on assistance
    to foreign governments that engage in corruption and/or fail to uphold
    budget transparency requirements are upheld on the one hand, while
    balancing U.S. national interests and on the other?

        Answer. U.S. national interests are served through a wide array of
    tools and approaches, including bilateral and multilateral diplomatic
    engagement, public diplomacy, and foreign assistance. In countries that
    do not meet statutory restrictions on assistance to foreign
    governments, including those relating to corruption, I understand the
    Department elevates other forms of engagement, and can at times provide
    assistance to civil society organizations capable of advancing U.S.
    interests. Congress has passed important bipartisan legislation that
    enables U.S. Government efforts to better fight corruption and
    President Biden's Memorandum on the Fight Against Corruption as a Core
    United States National Security Interest will further enable the
    executive to assess corruption concerns by modernizing and resourcing
    our ability to elevate and effectively address this problem. If
    confirmed, I pledge to work closely and collaboratively with regional
    and functional bureaus and across the interagency to strategically
    leverage all foreign policy tools possible in each country context.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you measure the impact of DRL
    grants for building the capacity of civil society organizations,
    particularly in non-permissive environments? What is--or should be--the
    criteria for ``graduating'' civil society organizations from reliance
    upon U.S. foreign assistance?

        Answer. I understand that DRL is a leader in the Department of
    State for their monitoring and evaluation of programs and grants. I
    understand DRL measures outcomes and impact, including on capacity
    building, through a set of custom indicators and routine evaluation. If
    confirmed, I will continue to support this practice and closely examine
    what criteria and metrics are in place for measuring success over all
    programmatic goals, including capacity building for civil society
    organizations (CSOs), including in non-permissive environments. My
    understanding is that DRL does not provide core funding for CSOs, but
    instead provides technical assistance (which can be geared towards CSO
    sustainability) or assistance to conduct particular activities within a
    time-limited grant (usually 2-3 years in length). Furthermore, my
    understanding is that it is not a question of ``graduating'' from U.S.
    foreign assistance as the grants, by nature, are time-limited and end.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict DRL's grant-making
    with the work of the U.S. Agency for International Development--which
    has a far more significant budget and deep roots with civil society
    across all development sectors--to guard against duplication and waste?

        Answer. DRL adds unique value to U.S. democracy, governance, and
    human rights programming. DRL's close connection with activists and
    human rights defenders on the ground, especially in repressive
    environments, and programmatic flexibility allow it to address emerging
    opportunities and challenges. If confirmed, I pledge to ensure these
    programs are closely coordinated with the U.S. Agency for International
    Development. My understanding is that USAID and other relevant
    interagency representatives regularly participate in DRL's grant-making
    process, to include serving on panels and reviewing program proposals.
    I hope to continue and deepen this collaboration if confirmed.

        Question. In your view, should the U.S. Agency for International
    Development be directly engaging in democracy promotion, or would
    democracy promotion be best left to the Department of State and its
    diplomatic corps?

        Answer. I believe that the U.S. Agency for International
    Development should engage in democracy support, especially in the
    context of development and strengthening government institutions in
    permissive environments. Supporting and advancing democracy in all
    environments is vitally important and has important links to
    development and aid efforts. support , If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with my colleagues both at the Department of State and the U.S.
    Agency for International Development to use all tools at our collective
    disposal to promote democracy.

        Question. In your view, what is the difference between human rights
    defenders and climate activists?

        Answer. I understand the United States defines human rights
    defenders as individuals, working alone or in groups, who non-
    violently, and consistent with the law, advocate for the promotion and
    protection of universally recognized human rights and fundamental
    freedoms. Human rights defenders can be of any ethnicity, gender,
    sexual orientation, religious denomination, disability status, or age.
    They can come from any part of the world, from any social class or
    background, and work on a wide range of issues. A climate activist is
    someone who actively campaigns to have issues of climate change
    recognized and addressed. In some countries, individuals who exercise
    their human rights to peacefully express views on land, climate, or
    environmental issues face abuses from corrupt actors and/or politically
    motivated repression or reprisal. In such cases, I believe the
    Department should continue to protect the universal human right of
    these individuals to express and advocate for their views non-
    violently.

        Question. Do you agree with the Biden administration's recent
    efforts to prioritize U.S. foreign assistance specifically set aside
    for human rights defenders for climate activists, effectively placing
    them above other categories of activists that may be subject to
    security action?

        Answer. The Department works to ensure foreign assistance funds are
    programmed consistent with applicable directives, including those
    related to human rights defenders. Members of civil society should be
    heard and not silenced when exercising their rights to freedoms of
    expression, association, and peaceful assembly as they seek to
    participate in the governance of their country. U.S. diplomatic efforts
    and foreign assistance programs seek to protect and support civil
    society members and human rights defenders threatened and attacked for
    exercising their human rights, including those advocating on
    environmental issues. I also understand the Department has long
    included environmental activists as beneficiaries of support through a
    variety of foreign assistance programs. Activists exercising their
    human rights when seeking to protect the environment, including
    addressing climate change, are experiencing increasing repression and
    violence, including killings. I understand U.S. foreign assistance is
    provided to help address these threats. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with you and the committee on these and other U.S. foreign
    assistance matters.

    Security Partnerships
        Question. How do you define a values-based security partnership?

        Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
    advances U.S. national security. Our most valued, dependable, and
    effective partner governments and security forces around the world
    uphold democratic values, protect the human rights of their citizens
    and civilians they protect, hold human rights violators accountable,
    and do not unduly restrict the fundamental freedoms of their people.
    Partnerships should also allow partners to speak openly and honestly
    about all issues--ones where there is agreement and ones where there is
    disagreement. Waiting until a U.S. law is violated doesn't help the
    U.S. and doesn't help the partner be at its best and more effective. If
    confirmed, I will make every effort to ensure core DRL equities are
    part of all security cooperation discussions, with an eye towards
    enhancing behavior and strengthening the partnership. I believe that we
    must continue to create and maintain strong values-based security
    relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured
    assistance, and frequent and ongoing cooperation.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I define a values-based security
    partnership as one that promotes democracy, human rights, and
    accountability in partner security forces. This means supporting
    leaders and institutional safeguards in foreign security forces that
    seek to advance those values but also placing importance on
    transparency, both between governments and with the American public. It
    means having regular, respectful, and frank conversations with our
    foreign security partners through embassy personnel as well as in
    bilateral security meetings with more senior officials. Rights-
    respecting, accountable security forces enjoy more support from their
    public, are better allies, and are more effective in promoting security
    in their own countries. It also means looking for opportunities to help
    with remediation so security forces can get back on track--or at least
    understand that doing so is a viable option. This ultimately improves
    U.S. security as well. If confirmed, I will work to build and maintain
    such values-based security partnerships.

        Question. Do you believe that the U.S. should only pursue security
    partnerships with liberal democracies? Why or why not?

        Answer. No. I believe that supporting democracy, human rights, and
    fundamental freedoms advances U.S. national security and that most
    valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
    forces around the world uphold democratic values, protect the human
    rights of their citizens and civilians, hold human rights violators
    accountable, and do not unduly restrict the fundamental freedoms of
    their people. While these are not the only security partnerships that
    exist, it is important to centralize core democratic tenets within
    these efforts. In some cases, if the partner in question isn't a
    democracy, security assistance can be a valuable incentive to generate
    reform. If confirmed, I will work to realize President Biden's vision
    of a foreign policy, including with regards to security partnerships,
    that are centered around human rights and democratic values, which can
    certainly but not exclusively find expression in partnerships with
    other democracies.

        Question. How do you think a country's human rights environment
    will be affected if China replaces the U.S. as security partner of
    choice?

        Answer. The PRC's active campaign to reshape the rules-based order,
    and corrupt practices are often conducted under the guise of
    diplomatic, economic, and security cooperation and can threaten both
    the human rights situation in countries with which China partners, as
    well as the partner country's very sovereignty. America's commitment to
    democracy and human rights in our foreign policy is a competitive
    advantage, including with our security partners, and one we have seen
    demanded by local populations from Hong Kong to Belarus. If confirmed,
    I will work to ensure that American values continue to remain a
    centerpiece of U.S. security cooperation.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe the PRC's active
    campaign to reshape the rules-based order and other problematic
    practices are often conducted under the guise of diplomatic, economic,
    and security cooperation and threaten to degrade the human rights
    situation in countries with which China partners if China replaces the
    U.S. as a country's security partner of choice. America's commitment to
    promoting democracy and respect for human rights in our foreign policy
    is a competitive advantage, including with our security partners and
    has created important opportunities for strengthening bilateral
    relations. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that American values
    continue to remain a centerpiece of U.S. security cooperation.

        Question. Do you support imposing a new requirement for Leahy-like
    vetting for all U.S. arms sales? Why or why not?

        Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration is already
    working to develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to
    ensure arms transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign
    policy priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at
    the center of foreign policy; if confirmed, I will support and uphold
    that policy. In the meantime, I understand the Department--consistent
    with the Arms Export Control Act and other applicable laws--determines
    on a case-by-case basis whether arms transfers support U.S. interests,
    including human rights. If there is interest from Congress to move a
    new Leahy-like vetting for all U.S. arms sales, I would engage
    meaningfully in the discussion and consult closely with others in the
    Department--as well as outside experts. When appropriate, that review
    should include consultations with the U.S. Congress and input from DoD
    and other interagency partners--a process I intend to take very
    seriously, if confirmed.

        Question. Should the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
    have a veto over arms sales?

        Answer. No single bureau has or should have a veto over foreign
    arms sales; I understand human rights concerns are one of several
    factors taken into account in the arms sales process, together with the
    implications of such sales for U.S. and regional security, bilateral
    relations, and U.S. commercial interests. If confirmed, I will ensure
    that the arms sales process gives appropriate weight to human rights
    concerns raised by any bureau, and I will fully support the role of
    human rights considerations in arms transfer decisions, in line with
    the requirement for such considerations in statute and with President
    Biden's commitment to putting human rights at the center of foreign
    policy. I understand the Biden administration is already working to
    develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms
    transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign policy
    priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at the
    center of foreign policy

        Question. There are efforts in Congress to condition security
    assistance given to Israel. Yes or no, do you believe in conditioning
    Foreign Military Financing, International Military Education and
    Training, and other forms of assistance that the U.S. gives Israel? Why
    or why not?

        Answer. If confirmed I will fully support the administration's
    commitment not to condition U.S. assistance to Israel. President
    Biden's commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. I understand that
    the Leahy laws prohibit Foreign Military Financing, International
    Military Education and Training, and other forms of U.S. assistance to
    foreign security forces that are credibly implicated in gross
    violations of human rights, where no accountability is taking place. If
    confirmed, I will fully support the letter and spirit of the Leahy Laws
    and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the Department of State, and
    the Department of Defense.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will fully
    support the administration's commitment not to condition U.S.
    assistance to Israel. President Biden's commitment to Israel's security
    is ironclad. I understand that the Leahy laws prohibit Foreign Military
    Financing, International Military Education and Training, and other
    forms of U.S. assistance to foreign security forces that are credibly
    implicated in gross violations of human rights, where no accountability
    is taking place. If confirmed, I will fully support the letter and
    spirit of the Leahy Laws and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the
    Department of State, and the Department of Defense.

              Question. Can the nominee clarify whether she thinks Israel
            is such a place where no accountability is taking place, as
            referenced in her answer?

              Answer. I do not believe that Israel is a place where no
            accountability is taking place.

        Question. The United States provides significant funding to the
    International Committee of the Red Cross. However, ICRC is now
    advocating for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a
    treaty that threatens the ability of the U.S. to defend itself and its
    allies, among other issues. Do you believe this advocacy is outside the
    ICRC's mandate? Should U.S. taxpayers fund it?

        Answer. I am aware the International Committee of the Red Cross
    (ICRC) has been addressing nuclear weapons since 1945 as part of its
    mission. I also understand that the PRM bureau at the State Department
    is authorized to provide funds to the ICRC to respond to emergencies,
    protect and assist civilians in situations of armed conflict, wounded
    members of armed forces, prisoners of war, and other vulnerable
    populations, and promote international humanitarian law. I understand
    that the United States does not support the TPNW and, if confirmed, I
    will commit to work with my State Department and interagency colleagues
    on tangible, verifiable measures to reduce strategic risk and enable
    progress on nuclear disarmament.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am aware that the
    International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been addressing
    nuclear weapons since 1945 as part of its mission. The ICRC has an
    important role that includes promoting respect for international
    humanitarian law (IHL), helping to disseminate and teach it, and
    working with States in fulfilling their obligations under IHL,
    especially those of states parties to the Geneva Conventions. The
    United States does not support the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear
    Weapons, nor does the U.S. Government provide funds to support the
    ICRC's advocacy activities related to it. If confirmed, I commit to
    defending the ability of the United States to defend itself and our
    allies and will work with my State Department and interagency
    colleagues on tangible, verifiable measures to reduce strategic risk
    and enable progress on nuclear disarmament.

        Question. Since 2015, parties to the conflict in Yemen have carried
    out gross human rights violations with impunity. This includes the
    Iran-backed Houthis, who, both the U.N. and the Department of State,
    have implicated in abuses ranging from arbitrary arrest, forced
    disappearance, to gender-based violence and even torture.

       Please provide your assessment of the Houthi Movement's adherence
            to international human rights and humanitarian law.

        Answer. The Houthis have committed egregious human rights abuses in
    Yemen; the United Nations Panel of Experts noted they may have also
    committed war crimes. The 2020 State Department Human Rights Report on
    Yemen notes many of these allegations, including arbitrary deprivation
    of life, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, gender-based
    violence, including sexual violence, torture, and the recruitment and
    use in hostilities of children. All parties to Yemen's armed conflict,
    including the Houthis, are responsible for compliance with
    international human law. Efforts to hold the Houthis responsible for
    grave crimes are just as important as those to hold government
    officials accountable. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Special
    Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to push all parties
    to the conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen
    Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit to using your position to
    bringing greater awareness to the human rights violations being
    actively perpetrated by the Houthis in Yemen, which poses a grave and
    long-term threat to regional stability?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Special Envoy Tim
    Lenderking and our international partners to push all parties to the
    conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Hans
    Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions. The United States
    continues to work with our international partners to apply pressure on
    the Houthis, including via domestic and U.N. sanctions, and, if
    confirmed, I would support that work. I would also work closely with
    the U.N. Human Rights Council to continue highlighting the importance
    of accountability for human rights abuses committed in Yemen.

        Question. To what extent do you feel the deliberate targeting of
    civilian infrastructure by the Houthis both in Yemen and in Saudi
    Arabia constitutes war crimes?

        Answer. The Houthis continue to impact Saudi civilians and
    infrastructure with missiles and unmanned aircraft systems launched
    from Yemen. I understand that the Department of State shares concerns
    over these actions and has continued to urge all parties to this
    conflict to respect their obligations under international humanitarian
    law, and to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The Houthis continue to mount
    egregious attacks against Saudi civilians and infrastructure with
    missiles and unmanned aircraft systems launched from Yemen. While I am
    not in a position to make a legal assessment of whether individual
    attacks constitute war crimes, credible NGOs such as Human Rights Watch
    have alleged that some of these attacks constituted war crimes. Houthi
    attacks on Marib have killed civilians, including small children, and
    have put over one million internally displaced Yemenis at grave risk,
    and Houthi attacks on Saudi civilian infrastructure have killed and
    wounded civilians. I understand that the Department of State shares
    concerns over these actions and has continued to urge all parties to
    this conflict to respect their obligations under international
    humanitarian law, and to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians.

        Question. How would the role of the Houthis in a future Government
    of Yemen impact this administration's ability to carry out its
    priorities with respect to human rights, religious freedom, and
    democracy promotion in Yemen?

        Answer. President Biden has committed to elevating the importance
    of human rights in our foreign policy. The Houthis have a record of
    egregious human rights abuses. Respect for human rights, accountability
    for human rights abuses and violations, and progress on the political
    track are all mutually reinforcing. If confirmed, I would work with
    U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to
    push all parties to the conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special
    Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions.

        Question. In a 2020 report, the U.N. panel of experts noted that
    their investigations ``confirmed rampant levels of serious violations
    of international human rights law and international humanitarian law,
    many of which may amount to war crimes.'' What role should DRL play in
    international efforts to pursue accountability and justice for crimes
    committed in Yemen?

        Answer. The United States continues to work with our international
    partners to promote accountability in Yemen, including via domestic and
    U.N. sanctions, public and private diplomatic engagement, and support
    for documentation of human rights violations and abuses by all parties
    to the conflict. If confirmed, I would support that work and also
    engage local civil society organizations on what types of justice would
    be most meaningful.

        Question. How does institutional capacity building at the local
    level fit into the overall peace process in Yemen?

        Answer. Years of war have degraded governmental and non-
    governmental institutions throughout Yemen, and rebuilding key social,
    political, and economic institutions will be critical to reaching and
    maintaining a durable peace agreement. If confirmed, I will work
    closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking, the United
    Nations, the Government of Yemen, civil society leaders, including
    women and youth, and key regional and international partners to build
    on the unprecedented international consensus on the need to end the
    war.

        Question. How can local government structures be better used to
    advance efforts to find a political settlement to the conflict?

        Answer. Only a comprehensive peace agreement between Yemenis can
    begin to reverse the humanitarian crisis and bring sustainable relief.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim
    Lenderking, the United Nations, the Government of Yemen, and key
    regional and international partners to build on the international
    consensus on the need to end the war and to engage civil society
    leaders, including women and youth at the local and national level. An
    inclusive political dialogue involving civil society is essential to
    ensuring all Yemenis are heard and represented in efforts to end the
    war.

        Question. Since anti-government protests broke out in October 2019,
    dozens of protestors have been killed by Iran backed militia groups in
    Iraq. These groups operate largely with impunity having successfully
    evaded the Government of Iraq's efforts to hold them to account for
    their crimes. What role should DRL play in ensuring the protests
    movement's voices are heard and their concerns addressed?

        Answer. The Government of Iraq has an obligation to respect and
    protect freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Peaceful
    demonstrators seeking democratic reforms should never be met with
    threats and violence. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting
    accountability for the ongoing violence against protesters,
    journalists, and activists in Iraq. I also will ensure DRL continues to
    work with other U.S. Government stakeholders and likeminded countries
    to pursue justice, accountability, and democratic reforms through
    increased diplomatic pressure on the Government of Iraq to investigate
    and hold accountable individuals responsible for violence against the
    media, protesters, voters, civil society activists and minority
    populations, as well as to continue to communicate the U.S.
    Government's strong support for the rights and dignity of all persons.

        Question. After months of stalled government formation efforts
    following the August 4, 2020 Beirut Port Blast, Lebanon's political
    elite finally reached an agreement to form a cabinet on September 20,
    2021. If confirmed, please outline your list of priorities with respect
    to Lebanon.

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support efforts to urge the newly
    formed Lebanese Government to take action to address the dire economic
    situation facing those living in Lebanon and to address the legitimate
    demands of the Lebanese people, including concrete political and
    economic reforms which would combat corruption and protect the rights
    of Lebanese civil society, as well as accountability for the port
    blast. I would also support efforts to work to ensure Lebanon's
    parliamentary elections are held on-time and conducted in a free and
    fair manner.

        Question. How do you plan to work with Lebanon's newly formed
    cabinet and civil society to support efforts to pursue accountability
    for the Beirut Port Blast?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to push for the newly
    formed Lebanese Government to work closely with Lebanese civil society
    to ensure accountability for the Beirut Port Blast. I believe the
    Lebanese justice system must work without any political interference,
    and civil society plays an important role in promoting transparency.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of Russia's role in the
    Middle East and North Africa region with respect to human rights and
    democratic ideals.

        Answer. Russia's actions in the Middle East and North Africa
    largely serve to undermine the international order, including human
    rights and democracy, through its enabling of regimes committing human
    rights violations. Among the greatest concerns is Russia's military
    campaign in Syria in support of the Assad regime, which has led to
    massive destruction, the detainment and abuse of countless individuals,
    the displacement of millions, and the deaths of hundreds of thousands.
    If confirmed, I will push back on Russia's efforts to shield the Assad
    regime from accountability, including in multilateral fora.

        Question. Is it your view that closer partnership with Russia
    positively, or negatively, impacts U.S. interests in the region?

        Answer. In general, Russia's interests in the region are mostly
    geopolitical but there is an element of commercial interest as well--
    which means there are multiple angles for the U.S. to consider
    engaging. If confirmed, I would support cooperation with Russia in the
    Middle East and North Africa region on issues where our interests
    align, such as on constraining Iran's nuclear ambitions. In Syria, the
    United States has always been open to dialogue with Russia as long as
    it contributes to the protection of civilians, enables steps toward a
    political resolution to the conflict, and promotes Syria's adherence to
    its international obligations. Where Russia acts to thwart U.S.
    objectives in the region, however, I believe the United States should
    respond with firm resolve. Calling out and holding Russia accountable
    for its malign actions is an important response tool.

        Question. According to the U.N., widespread human rights violations
    have been committed over the course of the conflict in Libya. What role
    should DRL play in efforts to pursue accountability for the victims?

        Answer. The United States shares the aspirations of the Libyan
    people: a sovereign, stable, unified, and secure Libya, free from
    foreign interference. Libyans should be able to feel that their rights
    will be respected. Ensuring accountability for human rights abuses is
    critical to the national reconciliation process.
        If confirmed, I will explore all tools available to promote
    accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and
    abuses in Libya, including sanctions and support for multilateral
    mechanisms like the U.N. International Fact-Finding Mission on Libya. I
    will continue ongoing diplomatic engagement with the Libyan Government
    and civil society, and will support civil society in their efforts to
    document human rights violations and abuses as part of broader
    accountability mechanisms.

        Question. What is the best recourse to purse action against the
    alleged perpetrators of such crimes?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with Libyan civil society and
    build on international best practices and the expertise of my
    colleagues in the Department to determine the most effective way to
    promote accountability in support of a sovereign, stable, secure, and
    unified Libya that protects the human rights of all individuals in the
    country.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of the exceptional
    measures taken by President Kais Saied in July through which he
    suspended parliament, lifted MP's immunity, and dismissed the prime
    minister.

        Answer. I share the Tunisian people's goal of a democratic
    government that is responsive to the country's needs, as it battles
    economic and health crises. I am concerned that President Saied's
    transitional measures are continuing without a clear end in sight. If
    confirmed, I would echo calls from the Tunisian public for the
    president to articulate a plan with a clear timeline for an inclusive
    reform process that includes civil society and diverse political voices
    and ensure that Tunisians' human rights are respected and protected.

        Question. To what extent do you feel President Saied's recent
    actions threaten the state of Tunisian democracy?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration continues to urge President
    Saied to swiftly end exceptional measures, appoint a prime minister to
    form a capable government that can respond to Tunisians' legitimate
    economic and political demands, and launch an inclusive reform process
    that incorporates civil society and diverse political perspectives. If
    confirmed, I would support and advance administration policy on these
    fronts, echo calls from the Tunisian public for the president to
    articulate a plan with a clear timeline for an inclusive reform process
    that includes civil society and diverse political voices and ensure
    that Tunisians' human rights are respected and protected.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to work with Tunisia to
    preserve hard won democratic gains?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has called on the Tunisian
    Government to continue its public commitment to respect Tunisians'
    fundamental freedoms and the rule of law. If confirmed, I would
    continue to make clear the United States' unwavering support for
    Tunisian democracy and work closely with a range of Tunisian
    interlocutors, including Tunisian civil society, to strengthen
    Tunisia's democracy, and ensure that Tunisians' human rights are
    respected and protected. I would also work closely with multilateral
    organizations and the international financial institutions to ensure
    Tunisia's democracy has wide support and adequate resources to succeed.

        Question. In 2016, the Obama administration signed a 10-year
    security assistance Memorandum of Understanding with Israel in which
    the U.S. pledged military assistance in the form of Foreign Military
    Financing and missile defense funding. Do you support providing Israel
    with defensive capabilities that include Iron Dome munitions?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains committed to
    Israel's defense and security, including its qualitative military edge
    in the region, consistent with U.S. law and policy. On May 20,
    President Biden assured Prime Minister Netanyahu of his ``full support
    to replenish Israel's Iron Dome system to ensure [Israel's] defense and
    security in the future.'' If confirmed, I will support transfers of
    defensive capabilities to Israel consistent with U.S. law and the 2016
    Memorandum of Understanding.

        Question. In May, President Biden confirmed his administration's
    support for Israel and said, ``Until the region says unequivocally they
    acknowledge the right of Israel to exist as an independent Jewish
    state, there will be no peace.'' If confirmed, will you support
    transfers of offensive capabilities to Israel so they can properly
    defend themselves?

        Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to
    Israel's security. If confirmed, I will support transfers of offensive
    capabilities to Israel consistent with U.S. law.

        Question. Should the International Criminal Court investigate U.S.
    or Israeli personnel? Why or why not?

        Answer. No. I support the administration's efforts to firmly oppose
    investigations by the International Criminal Court of U.S. or Israeli
    personnel. The United States and Israel are not parties to the ICC and
    have not consented to the Court's jurisdiction. I understand the U.S.
    Government has expressed serious concerns about the ICC's attempts to
    exercise its jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. The Palestinians do
    not qualify as a sovereign state and therefore, are not qualified to
    obtain membership as a state in, participate as a state in, or delegate
    jurisdiction to the ICC.
        I understand the United States Government remains deeply committed
    to ensuring justice and accountability for international atrocity
    crimes. I recognize the role that international tribunals such as the
    ICC can play-within their respective mandates-in the pursuit of those
    important objectives and believe a peaceful, secure, and more
    prosperous future for the people of the Middle East depends on building
    bridges and creating new avenues for dialogue and exchange, not
    unilateral judicial actions that can exacerbate tensions and undercut
    efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution.

        Question. What are your views on the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions
    (BDS) movement, which includes companies with whom the Department of
    State does business?

        Answer. I firmly oppose the BDS movement. While the United States
    will protect the constitutional rights of our citizens to free speech,
    the Biden-Harris administration has been clear that it resolutely
    opposes the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement because
    it unfairly and inappropriately singles out Israel.

        Question. Under what conditions would you advocate for the United
    States--and the Department of State, in particular--to join the boycott
    movement?

        Answer. Like the Biden-Harris administration, I firmly oppose the
    BDS movement.

        Question. Do you believe that Israeli settlements in West Bank and
    Gaza are illegal?

        Answer. I believe it is critical for both Israel and the
    Palestinian Authority to refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate
    tensions and undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state
    solution, including annexation of territory, settlement activity,
    demolitions, incitement to violence, and providing compensation for
    individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The two-state solution is the
    best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and democratic state,
    and to give the Palestinians the state they seek. I firmly oppose any
    unilateral provocative actions that risk sparking more violence and
    that undermine prospects for a just, durable resolution of the conflict
    between Palestinians and Israelis, which ultimately requires two
    states. I believe it is critical for both Israel and the Palestinian
    Authority to refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate tensions and
    undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution, including
    annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions, incitement
    to violence, and providing compensation for individuals imprisoned for
    acts of terrorism. I am not in a position to speak to the
    administration's legal views. If confirmed, I will work to preserve the
    path to a two-state solution, as the best way to ensure Israel's future
    as a Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state
    they seek.

        Question. The Egyptian Government has a less-than-stellar record on
    human rights, including recent arbitrary detentions of human rights
    activists, impunity for security services, deplorable detention
    conditions, suppression of fundamental freedoms, and more. It is
    important that the United States seek to bolster human rights and civil
    society in Egypt. What tools will you use to address these human rights
    abuses and end impunity for those committing them?

        Answer. It's clear that the United States has multiple priorities
    when it comes to policy toward Egypt, but I think it's important to
    recognize that the Secretary of State's recent decision neither to
    certify improvements in Egypt's human rights record nor to waive the
    Foreign Military Financing human rights conditions presents an
    opportunity for the administration to double down on its efforts to
    address Egypt's grave human rights crisis. If confirmed, I will
    consider all tools available to address human rights violations in
    Egypt and to end impunity for those violations, including through
    public and private diplomatic engagement, engagement with partners and
    at multilateral forums, and more punitive measures to address specific
    abuses, including restrictions on security assistance as appropriate. I
    also will support engagement with Egyptian civil society groups,
    including human rights defenders and work closely with the NEA bureau
    and Embassy Cairo to ensure those civil society voices are heard.
    Ultimately, the Egyptian people will be the most effective advocates
    for human rights and government accountability in Egypt, so if
    confirmed I will prioritize identifying how to best push back on
    Egyptian restrictions on civic space and how to secure adequate space
    for independent civil society groups working to address these issues in
    Egypt.

        Question. If confirmed, what would you change about current
    programming in Syria?

        Answer. I understand that since before the 2011 uprisings, DRL
    programs have been actively supporting Syrian civil society,
    independent journalists, civic groups, and women and youth activists,
    to advance the cause of democracy and human rights. I believe DRL's
    programs protect civic space for Syrian civil society groups to
    advocate for the needs of their communities; play an active role in the
    political process; promote reconciliation and stabilization of areas
    recently liberated; hold local governance institutions accountable;
    contribute to accountability and transitional justice efforts; and
    provide support to survivors of torture and sexual and gender-based
    violence. While other donors have ceased or limited their support for
    these Syrian civil society actors, DRL has provided continuous
    assistance to help protect civil society's role as positive change
    agents within Syria, in neighboring countries, and in the diaspora. If
    confirmed, I will look closely at DRL's programmatic efforts in Syria
    to determine if any changes are needed to ensure the continued success
    and impact of these efforts, to ensure our programs remain aligned with
    our policy, and to ensure our partners can continue to operate as
    safely as possible.

        Question. Do you agree that the United States should not be funding
    reconstruction efforts in Syria? Please explain your answer.

        Answer. If confirmed, I would not support reconstruction assistance
    to Syria until there is irreversible progress toward a political
    resolution to the conflict in line with United Nations Security Council
    Resolution 2254. I would support the United States continuing to
    provide humanitarian aid in Syria, including certain early recovery
    assistance, to build resilience and restore Syrian civilians' access to
    basic services, so long as these are delivered on the basis of need and
    conducted by independent and impartial humanitarian agencies.

        Question. What steps, if confirmed, will you take to bolster civil
    society in country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure the United States continues
    its strong support for courageous Syrian civil society actors whose
    efforts are critical to advancing peace and stability in Syria. I
    understand DRL has provided continuous assistance to maintain civil
    society's role as positive change agents within Syria, including
    through efforts to protect and expand civic space and encourage
    meaningful citizen participation in public policy and governance;
    promote local reconciliation; support human rights and accountability
    efforts; and facilitate reintegration of returning IDPs, among other
    activities, as well as Syrians in neighboring countries and the
    diaspora. If confirmed, I will ensure DRL continues to work closely
    with interagency colleagues to ensure the continued success and impact
    of these efforts, and that our partners can continue to operate as
    safely as possible.

        Question. What steps, if confirmed, will you take to bolster human
    rights defenders in country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure DRL continues its strong
    support for courageous Syrian human rights defenders whose efforts are
    critical to advancing peace and stability in Syria. I understand DRL
    has provided continuous assistance to ensure human rights defenders'
    efforts to contribute to accountability and transitional justice
    efforts; provide support to survivors of torture and gender-based
    violence; play an active role in the political process; and promote
    stabilization in areas liberated from ISIS. If confirmed, I will ensure
    DRL continues to work closely with interagency colleagues to support
    and encourage the continued success and impact of these efforts, and
    that our partners can continue to operate as safely as possible.

        Question. Syrian-Russian forces continue to deliberately and openly
    attack civilian entities, community centers, and populations. How would
    you engage with the intra-Department and interagency to promote a
    political solution through United Nations Security Council Resolution
    (UNSCR) 2254?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the United States to remain
    engaged with the U.N., our allies, and our international partners to
    encourage all possible efforts to advance a political resolution to the
    conflict through a U.N.-facilitated, Syrian-led process as laid out in
    U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254, including a nationwide ceasefire
    and the release of arbitrarily detained Syrians. Peace and stability in
    Syria, and the greater region, can only be achieved through a political
    process that addresses the root causes of the conflict, including the
    Assad regime's ongoing campaign of arbitrary detention and violence
    against his own people, and promotes accountability for the innumerable
    atrocities the Assad regime and its allies have perpetrated against the
    Syrian people.

        Question. The use of arbitrary detention and torture by the Assad
    regime continues to shock the conscious. Please explain what tools are
    available to you, if confirmed, to hold the regime accountable for its
    crimes against civilians?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would use every tool at my disposal to
    promote an end to the Assad regime's vicious campaign of arbitrary
    detention and torture in Syria. I will consult with our DRL team and
    Department colleagues to assess which tools are most appropriate to
    achieving this objective, including continued support for human rights
    and documentation groups laying the groundwork for accountability
    efforts; support for former detainees, families of the missing, and
    other survivors of the regime's abuses; the continued use of targeted
    sanctions that promote accountability for perpetrators of human rights
    abuses and limit their access to resources; and ensuring our efforts to
    advance a political resolution also address the root causes of the
    conflict and promote accountability for the innumerable atrocities the
    Assad regime and its allies have perpetrated against the Syrian people.

        Question. The recent botched evacuation in Afghanistan highlights
    some serious gaps in the policy decisions made by this administration.
    What conditions would a Biden administration place on future assistance
    to Afghanistan?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will monitor closely how any future
    Government of Afghanistan respects and protects human rights,
    especially for women, girls, and minority groups, and fundamental
    freedoms that have become an integral part of the life of all Afghan
    citizens, and actively engage our bilateral and multilateral partners
    to maintain unity in holding the Taliban accountable to their actions.
    If confirmed, I also commit to ensuring unhindered U.S. humanitarian
    assistance continues to safely flow to support the needs of Afghan
    people and that female aid workers are granted the ability to fully
    participate in the delivery of aid. I will work to increase support to
    human rights defenders, independent journalists, and civil society
    activists who remain in Afghanistan. The provision of humanitarian
    assistance is a demonstration of the U.S. commitment to the Afghan
    people, and an important part of ensuring they remain protected and
    supported. If confirmed, I will encourage the United States, to work
    with other governments, with financial institutions, and with NGOs to
    support humanitarian and emergency assistance to Afghans whose lives
    depend on it.

        Question. U.S. efforts in Afghanistan dramatically improved
    conditions for women, minority and youth but now are at great risk of
    violence and regression from the Taliban. How should the State
    Department safeguard the gains made for Afghan women, minority, and
    youth in the current security environment?

        Answer. The meaningful participation of women and members of
    minority groups in governance has a positive effect on the economic,
    political, and health aspects of a country and its people. If
    confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to hold the Taliban to its
    stated commitment to allow U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents,
    and Afghans with the proper documentation who wish to leave the country
    to do so. I will also continue to support efforts to hold the Taliban
    to international expectations on respecting the fundamental human
    rights of all Afghans, including those of women, children, and members
    of minority and vulnerable groups. I will also work with the
    international community, including the United Nations, to hold the
    perpetrators of human rights abuses and violations accountable for
    those actions. Part of my job, if confirmed, will be to make sure the
    Department--as well as the interagency--is aware of the fragile
    situation for women, minorities, and youth and has all the updated
    information available so we can make decisions as U.S. Government that
    lessens the burdens--and threats--they face and increase protection and
    opportunities.

        Question. Do you feel that this administration failed women, girls,
    and youth in Afghanistan given the botched evacuation?

        Answer. Over 124,000 American citizens, lawful permanent residents
    (LPRs), locally employed staff, Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs), and
    Afghans at-risk, including women, children, journalists, persons with
    disabilities, members of the LGBTQI+ community, and members of minority
    groups were evacuated from Afghanistan prior to September 1. That said,
    many vulnerable Afghans remain in Afghanistan and will need support and
    protection. The administration will continue to hold the Taliban to
    their commitment to allowing the safe passage of American citizens,
    LPRs, and Afghans with the proper documentation, including women and
    children, who desire to leave. The meaningful participation of women
    and members of minority groups in governance has a positive effect on
    the economic, political, and security health of a country. If
    confirmed, I will work with the rest of the interagency to press the
    Taliban on the international community's expectations of their ability
    to uphold the rights of all Afghans, including women and children. I
    will engage our multilateral and bilateral partners on the same, to
    ensure they are pushing the same message of respect for human rights
    and fundamental freedoms and the need to form an inclusive government
    that includes women and members of minority groups. I will work with
    the international community, including the United Nations, to hold the
    perpetrators of human rights abuses and violations accountable for
    their actions.

        Question. How will you continue to support vulnerable populations
    in Afghanistan and the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promoting respect for human
    rights and fundamental freedoms, especially for Afghan human rights
    defenders, women, children, journalists, persons with disabilities,
    members of the LGBTQI+ community, members of minority groups, and other
    vulnerable persons. I will support U.S. efforts to hold the Taliban to
    its stated commitment to allow American citizens, Legal Permanent
    Residents, and Afghans with the proper documentation who wish to leave
    the country to do so, as well as press them to respect human rights,
    including those of women and children, in Afghanistan. I will also look
    for ways for the State Department to support multilateral initiatives
    that protect and support vulnerable populations, work with regional
    governments, multilateral organizations, international civil society
    organizations and USAID colleagues. I will seek to maintain our robust
    relationships with Afghan human rights defenders both inside and
    outside Afghanistan. If confirmed, my commitment to these relationships
    will remain unwavering as we work with academics, human rights
    defenders, women activists, and disability activists on these issues.

        Question. The U.S. recently killed 10 civilians, including seven
    children, via an over-the-horizon drone strike in Afghanistan. The U.S.
    has killed civilians in numerous other errant strikes. Would other
    countries be justified in boycotting, divesting, and sanctioning the
    United States? Why or why not?

        Answer. I share my deepest condolences with the families and
    friends of those who were killed by the strike. While the United
    States, like all other countries, has a right to defend itself and, if
    confirmed, I will defend that right, there has been tremendous work in
    the area of how best to respond to civilian casualties and a number of
    lessons learned that if implemented robustly can help generate both
    effectiveness towards national security goals and good will amongst
    local communities. General McKenzie stated on September 17, ``This
    strike was taken in the earnest belief that it would prevent an
    imminent threat to our forces and the evacuees at the airport. But it
    was a mistake and I offer my sincere apology.'' Secretary Austin said
    that ``We will endeavor to learn from this horrible mistake. To that
    end, I have directed a thorough review of the investigation just
    completed by U.S. Central Command. I have asked for this review to
    consider the degree to which the investigation considered all available
    context and information, the degree to which accountability measures
    need be taken and at what level, and the degree to which strike
    authorities, procedures and processes need to be altered in the
    future.'' I believe such a response is important not just to the
    immediate friends and family of those killed but also for us as a
    country and is morally responsible. If confirmed, I will support the
    approach described in these statements.

        Question. Is it your opinion that the policy and objectives being
    advanced by the Chinese Communist Party pose the greatest foreign
    policy challenge to the United States today and will continue to do so
    for the foreseeable future?

        Answer. There is no doubt that the PRC poses the most significant
    challenge of any nation to the United States in terms of our values and
    the interests of the American people. If confirmed, I will pay special
    attention to the PRC, whose pernicious attacks on human rights,
    dissent, and the rule of law are on the rise domestically and fast
    becoming a common export. Our priority must be making sure the PRC does
    not succeed in its efforts to undermine international human rights and
    the rules-based order.

        Question. If not, why not?

        Answer. There is no doubt that the PRC poses the most significant
    challenge of any nation to the United States in terms of our values and
    the interests of the American people.

        Question. What do you believe is our greatest foreign policy
    challenge?

        Answer. I believe there is not one issue that is our greatest
    foreign policy challenge but instead a number of interlocking ones that
    include digital and technological advancements, the climate crisis,
    rising authoritarianism, and an increasingly aggressive China. These
    transnational issues are already testing democracies worldwide and,
    left unchecked or ill-coordinated, have the potential to lead to frayed
    alliances, institutional vulnerabilities, massive, large scale and
    persistent migration, and a serious deterioration of basic, fundamental
    freedoms. If we don't rise to the occasion to respond to each of these
    developments in a coordinated way, the consequences to democracy,
    security, and human rights could be catastrophic.

        Question. Will the Biden administration continue public
    presidential meetings with, and support for, the Dalai Lama as
    conducted by the Trump administration?

        Answer. Yes. I understand administrations from both political
    parties have long welcomed engagement with, and support for, His
    Holiness the Dalai Lama as a globally renowned religious leader. If
    confirmed, I would support a continuation of that practice.

        Question. Will you commit that the Department of State will meet
    with the Dalai Lama's representatives, as the Assistant Secretary of
    State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor did in 2020?

        Answer. Yes. I understand administrations from both political
    parties have long welcomed engagement with representatives of His
    Holiness the Dalai Lama. If confirmed, I would support a continuation
    of that practice.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to confront the Chinese
    Government on the human rights violations taking place in Xinjiang?

        Answer. The United States should continue to speak out consistently
    and jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities, and
    to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those
    responsible and deter future abuses. If confirmed, I will continue
    concrete U.S. Government action--in coordination with our allies and
    partners whenever possible--to promote accountability for ongoing
    atrocities and genocide in Xinjiang, including through the imposition
    of visa restrictions, tightening of export controls, enforcement of
    import restrictions, imposition of financial sanctions, and
    multilateral initiatives. We will continue to caution businesses about
    the economic, legal, and reputational risks of supply chain links to
    entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor in
    Xinjiang and elsewhere in China.

        Question. Due to the massive amounts of human rights abuses being
    committed by the Chinese Communist Party, do you believe they should be
    allowed to host the Olympics in 2022?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the human rights violations and
    abuses being committed by the PRC. If confirmed, I will ensure the
    Department of State continues to play a strong leadership role in
    global efforts to combat serious human rights abuses committed by the
    PRC, domestically and abroad, and consults closely with our allies and
    partners to establish a shared approach regarding the Olympics.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The International Olympic
    Committee (IOC) members select the Olympic host. If confirmed, I will
    engage with the IOC and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee to
    advocate for human rights to be considered in the selection of host
    cities consistent with the Olympic Charter, which highlights respect
    and human dignity as key values.
              I am deeply concerned by the human rights violations and
            abuses being committed by the PRC Government and the PRC
            Government's abhorrent genocide and crimes against humanity
            against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other
            ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. If confirmed,
            I will ensure the Department of State continues to play a
            strong leadership role in global efforts to end the genocide
            and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, combat human rights
            abuses committed by the PRC, domestically and abroad, and will
            consult closely with our allies and partners to define our
            common concerns and establish a shared approach.

        Question. Legislation currently under consideration proposes a
    human rights briefing for the Olympic athletes on Team USA. The
    briefing would help inform athletes about major human rights abuses
    committed by the government hosting the Olympics, and alert them to
    narratives that the government pushes to deflect or deny such abuses.
    Do you support such a proposal?

        Answer. I support raising awareness among athletes of the human
    rights abuses committed by the government hosting the Olympics. If
    confirmed, I will consult with key stakeholders, including the Centre
    for Sport and Human Rights, in developing an approach that does so.

        Question. Would you devote Department of State resources and
    personnel toward working with the International Olympic Committee and
    other relevant stakeholders to ensure such briefings are provided to as
    many American athletes as possible prior to the 2022 Olympics?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with key stakeholders,
    primarily the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee, in developing our
    approach to continue to conduct outreach on human rights issues to
    American athletes chosen or competing for a place on Team USA prior to
    the 2022 Olympics.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. If confirmed, I will work
    with the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee (USOPC) and relevant
    others in the Department to ensure that briefings, including about PRC
    human rights and atrocities, are provided to as many American athletes
    chosen or competing for a place on Team USA prior to the 2022 Olympics.

        Question. Do you support a diplomatic boycott of the Beijing 2022
    Olympics? Why or why not?

        Answer. I understand this is a strongly bipartisan issue that many
    in Congress are focused on and I understand why. If confirmed, I will
    closely consult with key stakeholders in developing our approach,
    ideally a shared approach with allies and partners, in advance of and
    during the 2022 Olympic Games. I will review this issue in light of the
    PRC's abhorrent human rights record, including genocide and crimes
    against humanity in Xinjiang.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The PRC has an abhorrent human
    rights record, including the commission of genocide and crimes against
    humanity in Xinjiang. I believe the United States should continue to
    speak out consistently and jointly with allies and partners to condemn
    these atrocities, and to consider all appropriate tools to promote
    accountability for those responsible and deter future abuses, including
    a potential diplomatic boycott of the Beijing 2022 Olympics. I
    personally support such a diplomatic boycott as a way of signaling U.S.
    disapproval of the PRC's behavior.

        Question. The CCP has cracked down on the most basic rights of the
    people of Hong Kong. How will you address the human rights abuses
    occurring in Hong Kong?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC and Hong Kong Governments'
    increased efforts to wield the National Security Law as a tool to
    curtail the exercise of human rights, dismantle civil society, and
    silence dissenting views. If confirmed, I will support the United
    States' continued efforts to press the PRC to abide by its
    international obligations and commitments; to cease its dismantlement
    of Hong Kong's democratic institutions, autonomy, and rule of law; to
    immediately release and drop all charges against individuals unjustly
    detained in Hong Kong; and to respect the human rights of the people of
    Hong Kong.

        Question. Do you believe that reaching a climate agreement should
    be the top priority in our dealings with China? If so, why?

        Answer. Addressing the climate crisis with urgency is a top
    priority for the administration, but without question, so is protecting
    human rights. I believe human rights should not be given a back seat
    even as other issues come to the fore. The administration has said
    rights are not a negotiating chip in engagements with the PRC or any
    other country for greater action on climate. If confirmed, I will seek
    to ensure that that approach continues.

        Question. If not, what should be our top priority instead?

        Answer. The administration's Interim National Security Strategy
    states that ``we will only succeed in advancing American interests and
    upholding our universal values by working in common cause with our
    closest allies and partners, and by renewing our own enduring sources
    of national strength.'' If confirmed, I will seek to ensure the
    promotion of our democratic values are at the center of U.S. foreign
    policy, including in our dealings with China.

        Question. The PRC Government and Chinese companies have been
    implicated in corruption at home and in its dealings with other
    countries around the world. If confirmed, will you commit to
    highlighting corrupt Chinese practices and prioritize assistance to
    help counter corruption, including corruption caused or exacerbated by
    the Chinese Government or Chinese companies?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Several countries have forcibly returned Uyghurs fleeing
    persecution and abhorrent human rights abuses by the Chinese Communist
    Party. How will you and interagency partners work with other nations to
    discourage, and eventually end, this practice?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to urge
    third countries to act to avoid complicity in the PRC's human rights
    violations and abuses committed against Uyghurs and other ethnic and
    religious minorities from Xinjiang, including by providing protection
    to and preventing the forcible return of individuals seeking to flee
    the PRC's repressive policies.

        Question. Do you consider the human rights abuses committed by the
    Chinese Communist Party (CCP) against the Uyghurs and other religious
    and ethnic minorities, including forced sterilization, to constitute a
    genocide? If not, please explain.

        Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, the PRC has committed
    genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups. These atrocities remain ongoing.

        Question. The Chinese Government continues to ``Sinicize''
    religions, which the Congressional Executive Commission on China
    describes as ``a campaign that aims to bring religion in China under
    closer official control and into conformity with officially sanctioned
    interpretations of Chinese culture.'' These policies affect Christians,
    Muslims, Han Buddhists, Taoists, and many others. What can the Biden
    administration do to support freedom of religious practice for the
    people of China, free from interference and enforced conformity?

        Answer. I share your concerns regarding the ongoing deterioration
    of freedom of religion or belief in the PRC. The PRC demonstrates
    blatant disregard for freedom of religion or belief and exercises
    extreme hostility toward members of all religious and spiritual
    communities, including predominantly Muslim Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists,
    Protestants, Catholics, and Falun Gong. These communities have suffered
    unspeakable oppression at the hands of China's authoritarian
    government.
        The PRC is engaged in human rights abuses--and in the case of
    Xinjiang, genocide and crimes against humanity--that shock the
    conscience and must be met with serious consequences.
        If confirmed, I will speak out consistently with allies and
    partners to condemn these atrocities and abuses, and I will consider
    all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those responsible
    and to deter future abuses. I will also continue to urge the PRC to
    uphold its international commitments with respect to freedom of
    religion or belief for all individuals and call on the international
    community to condemn with a united voice the PRC's atrocities in
    Xinjiang.

        Question. The Vatican extended its agreement with the Chinese
    Government that establishes a process for appointing bishops in China.
    Under the Agreement, bishops in China are in communion with Rome but
    also approved by the Chinese Government. The details of this agreement
    have never been made public. Despite the agreement, Catholic bishops
    not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association continue
    to face persecution. Do you believe this Vatican-China agreement
    advanced human rights and religious freedom in China? If so, why? If
    not, why not?

        Answer. As I understand, despite the provisional agreement between
    the Holy See and Beijing, the PRC continues to repress Catholics,
    particularly clergy and laypersons who refuse state control of
    religion. In his book published late last year, Pope Francis
    characterized Uyghurs in the PRC alongside members of other religious
    and ethnic communities as persecuted due to their beliefs.
        If confirmed, I would encourage the Holy See to speak out publicly
    against the PRC's human rights violations and abuses of members of
    minority religious and ethnic communities. I would also encourage the
    Holy See to hold the PRC Government accountable to the terms of the
    provisional agreement and make the terms of the agreement public to
    promote accountability for the PRC's commitments.

        Question. If confirmed, will you prioritize religious freedom
    issues in China in your diplomatic engagements with Vatican officials?
    What will you emphasize to them in these engagements?

        Answer. The Holy See has a long history of promoting freedom of
    religion or belief, including through advocacy and interfaith dialogue,
    and, if confirmed, I look forward to working with the Vatican on this
    issue. If confirmed, I would encourage the Holy See to speak out
    publicly against the PRC's human rights violations and abuses of
    members of minority religious and ethnic communities. I would also
    encourage the Holy See to hold the PRC Government accountable to the
    terms of the provisional agreement and make the terms of the agreement
    public to promote accountability for the PRC's commitments.

        Question. Xi Jinping has emphasized the desire to ensure that
    Hollywood filmmakers use their position to ``tell China's story well''.
    This translates into Beijing's overreach into and censorship of
    Hollywood films through explicit censorship requirements for the
    Chinese market, boycotts and economic pressure, and acquisitions of
    industry corporations by Chinese companies. As Hollywood director Judd
    Apatow recently said, ``Instead of us doing business with China and
    that leading to China being more free, what has happened is that China
    has bought our silence with their money''.

       Will the Biden administration, including yourself and other senior
            State Department officials, engage the film industry regarding
            the pernicious impact of censorship by the Chinese Government
            and other authoritarian governments on freedom of expression
            and other principles that are fundamental to the political
            system of United States?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. What are your views on the implications and consequences
    of Beijing's tactics in Hollywood for the PRC's overall strategy to
    exercise malign influence across various types of U.S. media? What
    other types of media in the United States are at risk of being
    subjected to tactics we are seeing used by Beijing to influence
    Hollywood?

        Answer. I am concerned by the PRC's campaign of disinformation and
    censorship, which extends well beyond its borders and directly impacts
    the information environment in the United States. The PRC's attempts to
    control freedom of expression are not limited to Hollywood or U.S.
    media but extend into cultural, academic, and social media spaces as
    well.
        If confirmed, I will engage with governments and nongovernmental
    actors, including media organizations and private institutions, to
    promote freedom of expression and support U.S. entities in resisting
    PRC malign influence and coercion. I will also work closely with
    partners and allies to build resilience to, and jointly confront, the
    PRC's efforts to control the global information environment.

        Question. China is starting to build extraterritoriality into its
    laws and regulations, not just the Hong Kong National Security Law but
    also numerous other laws and regulations. Please describe what you
    think the implications are for human rights abroad and for the United
    States in particular.

        Answer. The PRC continues its efforts to reshape the international
    rules-based order to advance its own interests, including by utilizing
    its laws and regulations to commit transnational repression. These
    actions threaten global peace and stability and threaten human rights
    and democratic institutions and actors in the United States and
    globally.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with our partners to address
    these challenges from a position of strength, reengage in international
    institutions, and resist attempts to rewrite the rules that govern
    these institutions. I will use all available diplomatic tools to
    promote accountability for these egregious abuses and support human
    rights defenders and civil society organizations seeking protection.

        Question. Will you commit not to advise or support entrance into an
    agreement with the People's Republic of China (PRC) that trades key
    U.S. interests away for cooperation or future promises by Beijing on
    climate change?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
    U.S. values and interests. I believe this can be done in a manner
    consistent with the President's commitment to policies that address the
    climate crisis. I believe these two goals are complementary.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
    support policies that advance U.S. values and interests and focus on
    what Beijing does--not what it says it will or won't do. I will not
    advise that the United States sacrifice vital U.S. interests or our
    values for PRC promises on climate change. We can speak the truth about
    the PRC's human rights abuses and atrocities and promote accountability
    for them while working to reverse the effects of climate change.

        Question. Will you commit not to recommend decreasing freedom of
    navigation exercises in the South China Sea to either secure or
    preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
    U.S. values and interests, including a rules-based order in the Indo-
    Pacific and South China Sea that ensures freedom of navigation. I
    believe this goal is consistent with and supportive of the President's
    goals on climate change.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
    support policies that advance U.S. values and interests, including the
    continuation of activities that protect and promote the rules-based
    order in the South China Sea such as freedom of navigation exercises. I
    will not recommend decreasing freedom of navigation exercises in the
    South China Sea to either secure or preserve a climate change agreement
    with the PRC.

        Question. Will you commit not to recommend making changes in our
    defense relationship with any U.S. ally, or our overall defense posture
    in the Indo-Pacific region to either secure or preserve a climate
    change agreement with the PRC?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support President Biden's
    commitment to policies that address climate change while deepening and
    strengthening strategic alliances including in the Indo-Pacific region
    in line with U.S. interests, including the protection and promotion of
    human rights; I believe these goals are complementary.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
    support President Biden's commitment to policies that address the
    climate crisis while deepening and strengthening strategic alliances
    including in the Indo-Pacific region in line with U.S. interests, which
    include the promotion of democracy and respect for human rights; I
    believe these goals are complementary. If confirmed, I will support
    cooperation with the PRC where it is in line with these objectives.

        Question. Will you commit not to recommend delaying arms sales to
    Taiwan, or pulling back from any form of U.S.-Taiwan cooperation to
    either secure or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support President Biden's
    commitment to policies that address climate change while deepening and
    strengthening strategic partnerships including with Taiwan in line with
    U.S. interests, including the protection and promotion of human rights;
    I believe these goals are complementary.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
    support President Biden's commitment to policies that address climate
    change while deepening and strengthening strategic partnerships
    including with Taiwan in line with U.S. interests, including the
    protection and promotion of democracy and human rights; I believe these
    goals are complementary. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, I will seek to enhance the U.S
    relationship with Taiwan, including the defense relationship, as a way
    of implementing the President's vision of a foreign policy with
    democracy and human rights at the center.

        Question. Will you commit not to recommend deciding not to pursue
    policies that safeguard the U.S. economy from Beijing's anti-
    competitive trading practices to either secure or preserve a climate
    change agreement with the PRC?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
    U.S. values and interests. I believe this can be done in a manner
    consistent with the President's commitment to policies that address the
    climate crisis.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
    support policies that advance U.S. values and interests and to work
    alongside U.S. allies and partners to confront the PRC's anti-
    competitive, market distorting, and coercive behaviors. I will not
    recommend against pursuing policies that safeguard the U.S. economy
    from Beijing's anti-competitive trading practices to either secure or
    preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC.

        Question. Will you commit not to recommend terminating sanctions
    against individuals or entities of the PRC, or removing a PRC company
    from the Entity List to either secure or preserve a climate change
    agreement with the PRC?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
    U.S. values and interests. I will make recommendations regarding
    sanctions and Entity List designations that promote and protect human
    rights and labor rights, including forced labor and I will recommend
    those not be lifted until there is progress on human and labor rights.
    I believe this can be done in a manner consistent with the President's
    commitment to policies that address the climate crisis.

        Question. Will you commit not to recommend dropping U.S. policies
    that hold CCP officials and companies accountable for egregious human
    rights abuses, including those conducted in Xinjiang to either secure
    or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to advocating for U.S. policies
    that protect and promote human rights and hold PRC and CCP officials
    accountable for egregious human rights abuses, including the ongoing
    atrocities in Xinjiang and campaign of repression targeting Tibetans,
    Hong Kongers, lawyers, and human rights defenders. I believe this can
    be done in a manner consistent with the President's commitment to
    policies that address the climate crisis.

        Question. Recently the Government of Bangladesh has forcibly moved
    Rohingya refugees from Cox's Bazaar to Bhasan Char, an island in the
    Bay of Bengal. This move was done without consultation with donor
    countries and international organizations. If confirmed, do you commit
    to discussing this move with Bangladeshi Government officials?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold the U.S. Government's
    long-standing commitment to ensure movements of displaced persons are
    informed and voluntary. I recognize and appreciate the generosity
    Bangladesh has shown in hosting nearly 900,000 Rohingya refugees since
    they fled horrific atrocities and abuses in Burma in 2017. I believe
    that the United States, as the leading contributor of humanitarian
    assistance in response to the Rohingya crisis, also has a
    responsibility to ensure Bangladesh respects these refugees' human
    rights, including freedom of movement. If confirmed, I will work with
    other donor countries and international organizations to message
    consistently to Bangladeshi authorities that any transfers must be in
    full coordination with humanitarian organizations and align with
    humanitarian principles.

        Question. Do you commit to pressing the Bangladeshi officials to
    ensure that no further moves before the United Nations conducts a
    thorough and independent technical and protection assessments to
    determine the safety, feasibility, and desirability of relocating
    refugees Bhasan Char?

        Answer. Yes. I understand the United States has consistently
    recognized and appreciated the challenges and responsibilities that the
    Rohingya humanitarian response has placed on the Government and people
    of Bangladesh. If confirmed, I will commit to supporting consistent,
    strong U.S. messaging to urge Bangladesh to permit the U.N. to conduct
    a comprehensive technical and protection assessment on Bhasan Char. I
    would also commit to working with Bangladesh and humanitarian groups to
    ensure that such relocations are voluntary and based on informed
    consent without pressure or coercion.

        Question. Do you support United States security alliances and
    partnerships in the Indo-Pacific?

        Answer. Yes. U.S. national security benefits when partner
    governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
    values, promote and protect human rights, hold human rights violators
    accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental
    freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we develop and maintain
    such important security alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific,
    guided by President Biden's insistence that U.S. interests and values
    are inseparable.

        Question. Do you believe that U.S. security alliances and
    partnerships can contribute to improving human rights records in
    relevant countries?

        Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. security alliances and partnerships as
    important aspects of foreign policy can and should be used for positive
    effect on countries' human rights records. Promoting democracy, human
    rights, and fundamental freedoms advances U.S. national security. Our
    most valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
    forces around the world uphold democratic values, respect and protect
    human rights, and hold human rights violators accountable. The United
    States must continue to create and maintain strong security
    relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured
    assistance, and frequent and ongoing cooperation.

        Question. Do you consider the Philippines to be a strategically
    important ally of the United States? Please explain your position.

        Answer. Yes. The U.S. alliance with the Philippines is one of the
    oldest and most strategically important in East Asia. Continued
    engagement with the Philippine Government is vital to regional
    security. At the same time, in that engagement, I believe it is crucial
    for the U.S. to emphasize the importance of shared values including
    respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms to sustain a stable,
    bilateral partnership. If confirmed, I will raise human rights
    concerns--from arbitrary and unlawful killings to targeting the
    independent press--at every possible opportunity with the Government of
    the Philippines.

        Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.-Philippine
    relationship and its importance to U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific
    region more broadly?

        Answer. The United States' effort to build a network of allies and
    partners that can credibly and collectively respond to shared security
    threats has the benefit of strengthening the free, open, and inclusive
    regional order, which is in our national interest. If confirmed, I will
    continue to pursue that goal while helping to ensure that our
    engagement with those partners and allies includes promotion of human
    rights and accountability for abuse. I believe that respect for human
    rights is integral to maintaining strong and sustainable countries and
    partnerships.

        Question. Do you support continuing a robust security partnership
    with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through appropriate
    arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support continuing a robust security
    partnership with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through
    appropriate arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law and
    provisions that promote and protect human rights.

        Question. Do you support United States security alliances and
    partnerships in the Indo-Pacific?

        Answer. Yes. U.S. national security benefits when partner
    governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
    values, promote and protect human rights, hold human rights violators
    accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental
    freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we develop and maintain
    security alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, guided by
    President Biden's insistence that U.S. interests and values are
    inseparable.

        Question. Do you believe that U.S. security alliances and
    partnerships can contribute to improving human rights records in
    relevant countries?

        Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. security alliances and partnerships as
    important aspects of foreign policy and can be used to positive effect
    on countries' human rights records. While security alliances have
    manifold reasons to exist, the important role they can also play as a
    joint investment in promoting democracy and human rights is central to
    also advancing U.S. national security. Our most valued, dependable, and
    effective partner governments and security forces around the world
    uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold
    human rights violators accountable. The United States must continue to
    create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners
    through diplomacy, measured assistance, and frequent and ongoing
    cooperation.

        Question. Will you ensure that the U.S. Department of State
    consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could
    jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our
    relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially
    those in Southeast Asia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging with Congress, as
    appropriate, on our actions and engagements with partners and allies in
    the Indo-Pacific region, including those partners and allies in
    Southeast Asia.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Our alliances and partnerships
    are a strategic advantage over our competitors and the strength of this
    network of defense relations cannot be taken for granted. If confirmed,
    I am committed to consulting with Congress, as appropriate, on our
    actions and engagements with all partners and allies in the Indo-
    Pacific region, including those partners and allies in Southeast Asia.

        Question. How will you prioritize Internet Freedom within the
    Democracy, Human Rights and Labor bureau and across the Department?

        Answer. I strongly believe that the same human rights people have
    offline must be protected online, including the rights to freedoms of
    expression, association, and peaceful assembly. If confirmed, I will
    support DRL's efforts to promote internet freedom by raising our
    concerns bilaterally and building and participating in multilateral and
    multi-stakeholder coalitions such as the Freedom Online Coalition,
    where we play a leadership role. I will support investment in global
    internet freedom programming to support digital safety, policy
    advocacy, technology, and research to help global internet users
    overcome barriers to accessing the open internet.

        Question. Do you believe that internet shutdowns are a threat to
    human rights?

        Answer. Yes. In May, Secretary Blinken condemned the use of partial
    or complete government-imposed internet shutdowns, among other tactics,
    to prevent the exercise of freedom of expression online. I believe that
    in addition to restricting the exercise of human rights, including the
    right to expression and assembly, internet shutdowns disrupt access to
    essential services such as healthcare and emergency services, and
    negatively impact the economy. If confirmed, I will support DRL's
    efforts to address internet shutdowns by raising our concerns
    bilaterally, continuing our participation in multilateral fora that are
    working to raise awareness such as the G7, and supporting our efforts
    in multi-stakeholder coalitions such as the Freedom Online Coalition,
    where we play a leadership role.

        Question. The Department has been focused on the idea of ``internet
    freedom'' as a key programmatic effort to combat and counter malign
    influence and authoritarian governments. How will you bring more
    cohesion to the various internet freedom programs throughout the
    department?

        Answer. I will support DRL's continued leadership of the State
    Department's efforts to promote internet freedom globally through a
    variety of bilateral and multilateral engagements as well as through
    foreign assistance programming. I understand that DRL works to advance
    the U.S.-led vision of the open, interoperable, reliable, and secure
    internet, governed in a manner consistent with international human
    rights standards and democratic norms. I also believe growing concerns
    around digital authoritarianism or tech governance are tremendously
    important policies on which DRL needs to engage given how these tools
    are used to undermine democracy and restrict fundamental freedoms. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that DRL continues to coordinate throughout
    the Department on internet-related issues, such as cybersecurity,
    disinformation, and emerging technologies.

        Question. Do you believe that these programs are effective in
    providing training and tools to civil society?

        Answer. Yes, I believe that DRL's global internet freedom programs
    are effective in providing training and tools to civil society. My
    understanding is that since 2008, the State Department has invested
    over $320 million in global internet freedom programs, which support
    digital safety, policy advocacy, technology, and research to help
    global internet users overcome barriers to accessing the open internet.
    These programs support leading anti-censorship tools that allow
    millions of internet users worldwide to safely connect to the
    uncensored internet, which helps to advance U.S. business opportunities
    abroad, foster the free sharing of information across borders, and
    counter political repression around the world. They also help to
    protect journalists and activists operating in repressive environments
    from online censorship and cyber-attacks. I believe these efforts
    ensure that users have access to diverse information and perspectives,
    which play a critical role in combatting corruption, countering
    disinformation, undermining extremist narratives, strengthening
    democratic norms, and promoting accountability for violations of human
    rights.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you expand internet freedom
    programming to additional countries with shrinking civil societies and/
    or space for free online expression?

        Question. If confirmed, I will prioritize this critical programming
    and apply DRL's deep expertise on regional and country-level threats to
    human rights online to direct resources to where they are most needed.
    I believe that the Department should apply available resources to
    innovative technical programs, including surging and sustaining support
    for critical anti-censorship platforms, in order to counter technical
    developments in censorship and surveillance by repressive governments,
    and further develop programs to provide protection against accelerating
    cyber threats to civil society and independent media. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with my colleagues--and Congress--to expand
    these vital programmatic efforts.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that
    information collected by the bureau of Conflict Stabilization
    Operations (CSO) and then used by the bureau of Democracy, Human
    Rights, and Labor are harmonized and used for the improvement of
    programmatic efforts?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to foster what I
    understand is a productive relationship between DRL and CSO. DRL will
    utilize all data sources available to maximize the efficiency and
    effectiveness of its programs.

        Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force
    (the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the
    relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil
    society working to identify and address the early warning signs of
    atrocities. How does the task force define success?

        Answer. I will work with the various interagency players in the
    task force, if confirmed, to refine and clearly articulate our
    successes, but ultimately the goal is to identify the various risk
    factors for atrocities and then address, mitigate, and ameliorate them,
    thereby reducing the likelihood of an atrocity occurring. This
    measurable reduction in risk is success.

        Question. How would you, if confirmed, use this data as the
    Assistant Secretary of DRL?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
    information to make the soundest and most effective decisions possible
    including where to focus diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts,
    allocation of resources, and where and when to partner with likeminded
    colleagues.

        Question. What efforts can the task force undertake to amplify
    public messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict
    indicators?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek out opportunities to encourage
    the Task Force to present atrocity prevention messaging in whatever
    fora are available, including multilateral and within the civil society
    and non-governmental space. If confirmed, I will also consult with
    interested Members of Congress.

        Question. What efforts can DRL undertake to amplify public
    messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict indicators?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek out opportunities to amplify
    atrocity prevention messaging in whatever fora are available:
    multilateral, with DRL's extensive networks in the civil society and
    non-governmental space, and with partners across the interagency. I
    also believe in some cases calling out human rights abuses and looking
    for ways to course correct and address impunity can be an important way
    to respond to signs of atrocities before they worsen If confirmed, I
    will also consult with interested Members of Congress. I understand the
    Secretary participated in the rollout out this year's Elie Wiesel
    annual report and I will further expand this high-level involvement and
    attention.

        Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
    force and within the department to provide assistance to Afghanistan?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the State Department
    and interagency to use all available sources of data and information to
    make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to utilize in the
    case of Afghanistan to support our goal goals and objectives. These
    tools include but are not limited to diplomatic efforts, sanctions
    regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and
    justice efforts, and potential to partnerships with likeminded
    colleagues, depending on the policy goals under consideration. I will
    also regularly engage civil society members that fled Afghanistan to
    better understand the situation on the ground and what the most viable
    pathways are to offer support in a way that does not create additional
    security risks.

        Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force
    (the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the
    relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil
    society working to identify and address the early warning signs of
    atrocities. How would you use the tools available within the task force
    and within the department to provide assistance to Tigray?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the atrocities underway in Tigray,
    the dehumanizing rhetoric, clear indications from the U.N. that the
    region is ``sliding into famine,'' and the government's recent decision
    to eject U.N. humanitarian officials from the country. I am grateful
    for this committee's activity on Ethiopia and its repeated efforts to
    draw attention to the Tigray crisis and Ethiopia's growing instability.
    If confirmed, addressing the crisis in northern Ethiopia would be one
    of my top priorities. I would use all appropriate tools available
    within the Task Force to ensure the USG's response to ongoing
    atrocities in northern Ethiopia continued to involve a whole-of-
    government, coordinated response. And I would work through the Task
    Force to ensure that the United States continues to use every available
    tool to urge all parties to end the conflict in northern Ethiopia,
    cease all gross violations of human rights, hold those perpetrators
    accountable, and allow full and unhindered humanitarian access so that
    those in need receive urgently needed assistance.

        Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
    force and within the department to provide assistance to Burma?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
    information to make the most informed decisions possible on what tools
    to utilize in Burma. These tools include but are not limited to
    diplomatic efforts, programmatic assistance, sanctions regimes, other
    forms of support for civil society, public messaging, accountability
    and justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
    colleagues. I will also regularly engage civil society members that
    fled Burma to better understand the situation on the ground and what
    the most viable pathways are to offer support in a way that doesn't
    create additional security risks.

        Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
    force and within the department to provide assistance to Venezuela?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
    information to make the most sound decisions possible in what tools to
    utilize in the case of Venezuela. These tools include but are not
    limited to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance,
    sanctions regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability
    and justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
    colleagues. I will also regularly engage civil society members that
    fled Venezuela to better understand the situation on the ground and
    what the most viable pathways are to offer support in a way that
    doesn't create additional security risks.

        Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
    force and within the department to provide assistance to Yemen?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
    information to make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to
    utilize in the case of Yemen. These tools include but are not limited
    to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, sanctions
    regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and
    justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
    colleagues. I will also regularly engage Yemeni civil society members,
    including individuals who have fled Yemen, to better understand the
    situation on the ground and what the most viable pathways are to offer
    support in a way that doesn't create additional security risks.

        Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
    force and within the department to provide assistance to Syria?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
    information to make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to
    utilize in the case of Syria. These tools include but are not limited
    to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, sanctions
    regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and
    justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
    colleagues. I will also regularly engage Syrian civil society members,
    including individuals who have fled Syria, to better understand the
    situation on the ground and what the most viable pathways are to offer
    support in a way that doesn't create additional security risks. I will
    also assess what is already funded by DRL and what additional support
    would be useful.

        Question. Do you commit to regular, quarterly briefings to Congress
    on the efforts of the Task Force as well as those within the
    Department?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing what I understand
    is a productive, ongoing, regular conversation between the Department
    and interested congressional members and committees about atrocity
    prevention efforts.

        Question. State Department employees have been under enormous
    stress over the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19 working
    from home, and Department management issues. What is your understanding
    of morale throughout the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
    (DRL)?

        Answer. As a nominee I have not discussed morale issues with anyone
    at DRL, but I understand that the bureau is full of passionate and
    experienced civil service and foreign service officers committed to
    advancing human rights and democracy around the world and pushing back
    against authoritarianism and democratic backsliding. The Biden
    administration's public commitment to putting human rights at the
    center of U.S. foreign policy, and its demonstrated pledge to advancing
    the human rights of all persons, are important validations of DRL's
    centrality to the mission of the State Department.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across DRL?

        Answer. If confirmed I would seek to hold regular meetings with
    each office within DRL to really get to know the bureau, the work, and
    the teams. I also would conduct ``deep dive'' reviews to understand
    each team's long-term vision, current priorities, and the challenges
    they face. If confirmed, I would be as accessible as possible to the
    entire bureau, keeping an ``open door'' policy and blocking off regular
    times on the schedule to meet with any DRL staff. If confirmed, I won't
    only be there to lead the bureau, but also to support the team, amplify
    and advance shared priorities, and reward hard work. Morale is in part
    about leadership, team strengthening, and seeing ``wins'' on the board,
    but it is also dependent on proactive recruitment and retention
    policies. To that end, if confirmed I would strive to continue to
    strengthen the bureau's reputation as one of career-enhancement and
    excellence. I would also support DRL staff's career development within
    the wider State and foreign affairs community. I would seek to rely on
    the expertise that already exists in the bureau to ensure staff feel
    empowered, are heard, and know that they are having impact.
    Responsibility and accountability for the A/S are essential, but I
    would be equally focused on encouraging problem-solving by staff while
    making sure they know I'm in their corner and ready to contribute as
    needed so that together we can tackle the challenges that come our way.
    That's what I've always done and it's what I'll do at DRL if confirmed.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across DRL?

        Answer. I am excited by the potential, if I am confirmed, to help
    guide DRL into a team that is even better unified to promote and
    support human rights and democracy around the globe in a genuine and
    principled manner. Foremost, I would seek to create opportunities for
    DRL's offices to collaborate more closely on functional issues like
    counter-authoritarianism, technology and human rights, and arms sales/
    security assistance. Part of creating that unified mission and vision
    will mean defining goals with the staff, within the framework the
    President and the Secretary have set, and then empowering the experts
    to implement them with encouragement and top cover. Once our goals are
    set, if confirmed, I will encourage DRL colleagues to reinforce
    relationships with allies in and out of the building--including in
    Congress. Finally, I would want to make sure we're learning lessons
    whenever possible and course-correcting whenever necessary. Programs
    and policies need to be closely integrated and matched with the current
    moment, which means being flexible and open to changing direction as
    needed.

        Question. Management is a key responsibility for Assistant
    Secretaries of State. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I believe effective leaders need to surround themselves
    with an empowered team. My support of my team means they will support
    me; we all bring complementary skills to the table. At DRL, if
    confirmed, I would seek to encourage staff to think boldly and take
    risks to advance our shared goals, knowing that I will have their back.
    I want to empower problem-solving before elevating. I want to build
    trust through our mutual belief in the power of the United States to do
    good in the world, and through our shared work to overcome the
    challenges in seeing that belief fully realized. Good management also
    sometimes requires engaging more senior principals and responding to
    their needs while simultaneously providing direction to staff. If
    confirmed I will seek to balance both while helping staff value how
    their work fits into a larger picture. Humility and humor are key to
    me, balanced with clarity of purpose and a calm, steady approach.

        Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
    to a Department setting, where resources may not be readily available
    and your workforce are career employees?

        Answer. My hope is that my style may be refreshing and invigorating
    for career employees, for whom I have great respect and admiration.
    They deserve someone who believes in them. I believe strongly in the
    talent and expertise of the bureau, so I want to elevate and support
    them in areas where I am able, even if resources are not readily
    available. Sometimes support is less about more money and bigger
    offices, and more about a leader who will listen and take action. I've
    spoken to a number of former DRL Assistant Secretaries who served in
    administrations of both parties, to hear their guidance on policy,
    vision, and management strategies. I believe there is a lot to learn
    from their experiences.

        Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
    you believe it is incumbent on the Department leaders to integrate
    themselves into Bureau operations and culture? If yes, how do you
    intend to do so?

        Answer. No matter one's appointment authority, I think any
    Assistant Secretary's goal is to maximize the contributions that every
    member of the team can make and understanding how the bureau operates
    is essential to good management and good policy making. If confirmed, I
    intend to take the time to understand how DRL has operated, what the
    culture has been, and what's worked, what needs to be fixed, and what
    disagreements, if any, need to be resolved so we can function as a
    united team. I am not afraid to make tough decisions if there's a need
    but will want to do so after a full review and adequate consultation.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. No, it is never appropriate or constructive, and as a
    leader I have never and will never tolerate such behavior.

        Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
    the Department, accurate performance reviews for both Foreign and Civil
    Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do you believe
    that it is important to provide employees with accurate, constructive
    feedback on their performance in order to encourage improvement and
    reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

        Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback is an important part of holding
    staff accountable for their work, holding supervisors accountable for
    their management, and ensuring strong work products. If confirmed, I
    will make sure all formal evaluations are completed on time and with a
    high degree of specificity. For those whom I may not directly oversee,
    I will put time on my calendar to ensure we are discussing their goals,
    concerns, and accomplishments.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage the
    managers in your bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback
    to employees in order to improve performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes, I would, because such feedback is essential to helping
    high achievers continue to excel, helping other employees become high
    achievers, and retaining talent in a competitive environment.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the
    resources of the DRL Bureau to counter malign Russian Government
    behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to countering
    malign Russian Government influence around the world, including in the
    Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will take a comprehensive view of
    this complex problem and its effects on democracy and human rights in
    the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will advocate for the use of
    all of our tools to counter Russian malign influence in the hemisphere,
    including diplomatic engagement, technical exchanges, foreign
    assistance, and public diplomacy. DRL's existing policy and
    programmatic lines of effort focused on anti-corruption, civil society,
    and strengthening rule of law should continue, and undercut Russian
    malign influence and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms in
    the region.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the
    resources of the DRL Bureau to counter malign Chinese Government
    behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) represents a serious
    challenge to U.S. interests and values in the region, with its growing
    security ties and infrastructure investments. If confirmed, I will lead
    our team to meet this challenge by advancing our positive agenda for
    the hemisphere and working with likeminded partners--whether aligned
    governments or regional organizations. We will build on our shared
    values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We will welcome
    our allies and partners' expertise and resources to support the
    region's COVID-19 response, entrepreneurship, and sustainable
    infrastructure. We will support high-standard investment in
    infrastructure and transparent economic development that creates jobs
    essential for regional pandemic recovery.

        Question. Are China's growing commercial ties and investments in
    Latin America a threat to human rights in the hemisphere? Please
    explain.

        Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) aggressive efforts
    to expand market share for state-affiliated firms, carrying out of
    infrastructure projects, implementation of disinformation campaigns,
    and export of surveillance and censorship tools play a direct and
    indirect role in human rights violations and abuses in Latin America.
    The lack of transparency in the PRC's transactions and its increase of
    the region's dependence on debt financing enables corruption. The PRC's
    infrastructure projects often ignore both labor and environmental laws,
    undermining individual workers' rights and labor standards more
    generally. The PRC's manipulation of media outlets silences
    investigative journalists who hold human rights abusers publicly
    accountable while suppressing negative stories of the PRC's activities
    in the region. The proliferation of untrusted vendors' surveillance and
    control equipment in the region also increases the risk to human rights
    defenders and those willing to expose human rights violators. The PRC's
    activities take place throughout the region and result in countries
    adopting policies inconsistent with democratic values.

        Question. Are Russia's activities in Latin America a threat to
    human rights in the region? Please explain.

        Answer. Russia's engagement in the region is marked by
    disinformation, military and equipment sales, and energy deals, all
    with implications for human rights in the region. The Biden
    administration is committed to countering disinformation and imposing
    costs on Russia for its aggression and malign activities across the
    globe. If confirmed, I will continue to monitor closely Russia's
    activities in the region, including its relationships with Cuba, the
    illegitimate Maduro regime in Venezuela, and the Ortega-Murillo
    Government in Nicaragua. I will work with colleagues and the
    interagency to promote and protect human rights, combat disinformation,
    and combat corruption and reduce impunity in Latin America.

        Question. According to the 2019 National Drug Threat Assessment,
    fentanyl and other highly potent synthetic opioids continue to be the
    most lethal category of illicit substances in the U.S. The 2020 DEA
    report on fentanyl flows to the United States indicates that Mexican
    transnational criminal organizations are producing increased quantities
    of fentanyl and cartels such as the Sinaloa and the New Generation
    Jalisco cartel are the primary trafficking groups responsible for
    smuggling fentanyl into the U.S. from Mexico.

       Please explain how illicit drug trade impacts human rights in
            Mexico.

        Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) in Mexico are a
    threat to public health, safety, and human rights. Crime and violence
    are at record-high levels in Mexico, with as many of three-fourths of
    all homicides tied to organized crime. Mexico reported 34,515 homicides
    in 2020 and 34,648 in 2019, a rate of around 29 per 100,000 habitants.
        As to other human rights abuses, for example, indigenous persons in
    isolated regions reported incidents of forced labor, in which cartel
    members forced them to perform illicit activities or face death. Minors
    were recruited or forced by cartels to traffic persons, drugs, or other
    goods across the border. Migrants were also recruited by criminal
    organizations to conduct illicit activities. To enable their criminal
    activities, TCOs corrupt democratic institutions and put the safety and
    livelihoods of ordinary citizens at risk. If confirmed, I will continue
    the State Department's work with government partners in Mexico to build
    institutional capacity to dismantle TCOs and hold them accountable for
    their behavior.

        Question. The Ortega regime in Nicaragua has repeatedly failed to
    take action to pass meaningful electoral reforms--which the U.S., OAS,
    EU and U.N. have called for. The U.S. has leveraged sanctions and
    diplomatic tools, but what other options are on the table?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' ongoing
    efforts to rally international pressure on the Ortega-Murillo
    Government, through public statements by Secretary Blinken, regular
    media engagements by Department leadership, and bilateral and
    multilateral diplomacy with our partners, such as joint public
    condemnations that call out the Ortega-Murillo Government's attacks on
    democracy. If confirmed, I will support continued use of the diplomatic
    and economic tools available to the Department, such as sanctions and
    visa restrictions.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing and
    maintaining policies and programs to create acceptable conditions for
    free and fair elections in Nicaragua?

        Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken stated on August 7, the
    Nicaraguan electoral process, including its eventual results, has lost
    all credibility. The Ortega-Murillo Government has made no effort to
    honor its agreement with the opposition to begin electoral reforms
    ahead of the November election. To the contrary, it has changed the
    legal code and implemented new, vague laws based on Russian legislation
    that restrict human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
    will support continuing U.S. policies and programs in support of the
    Nicaraguan people's desire for a return to democracy.

        Question. What strategies would you employ to improve the capacity
    of the democratic opposition to coalesce and become a credible
    challenge to Ortega?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to
    build the capacity of and strengthen civil society organizations that
    work to promote human rights protections, democratic governance, and
    transparency.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. President Ortega has ensured the
    rigged elections on November 7 will proclaim him victorious. If
    confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to hold the Ortega-
    Murillo Government accountable. Through USAID and the Department of
    State, we will continue to support Nicaraguan civil society
    organizations, independent media, and human rights defenders as they
    fight to restore democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights.
    We will continue to work with democratic actors, inside and outside of
    Nicaragua, to promote consensus-building and unification around their
    efforts to challenge President Ortega and Vice President Murillo's
    authoritarian government. Our continued support will help to
    demonstrate to the Nicaraguan people that the international community
    has not forgotten them.

        Question. Please describe the long-term implications for Nicaragua
    and the region if Ortega fraudulently extends his time in office.

        Answer. The Ortega-Murillo Government will not have a democratic
    mandate following fraudulent elections in November. The June resolution
    of the Permanent Council of the OAS stated just this--that the measures
    adopted by the Government of Nicaragua do not meet the conditions for
    transparent, free and fair elections to which all member states have
    committed under the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Thus, it is
    foreseeable that a fraught election could further isolate the
    government internationally and rekindle domestic unrest. At the same
    time, a fraudulent election in Nicaragua could embolden other
    autocratic governments in the region. The consolidation of power under
    Ortega and Murillo will also have migration implications for the
    region, as an increasing number of Nicaraguans decide to leave their
    country due to continued repression. If confirmed, I will support
    consideration of all diplomatic tools to address the fraudulent
    elections in Nicaragua.

        Question. Should the U.S. support an internationally-accompanied
    negotiation between the Ortega regime and the Nicaraguan democratic
    forces, as the Biden administration is supporting in Venezuela? Please
    explain.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Nicaraguan people's
    expressed desire for democracy. I will collaborate with the embassy in
    Managua and Department staff in Washington to continue to work with
    civil society and the international community to support opposition
    voices in Nicaragua and within the Nicaraguan diaspora. It is past time
    for free and fair elections so the people of Nicaragua can turn the
    page on the corrupt and repressive Ortega-Murillo Government.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The United States continues to
    seek to increase bilateral and multilateral pressure on the Ortega-
    Murillo Government. With President Ortega and Vice President Murillo
    throwing the leading opposition figures in jail and crushing all
    political dissent, the repressive conditions in Nicaragua do not
    support the prospect of negotiations. If confirmed, I will continue to
    support the unilateral and multilateral efforts to hold the Ortega-
    Murillo Government accountable and explore with allies a coordinated
    path forward to address the electoral sham scheduled for November 7.

        Question. Should Cuba be removed from the list of state sponsors of
    terrorism (SST) while they continue to harbor U.S. fugitives?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's goals
    toward Cuba, and I look forward to consulting with Congress on this
    issue.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's goals toward Cuba. In May, the administration
    certified Cuba as a Not Fully Cooperating Country with U.S. counter-
    terrorism efforts, which I fully support. If confirmed, I will consult
    closely with my counter-terrorism and other colleagues in reviewing the
    facts and legal standards in determining my position on whether Cuba
    should be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism (SST).

        Question. Would you advise establishing diplomatic relations with
    Cuba while it continues to provide safe harbor to fugitives from the
    U.S. justice system?

        Answer. I am aware that Cuba harbors several U.S. fugitives from
    justice wanted on or convicted of charges of political violence, many
    of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. If confirmed, I will support
    the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to return fugitives from justice and
    would look forward to supporting the administration's review of Cuba
    policy.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am aware that Cuba harbors
    several U.S. fugitives from justice wanted on or convicted of charges
    of political violence, many of whom have resided in Cuba for decades.
    If confirmed, I will strongly support the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to
    return fugitives from justice and would not advocate for increased
    diplomatic engagement unless it would enhance respect for human rights
    and democracy in Cuba.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support Cuba's removal from the
    SST list without verifiable assurances that it would cease to foster a
    permissive environment for international terrorists in Venezuela?

        Answer. I have long believed that state sponsor of terrorism
    designations should be used for states that are terrorists, based on
    fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I believe a designation
    should not be lifted until there's full clarity that the government in
    question has taken all steps necessary to relieve themselves of the
    criteria needed for such a designation. Regardless of the state sponsor
    of terrorism designation, I do believe other corresponding punitive
    measures are an important tool to be used on repressive governments
    and/or officials. I will consult closely with the intelligence
    community and Congress on the way forward, including on the decision to
    designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am very concerned about the
    support Cuba has provided to the Maduro regime to engage in human
    rights abuses against the Venezuelan people. I have long believed that
    state sponsor of terrorism (SST) designations should be based on fact,
    law, and analysis. I believe an SST designation should not be lifted
    until the government in question has taken all steps necessary to meet
    the criteria needed for rescission. The administration has committed to
    carefully reviewing decisions made in the prior administration,
    including the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of
    Terrorism. If confirmed, I am committed to carefully reviewing the
    facts and the law in determining my views on whether Cuba should
    continue to be designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism and to
    consulting closely with Congress on the issue.

        Question. Please describe the trajectory of Cuban involvement in
    Venezuela.

        Answer. Cuba has long had deep engagement in Venezuela's military
    and intelligence services. Fidel Castro was a close confidant and
    advisor to Hugo Chavez. With Cuba's support, the Maduro regime, which
    the United States does not recognize as the Government of Venezuela,
    has ignored the Venezuelan people's calls for change and a return to
    democracy, and learned from Cuban advisors how to spy on its own
    citizens and suppress dissent. Venezuelan secret police have perfected
    the torture tactics, systems of social control, and mechanisms of
    repression that Cuban authorities have used against their own people
    for decades. If confirmed, I would seek to thwart such abuses.

        Question. Do you agree that Cuban military and intelligence support
    is the linchpin to Maduro's survival in Venezuela?

        Answer. Cuba shields the Maduro regime, which the United States
    does not recognize as the Government of Venezuela, from some of the
    effects of international economic and diplomatic pressure, while
    providing the intelligence and muscle that improves Maduro's ability to
    cling to power. I understand that Cuban military and intelligence
    advisors actively support Maduro through the provision of security
    forces, intelligence officers, and by providing direction to Venezuelan
    authorities. They equip the Maduro regime with the tools he needs to
    repress any domestic or internal dissent, including in his military.
    Cuba also provided thousands of medical professionals to Venezuela,
    before and during the COVID-19 crisis, allowing Maduro to avoid the
    domestic political consequences of his failed economic and health
    policies. Allegations of forced labor and using the mission to conduct
    political interference and intelligence collection on behalf of Maduro
    are widely reported by former participants. If confirmed, I would seek
    to stem these practices.

        Question. Please describe your views on the most effective approach
    to persuade the Cuban regime to play a more positive role in Venezuela.

        Answer. I understand the United States will continue to coordinate
    closely with likeminded nations, including within the EU and OAS, to
    promote a negotiated solution to the crisis in Venezuela. The aim is to
    counter interference and raise the costs to Cuba for supporting any
    anti-democratic actions or human rights abuses by the Maduro regime,
    which the United States does not recognize as the Government of
    Venezuela. I support this approach.

        Question. Please explain your views on how the international
    community can exert pressure on Cuba for its involvement in Venezuela.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' efforts to
    continue to exert pressure on Cuba through Secretary Blinken's public
    statements, regular media engagements by Department leadership,
    bilateral diplomacy with other countries in the region, and
    multilateral diplomacy. I would also continue U.S. efforts to protect
    and support the human rights of Cubans and to empower them to determine
    their own future.

        Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on
    human rights conditions in Cuba and Venezuela if the United States were
    to elevate its diplomatic relations with Cuba by nominating and
    confirming an Ambassador.

        Answer. I believe the protests that began on July 11 have
    demonstrated how important it is for U.S. diplomats to engage directly
    with the Cuban people. I understand the U.S. diplomatic corps will
    continue to engage directly with and support civil society, including
    human rights defenders and political dissidents, as part of an overall
    effort to empower the Cuban people and their desire for freedom. If
    confirmed, I would strongly support such continued engagement.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Our primary goal in Cuba and
    Venezuela is to promote democracy and respect for human rights and any
    potential change in our diplomatic relations must serve to further this
    goal. The United States must ensure that any changes to our diplomatic
    engagement do not negatively affect our ability to support the societal
    demands in Cuba and Venezuela for democratic reforms. If confirmed, I
    will closely evaluate the impact of potential changes to diplomatic
    engagement on the administration's ability to promote democracy and
    human rights.

        Question. Please describe your understanding of the role of
    military-controlled firms in the Cuban economy.

        Answer. The Cuban Government exercises significant control over
    most of Cuba's important economic sectors. For example, the Cuban
    Government benefits from remittance fees that are handled through its
    remittance processor, Financiera Cimex S.A. (FINCIMEX), which is a
    military-controlled entity. State-owned stores as well as the medical
    missions program are also an economic boon for the Cuban Government,
    which significantly marks up prices in the stores and keeps a large
    portion of medical workers' salaries. The Armed Forces Business
    Enterprise Group (GAESA), which is led by Raul Castro's son-in-law, is
    involved in all sectors of the economy. The Cuban military controls
    tourism, including through ownership of Gaviota Hotels.

        Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on
    human rights conditions in Cuba if U.S. policy were to facilitate or
    allow financial transactions that benefit military-controlled firms in
    Cuba.

        Answer. Democracy and human rights are at the core of the
    administration's efforts toward Cuba. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
    accountable for its abuses through efforts that maximize benefits to
    the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefits to the Cuban
    Government and its military. I look forward to consulting with Congress
    on these efforts.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I share your concerns about
    Cuba's military, intelligence, and security services' role in serious
    human rights abuses against the Cuban people, and I recognize the
    military's role in the Cuban economy. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
    accountable for its abuses, including by minimizing or eliminating any
    financial benefits to the Cuban Government and its military.

        Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on
    human rights conditions in Cuba if U.S. public and private engagement
    with Cuba were to disproportionately benefit the Cuban military,
    intelligence, or security services or personnel at the expense of the
    Cuban people?

        Answer. Democracy and human rights are at the core of the
    administration's efforts toward Cuba. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
    accountable for its abuses, including efforts that maximize benefits
    for the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefit to the Cuban
    Government and its military. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting
    with Congress on these efforts.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I share your concerns about
    Cuba's military, intelligence, and security services' role in serious
    human rights abuses against the Cuban people, and I recognize their
    role in the Cuban economy. I would oppose any move that would
    disproportionately benefit the Cuban military, intelligence, or
    security services at the expense of our efforts to lift the Cuban
    people out of oppression. If confirmed, I will further the
    administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
    accountable for its abuses, including efforts that maximize benefits
    for the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefit to the Cuban
    Government and its military intelligence, or security services.

        Question. According to the State Department, in 2019, the
    Government of Cuba maintained an estimated 50,000 medical personnel in
    more than 60 countries under conditions that represent forced labor.
    The U.S., United Nations, independent media outlets and NGOs have
    documented and called out the Cuban regime's exploitative and coercive
    practices toward its doctors participating in its overseas medical
    programs.
        Can you describe your understanding of how Cuban doctors are forced
    into participating the program and sent to a foreign country, as well
    as the conditions by which they live while in this program?

        Answer. I understand that former participants in Cuba's overseas
    medical programs have stated that the Cuban Government coerced some
    participants to remain in the program, including by withholding their
    passports and medical credentials; restricting their movement; using
    ``minders'' to conduct surveillance of participants outside of work;
    threatening to revoke their licenses to practice medicine in Cuba;
    retaliating against their family members in Cuba if participants left
    the program; or imposing criminal penalties, forced exile, and family
    separation if participants did not return to Cuba as directed by
    government supervisors.

        Question. Can you describe how these programs only go to serve the
    Cuban Government at the expense of the Cuban people?

        Answer. The export of professional services, including medical
    missions, remains Cuba's largest source of foreign exchange earnings. I
    understand that it is difficult to ascertain the exact amount of
    proceeds due to a lack of transparency in bilateral agreements with
    host countries. Contracts often involve direct payments to the Cuban
    Government with former participants reporting receiving roughly 10 to
    25 percent of the amount paid by the host governments to the Cuban
    Government for their services. In addition, there are reports of in-
    kind transfers of medical equipment for medical professionals in South
    Africa and of oil for doctors in Venezuela and Algeria.

        Question. Do you consider the Cuban regime's overseas medical
    missions to be exploitative human trafficking efforts?

        Answer. I understand there are documented reports of widespread
    abuse and exploitation of medical professionals within the medical
    program, including allegations that the Cuban regime coerced some
    participants to remain in the program, including by withholding a large
    portion of their salaries; restricting their movements; using
    ``minders'' to conduct surveillance of participants outside of work;
    threatening to revoke their medical licenses; retaliating against their
    families in Cuba if participants leave the program; or imposing
    criminal penalties, exile, and family separation if participants do not
    return to Cuba as directed by government supervisors. I agree with the
    Department of State's conclusion that these practices are ``clear
    indicators of human trafficking.'' If confirmed, I will urge countries
    to take the necessary measures to protect Cuban medical workers and to
    seek transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban
    Government and the medical professionals.

        Question. Do you commit to instructing our Embassies in countries
    that accept Cuban medical missions to communicate to host governments
    to inform them of the Cuban regime's forced labor practices?

        Answer. I am very concerned about the human and labor rights abuses
    within the Cuban medical missions program. If confirmed, I will
    highlight these issues with host governments and work with our officers
    in the field and foreign government officials, at the highest
    appropriate level, to urge them to take necessary measures to protect
    Cuban medical workers and to seek transparency on contractual
    agreements between the Cuban Government and medical professionals. I
    will encourage countries to put steps in place to prevent exploitation
    and forced labor, and to proactively monitor these programs, given
    persistent allegations that the Cuban Government are compelling medical
    professionals to work.

        Question. Please describe your understanding of the relationship
    between the Government of Cuba, the U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist
    Organization Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN), and the Maduro
    regime in Venezuela.

        Answer. I understand members of the Colombian-origin National
    Liberation Army (ELN), including senior leadership, traveled to Cuba in
    2018 for now-defunct peace negotiations with the Government of
    Colombia. When negotiations failed, Cuba continued to provide safe
    haven to ELN leadership. In January 2019, ELN claimed responsibility
    for a deadly bombing in Colombia. Citing peace protocols signed before
    the ELN negotiators traveled to Cuba, Cuba has refused to extradite ELN
    leaders to Colombia. With respect to Venezuela, Maduro and his
    associates use criminal activities to help maintain their hold on
    power, fostering a permissive environment for known terrorist groups,
    including the ELN and its sympathizers. The Cuban intelligence and
    security apparatus has infiltrated Venezuela's security and military
    forces, helping Nicholas Maduro to maintain his stranglehold over his
    people while allowing terrorist organizations to operate.
        If confirmed, I will commit to closely reviewing the status of ELN
    leadership in Cuba and consulting with Congress as the Biden-Harris
    administration reviews U.S. policy toward Cuba.

        Question. Considering the well-documented ties between the Maduro
    regime and the ELN, and Cuba's harboring of ELN terrorists, why should
    the Cuban regime not be included in the list of States Sponsors of
    Terrorism?

        Answer. I have long believed that state sponsor of terrorism
    designations should be used for states that are terrorists, based on
    fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I believe a designation
    should not be lifted until there's full clarity that the government in
    question has taken all steps necessary to relieve themselves of the
    criteria needed for such a designation. If confirmed, I will consult
    closely with the intelligence community and Congress on the way
    forward, including on the previous administration's decision to
    designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am very concerned about Cuba's
    harboring of members of the ELN. I have long believed that state
    sponsor of terrorism designations should be based on fact, law, and
    analysis. Similarly, I believe a designation should not be lifted until
    the government in question has taken all steps necessary to meet the
    criteria needed for rescission. If confirmed, I am committed to
    carefully reviewing the facts and the law in determining my views on
    whether Cuba should continue to be designated as a State Sponsor of
    Terrorism and to consulting closely with Congress on the issue.

        Question. Over the last three decades, Colombia has emerged as
    source of economic and stability in the region, in great part due to
    the success of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and Plan
    Colombia. Yet, policy decisions made during the negotiations of the
    2016 deal with the FARC created new challenges for Colombia and our
    relations. Coca production in Colombia steadily increased since 2013,
    reaching 212,000 hectares in 2019. In March 2020, the United States and
    Colombia announced a joint action plan to reduce coca cultivation and
    cocaine production by 50 percent by the end of 2023. The plan would
    make full use of all available tools, including rural development,
    interdiction, as well as manual and aerial eradication.

       Would you agree that achieving this goal by 2023 would deliver
            significant health and security benefits for Americans here at
            home?

        Answer. Yes. Significant and sustainable reductions in coca
    cultivation and cocaine production will deliver significant health and
    security benefits for Americans by reducing the amount of cocaine
    flowing to the United States. The U.S. Government's new
    counternarcotics strategy for Colombia pursues sustainability through
    an integrated, bilateral focus on integrated supply reduction, rural
    security and development, and environmental protection. Integrated
    implementation of these pillars will reduce cocaine-related overdoses
    and violence in the United States, and slow migration caused by
    narcotrafficking-related violence in drug-transit countries. If
    confirmed, I would support this approach.

        Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between
    growing coca cultivation and violence against human rights defenders in
    Colombia.

        Answer. The enormous profit margins associated with the cocaine
    trade mean that narcotrafficking organizations will violently oppose
    any interference in their money-making activities, whether it be from
    the Colombian Government for prosecuting offenders; human rights
    defenders and social leaders for their efforts to support crop
    substitution and public advocacy on behalf of rural communities; or
    competition from rival criminal organizations. Narcotrafficking
    organizations will target anyone who interferes in their illicit
    business model.
        In areas with significant narcotics trafficking, coca cultivation,
    and where organized criminal groups exercise significant control, human
    rights challenges abound, including killings of social leaders,
    including human rights defenders. I understand that a review by the
    Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) of social
    leader murders in 2020 found that 93 percent occurred in areas the
    Colombian National Police identify as being under the control of
    criminal organizations. The UNODC has found that in Cauca, the
    department with the highest level of social leader killings, the
    probability of a social leader being killed is 4.3 times higher in
    areas where coca is grown. I understand that Embassy Bogot 's
    integrated counternarcotics and rural security strategy aims to reduce
    coca cultivation while also expanding state and CNP presence to rural
    areas to reduce the influence of armed groups and curtail the violence
    they perpetrate against social leaders and the general public. If
    confirmed, I would support these efforts.

        Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between
    community participation in Colombia's National Program for Integral
    Substitution and the rate of social leaders' killings.

        Answer. Narcotrafficking organizations' profits depend upon having
    farmers who either work directly for them or from whom they buy coca.
    The National Program for Integral Substitution (Programa Nacional
    Integral de Sustituci"n de Cultivos Il!citos--PNIS) seeks to convince
    farmers to switch to the cultivation of legal commodities. As the
    Government's authority is weaker in rural areas, the farmers are
    vulnerable to threats from the narcotrafficking organizations.
        I understand that INL invests an average $10 million annually to
    implement human rights programming that seeks to improve protections of
    human rights defenders (HRDs) and help Colombian authorities pursue
    accountability for crimes against HRDs. Since its creation, INL has
    assisted the unit of specialized human rights prosecutors in the
    Attorney General's Office with training, mentoring, and equipment and
    is now working with specialized human rights judges to provide similar
    assistance. If confirmed, I would support these efforts and look for
    ways to build on them.

        Question. Do you agree that the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela is
    the direct result of the political and security conditions imposed by
    the Maduro regime in that country?

        Answer. Yes. Since 2015, nearly 5.7 million Venezuelans have been
    forced to flee the economic, political, and humanitarian crisis caused
    by the Maduro regime's abuses, corruption, and mismanagement, making it
    the largest external displacement of persons in the Hemisphere's
    history. I understand the United States supports a wide range of life-
    saving humanitarian programs for Venezuelans, such as food assistance;
    emergency shelter; access to health care, water, sanitation, and
    hygiene supplies; support for livelihoods; and protection for
    vulnerable groups including women, youth, LGBTQI+, and indigenous
    people. If confirmed, I would support the continuation of that
    assistance.

        Question. Can the humanitarian crisis be resolved on Maduro's
    watch?

        Answer. Maduro could resolve the underlying causes of the
    humanitarian crisis by restoring democracy and respect for human
    rights, as well as taking the necessary steps to rebuild the Venezuelan
    economy. Venezuelans are suffering from one of the worst economic and
    humanitarian crises outside of a war in modern history. Since 2017,
    more than 5.6 million Venezuelans have been forced to flee their
    country.
        The Maduro regime mismanages the economy, plunders public coffers,
    and impedes access to critical humanitarian assistance, including
    lifesaving food and nutrition aid. If confirmed, I will work to open
    more possibilities for humanitarian workers, organizations, and
    assistance to reach the Venezuelan people in Venezuela and beyond, to
    meet their most urgent needs. I am deeply committed to the Venezuelan
    people and strongly support their desire for free and fair presidential
    and parliamentary elections and the return to the rule of law and
    democracy, which can only have a positive impact the humanitarian
    crisis.
        Since 2017, the United States has provided more than $1.2 billion
    in humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance to help
    Venezuelans, including more than $1 billion in humanitarian assistance,
    both inside Venezuela and throughout the region. On September 22, the
    United States announced more than $336 million in additional
    humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance at the 76th
    Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Of this total, nearly
    $247 million is for humanitarian assistance and more than $89 million
    is for economic, development, and health assistance. The United States
    is the largest donor of foreign assistance for the Venezuela regional
    crisis, having provided over $1.9 billion in funding since Fiscal Year
    2017. If confirmed, I would support these efforts.

        Question. There has been more than a dozen failed attempts at
    negotiating with Maduro. They have occurred in an environment of
    engagement during the Obama administration, and under the pressure of
    punitive measures implemented by the Trump administration.

       Is the United States using all available tools to create the
            appropriate conditions for a successful negotiation with the
            Maduro regime to transition to democratic rule in Venezuela?

        Answer. I understand the United States continues to support a
    negotiated, Venezuelan-led solution to the Venezuelan crisis that leads
    to free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections and a return
    of the rule of law and democracy in Venezuela.
        I also understand the State Department continues to prioritize
    coordination with its closest regional partners, as well as its
    European partners, to improve the effectiveness of our sanctions,
    address growing humanitarian needs, and support a negotiated, political
    solution. I understand the United States remains steadfast in our
    support to the Venezuelan people in their struggle for the restoration
    of democracy and rule of law. If confirmed, I would support these
    efforts.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The United States supports a
    Venezuelan-led solution to the crisis, which the Venezuelans have
    decided must be a negotiated solution that leads to free and fair
    presidential and parliamentary elections and a return to rule of law
    and democracy in Venezuela. The United States will continue to advocate
    for pressure from regional and European partners to pursue this end. If
    confirmed, I would support these efforts.

        Question. Please explain how the United States could work with the
    European Union--and specifically Spain--to create the right conditions
    for a credible transition to democratic rule in Venezuela.

        Answer. I understand the Department regularly engages with the
    international community bilaterally and in multilateral fora to raise
    awareness of human rights violations and abuses in Venezuela and to get
    other countries and international bodies to join us in pressing the
    Maduro regime to uphold democracy and respect human rights. If
    confirmed, I would support these efforts and look for creative ways to
    double down on these efforts, including support for justice and
    accountability measures, programs that strengthen democratic
    institutions, transparency, rule of law, inclusion, empowerment, and
    access to information.

        Answer. Will you, if confirmed, advocate for the release of the
    nine American Citizens currently held on political charges and against
    their will in Venezuela? How will you work with the regional bureau and
    Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate for the release of all
    American citizens currently held on political charges and against their
    will in Venezuela. I will consult with all relevant Bureaus and
    Offices, including the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs,
    to resolve these cases.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The safe return of wrongfully
    detained U.S. nationals is a top priority for the Biden administration.
    Using wrongful detention as a bargaining chip represents a threat to
    the safety of everyone traveling, working, and living abroad. The U.S.
    opposes this practice everywhere. If confirmed, I will work closely
    with the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and WHA to
    identify how DRL can help ensure the safe return of the nine American
    Citizens currently held on political charges in Venezuela and any other
    American who is wrongfully detained.

        Question. In September 2020, the U.N. Independent International
    Fact Finding Mission on Venezuela cited evidence of unlawful
    executions, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture
    in the country since 2014, amounting to crimes against humanity. If
    confirmed, what tools will you use to ensure every person responsible
    is punished for their actions and brought to justice?

        Answer. I understand the United States will continue to hold the
    Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the
    Government of Venezuela, and regime-aligned individuals accountable for
    their human rights abuses by applying a wide array of diplomatic and
    economic tools, including employing sanctions and visa restrictions. If
    confirmed, I would support these efforts.

        Question. In December 2020, the General Secretariat of the
    Organization of American States (OAS) accused the chief prosecutor of
    the International Criminal Court (ICC) of failing to take swift action
    after allegations that Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro's Government
    committed crimes against humanity. Do you support the ICC opening a
    formal investigation into these allegations?

        Answer. I understand the United States is committed to promoting
    accountability for human rights violations and abuses in Venezuela,
    which is a party to the Rome Statute of the ICC. If confirmed, I will
    promote the importance of accountability for the horrific violations
    and abuses that continue to be committed in Venezuela. Where domestic
    systems are unable or unwilling to genuinely pursue the justice that
    victims deserve and that societies require to sustain peace,
    international courts such as the ICC can play a meaningful role in
    advancing accountability. I understand the United States is united with
    like-minded democracies in denouncing human rights violations and
    abuses that have occurred in Venezuela and in calling for
    accountability for the perpetrators and justice for the victims.
        I understand the United States is aware of the ICC Prosecutor's
    ongoing evaluation of whether to open an investigation into the
    situation in Venezuela.

        Question. Please explain your understanding of how the Maduro
    regime operates as a narco-terrorist regime.

        Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of
    Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior
    Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have
    facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999.
    Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC
    factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the
    Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the
    Government of Venezuela, to traffic narcotics. President Biden has been
    clear that he believes Maduro is a dictator and that his administration
    will stand with the Venezuelan people and their call for a restoration
    of democracy through free and fair elections. I agree with the ``VERDAD
    Act'' and the administration that there must be a negotiated solution
    to the problems in Venezuela.
        If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies, such as
    Colombia, to combat drug trafficking in the Andean region in ways that
    are both meaningful and economically sustainable. I also will support
    U.S. Government efforts to increase multilateral pressure on Maduro,
    call for the release of political prisoners, and implement sanctions
    against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption and human
    rights abuses.

        Question. Please explain your views on the role of the Venezuelan
    military in narcotics trafficking.

        Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of
    Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior
    Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have
    facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999.
    Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC
    factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the
    Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the
    Government of Venezuela, to traffic narcotics. President Biden has been
    clear that his administration will stand with the Venezuelan people and
    their call for a restoration of democracy through free and fair
    elections. I agree with the ``VERDAD Act'' and the administration that
    there must be a negotiated solution to the problems in Venezuela.
        If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies, such as
    Colombia, to combat drug trafficking in the Andean region in ways that
    are both meaningful and economically sustainable. I also will support
    U.S. Government efforts to increase multilateral pressure on Maduro,
    call for the release of political prisoners, and implement sanctions
    against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption and human
    rights abuses.

        Question. Please explain your views on the relationship between the
    Maduro regime and U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations, FARC
    and ELN

        Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of
    Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior
    Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have
    facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999.
    Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC
    factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the
    illegitimate Maduro regime to traffic narcotics.

        Question. In Africa, DRL focuses its programs on non-presence
    countries or where limited democracy, rights and governance (DRG)
    investments are made by USAID. Do you agree with this approach? Why?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure DRL continues to consider many
    factors in determining where to support democracy and governance
    program goals, including those mentioned above. I believe it is
    important for DRL programming to continue to support U.S. policy
    objectives on the continent--while also maximizing effectiveness and
    avoiding duplication--through close coordination with other funders,
    including USAID. I understand that DRL's approach to programming,
    however, is different from other bureaus within the Department and
    other U.S. agencies due to its close connection with activists and
    human rights defenders on the ground and programmatic flexibility which
    allows it to address emerging opportunities and challenges. Recognizing
    this, I believe DRL should remain invested in certain countries with a
    USAID presence, such as Sudan and Nigeria, where DRL's programming can
    complement and amplify other programs and given long-standing and
    sensitive human rights concerns that could complicate aspects of the
    bilateral relations.

        Question. In your role as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human
    Rights and Labor, if confirmed, how will you follow through on
    administration statements that ``Africa is a priority for the Biden
    administration''? How will you demonstrate--through DRL's work and in
    your engagements within the Department--that the U.S. respects and
    values our African partners while being clear about our values and
    expectations, particularly as it relates to respect for democratic
    norms, human rights and rule of law?

        Answer. Promoting and advancing respect for human rights and
    fundamental freedoms is a top priority for the United States in Africa.
    If confirmed, I would seek ways to support democratic advancement on
    the part of governments and stand with citizens, civil society, and the
    private sector to hold their governments to be more responsive and
    accountable. I would also travel regularly to the continent and meet
    with a range of actors, including opposition leaders and members of the
    independent media. In diplomatic engagements, I would encourage close
    attention to free and fair elections and attempts to manipulate term
    limits, the context in which elections are held, respect for democratic
    norms, media freedom, and the health of civil society.

        Question. Across Africa, the USG has invested in a number of early
    warning early response (EWER) systems focused for conflict prevention
    and mitigation. What is your assessment of EWER systems as an effective
    conflict prevention tool in Africa?

        Answer. I understand EWER systems across Africa provide communities
    at risk for conflict and atrocities practical means to take a lead role
    in their own protection. I believe by creating low-cost, easy to use
    means of communicating with security providers and other communities at
    risk, these USG-supported programs have empowered previously
    unprotected or ignored communities and have evidently prevented
    escalations of conflict in the Central African Republic, Democratic
    Republic of Congo and Nigeria especially at the grassroots, community-
    level.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. EWER systems across Africa
    enable vulnerable and remotely located communities at risk for conflict
    and atrocities practical means to take a lead role in their own
    protection. I believe that by creating low-cost, easy to use means of
    communicating with security providers and other communities at risk,
    these U.S. Government-supported programs have empowered previously
    unprotected or ignored communities and have evidently prevented
    escalations of conflict in the Central African Republic, Democratic
    Republic of Congo and Nigeria. I understand U.S. Government investments
    also seek to support EWER systems that can be easily adapted and
    managed by local actors, ensuring sustainability and ownership at both
    the government and community level.

        Question. Do you feel they are a good investment of U.S. resources
    given limited resources for conflict prevention and resolution in
    Africa?

        Answer. Yes. I understand these early warning systems use radio and
    SMS to communicate, and that the training required to use them is cost-
    effective. Trained community members can in turn train others in their
    operation, and partnerships with telecom and security providers ensure
    that the communication channels remain available at a very low cost. I
    believe their sustainability and effectiveness make them a good
    investment of limited resources in this field.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes, especially when paired with
    training and capacity support for community members to identify
    violence trends and forecast risks to prevent attacks before the
    happen. Preventing violence and interrupting cycles of retaliatory
    intercommunal violence helps save lives and is a more impactful and
    cost-effective intervention than responding to conflict once it has
    broken out. Moreover, I understand that these early warning systems use
    radio and SMS to communicate, and the training required to use them is
    cost-effective. I understand trained community members can in turn
    train others in their operation, and partnerships with telecom and
    security providers ensure that the communication channels remain
    available at a very low cost. Their sustainability and effectiveness
    make them a good investment of limited resources in this field. While
    sophisticated defense systems have their place in protecting vulnerable
    populations in Africa, EWER systems that utilize technology already in
    regular use in at-risk locations can be much more effective in alerting
    populations in real time by being readily accessible, quick to stand
    up, and easy to use.

        Question. Are you supportive of DRL investing in EWER systems in
    Africa? If yes, in what circumstances are they appropriate?

        Answer. Yes. I believe EWER systems can be appropriately deployed
    in a number of situations where security providers are either slow or
    reluctant to provide quality protection for communities at risk for
    conflict due to ethnic, religious, resource, or other reasons. I
    understand due to the ease of use, DRL-supported EWER access is not
    limited to only a certain subset of users; indeed, we have seen
    tangible success when groups often overlooked for leadership roles-
    youth and women-have been empowered to use these systems. DRL's EWER
    systems are also appropriate and effective even where the government is
    the primary perpetrator. I believe in those circumstances, the alerts
    can be directed to alternative sources for response, such as local
    civil society or regional or international actors.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. EWER systems can be
    appropriately deployed in any number of situations and locations where
    security providers are either slow or reluctant to provide quality
    protection for communities at risk for conflict due to ethnic,
    religious, resource, or other reasons. I understand that due to their
    ease of use, DRL-supported EWER access is not limited to a certain
    subset of users and has demonstrated success when groups often
    overlooked for leadership roles-youth and women-have been empowered to
    use these systems. I believe DRL's EWER systems are also appropriate
    and effective where the Government is the primary perpetrator of
    abuses. In those circumstances, the alerts can be directed to
    alternative sources for response, such as local civil society or
    regional or international actors. I understand DRL also seeks to deepen
    its programs' coordination with security actors active in locations of
    mutual priority to ensure that information sharing is maximized.

        Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under
    threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral
    processes to remain in power, while stifling dissent and limiting the
    activities of opposition parties and candidates. In 2020 alone, we saw
    ruling parties and incumbent leaders apply authoritarian tactics under
    the guise of democracy, including in Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe, and
    in the last year, four coups d'etat have occurred in Chad, Guinea and
    two in Mali:
        What is your perspective on balancing the sometimes competing U.S.
    priorities of security and democracy and human rights in Sub-Saharan
    Africa, especially when some of our top security partners--including
    Uganda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Chad and Mali--periodically or consistently
    engage in undemocratic practices or experience undemocratic and
    unconstitutional transitions of power?

        Answer. A 2019 Afrobarometer study encompassing survey data from 34
    African nations found that 68 percent of Africans believe democracy is
    the best form of government, while 78 percent reject strong-man rule
    and 72 percent oppose military rule. While it is in the U.S. interest
    to support African states facing security crises, we must make clear to
    African leaders who flout democratic norms that respect for human
    rights and democratic institutions is in their best interest, as well
    as that of their people, and their country. Without meaningful
    democratic governance, African states will not be well-positioned to
    expand peace and security and foster economic growth.

        Question. In your view, which should take priority in Africa?

        Answer. I firmly agree with President Biden's stated commitment to
    place respect for human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. I
    also believe considering the human rights and democracy components of
    U.S. security engagement is an important element of policy development
    and can help guide and strengthen how the administration engages in
    Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in countries with weak or nascent
    democracies. If confirmed, I look forward to participating in an
    interagency policy process as the Biden-Harris administration develops
    a fresh U.S. approach for Africa that addresses our national interests
    in Africa including respect for human rights and democratic norms, as
    well as security.

        Question. How can the U.S. better engage the African Union on
    issues related to democracy, human rights, corruption, and rule of law?

        Answer. I understand that democracy and governance is a core pillar
    of the U.S. High Level Dialogue with the African Union (AU), and one
    through which the U.S. Government works to advance the shared values of
    promoting democratic institutions and human rights on the continent
    throughout the year. If confirmed, I would work with the U.S.
    Ambassador to the AU as well as the AF bureau to seek policies that
    continue to counter corruption; promote constitutional reform
    undertaken in a democratic and transparent manner; mitigate conflict;
    protect civilians; support transitional justice; protect the
    independence of accountability mechanisms, such as the African
    Commission of Human and People's Rights; and promote political space
    for civil society. I also welcome the strategic use of U.S. foreign
    assistance resources to advance shared democracy, human rights, and
    good governance priorities through the AU, such as the ongoing
    technical assistance in support of the AU Assembly presidency in an
    effort to advance democracy and human rights, and training for youth
    experts on the AU's transitional justice policy.

        Question. In the last three years, Sudan and Ethiopia embarked on
    unexpected democratic transitions. While the U.S. was, and continues to
    be, eager to support these transitions, rapidly mobilizing adequate
    resources has been a challenge in both cases:

       As Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and
            Labor, how will you work inside DRL and with the Africa Bureau
            to be better prepared to contribute financial and diplomatic
            resources to support democratic transitions and opportunities
            that emerge unexpectedly in Africa?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to build on democratic openings
    across the Africa continent and in close coordination with the recently
    confirmed A/S for Africa to ensure we are coordinating closely and
    maximizing our resources and aligned in our policy approach. I would
    work to develop and coordinate strategic U.S. diplomatic engagement and
    assistance on democracy and human rights for countries in transition,
    working closely with the Africa Bureau, as well as colleagues from
    throughout the J Family, USAID and beyond.

        Question. What lessons have the challenges to the transitions in
    Sudan and Ethiopia taught us about how to best support unexpected
    democratic transitions in the medium and long term?

        Answer. The challenges in the transitions in Sudan and Ethiopia
    have taught us that the democratic transition process is extremely
    fragile and that success requires sustained medium and long term
    support but also that civil society--and women in particular--are
    important partners to understand alternative perspectives in
    transitioning countries.
        If confirmed, I would work to support democratic institutions, so
    that they're strong, accountable, able to govern capably, and have the
    capacity to support credible and inclusive elections, enabling a
    peaceful transition to a democratic state; promote the protection of
    human rights and fundamental freedoms including through legal reforms;
    and promote comprehensive transitional justice measures and credible,
    independent justice mechanisms.

        Question. Russian malign activity in Africa is of increasing
    concern, particularly given credible reports of election interference,
    the engagement of Russian mercenaries, including Wagner Group, in
    Northern Mozambique, and Russia's security sector support to the
    Touadera administration (which includes an exemption to the U.N. arms
    embargo) in the Central African Republic (CAR).

       In your opinion, what should the U.S. be doing in Africa to counter
            malign Russian interference in elections, other democratic
            processes, and to reduce its influence over elected leaders?

        Answer. I understand that the United States supports efforts by
    African nations to develop strong peace and security institutions to
    improve access to justice through capacity building and technical
    assistance. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen coordination within
    the Department of State, across the U.S. Government, and with
    likeminded partners such as the European Union and France to ensure our
    efforts are aligned and mutually supportive to strengthen African
    governments' abilities to mitigate conflict, stop human rights abuses
    and violations, hold those responsible for such actions accountable,
    and help countries achieve stable democracies that do not require the
    short-term security assistance of malign external actors. As has been
    demonstrated in multiple contexts, governments that partner with groups
    like Russian-supported Wagner become weaker, poorer, and less secure.
    As a practical matter, leaders in such countries lose control of their
    militaries and natural resources. Specifically, to counterbalance
    Russia's influence, if confirmed, I will pursue opportunities to stand
    up to Russian malign influence and reaffirm America's commitment to
    countries that uphold democracy and human rights. Additionally, I will
    work with partners to develop security alternatives for governments
    facing conflict and poverty.

        Question. The recent coups d'etat in Mali are recent examples of
    the fragility of the Malian state. What is your assessment of the
    status of the Algiers Accord and prospects for its implementation?

        Answer. The events in May of this year underscore just how
    important it is that Mali conducts free and fair elections on time in
    February 2022 and that the Head of the Transition and the Prime
    Minister of the Transition should not under any circumstances be
    candidates for the forthcoming presidential election. Without a
    legitimate government in place, it will be very difficult to make
    progress on the key provisions of the Algiers Accord.

        Question. In your opinion, should the Algiers Accord remain the
    primary framework for peacebuilding and governance in Mali? If so, why?
    The recent coups d'etat in Mali are recent examples of the fragility of
    the Malian state.

        Answer. In my opinion, the United States should continue to support
    the Algiers Accord, because, if implemented, it would play a
    substantial stabilizing role in Mali and the region. In particular,
    Accord provisions that concern decentralization and government services
    for marginalized populations will help respond to ongoing grievances
    that erode state legitimacy and fuel conflict.

        Question. In light of the recent coups d'etat in Mali and Chad,
    would you agree that Niger is the U.S.' most important democratic ally
    in the Sahel? If yes, do you feel that U.S. democracy and governance
    support to Niger is sufficient to reflect the importance of this
    strategic relationship? If no, why not?

        Answer. Niger is a democratic example for the region, especially
    for the transition governments in Mali and Chad. In February, the
    transition from former Nigerien President Issoufou, who voluntarily
    stepped down after two terms, to President Bazoum was Niger's first
    handover from one democratically elected president to another.
    Mauritania similarly achieved its first peaceful democratic transition
    of power in 2019. I understand Niger is a strong partner of the United
    States on matters of regional security through its participation in the
    G5-Sahel Joint Force, MINUSMA, the MNJTF, and D-ISIS Coalition. U.S.
    democracy and governance support to Niger totaled $1.78 million in FY
    2021. I believe greater U.S. democracy and governance support to Niger
    would further strengthen Nigerien democratic institutions and serve as
    a bulwark against growing regional anti-democratic trends.

        Question. Given the ongoing political and constitutional crisis in
    Somalia, do you feel U.S. policy toward Somalia requires a re-think? If
    no, why not? If yes, in what alternative ways should the U.S. support
    democracy and human rights in Somalia?

        Answer. I believe that it is always important for the United States
    to reflect upon its policies and seek to ensure that its approach will
    bring about the best possible outcome, and this is especially true when
    there is a crisis. I understand the administration recently completed a
    comprehensive policy review for Somalia, which identified addressing
    the political dynamics at the root of the current political situation
    as necessary for advancing long-term stabilization goals for the
    country.
        If confirmed, I would seek to ensure that implementation of U.S.
    policy toward Somalia helps resolve the political and constitutional
    crisis and supports long-term democracy and human rights objectives. If
    confirmed, I will welcome your engagement and make myself available to
    brief you on these efforts.

        Question. Immediately following the indirect selection of Mohamed
    Abdullahi Mohamed (aka Farmajo) as President of Somalia in 2017, the
    U.S. engaged with the Somali Government in Mogadishu on the premise
    that Somalia would hold one-person-one-vote direct elections in 2020.

       Was this a realistic expectation to set in 2016 or has U.S. policy
            been based on a fundamentally-flawed assumption?

        Answer. I am not aware of the deliberations that followed the
    indirect selection of Farmaajo as President of Somalia in 2017, but I
    am aware that one-person-one-vote direct elections have not yet come
    about in Somalia.

        Question. How do you view the prospects of one-person-one-vote
    direct elections in Somalia in the future?

        Answer. Somalia is a deeply challenging context, but I am always
    hopeful about the prospects for democracy and the tenacity of people to
    pursue a governance system that truly affords them fundamental
    freedoms. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting efforts towards
    more inclusive, representative governance in Somalia, to include one-
    person-one-vote elections when feasible.

        Question. Is it an appropriate approach to orient U.S. democracy
    and governance programs toward a specific electoral event in Somalia?
    If no, what is a more prudent approach for building democratic
    institutions and norms?

        Answer. I believe that democracy is an evolving process. While
    elections are seminal events that often serve as milestones for
    measuring democratic progress, they are insufficient markers for
    building or consolidating a democratic state. If confirmed, I would
    seek to ensure that U.S. democracy support continues to be holistic in
    its response to challenges and focuses on building institutions and
    support norms globally. I understand that while DRL does not currently
    have any programs in Somalia, any future investment should be
    strategically targeted in coordination with interagency efforts to
    further democratic priorities in country.

        Question. Is it your view that a coup d'etat occured in Guinea on
    September 5, 2021 to depose President Alpha Conde?

        Answer. On September 5, military officers led by Colonel Mamdy
    Doumbouya deposed duly elected President Alpha Conde and seized power.
    Doumbouya's dissolution of the constitution and government plunged
    Guinea into a political crisis. COL Doumbaya now exerts de facto
    control over the Guinean Government.

        Question. What is your assessment of the challenges to democracy
    and human rights in Liberia?

        Answer. Corruption is endemic in Liberia and affects nearly every
    facet of life. In 2019 and 2020, Liberia ranked 137 of 180 countries
    and territories on the Transparency International Corruption
    Perceptions Index, having fallen from 120 in 2018.
        Recent editions of the Department of State's annual Human Rights
    Report note that restrictions on freedom of expression are among the
    most significant human rights issues in Liberia. Journalists sometimes
    perceive the Government's approach to them as antagonistic and
    sometimes self-censor as a result. Individuals protesting against the
    Government must apply for a permit from the Ministry of Justice before
    organizing demonstrations, though the laws and regulations regarding
    permits remain unclear. Other significant human rights issues in
    Liberia include violence against women, including widespread female
    genital mutilation and other harmful practices against women and girls;
    ongoing impunity for serious human rights abuses and violations, and
    harsh prison conditions and lengthy pretrial detention; and
    discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and
    intersex (LGBTQI) persons.

        Question. Do you feel that issues of justice and reconciliation
    from Liberia's civil wars has been adequately addressed? If no, what
    options for justice and reconciliation in Liberia should be explored?

        Answer. Liberia's 2009 Truth and Reconciliation Commission report
    recommended a mix of criminal accountability and restorative measures
    to address the crimes committed during the country's civil wars to
    include prosecution of gross violations of human rights and violations
    of international humanitarian law and monetary reparations and
    memorialization of victims. To date, I understand the Liberian
    Government has not implemented the majority of the recommendations from
    the TRC report. Efforts to promote justice and reconciliation in
    Liberia must be Liberian-led. This is not to say that all Liberians
    feel their issues from that long war have been resolved, and questions
    about how the administration can continue to support those needs remain
    important. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States stands
    ready to be a partner to Liberia in justice and reconciliation efforts
    and will continue to encourage the Liberian Government and people to
    pursue such efforts.

        Question. In several Francophone African countries--Togo, Gabon,
    Democratic Republic of Congo, and recently Chad--dying and long-serving
    presidents have manipulated fragile constitutions to pave the way for
    their sons to replace them should they pass away while in office. Is
    such a scenario likely in Cameroon, and if so, what should be the U.S.
    position if this occurred?

        Answer. The trend of elected leaders seeking to change
    constitutions or laws in order to remain in office, or transfer power
    to members of their family, is deeply concerning and undermines
    critical governing institutions that bring stability. President Biya
    has been in power for nearly 40 years and is among the world's longest
    ruling leaders. If confirmed, I will seek to promote democracy, respect
    for human rights, and accountability in Cameroon and will use a range
    of tools to do so.

        [Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am deeply concerned by the
    trend of unconstitutional changes in power in Africa and efforts to
    manipulate constitutions and laws in a manner that undermines
    democratic transfers of power, including in favor of successions within
    families. While Cameroon's constitution is clear regarding the
    presidential transition process, it has not been tested in more than 40
    years. It is important that the Government and people of Cameroon work
    to strengthen institutions to ensure a democratic transition should the
    President be unable to complete his term. An unconstitutional transfer
    of power to any would-be successor could exacerbate current challenges
    and lead to instability. If confirmed, I will work with our Embassy in
    Yaounde and like-minded partners to engage the Cameroonian Government
    and civil society actors interested in strengthening Cameroon's
    democratic institutions, respect for human rights, and accountability.
    I will also reaffirm the United States' strong support for countries to
    respect their constitutions during transitions in power and to oppose
    extra-constitutional changes or maneuvers to facilitate successions
    within families.

        Question. As Assistant Administrator for Democracy, Human Rights
    and Labor, if confirmed, how can DRL better support a resolution to the
    Anglophone Crisis and the significant and longstanding challenges to
    democratic elections and democratic governance in Cameroon?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the ongoing violence in
    Cameroon and the crisis in the Anglophone region. Secretary Blinken's
    decision to restrict the visas of individuals responsible for
    undermining peace in Cameroon is a concrete example of options the
    Department of State can exercise to push for peace and dialogue. If
    confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for human rights
    violations and abuses and ensure any Cameroonian security force unit
    that may be nominated for assistance is fully vetted for allegations of
    gross violations of human rights, consistent with the Leahy law.
        My focus would be to continue urging all parties to end violence
    and to engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. I would
    make clear U.S. support for the Swiss Government's effort to advance
    mediation between the Government and separatist armed group leaders and
    encourage the Cameroonian Government take concrete steps to move this
    effort forward. I would also continue to pursue engagement with African
    nations, France, other likeminded partners, and U.N. Security Council
    member states to find ways to promote a peaceful resolution of the
    ongoing violence.

        Question. DRL has led the USG's efforts to support electoral
    processes and a democratic transition in CAR since the lead up to CAR's
    2016 elections. In your opinion, what areas are most critical for U.S.
    democracy, governance and human rights support to focus on in CAR in
    the post-2020/21 election period?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with colleagues throughout the
    State Department and interagency and with likeminded governments to
    identify areas where interventions may advance democracy, governance,
    justice and accountability, and respect for human rights in the Central
    African Republic (CAR). I understand that the United States has
    historically supported CAR's efforts to develop strong institutions and
    strengthen rule of law through capacity building and technical
    assistance. I am deeply concerned by reports of human rights violations
    and abuses by the CAR Armed Forces and Russian-supported mercenaries,
    respectively, and reports of violence by armed groups against civilians
    and increased use of IEDs. I am equally concerned by credible reports
    of money laundering and a wide range of illicit trafficking and believe
    the U.S. has a role to play in further investigating these allegations
    and ensuring they do not undermine CAR's electoral process. The CAR
    Government's pending commission of inquiry will be critical to
    demonstrating its commitment to justice and accountability. If
    confirmed, I will seek to strengthen the CAR Government's ability to
    expand access to justice for more Central Africans, prevent human
    rights abuses and violations, promote accountability for those
    responsible, and help the country achieve stability and security
    without calling on malign actors for short-term security assistance.

        Question. What is your perspective on the performance of the
    Tshisekedi administration to date?

        Answer. Since President Tshisekedi took office in 2019, the DRC has
    released unjustly detained individuals; established an anti-trafficking
    agency; and realized the highest-level corruption conviction in DRC
    history. These were among the steps that merited the reinstatement of
    DRC's AGOA eligibility. I was pleased to see the first U.S.-DRC Human
    Rights Dialogue occur in June 2021 with the support of the Tshisekedi
    administration and if confirmed, I will aim to advance and deepen the
    commitments made during that dialogue.

        Question. Do you feel that the Tshisekedi administration is in a
    position to continue to advance reforms, including in the areas of
    anti-corruption, the security sector and the natural resources sector?

        Question. I understand that under the Tshisekedi administration,
    the DRC saw the highest-level corruption conviction in that country's
    history. If confirmed, I would work with the Bureau of International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs and partners in the DRC to help
    address corruption and encourage accountability for corrupt actors with
    all available tools. The DRC has a long history of corruption and abuse
    in the mining and security sectors so a core component of any strategy
    must be engaging on both issues in a meaningful way that can bring
    about a more professional and effective security sector and a mining
    sector that truly benefits all Congolese. Essential to doing this work
    will be close collaboration with local communities and civil society
    groups.
        I believe that the United States should support the Congolese
    Government's efforts to stabilize eastern DRC by addressing the drivers
    of escalating violence, including holding those in the military
    responsible for corruption and human rights abuses and violations to
    account.

        Question. In your view, how can the U.S. best continue to support
    democratic reforms in DRC, including prospects for free, fair and
    transparent elections in 2023?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early
    imperative of undertaking the legal, financial, and technical
    preparations necessary for free and fair elections in 2023, including
    reform of the Independent National Electoral Commission. To be
    credible, the 2023 elections must be inclusive, conducted transparently
    and impartially, and held in accordance with constitutional deadlines.
    If I am confirmed, I would work to ensure appropriate resources are in
    place to help our Congolese partners with this important task.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting the legitimate
    victor of a free and fair electoral process in 2023?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work diligently to support a free and
    fair electoral process and a constructive election environment in the
    run up to and including the 2023 elections. The declared winner of the
    presidential election should reflect the will of the Congolese people
    at the ballot box through a transparent, impartial, and inclusive
    electoral process.

        Question. What is your assessment of the current human rights
    situation in Burundi?

        Answer. Since the election of President Ndayishimiye, the Burundian
    Government has lifted bans on media outlets associated with the
    political opposition, freed imprisoned journalists and human rights
    defenders, increased efforts to address trafficking in persons, and
    taken steps to end abusive practices by the ruling party's youth
    militia. However, I am also aware of the recent report by the United
    Nations Commission of Inquiry on Burundi, which documents ongoing human
    rights violations, the absence of adequate democratic space, ongoing
    targeting of journalists, denial of freedom of association to civil
    society, and a lack of meaningful structural reform. If confirmed, I
    will engage with colleagues from across the State Department and the
    interagency to address the current human rights situation in Burundi.

        Question. Do you feel the democracy and human rights situation in
    Burundi has improved or declined in Burundi since President
    Nkurunziza's death and the inauguration of President Ndayishimiye? How?

        Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2020 elections took place in a
    markedly different atmosphere from that in 2015 and were characterized
    by a competitive process with relatively little violence. Since the
    election of President Ndayishimiye, the Burundian Government has lifted
    bans on media outlets associated with the political opposition, freed
    imprisoned journalists and human rights defenders, increased efforts to
    address trafficking in persons, and taken steps to end abusive
    practices by the ruling party's youth militia. However, I am also aware
    of the recent report by the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on
    Burundi, which notes the absence of any structural reform to ``durably
    improve the [human rights] situation'' and multiple ongoing human
    rights violations and other concerns. If confirmed, I will engage with
    colleagues across the State Department and the interagency to assess
    the approach of President Ndayishimiye's administration and review
    Burundi's progress on democracy and respect for human rights.

        Question. In your opinion, have the conditions in Burundi
    adequately changed for the Departments of State and Treasury to
    consider terminating the Burundi Sanctions Program?

        Answer. I understand the Burundi sanctions program has been a
    valuable tool to deter abuses and promote accountability among those
    connected with the 2015 violence and instability in the country. If
    confirmed, I will engage with the Bureau of Economic and Business
    Affairs, the Bureau of African Affairs, and the Department of the
    Treasury to assess whether Executive Order 13712 remains an effective
    tool to advance our foreign policy goals in Burundi, including improved
    respect for human rights. I will also consider the use of all available
    tools to respond to human rights violations and abuses in Burundi.

        Question. Do you feel that the upgrading of Burundi from Tier 3 to
    Tier 2 Watch List in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report was
    an objective reflection of the efforts of the Burundian Government,
    specifically its justice sector, to make good faith efforts to improve
    the TIP situation in Burundi?

        Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
    Report tier ranking as Tier 2 Watch List was based on the Burundian
    Government's increased efforts, including by the Ministries of Justice,
    Foreign Affairs, and Interior, at the direction of the Office of the
    President, to counter trafficking in persons. These efforts included
    increasing investigations and prosecutions of suspected trafficking
    offenses, convicting traffickers, and referring victims to assistance.
    The Government also developed and implemented the country's first-ever
    national data collection system on law enforcement's efforts to combat
    human trafficking and trained officials on its use. If confirmed, I
    commit to working with Burundi to ensure it continues to prioritize
    countering trafficking in persons.

        Question. Kenya will have elections in 2022. In your opinion, are
    planned levels of USG support to Kenya's electoral process adequate?

        Answer. I understand that the United States has invested
    significant resources over the last two decades in support of free and
    fair elections and democratic reform in Kenya, covering a broad set of
    programming areas. If confirmed, I would assess the electoral climate
    and work with colleagues to determine whether planned levels of U.S.
    Government support are adequate for the 2022 general elections in Kenya
    and whether additional funding, if available, would be merited. I
    believe continued U.S. engagement and programs for the August 2022
    elections can help Kenya, one of four U.S. strategic partners in
    Africa, conduct credible elections and forestall the violence and
    instability that have too often plagued prior election cycles. I
    strongly support the ongoing efforts to enhance accountability and
    transparency of the election process, support anti-corruption efforts,
    promote initiatives to mitigate possible election-related violence and
    protect human rights, strengthen civic engagement and voter education,
    and improve the information and media environment.

        Question. While there was hope that the end of Mugabe's 37 year
    reign as president of Zimbabwe would usher in democratic and economic
    reforms that would enable the beleaguered country to cast off its
    pariah status, the three years of leadership under President Mnangagwa
    has demonstrated a continuation, if not worsening, of human rights
    abuses, economic mismanagement and kleptocratic behavior of the ZANU-PF
    regime. What tools does the U.S. have at its disposal that are
    underutilized to encourage democratic and economic reforms in Zimbabwe?

        Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe's authoritarian and corrupt
    practices, including the targeting of opposition political figures,
    journalists, and members of civil society through harassment, arrests,
    and detentions are matters of great concern. I greatly appreciate that
    this committee has publicly called out repressive actions taken by the
    Zimbabwe Government. The State Department and the U.S. Embassy in
    Harare also issue condemnations when appropriate and publicly voice
    support for the courageous Zimbabwean women and men who speak out
    against government corruption and abuses. I understand the U.S.
    supports governance programs that improve electoral processes, refine
    citizen advocacy strategies, and enhance public accountability
    measures. It provides support to those the Zimbabwean Government
    singles out for abuse, and imposes targeted sanctions to promote
    accountability for corrupt actors and those who abuse human rights and
    undermine democratic processes. If confirmed, I will work with this
    committee, civil society, regional neighbors, and likeminded partners
    to direct more attention to the situation in Zimbabwe so that,
    together, we can increase the pressure on the Government to respect
    democratic principles and human rights. If confirmed, I will also work
    with interagency partners to mobilize sanctions programs to promote
    accountability for those individuals who are currently active in
    corruption and human rights abuses.

        Question. An area of considerable debate has been the value of
    reincorporating political party programming into the U.S.' portfolio of
    democracy assistance to Zimbabwe. Do you commit to working with the
    Africa Bureau to review the Department of State's posture on political
    party support to Zimbabwe?

        Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe has systematically weakened the
    opposition through manipulated court rulings, harassment and
    incarceration of key figures, and thinly veiled actions to install
    pliant political figures in parliament since it took power after the
    2018 election.
        If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the Department of State's
    posture on political party support in Zimbabwe, as well as how to
    better engage civil society organizations, build confidence in the
    electoral commission, and encourage more regional engagement.

        Question. As Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human
    Rights and Labor, would you support the investment of DRL resources
    into programming that would support investigative journalism and
    research to better understand corruption and kleptocratic networks in
    Zimbabwe?

        Answer. It is important to look into all options available that
    would help counter the corrupt and authoritarian actions of the
    Government of Zimbabwe. If confirmed, I will explore new funding
    options for DRL interventions in Zimbabwe while factoring how such
    programs would complement existing USAID programs in country to ensure
    effectiveness and avoid duplication of efforts, as well as the
    availability of funds, the timing of appropriations, and procurement
    lead times.

        Question. Given the supermajority retained by the MPLA in the
    August 2017 legislative elections, has President Lourenco and his party
    used this legislative power to push through the necessary democracy and
    human rights reforms from the start of their current term in office as
    prioritized by the United States and the international community? If
    so, what are these specific democracy and human rights reforms? If not,
    what has the U.S. done to ensure that Angola's Government makes these
    necessary reforms?

        Answer. I understand the Government of Angola has made significant
    progress in its efforts to combat corruption, including investigations
    and prosecutions of current and former government officials and
    adopting a new penal code which increased penalties for corrupt
    officials. The Government has also taken steps to hold officials
    accountable for human rights abuses. Though challenges remain, the
    Government has noted that human rights are a matter of national
    security and acknowledged the need for oversight provided by civil
    society organizations across the country. Since the release of the 2020
    Trafficking in Persons Report, Angola has demonstrated further
    commitment to combat human trafficking by increasing the criminal
    penalties for human trafficking; convicting and sentencing traffickers
    to prison; and conducting a national awareness campaign on human
    trafficking. Angola also modified its religious registration law to
    reduce restrictions on Islam and other religions. I understand the
    United States looks forward to discussing ways to build upon Angola's
    progress at their fourth Bilateral Dialogue on Human Rights in the
    coming months. If confirmed, I intend to use that and other
    opportunities to strengthen bilateral cooperation to support Angola's
    anti-corruption efforts, enhance accountability mechanisms for human
    rights violations and abuses, advance democratic governance, and
    support protections for human rights and fundamental freedoms,
    including the rights to peaceful assembly and freedoms of expression,
    association, and religion or beliefs.

        Question. While Angola's constitutional court rejected the
    opposition parties' legal petitions in the last election for alleged
    irregularities, what specific electoral reforms are needed to address
    some of the concerns raised in those petitions as well as to improve
    the overall electoral process for the 2022 polls?

        Answer. The 2022 legislative elections will be an opportunity for
    Angola to demonstrate its commitment to democratic governance. A
    transparent planning process for the elections will aid in their
    success.
        If possible, I would also like to see local elections held in
    conjunction with the legislative elections, noting that they would be
    the first to be held in recent Angolan history.

        Question. The ruling MPLA under the leadership of President
    Lourenco introduced changes to the electoral law that would centralize
    the counting of votes instead of doing it at the level of each
    municipality and province. Given that centralized counting of votes is
    not a best practice in results management, particularly in terms of
    engendering confidence in the transparency and credibility of
    transmission of election results, how would the centralizing of vote
    counting be seen in your view? Given the concerns raised by opposition
    candidates in the 2017 elections through their legal petitions citing
    the lack of transparency by the electoral commission and alleged vote
    counting irregularities at the provincial level, would such a law
    engender greater confidence in the electoral process? If so, how so? If
    not, why not?

        Answer. President Lourenco has shown a willingness to take into
    account the concerns of minority parties as well as the public demand
    for free and fair elections. The draft law could present logistical
    challenges in registering voters in remote areas, and constraints in
    the prescribed electoral timeframe could lead to low voter registration
    and participation abroad. As the law is debated and refined, the U.S.
    Government should continue to advocate for transparency and adherence
    to international norms.
        I also note that on September 11, Angola saw its largest political
    demonstration since before the pandemic began in response to the draft
    election law, and that the peaceful nature of the march and the
    authorities' willingness to permit such a sizeable gathering, despite
    standing COVID restrictions, is a hopeful signal as Angola gears up for
    its 2022 legislative elections.

                                   __________

               responses to additional questions for the record
              submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator marco rubio
        Question. In 2016, the Washington Examiner quoted you as saying
    that the human rights situation in Cuba was improving. Specifically,
    you said that in ``Cuba we've seen more engagement on HR issues.'' In
    2021, you opposed the State Department's decision to designate Cuba as
    a State Sponsor of Terrorism:

       Do you believe that the human rights situation in Cuba is
            improving? And if so, what specific indicators are you looking
            at to make this determination?

        Answer. I do not believe that the human rights situation is
    improving. In response to peaceful protests in July, Cuban security
    forces violently repressed the protests, arresting hundreds of
    demonstrators simply for exercising their rights of freedom of
    expression and peaceful assembly, as well as numerous human rights
    activists. If confirmed, I pledge democracy and human rights in Cuba
    will remain at the core of our Cuba policy.

        Question. Can you explain why you oppose Cuba's designation as a
    state sponsor of terrorism?

        Answer. As a nominee I do not have access to information that would
    enable me to have an informed opinion as to whether Cuba should be
    designated as a state sponsor of terrorism. I have long believed that
    state sponsor of terrorism designations should be used for states that
    are terrorists, based on fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I
    believe a designation should not be lifted until there's full clarity
    that the government in question has taken all steps necessary to
    relieve themselves of the criteria needed for such a designation.
    Regardless of the state sponsor of terrorism designation, I do believe
    other corresponding punitive measures are an important tool to be used
    on repressive governments and/or officials. If confirmed, I will
    consult closely with the intelligence community and Congress on the way
    forward, including on the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor
    of Terrorism.

        Question. Are you aware that Cuba continues to provide safe haven
    to convicted criminals on the FBI's most wanted list, like Joanne
    Chesimard, who executed a New Jersey State Troop in 1973 and William
    Morales who was convicted in a U.S. District Court for possession of
    explosives and other crimes?

        Answer. Yes, I am aware that Cuba harbors several U.S. fugitives
    from justice wanted on or convicted of charges of political violence,
    many of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. If confirmed, I will
    support the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to return fugitives from
    justice.

        Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for Cuba to be de-listed
    as a state sponsor of terrorism?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
    administration's review of Cuba policy, including the previous
    administration's decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of
    Terrorism. I will consult with the intelligence community and Congress
    on the way forward.

        Question. In July of this year, we witnessed the largest protests
    against the regime in 62 years. It's clear from the videos and messages
    shared, that these protests were clearly sparked by decades of
    mismanagement and human rights abuses by the regime. The unprecedented
    size and spread of these protests are directly related to ordinary
    Cubans' access to internet circumvention tools like VPNs. If confirmed,
    you will oversee the Bureau at State, which is responsible for U.S.
    assistance to promote democracy and human rights in Cuba.

       If confirmed, do you commit to support robust funding for the
            democracy movement in Cuba?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will use all tools at my disposal to
    support independent civil society and democratic actors in Cuba,
    including through robust funding for democracy and human rights
    programs. I believe that these programs, including those that promote
    internet freedom, are central to empowering independent civil society
    organizations and ordinary citizens to promote democracy and human
    rights in Cuba.

        Question. If confirmed, will you support providing internet
    circumvention tools that allow Cubans unfettered and uncensored access
    to the internet?

        Answer. I understand the United States provides funding--over $70
    million globally on an annual basis--to support the development,
    deployment, and operation of the latest secure and reliable technical
    solutions to counter Internet censorship, content blocking, and
    shutdowns, and other violations of Internet Freedom. I also understand
    U.S.-supported programming makes secure circumvention and
    communications tools available to internet users everywhere, including
    in Cuba. If confirmed, and with the continued appropriations support
    for these activities, I will ensure DRL continues these critical
    programs.

        Question. In 2018, you tweeted in support for the anti-Semitic BDS
    movement, praising AirBnB for removing rental listings of homes located
    inside the West Bank.

       Do you still support this decision?

        Answer. I firmly reject the BDS movement, which unfairly singles
    out Israel. If confirmed, I will work with Israel to counter efforts to
    delegitimize it around the world, while respecting the First Amendment
    rights of Americans and supporting U.S. businesses.

        Question. Do you view the BDS movement as hateful and anti-Semitic?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has been clear that it
    resolutely opposes the BDS movement. I also have made clear that I
    firmly reject the BDS movement. The administration has stated it will
    always fully respect Americans' First Amendment rights, while also
    remaining a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize Israel.
    If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to support Israel's further
    integration into the international community, and to oppose the BDS
    movement and any efforts to delegitimize Israel.

        Question. In July 2020, you praised an op-ed by Peter Beinert that
    argued for Israel to discard its identity as a Jewish State. This
    conflicts with longstanding U.S. support for Israel as a Jewish state.

       Can you clarify whether or not you fully endorse the views
            expressed by Beinert in this op-ed? Specifically, like Beinert,
            do you no longer believe in a Jewish state?

        Answer. I believe that Israel is a democratic and Jewish state. If
    confirmed, I will work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israel
    partnership.

        Question. Can you clarify, is it ``cruel'' to limit Tehran's
    support for groups that violate the human rights of ordinary people
    across the region?

        Answer. The Iranian Government has a deeply troubling record on
    human rights both at home and abroad. If confirmed, I am committed to
    working to disrupt Iran's efforts to repress, harass, harm, or
    otherwise violate the human rights of individuals in any part of the
    world, including via its support for violent partners and proxies, and
    to continuing to use a variety of tools, including sanctions, to
    counter Iran's support for violent partners and proxies in the region.

        Question. Has your opinion of the Iranian Government changed since
    Raisi's election as President?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's Iran policy is designed
    to advance U.S. interests, which include deterring and punishing human
    rights abuses, regardless of who is in power in Tehran. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that we deploy all available tools to promote
    accountability for human rights violators.

        Question. If the Iranian Government is still replete with nasty
    characters, do you believe that providing that regime with sanctions
    relief advances democracy and human rights in Iran?

        Answer. The Iranian Government regularly denies Iranians their
    human rights, including through severe restrictions on the freedoms of
    peaceful assembly, association, religion or belief, and expression. If
    confirmed, I will ensure we continue to call out and stand up to Iran's
    human rights abuses, and to maintain and impose sanctions on Iranian
    entities and individuals perpetrating human rights abuses.

                                   __________

               responses to additional questions for the record
              submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator todd young

        Question. Recently, the United States and the U.N. Relief and Works
    Agency agreed upon a framework for cooperation which includes a mutual
    commitment to abide by the Foreign Assistance Act's prohibition on
    assistance to UNRWA without adequate oversight of funding, specifically
    over funds which could end up in the hands of terrorist. But UNRWA has
    displayed an insufficient track record in exercising oversight of its
    funds, even after committing to our government to do so:

       At what point is it necessary to accept that the constant flow of
            U.N. support is enabling corrupt entities in the region and not
            actually helping bring about peace and security? What options
            exist for alternative, U.S.-led and U.S.-facilitated
            assistance?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports the work of UNRWA,
    which provides critical services to vulnerable Palestinian refugees.
    UNRWA is a lifeline for thousands of Palestinian refugees in the
    region. I understand the United States and UNRWA have reaffirmed a
    commitment to uphold the principles of accountability, neutrality, and
    transparency. I understand the Department is deeply engaged with UNRWA,
    including on key reforms related to efficiency, effectiveness, and
    importantly neutrality. I want to be clear--neutrality means
    antiracism, combatting antisemitism and tolerance.
        The Department is committed to ensuring U.S. Government funding
    does not end up in the hand of terrorists, including Hamas. The
    administration provides assistance to trusted international
    organizations and NGOs in a manner consistent with U.S. law and does
    not direct assistance to Hamas. The Department takes oversight of U.N.
    operations, including UNRWA, seriously to ensure U.S. taxpayer-funded
    assistance is reaching the intended recipients.

        Question. Do you agree with President Biden that further
    conditioning security aid to Israel would be ``outrageous''?

        Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris administration remains unwavering in
    its commitment to Israel's security and will work to strengthen all
    aspects of the U.S.-Israel partnership. If confirmed, I will support
    these efforts to strengthen our bilateral ties.

        Question. Do you acknowledge that Israel's security environment is
    unlike any other in the world, by means of its very existence?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Is the Human Rights Council serving the interests of the
    United States when it consistently displays bias against the state of
    Israel?

        Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) has flaws, including in
    particular the Council's problematic membership and its
    disproportionate focus on Israel. If confirmed, I am committed to
    ensuring with colleagues the HRC can be as effective and balanced as
    possible, and will continue to advocate that the HRC treats Israel in
    the same way as the HRC handles any other country. When the United
    States has a seat at the table, we are able to advocate on Israel's
    behalf. The U.S. is hopeful about moving resolutions out of Agenda Item
    7, which will be a step in the right direction. Advancing democracy and
    protecting human rights are vital to U.S. national security interests.
    U.S. leadership in multilateral venues, including the Human Rights
    Council helps focus international attention on the world's most
    egregious human rights situations such as Afghanistan, Iran, Syria,
    Ethiopia, Burma, and help direct U.N. assistance to countries in
    transition like Sudan.

                                   __________

               responses to additional questions for the record
               submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator ted cruz
    Cuba
        Question. The Cuban regime annually proposes a resolution at the
    United Nations General Assembly condemning the U.S. for policies toward
    Cuba, and among other things calling for the embargo to be lifted. The
    U.S. has consistently voted against this measure, with the exception of
    2016, when the Obama-Biden administration instead abstained from the
    vote. Long-standing policy of the U.S. to use its voice and vote to
    oppose this measure was restored under the Trump administration. The
    Biden administration has extended this policy, and this year U.N.
    Ambassador Thomas Greenfield voted against the Cuban-sponsored
    resolution condemning the United States' congressionally mandated trade
    embargo at the United Nations General Assembly.
        Meanwhile, the United States Congress has been and remains
    committed to maintaining America's embargo on Cuba. The Cuban Liberty
    and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-114)
    codifies the U.S. embargo. The executive branch is prevented from
    lifting the embargo without congressional concurrence through
    legislation until certain democratic conditions set forth in the law
    are met.

       Do you agree with the Congressionally mandated policy mandating an
            embargo?

        Answer. The LIBERTAD Act codifies the bulk of the embargo and the
    circumstances under which it can be ended. Unless it is repealed or
    amended by Congress, the embargo can only be ended if the President
    determines Cuba has entered a transition to democracy. The
    administration is committed to implementing U.S. law while ensuring its
    policies advance the right to self-determination for the Cuban people,
    greater freedom for the Cuban people, and expanded support for pro-
    democracy, human rights, and independent media in Cuba. If confirmed, I
    look forward to supporting these goals as part of the administration's
    policy toward Cuba and consulting with Congress on ways to advance them
    that is consistent with U.S. law.

        Question. Do you agree with the decision to vote against U.N.
    resolutions condemning the U.S. embargo?

        Answer. Yes. Under LIBERTAD, the embargo is U.S. law. If confirmed,
    I commit to supporting the administration's policy approach to Cuba
    consistent with U.S. law.

        Question. Please describe what policies you would take to deepen
    Congress's policy mandating an embargo of Cuba?

        Answer. Democracy and human rights in Cuba are at the core of the
    administration's efforts to empower the Cuban people to determine their
    own future. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
    administration's goals to support the Cuban people to further
    strengthen Cuban civil society, and to increase pressure on the regime
    for its repression and human rights violations, as the Biden
    administration did this past July following the Government's brutal
    response to protests. I look forward to consulting with Congress on the
    way forward and to ensuring our policy towards Cuba is rooted in broad
    support for fundamental values.

    Israel/State Dept
        Question. On July 8, 2014 our Israeli allies launched Operation
    Protective Edge in response to a string of Hamas terrorist attacks and
    atrocities. The State Dept. among other things called on Israel to
    avoid civilian casualties and committed to resupplying them with
    military technology they required to defend themselves. On July 31 you
    criticized that stance as ``consistently inconsistent'' in a post on
    Twitter. Your view is particularly worrisome because, if confirmed, you
    would contribute to decision-making related to providing resources to
    allies in crisis conditions.

       Please clarify what you meant by the criticism that the State Dept.
            being ``consistently inconsistent'' for urging Israel to avoid
            civilian casualties while seeking to resupply Israel.

        Answer. I strongly support Israel's right to self-defense and the
    United States' continued commitment to Israel's security. I also
    believe that mitigation of civilian casualty risks, consistent with
    U.S. law, should be considered for all U.S. arms sales My tweet was an
    unnuanced expression of that objective. If confirmed, I will support
    the United States' continued commitment to Israel's security and will
    work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israel partnership.
    Secretary Blinken also has underscored the U.S. expectation that Israel
    should do everything it possibly can to mitigate the risk of civilian
    casualties, which I believe is in line with our shared values and
    common strategic interests.

        Question. Please describe human rights concerns that you believe
    are relevant to decisions related to supplying our Israeli allies with
    resources they need to defend themselves.

        Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
    Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
    security, including its qualitative military edge in the region,
    consistent with U.S. law and policy. The President has also made it
    clear that the rule of law and respect for human rights are front and
    center in U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will join this
    administration in insisting on adherence to our agreements on the use
    of U.S.-origin defense equipment by our allies and partners, compliance
    with the laws of armed conflict, and respect for human rights.

        Question. n May 16, 2018 you criticized the United States
    Government on Twitter for being ``virtually silent'' on ``Israeli
    security forces' disproportionate attacks on Palestinians in Gaza.''
    This assessment is not a legal assessment: it is an institutional
    judgment about the role of U.S. Government officials. These assessments
    and others like them would be significant if you are confirmed for role
    as Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
        Please list which Israeli actions in the context of your May 16,
    2018 post you believe the U.S. Government should have been more vocal
    about?

        Answer. I believe that the United States should continue to
    underscore the expectation that Israel, as a key democratic ally in the
    region, should do everything it possibly can to mitigate the risk of
    civilian casualties. It is critical for all parties to refrain from
    unilateral or disproportionate steps that exacerbate tensions and
    undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution, such as
    annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions, and
    incitement to violence.

    Interbranch Cooperation
        Question. In January 2020 Sens. Cotton, Cruz, and Braun sent an
    oversight letter to then-Attorney General Barr requesting that he
    ``review the activities of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC)
    and its sister organization NIAC Action for potential violations of the
    Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).'' You criticized this request,
    and joined a letter saying that the Senators had used ``tactics [that]
    have no place in our political process or our national discourse, and
    risk turning our Justice Department into a political tool.''

       Do you believe that the Senators' letter asking for a review of
            activities has no place in our political process?

        Answer. To the contrary, I believe Congress has a strong role to
    play in exercising vital oversight functions. In joining that letter, I
    was expressing concern about the potential for federal law enforcement
    power to be misused to intimidate or silence civil society
    organizations. If confirmed, I would seek to be in regular
    communication with Congress and meaningfully accommodate oversight
    requests.

        Question. Please describe your understanding of the role that
    elected officials play in overseeing agencies charged with
    investigating potential violations of statutory regulations such as
    FARA, in the context of your potential role as Assistant Secretary of
    State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor?

        Answer. Elected officials have an important oversight function. I
    commit to working with Congress to accommodate its need for information
    to conduct oversight.

        Question. Do you agree with the assessment that the Chinese
    Government is engaged in a genocide against the Uyghurs and other
    minorities in the XUAR that is ongoing?

        Answer. Yes. I agree that the PRC has committed genocide and crimes
    against humanity against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and
    members of other ethnic and religious minority groups, and that these
    crimes are ongoing.

        Question. What role do you see for the State Department in
    countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights
    atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?

        Answer. The United States should continue to speak out consistently
    and jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities, and
    to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those
    responsible for those abuses. If confirmed, I will advocate to continue
    concrete U.S. Government actions--in coordination with allies and
    partners whenever possible--to promote accountability for ongoing
    atrocities and genocide in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China, including
    through the imposition of visa restrictions, tightening of export
    controls, enforcement of import restrictions, imposition of financial
    sanctions, and multilateral initiatives. I will also look to engage the
    private sector on questions related to digital authoritarianism and the
    economic, legal, and reputational risks of supply chain links to
    entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor in
    Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. Finally, if confirmed I will work with
    DRL colleagues and other non-governmental entities to ensure civil
    society is adequately supported to monitor, document, and respond to
    China's abuses--wherever they may occur.

    Israel/Sovereignty
        Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
    Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
    relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
    Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
    implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
    communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
    approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
    maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
    which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
    Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out
    and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by
    recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing
    Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by
    seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and
    for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli
    communities, and by taking several other steps.

       Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?

        Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration gives
    great weight to Israel's security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in
    control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
    the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
    Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. The
    Biden administration has not reversed U.S. policy on this important
    issue.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
    Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration has not
    altered U.S. policy on this important issue. Jerusalem is the capital
    of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved
    through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. The
    administration also recognizes that Jerusalem is central to the
    national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
    will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
    sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of the Golan Heights?

        Answer. I understand that U.S. policy regarding the Golan has not
    changed since the beginning of the Biden-Harris administration. As long
    as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to
    urge Israel to part with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic
    Golan Heights provides Israel an added measure of security from the
    turmoil next door.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both
    Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
    Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
    negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will
    handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
    that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has engaged in discriminatory
    policies, in response to which the private sector has an important role
    to play in not promoting or pursing?

        Answer. I believe all governments, including the United States and
    Israel, should work to end discrimination of any kind. If confirmed, I
    will work with all partners, including the private sector, to address
    discrimination and help ensure all people are treated with the dignity
    and respect they deserve.

        Question. If so, please describe which discriminatory Israeli
    policies you believe the private sector has an important role to play
    in not promoting or pursing.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will review all available evidence and work
    with all partners to address discrimination--whether targeting Israelis
    or Palestinians--and ensure full compliance with existing U.S. policy
    and law, while also ensuring that all people are treated with the
    fundamental dignity and respect they deserve.

        Question. The Biden administration has repeatedly expressed
    commitments to providing assistance to Lebanon, including in the
    absence of any government or in the context of a government controlled
    or unduly influenced by Hezbollah. If confirmed, you would have a
    central role in evaluating the humanitarian situation in Lebanon and
    you would have significant equities in what a response would look like.

       Do you believe that it would be in America's national security
            interest for resources to go to the Government of Lebanon even
            if that government was controlled or unduly influenced by
            Hezbollah?

        Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization, and the United
    States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. assistance from
    conferring benefits to Hezbollah or any other terrorist group,
    including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation
    practices. If confirmed, I would ensure the Department continues to
    support our vital interests in Lebanon through the ongoing but
    carefully allocated provision of U.S. assistance, including to Lebanese
    civil society, which helps to bolster Lebanon's resiliency, stability,
    and security.

        Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
    Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
    leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
    (SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5, the Biden
    administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
    sanctions. The issue of humanitarianism was central to the public
    explanation of the decision: officials at the State Department have
    justified the delisting of what they described as the ``broad''
    designation of Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large
    parts of Yemen's population live under areas controlled by the group.
    Since then, the Houthis have escalated their violence across the
    region, bombarding civilians in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Yemen was
    already one of the worst humanitarian catastrophes in the world, in
    large part because the Houthis and their Iranian backers block aid,
    steal aid, and attack civilians.

       Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis in
            deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

        Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain
    intransigent and focused on their military offensive against Marib. The
    offensive is the single biggest threat to peace efforts and is
    exacerbating an already-dire humanitarian crisis, placing at risk the
    approximately one million internally displaced persons who found refuge
    in Marib after escaping fighting in other parts of the country. The
    Houthis also exacerbate the humanitarian consequences of the fuel
    situation at Hudaydah port by stockpiling fuel and manipulating fuel
    prices, driving up the cost of fuel far beyond the reach of most
    Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis continue to interfere in the delivery
    of humanitarian aid.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

        Answer. The Biden administration revoked the terrorism designations
    of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, in recognition of
    the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen. I understand the
    administration listened to concerns voiced by the United Nations,
    humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others,
    regarding potential impacts the designations could have had on Yemenis'
    access to essential basic commodities. The short time that passed
    between the designations and their revocations limited the impact the
    designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and commercial
    imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian assistance
    items are moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

        Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and
    their revocations limited the impact that designations could have had
    on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports. The situation has
    been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation of hostilities
    has caused additional needs and secondary displacement. Critically,
    delivery has safely continued of life-saving food, emergency shelter,
    water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as essential non-
    food items, such as blankets and water containers.

        Question. In May 2014, you criticized the United States Government
    for having done ``little to follow up'' on calls to create distance
    between the U.S. and Nigerian security forces, who you described as
    ``barely more palatable'' than Boko Haram fighters who had kidnapped
    hundreds of girls. In contrast, many in Congress and across the federal
    government see the Nigerian Government as a critical national security
    partner.

       Do you continue to believe that the U.S. should limit security
            cooperation with the Government of Nigeria?

        Answer. Nigeria faces numerous security threats, including
    terrorism, rural banditry, kidnapping for ransom, herder-farmer
    violence, separatist attacks, maritime piracy, and rampant criminality.
    I understand the U.S. Government's strategy takes a holistic approach
    to help Nigeria address insecurity by harnessing a range of security,
    governance, and development tools. Nigeria is an important national
    security partner and has taken some steps to investigate alleged abuses
    by both the police and the military, which are essential steps to
    addressing longstanding impunity. A central part of U.S. security
    cooperation is focused on helping Nigeria build capable, well-equipped,
    professional, accountable security forces that effectively respond to
    threats, protect civilians, and respect human rights. U.S. Government
    also supports rule of law capacity building efforts, community-based
    conflict prevention and peacebuilding programs, livelihoods programs,
    and provides humanitarian assistance to build resilience among
    conflict-affected populations.
        If confirmed, I will support the U.S. goal of a stable and secure
    Nigeria while ensuring the United States continues to use its
    engagements with the Nigerian Government to prioritize respect for
    human rights and accountability for past human rights violations and
    abuses

        Question. What specific steps do you envision pursuing in your role
    as Assistance Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and
    Labor, should you be confirmed, that would limit cooperation with
    either the Government of Nigeria or Nigerian security forces?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that the United States
    expects the Nigerian Government and security forces to demonstrate a
    strong commitment to respect for human rights and international
    humanitarian law, and to prioritize accountability for past human
    rights violations and abuses. Assessing credible information of gross
    violations of human rights, consistent with the Leahy Law, and
    consulting with the Africa bureau would be an essential part of
    assessing whether cooperation should be limited. If confirmed, I would
    support the thorough vetting of Nigerian security force units,
    consistent with U.S. law, to ensure that we are not providing
    assistance to those units where there is credible information that the
    unit has committed a gross violation of human rights.

        Question. How would you characterize the professionalism of
    Nigerian armed forces today?

        Answer. Nigeria has an estimated 120,000 active-duty personnel in
    the military with a 70,000-person army. I understand the Nigerian
    Police Force lacks appropriate staffing and resources with only 375,000
    police in a country of over 200 million citizens. The military is
    deployed on operations in 35 of the 36 states to support Nigeria's
    overstretched police force, but the reality is both are stretched.
        According to the State Department's Human Rights Report, there were
    reports that members of the Nigerian security forces committed human
    rights abuses in 2020 and impunity remained a significant problem. If
    confirmed, I will work with my counterparts across the U.S. Government
    as well as international partners to convey the consistent message that
    we need to see steady improvement toward more professional and
    accountable Nigerian security institutions.

        Question. How would you characterize the Buhari administration in
    the context of counter-terrorism operations?

        Answer. Defeating Boko Haram, ISIS-West Africa, and other violent
    extremist organizations is essential for the security and prosperity of
    Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad Basin. Violent extremist groups have
    caused at least 35,000 deaths in northeast Nigeria in the last decade,
    as well as displaced more than two million persons. In the Northeast,
    Nigeria is fighting insurgencies against ISIS-West Africa and Boko
    Haram with an increasingly overstretched and undermanned Nigerian Army.
    Lacking manpower, the armed forces desperately need an increase in
    resources. Additionally, support for non-military responses to
    countering terrorism--including increased development, good governance,
    and economic opportunities remain vital. Beyond being stretched,
    limited capability and uneven local government willingness to intervene
    present counter-terrorism challenges.

        Question. Which countries would you advocate to be added or removed
    from the State Department's Country of Particular Concern list?

        Answer. The law gives the Secretary of State the responsibility of
    making CPC designations, which provides important leverage to engage on
    religious intolerance, a central human rights concern. The 2020
    International Religious Freedom Report was released in May, and
    Secretary Blinken will now have his first opportunity to undertake the
    annual designations, and without prejudging Secretary Blinken's CPC
    designations, I am confident the Secretary will carefully review the
    religious freedom situation in all countries and make designations
    based on the criteria set forth in the IRF Act.
        These designations are one of a range of tools the Department has
    to promote accountability for governments and non-state entities that
    are religious freedom violators, and it is a very important tool. If
    confirmed, I will support the implementation of the full range of these
    tools, in partnership with the Ambassador at Large for International
    Religious Freedom.

        Question. In December 2020, the Department of State designated
    Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) in response to
    pervasive and egregious violations of religious freedom. Do you believe
    Nigeria should remain or be removed from the State Department's Country
    of Particular Concern list?

        Answer. There are serious human rights issues in Nigeria. Although
    I cannot forecast any decisions regarding potential designations, I
    share Congressional concern about religious freedom issues in Nigeria.
    Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority and I
    understand the Department continues to closely monitor human rights and
    the religious freedom situation in Nigeria. As with every region, the
    causes of conflict in Nigeria are complex. In addition to religious
    differences, ethnicity, politics, lack of accountability, access to
    justice, and competition over land resources are also drivers of the
    violence. Under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, as
    amended, the Secretary takes into consideration all relevant
    information available in his annual review of designations. If
    confirmed, I will make Nigeria a priority and I commit to work with the
    Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to
    address religious freedom concerns in Nigeria.

        Question. Please describe the degree to which you consider anti-
    blasphemy laws to be acute threats to global or regional human rights?

        Answer. I understand that the U.S. Government uniformly opposes
    apostasy, blasphemy, and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently
    used to oppress those whose religious beliefs differ from the majority.
    If confirmed, I will urge governments to eliminate such laws.
        Laws against blasphemy or apostasy are too often used and abused by
    governments, as a means of protecting or extending their powers, to
    target political dissenters or members of religious or ethnic minority
    groups. These laws are also too often used and abused by individuals as
    a pretext to justify violence against those whose religion or ethnicity
    differs from their own or to settle personal grievances. When
    governments actively or passively support such individuals, instead of
    protecting members of minority groups, those in society who want to
    take the law into their own hands are empowered to use violence against
    these victims.
        Therefore, I consider these laws to be acute threats to human
    rights, especially freedom of expression and freedom of religion or
    belief.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you orient the bureau to mitigate
    the effects or erode the scope of blasphemy laws?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador at
    Large for International Religious Freedom to urge governments to annul
    these laws and to oppose the enforcement and abuse of these laws,
    especially enforcement with criminal penalties.

        Question. Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information
    is not unnecessarily comingled with classified information in
    notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If not, why
    not?

        Answer. Yes. I recognize that there are times when unclassified
    information from various sources, taken together, can result in
    revealing classified information damaging to our national security. In
    those instances, that information must be secured. If confirmed, I
    commit to avoiding the over-classification of materials required by
    Congress for the oversight of the Department.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                          TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m., in
    Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Coons, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Romney, and
    Young.
        Also Present: Senator Graham.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        We are here to consider nominations for four important
    positions--Senator Jeff Flake to be Ambassador to Turkey,
    Ambassador Mark Gitenstein to be the U.S. Representative to the
    European Union, Ms. Cindy McCain to be the U.S. Representative
    to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture, and
    Governor Jack Markell to be U.S. Representative to the
    Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the
    OECD.
        So congratulations on all your nominations, as well as to
    your families who are part of the sacrifice in this process. We
    certainly appreciate them as well.
        The four of you have a distinguished history of public
    service and advocacy, and I appreciate your willingness to
    serve the country in this capacity.
        I understand that Senator Coons will be introducing Senator
    Flake--in a great, grand show of bipartisanship at a time that
    it is difficult to achieve it here--and Governor Markell. And
    that Senator Graham, who we welcome back to the committee--he
    left us precipitously--will be introducing Ms. McCain.
        So, Senator Coons?

                STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE

        Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez,
    Ranking Member Risch.
        Before proceeding with more detailed introductions, I ask
    unanimous consent to add a statement from my predecessor,
    former Senator Ted Kaufman, a detailed statement of
    introduction in support of Mark Gitenstein to serve as U.S.
    Ambassador to the EU.
        The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
        [The information referred to follows:]

       Introduction of Hon. Mark Gitenstein by former Senator Ted Kaufman

        Senator Kaufman. As a former member of this committee and as a
    friend and colleague of Mark Gitenstein, I am pleased to introduce Mark
    to this committee to be Ambassador to the European Union.
        I have known Mark for over 40 years and have worked closely with
    him as a colleague on the staff of then-Senator Biden and later in
    then-Senator Biden's transition to the vice presidency. More recently,
    I worked closely with Mark in setting up the Vice President's
    transition to the presidency.
        I know him to be a man of integrity, principle, intelligence and
    drive.
        He also brings exactly the right experience to the job.
        From 2009 to 2012, he was the U.S. Ambassador to Romania. The U.S.-
    Romanian Ballistic Missile Defense Agreement was negotiated and signed
    during his tenure.
        In 2012, Romanian President Traian Basescu awarded Mark with the
    ``Star of Romanian Grand Cross,'' the country's highest civil order.
        Mark also led efforts to strengthen the rule of law and fight
    corruption in Romania, doing so with considerable diplomatic skill and
    success. In the midst of this struggle to preserve the rule of law in
    Romania, he was honored in 2011 by Nine O'clock, the premier English
    speaking journal in Romania, as the best foreign diplomat in Bucharest.
        He developed deep expertise in rule of law and intelligence issues
    in his 17 years working on the Senate staff. These included his tenure
    as Chief Counsel for the Senate Judiciary Committee, and its
    Subcommittee on Criminal Justice. He also served as counsel to the
    Senate Intelligence Committee, and the Senate Subcommittee on
    Constitutional Rights.
        Mark has spent over 25 years in private law practice. Especially in
    the last eight years, he has focused on strengthening energy
    independence for Romania, a key issue he will face for all of Central
    and Eastern Europe should he become Ambassador to the EU.
        Mark has the core values and toughness to deal with the Russians.
    He also possesses the keen ability to build consensus and enhance our
    relationships with European allies. As a creature of the Senate, Mark
    will also be very mindful of, and responsive to, this committee's
    oversight responsibilities.
        He knows well the President and the key leaders of the
    administration's foreign policy and national security teams.
        Having Mark in Brussels will greatly enhance the ability of this
    administration to accomplish one of its critical goals: to rebuild
    multilateralism by rebuilding trust between the U.S. and the EU. The
    sooner we can get Mark to Brussels, the better.

        Senator Coons. And I join Senator Kaufman in urging support
    for Mark Gitenstein, who I know will be a very capable and
    experienced Ambassador, his second term of service as an
    Ambassador to now an entire region so critical to all of us.
        I have known Jack and his wonderful wife, Carla, for 32
    years. In Delaware, we pride ourselves on being able to work
    together. We are a State of neighbors, a State that cares about
    solving problems and doing the right thing. And no one
    epitomizes that more than our former Governor and State
    treasurer, Jack Markell.
        As State treasurer for 10 years, Governor for 8 years, Jack
    has been guided by strong values and a sharp intellect. His
    passion for helping others is rooted in his faith and
    strengthened when, at age 17, he had a chance to travel to
    India and to see profound inequality and deep poverty. And in
    the decade since, he has built a remarkable record of
    achievement, of creating opportunity, of not just talking the
    talk, but of taking effective action.
        Across two decades in leadership, he led innovative
    financial literacy and banking access initiatives; managed a
    severe fiscal crisis that affected our whole country, but did
    so responsibly in Delaware; helped grow our local economy; and
    showed real vision in creating new opportunities for people
    with intellectual disabilities. He helped create Pathways to
    Prosperity in the State of Delaware, a national model for
    helping workplace experience and college credit opportunities
    for young people, and launched one of the best language
    immersion programs in kindergarten.
        He has a deep understanding of the private sector and
    economic development. He has an MBA from the University of
    Chicago, and helped launch and create the telecom company
    Nextel, a company now valued at $35 billion. So he understands
    both how to solve complex problems and how the United States
    can work with our OECD partners to put in place policies to
    create conditions for economic growth.
        He led both the Democratic Governors Association and the
    National Governors Association, and today, he is leading
    Operation Allies Welcome, the resettlement of thousands of the
    Afghan partners who served alongside us in our 20 years of
    conflict.
        A dedicated and capable public servant, with the
    experience, intelligence, and character to serve as the U.S.
    Ambassador to the OECD, I look forward to supporting him not
    just in his nomination, but in his service and urge my
    colleagues to do the same.
        Now, Mr. Chairman, if I might, I am also honored to
    introduce my friend and our former colleague, Senator Jeff
    Flake.
        Senator Flake, to be clear, is a conservative Republican
    from Arizona, and I am a Democrat from Delaware. In the 6 years
    we served alongside each other, we voted on the opposite way of
    virtually every vote we ever took in the Senate. But during
    those 6 years, I came to know Jeff as an honorable man, as a
    principled public servant, as a patriotic American, and a loyal
    friend.
        We traveled together to more than a dozen countries--West
    Africa, East Africa, and Northern Europe. We had the bonding
    moment of both being chased by elephants in Mozambique. We
    worked together on legislation to protect wildlife from
    trafficking, to protect the rule of the law on the Judiciary
    Committee, to promote free and fair elections and economic
    reforms in Zimbabwe, where he did his mission service.
        Senator Flake has long championed American leadership
    around the world by promoting the rule of law, protecting human
    rights, and through strong international agreements. And his
    deep sense of right and wrong has not wavered. I am confident
    that his commitment and character thoughtfulness and skills
    will serve him well in a very demanding post as Ambassador to
    Turkey, where his abilities will be greatly needed to navigate
    difficult security issues and one where his service will
    reinforce the importance of bipartisanship in foreign policy.
        I know he will be even more successful with his amazing
    wife, Cheryl, by his side, and I look forward to supporting
    Senator Flake's nomination and encourage my colleagues to do so
    as well.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Coons.
        I noticed you said you are a Democrat from Delaware. You
    did not define what type of Democrat from Delaware, but in any
    event----
        Senator Risch. There are different types?
        The Chairman [continuing]. Well, he said Senator Flake was
    a conservative Republican. So I thought maybe he wanted to
    share some light--we have to have a little fun here. Otherwise,
    it is tough to get through the day.
        To our dear colleague, Senator Graham.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA

        Senator Graham. Glad to be back, Mr. Chairman. Thank you
    very much.
        Our good friend Chris Coons is a short Democrat from
    Delaware, as I am a short Republican from South Carolina. We
    literally see eye-to-eye on everything.
        So I just want to let the committee know when Cindy called
    me last week and asked me to introduce her to the committee, I
    stopped for a second and thought, wow, I am very proud to do
    it. I know John is looking down with pride. President Biden
    chose wisely.
        She is being nominated to be the Ambassador to the United
    Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture in Rome. So all of us
    will be visiting you.
        I am very familiar with this program because, along with
    Senator Coons, I am the vice chairman of the Senate
    Appropriations Committee that deals with the State Department's
    budget and the United Nations' budget. And the World Food
    Program just received the Nobel Peace Prize. That is run by
    David Beasley, the former Governor of South Carolina.
        They received the Nobel Peace Prize because the World Food
    Program has made a huge difference. With the advent of war and
    climate change, there are so many people in this world not
    knowing where their next meal comes from, and the World Food
    Program has stepped up to the plate, and the American taxpayer
    should be proud. The agency that Cindy has been nominated to
    lead as an Ambassador I think is the key to this whole problem.
    It is one thing to provide meals. It is another thing to
    provide the ability to grow your own food.
        And Senator Risch, I am going to be all in working with
    this committee as an appropriator, along with Senator Coons, to
    beef up the capability of people throughout the world in
    impoverished regions to be able to farm as if it were the 21st
    century, not the 18th century.
        Cindy has a heck of a resume. I think we all know Cindy in
    a variety of roles. She has been a public figure for a long
    time. But to those who have not followed her career, you should
    have. She has been deeply involved in the human trafficking
    scourge of the planet. She has been to the developing world,
    particularly Africa, numerous times, dealing with women's
    issues and humanitarian problems.
        But I know her best from traveling with her where we went
    to Africa with the Gates Foundation and others to look at how
    to modernize farming practices. We visited a woman who had two
    daughters, basically farming with her two daughters, and the
    Gates Foundation and Department of Agriculture was trying to
    provide her with seeds that were more drought-resistant and
    over time to increase her family's capability to feed itself
    and actually earn money.
        So I am excited about this part of the World Food Program,
    this agency, and I want to pledge to Cindy that I am going to
    do everything I can to increase your capability to provide the
    best farming practices for those people who are on the bubble
    in terms of being able to live and those people in dire
    situations to turn their lives around.
        And one thing that Cindy and I were talking about was
    water. Water is the new oil. And this agency, I think, is going
    to be very aggressive in how to manage water and make sure that
    we get the best utilization where water exists and
    desalinization programs where it does not. So, Mr. Chairman,
    Senator Risch, I am going to be talking to you a lot about the
    portfolio under Cindy's control.
        And I just end with this. I have never known a more decent,
    capable person in my life. An Ambassador is supposed to
    represent America in the best fashion. I think the two nominees
    here today that I know, Jeff and Cindy, will be the best
    advocates for American interests in Turkey, and I can assure
    you that when Cindy McCain shows up in the room anywhere in the
    world, people already know her, they respect her, and she will
    be a great face for America. And working with Governor Beasley,
    we are going to turn this world around when it comes to feeding
    people.
        Thank you very much.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Graham.
        I know that both of our colleagues have other obligations,
    and so they should feel free to leave when they need to.
        Let me turn to our nominees. Senator Flake, welcome back to
    the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Given Turkey's
    aggressive actions in the region as well as the repressive
    tactics used by the Erdogan regime against its own people at
    home, we need an Ambassador who will not hesitate to hold
    Turkey accountable and will push it to live up to the
    principles that undergird NATO membership--individual liberty,
    democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
        Erdogan's repression is unbefitting of a democracy and
    unbefitting of a NATO ally. Democracies do not jail
    journalists, intimidate academics, and infringe upon freedom of
    religion. They do not renege on their commitments to stop
    violence against women, and they do not put political opponents
    in prison.
        So, Senator, you will have your work cut out for you, and I
    look forward to hearing how you plan to address some of these
    challenges awaiting in Ankara.
        Ambassador Gitenstein, we welcome your nomination to this
    post at a critical time in the transatlantic relationship. The
    bond between the United States and the European Union has been
    tested in recent years. Former President Trump repeatedly
    mocked our European allies while sabotaging the strategic
    relationship at seemingly every turn. I believe that close ties
    between Brussels and Washington are not just in our national
    interest, but in the interest of democracies everywhere.
        Going forward, smart diplomacy, careful coordination with
    our European allies will be critical to dealing with the
    challenges we both face, whether it be Russia's ambitions in
    Eastern Europe, China's growing soft power influence and
    investment in the Balkans, or Turkey's aggressive behavior in
    the Eastern Mediterranean. Having an Ambassador who works with
    our European allies will be an important first step.
        As Nord Stream 2 continues to be a concern, I hope you will
    develop a strategy with our European friends on a comprehensive
    energy plan that shields Europe from extortion at the hands of
    the Kremlin. In short, we need someone with your knowledge,
    expertise, and proven record as a diplomat in Brussels as
    quickly as possible.
        Ms. McCain, congratulations on your nomination. I admire
    your years of advocacy for vulnerable peoples around the world,
    including your commitment to combatting human trafficking
    globally. You shared that powerful commitment with your husband
    of almost 40 years and our much-admired and missed colleague,
    Senator John McCain.
        For these reasons, I believe you are a superb choice to
    serve as the U.S. Representative to the United Nations Agencies
    for Food and Agriculture. The challenges these U.N. agencies
    face today, as you and I discussed yesterday, are enormous.
        In this year alone, the number of people in need of urgent
    food assistance is expected to reach 270 million people, double
    that of 2020. Conflict and instability continue to push
    millions of people into acute food insecurity. Climate change
    threatens food production, and the COVID-19 pandemic and
    climate change exacerbate the situation even further.
        Your role at the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organizations
    are of the utmost importance in supporting the United Nations
    work to eradicate poverty, hunger, food insecurity, and promote
    sustainable agriculture-led economic growth. Your strong
    leadership will be essential to empowering, supporting, and
    guiding these agencies in this critical work.
        Governor Markell, congratulations on your nomination.
    Appreciate your service not only as the Governor of Delaware,
    but most recently as the White House coordinator for Operation
    Allies. At a time of growing nationalistic sentiment, we have
    to remain at the leadership of international economic and
    financial institutions, not abdicate that role. We have to work
    with our allies to create a stronger, more inclusive global
    economy that benefits everyone.
        The OECD is an important tool for U.S. diplomacy. Together,
    with OECD member states, which account for 63 percent of the
    world's GDP and three-quarters of all of the world trade, we
    can confront the challenges of a global economy. So I look
    forward to hearing how you plan to approach the OECD upon your
    confirmation and how you will use your position to advance U.S.
    interests, such as free markets and good governance, in the
    liberal international order.
        With that, let me turn to our distinguished ranking member
    for his opening comments. Senator Risch?

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr.
    Chairman. I appreciate that.
        Good morning, and thank you, all four of you, for your
    willingness to serve in these capacities. And to your families,
    as noted by the chairman that families certainly share the
    sacrifice.
        On the nomination of the Ambassador to the European Union,
    the EU was one of the world's key economic unions, and its
    regulatory regimes are increasingly attempting to set standards
    for the world. This week, the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology
    Council will meet for the first time in Pittsburgh. There are a
    lot of trade and regulatory issues to discuss, and the results,
    or lack thereof, are likely to impact our joint ability to
    stand up against China's predatory trade practices with which
    we are all familiar.
        I was very glad to see that last year, the EU and U.S.
    started a U.S.-EU dialogue on China. We need to use these
    discussions to start advancing shared priorities and policies,
    including those raised in my recent report on transatlantic
    cooperation on China.
        Sadly, European leaders have grown louder in their calls
    for strategic autonomy, an idea in which European Union nations
    should decrease their interconnection with the U.S. or
    contribute to an EU member-only military force. Proponents of
    this movement claim it will enhance NATO capabilities and will
    allow Europe to engage in military operations that are outside
    of U.S. interests. I remain concerned that it will, in fact,
    deepen divisions within NATO.
        Europe is and will continue to be one of our closest
    allies. There are very few places on the planet where our
    culture and our values are as congruent as they are with our
    European friends. As together, their population is much
    equivalent to the United States, and it is going to take the
    work of both in order to stand up to the 1.5 billion people of
    China.
        Finally, the Balkan nations are under heavy pressure from
    China and Russia, which could be better resisted if there was
    greater integration with the rest of Europe. I look forward to
    hearing your thoughts on all of these important issues.
        On the nomination of Ambassador to Turkey, the relationship
    between the United States and Turkey has been at an impasse
    over Turkey's purchase and deployment of Russian S-400 missile
    launchers. As everyone knows, the system is not interoperable
    with NATO, and Erdogan, not understandably, insists on buying--
    it has the S-400 missiles and which makes collaboration with
    NATO more difficult at best.
        Erdogan has claimed that we would not sell them the
    Patriots that are in the same class as the Russian S-400. We
    know that is not true. Senator Shaheen and I delivered a letter
    in 2012 to the Turks at the time they were shopping, telling
    them they should buy, and we were ready to deliver as many as
    they needed. Erdogan shrugged when I handed him that letter.
        The human rights situation in Turkey also remains
    difficult. Turkey is one of the highest jailers of journalists
    and opposition activists in Eurasia and has persecuted multiple
    locally employed staff of our U.S. missions there. This is not
    acceptable.
        To be fair, Turkey was a key collaborator in Afghanistan,
    and our military-to-military contacts remain strong. Turkey
    also continues to house millions of Syrian refugees, and its
    cooperation is key to delivering aid and assistance to Syria.
        Senator Flake, I know that you will be able to straighten
    these matters out, and happy to be sending you to Turkey to do
    so.
        On the nomination of Ambassador to the Organization for
    Economic Cooperation and Development, for 60 years, the OECD
    has been an important part of our foreign economic policy. As
    China seeks OECD membership, it is important that our
    Ambassador understands the challenges we face today from a
    rising China that promotes a socialist model.
        This model seeks to undermine and replace the private
    sector growth model that has lifted hundreds of millions,
    indeed, billions of people out of poverty around the world and
    has led to the greatest period of prosperity in human history.
    Today, many regret letting China into the WTO. We should not
    repeat past mistakes.
        I look forward to hearing your thoughts on this matter and
    to working with you to meet this challenge head on.
        On the nomination of Ambassador to the United Nations
    Agencies for Food and Agriculture, the United States is the
    most generous donor of humanitarian assistance globally. We
    need a strong and capable representative to the U.N. agencies
    in Rome--the World Food Program, the Food and Agriculture
    Organization, and the International Fund for Agricultural
    Development--to ensure that these agencies are as efficient and
    effective as possible so we can spread our assistance further
    and save more lives.
        Additionally, our representative must fight against malign
    Chinese influence in the U.N. I believe you are up to the task,
    and I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these matters.
        Thank you, sir.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        With that, we will start with our nominees' testimony. We
    ask you to summarize your testimony in about 5 minutes. Your
    full statements will be included in the record without
    objection.
        And we will start with Governor Markell and work our way
    down to Ms. McCain.

    STATEMENT OF HON. JACK A. MARKELL OF DELAWARE, NOMINATED TO BE
         REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
    ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC COOPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, WITH THE
                           RANK OF AMBASSADOR

        Mr. Markell. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        I would like to start by thanking Senator Coons for his
    generous introduction. The Senator and Annie have been great
    friends of Carla and mine for three decades, as he mentioned.
    We are all incredibly proud of the work he is doing in the U.S.
    Senate for the people of Delaware and the country.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is an honor to appear as the nominee to be the
    U.S. Representative to the Organization for Economic
    Cooperation and Development, and I am grateful to President
    Biden and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
        I am indebted to my family, who have played an important
    role in my being here. My wife, Carla, who is with me today;
    our kids, Molly and Michael; as well as my mom and sister and
    her family. I am also grateful to my father and brother who are
    no longer with us, as well as to my brother's family.
        We are at an inflection point in human history with
    democratic norms receding in many parts of the world and the
    global economic system under strain from COVID-19. The OECD has
    long been a forum to advance our common values and demonstrate
    what democracies can deliver. But the United States and our
    allies must continue to demonstrate that democracy, human
    rights, free markets, and capitalism better deliver growth and
    innovation and a good quality of life for all our citizens.
        The more we show that, as Secretary Blinken has said, the
    more we can refute the lie that authoritarian countries love to
    tell. The OECD provides the policy rationale that underlies our
    economic system and magnifies our voice. President Biden has
    said we are in competition with China and other countries to
    win the 21st century. We have to do more than just Build Back
    Better. We have to compete more strenuously.
        Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch, you deserve
    enormous credit for your bipartisan work on the Strategic
    Competition Act, which strengthens the U.S. response and
    abilities to confront the threat of the PRC. The world's
    authoritarian regimes are trying to show the world that their
    autocratic systems of single party rule and state-driven
    economics deliver better results. The OECD is so important,
    given the democratic community's ongoing competition with the
    world's autocratic and authoritarian regimes.
        I believe I come to the committee with the right package of
    skills and experiences to advocate on behalf of the United
    States. After graduating from Brown University, I earned an MBA
    from the University of Chicago. My private sector career is
    primarily focused on telecommunications. As Senator Coons
    mentioned, I helped lead the wireless revolution as the 13th
    employee and senior vice president at Nextel.
        I had long been interested in a career in public service. I
    always believed that my country had given me enormous
    opportunities, and I wanted to play a role in ensuring that
    similar opportunities are available to future generations.
        As Governor, I was concerned about the impacts of
    globalization and automation. I knew that the States and
    countries that out-educate today will outcompete tomorrow. That
    is why I have worked hard to ensure that our children had
    opportunities to thrive in school. For those who wanted to go
    to college, my team worked to secure opportunities for them to
    do so, even when they could not afford it.
        And we also recognized that many of our young people wanted
    to go directly to work. So we created terrific new programs to
    help them do exactly that with the skills needed for good-
    paying jobs. Good jobs are the best way to solve social
    problems.
        I served as chair of the bipartisan National Governors
    Association. I learned so much from my colleagues of both
    parties, and I imagine that the former Governors on this
    committee also had the chance to learn from and share with
    their colleagues when they served as Governors.
        Although Governors compete with each other to deliver the
    best economic climate for their constituents, we realize that
    our States do better when the U.S. does better, and that is one
    reason OECD is so important.
        I will close on a personal note. Both of my parents were
    first-generation Americans. My dad signed up to fight in the
    Army during World War II at the earliest opportunity, and he
    served proudly in Europe. My grandparents left Belarus, Latvia,
    and Lithuania at the turn of the 20th century, seeking a better
    life in the United States.
        It would have been beyond my grandparents' wildest
    imagination when they left Eastern Europe that their grandson
    would have the opportunity to serve Delaware as Governor and
    then potentially our country as the U.S. representative to a
    multilateral institution that fosters prosperity for all. They
    came to the United States in the first place seeking exactly
    that. It would be an extraordinary honor to play a small part
    in shaping policies that provide those same benefits for future
    generations.
        Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Markell follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Jack A. Markell

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is an honor to appear as the nominee to be the U.S.
    Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
    Development. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
    their confidence.
        I am indebted to my family for the love and support which have
    played an important role in my being here--my wife, Carla, our kids,
    Molly and Michael, as well as my mom and sister and her family. I am
    grateful to my father and brother who are no longer with us, as well as
    to my brother's family.
        We are at an inflection point in human history, with democratic
    norms receding in many parts of the world and the global economic
    system under strain from COVID-19. The OECD has long been a forum to
    advance our common values and demonstrate what democracies can deliver.
        But the United States and our allies must continue to demonstrate
    that democracy, human rights, free markets, and capitalism better
    deliver growth and innovation and a better quality of life for all our
    citizens. And as Secretary Blinken has said, ``The more we and all
    democracies can show the world that we can deliver--for our people, for
    each other--the more we can refute the lie that authoritarian countries
    love to tell.'' That's why the OECD is so important--it provides the
    policy rationale that underlies our economic system and magnifies our
    voice and our partners' on the many issues where we share common
    values.
        As President Biden has said, ``We are in competition with China and
    other countries to win the 21st Century. We have to do more than just
    build back better . . . We have to compete more strenuously.''
        Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch: You deserve enormous
    credit for your bipartisan work on the Strategic Competition Act, which
    strengthens the U.S. response and abilities to confront the threat of
    the PRC
        The world's authoritarian regimes--like the PRC and the Russian
    Federation--are trying to show the world their autocratic system of
    single party rule and state-driven economics is more efficient and
    delivers better results for their people.
        The OECD is more important now than ever before given the
    democratic community's ongoing competition with the world's
    authoritarian regimes. That's why I am so honored about the opportunity
    to serve.
        I believe I come to the committee with the right package of
    knowledge, skills, and experiences to effectively advocate on behalf of
    the United States with other Ambassadors to the OECD as well as with
    the OECD itself.
        After graduating from Brown University, I earned an MBA from the
    University of Chicago. My private sector career was primarily focused
    on telecommunications. I helped lead the wireless revolution as the
    13th employee and Senior Vice President at Nextel.
        I had long been interested in a career in public service. I always
    believed that my home state and my country had given me enormous
    opportunities, and I wanted to play a role in ensuring that similar
    opportunities are available to future generations.
        As Governor of Delaware, I was concerned about the impacts of
    globalization and automation on the people of my state. I knew the
    states and countries that out-educate today will out-compete tomorrow.
    That's why I worked hard to ensure that our children had opportunities
    to thrive in school. For those who wanted to go to college, my team
    worked to secure opportunities for them to do so, even when they
    couldn't afford it. And we also recognized that many of our young
    people wanted to go directly to work so we created terrific new
    programs to help them do exactly that, with the skills needed for good-
    paying jobs.
        I believe strongly that good jobs are the best way to help solve
    social problems.
        I was honored to serve as chair of the bi-partisan National
    Governors Association. I learned so much from my colleagues of both
    parties. I imagine that Ranking Member Risch along with Senators Kaine,
    Romney, Rounds and Shaheen also had the chance to learn from and share
    with their colleagues when they served as Governors.
        Although Governors compete with each other to deliver the best
    economic climate and quality of life for our constituents, we realize
    that our states do better when the United States does better. That's
    one reason OECD is so important.
        I will close on a personal note.
        Both of my parents were first generation Americans. My dad signed
    up to fight in the Army during World War II at the earliest opportunity
    and he served proudly in Europe.
        My grandparents left Belarus, Latvia, and Lithuania at the turn of
    the 20th century seeking a better life in the United States.
        It would have been beyond my grandparents' imagination when they
    left Eastern Europe that their grandson would have the opportunity to
    serve Delaware as Governor and then, potentially, our country, as the
    U.S. Representative to a multilateral institution that fosters
    prosperity for all. They came to the United States in the first place
    seeking exactly that. It would be an extraordinary honor to play a
    small part in shaping policies that provide those same benefits for
    future generations.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ambassador? If you could just put your microphone on,
    please?
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Can you hear me now?
        The Chairman. Yes.

     STATEMENT OF HON. MARK GITENSTEIN OF WASHINGTON, NOMINATED TO
       BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
        EUROPEAN UNION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR
                   EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY

        Ambassador Gitenstein. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and distinguished members of the committee, I am deeply
    honored by President Biden's nomination to be U.S. Ambassador
    to the European Union.
        If confirmed, serving as this Nation's Ambassador to the EU
    would culminate my work with the President, beginning with our
    days together as young men, when I joined his Senate staff in
    the 1970s, to four decades later in my recent work as U.S.
    Ambassador to Romania during the Obama-Biden administration.
        First, I want to acknowledge my family's role in making my
    appearance here possible. My late parents and grandparents
    taught me that patriotism and my Jewish faith are the
    guideposts of my actions. My sisters taught me that
    independent, intelligent women are the light of the world.
        My children and grandchildren prove that our future is
    bright because the next generation is undaunted by many of the
    challenges we face. Most of all, my wife, Libby, who is with me
    here today--my partner and the love of my life--who still
    believes in me, especially at those moments when a touch on the
    shoulder and a word of reassurance are essential.
        I grew up in Alabama and graduated from high school in
    Birmingham when the United States was confronting its own
    crisis in democracy during the 1960s. As I pursued my
    undergraduate degree in history from Duke, I watched with awe
    and pride as the civil rights movement gained its footing
    against Bull Connor and George Wallace.
        In my summers, I worked with reform-minded politicians in
    Alabama and in the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division,
    acting in my home State to dismantle segregated schools. I came
    to understand in a very vivid way how a strong Constitution and
    civil rights protections in a federated system can bring
    Democratic and Republican principles to the rule of law in a
    recalcitrant locale.
        This experience drove my passion as Ambassador in Romania
    to help the EU strengthen democracy and free markets in Romania
    and taught me how, in 21st century Europe, the EU continues to
    hold dear its founding documents and values. I know firsthand
    how the United States, working with multilateral and regional
    organizations, especially the EU, can strengthen democracy,
    build free markets, and act as a bulwark against autocracy.
        If confirmed, I promise to carry forward those values and
    principles both at the U.S. Mission at the U.N. and to the work
    of the EU itself.
        One other aspect of my history is also relevant. My
    father's family was Moldovan and Romanian, my mother's Polish
    and Austrian. Going to the EU, like serving in Bucharest, is a
    return to my family's roots. I do so with great humility,
    recognizing that we have as much to learn from the Europeans
    and the EU, as they do from us.
        If confirmed, my top goal will be revitalizing and raising
    the level of ambition in the U.S.-EU relationship and
    supporting the deep and ongoing cooperation between the United
    States and the EU at all levels, including between the Congress
    and the European Parliament. I will work to advance the agenda
    President Biden and his EU counterparts set at the June 2021
    U.S.-EU summit. This includes working together to end the
    COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global health
    challenges; protecting our planet and fostering green growth;
    strengthening our trade, investment, and technological
    cooperation; and building a more democratic, peaceful, and
    secure world.
        The U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council meeting taking
    place tomorrow in Pittsburgh and our joint pledge earlier this
    month to reduce global methane emissions are two perfect
    examples of the kind of values-driven, future-focused
    cooperation with the EU that I would prioritize as Ambassador,
    if confirmed.
        In a very real sense, both the EU and the United States are
    evolving, dynamic experiments in democracy. Both seek to form a
    ``more perfect union.'' While at different stages, neither side
    is finished with its work.
        I can think of no greater privilege than to be part of what
    President Biden calls the challenge of our generation, proving
    that democracy and strong, independent institutions are the
    best form of governance. They are, indeed, the shortest and
    surest route to the pursuit of happiness.
        I know from my experience in Romania that serving as
    Ambassador is a great challenge, but it is also one of the best
    jobs in government. If confirmed, I will use that position to
    strengthen U.S.-EU relations and build support for the
    administration's foreign policy in the interests of all
    Americans.
        Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Gitenstein follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Mark Gitenstein,

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members
    of the committee, I am deeply honored by President Biden's nomination
    to be U.S. Ambassador to the European Union.
        If confirmed, serving as this Nation's Ambassador to the EU would
    culminate my work with the President beginning with our days together
    as young men when I joined his Senate staff in the 1970s, to four
    decades later in my recent work as U.S. Ambassador to Romania during
    the Obama-Biden administration.
        First, I want to acknowledge my family's role in making my
    appearance here possible: my late parents and grandparents taught me
    that patriotism and my Jewish faith are the guideposts of my actions;
    my sisters taught me that independent, intelligent women are the light
    of the world; my children and grandchildren prove that our future is
    bright because the next generation is undaunted by the many challenges
    we face. Most of all, my wife, Libby--my partner and the love of my
    life--who still believes in me, especially at those moments when a
    touch on the shoulder and a word of reassurance are essential.
        I grew up in Alabama and graduated from high school in Birmingham
    when the United States was confronting its own crisis in democracy
    during the 1960s. As I pursued my undergraduate degree in history from
    Duke, I watched with awe and pride as the civil rights movement gained
    its footing against Bull Connor and George Wallace. In my summers, I
    worked for reform-minded politicians in Alabama and in the Justice
    Department's Civil Rights Division, acting in my home state to
    dismantle segregated schools. I came to understand in a very vivid way
    how a strong Constitution and civil rights protections can bring
    democratic and republican principles to the rule of law in a
    recalcitrant locale.
        This experience drove my passion as Ambassador in Romania to help
    the EU strengthen democracy and free markets in Romania and taught me
    how, in 21st-century Europe, the EU continues to hold dear its founding
    documents and values. I know firsthand how the United States, working
    with multilateral and regional organizations, especially the EU, can
    strengthen democracy, build free markets, and act as a bulwark against
    autocracy. If confirmed, I promise to carry forward those values and
    principles both at the U.S. Mission to the EU and to the work of the EU
    itself.
        One other aspect of my biography is also relevant. My father's
    family was Moldovan and Romanian, and my mother's Polish and Austrian.
    Going to the EU, like serving in Bucharest, is a return to my family's
    roots. I do so with great humility, recognizing that we have as much to
    learn from Europeans and the EU, as they do from us.
        If confirmed, my top goal will be revitalizing and raising the
    level of ambition in the U.S.-EU relationship and supporting the deep
    and ongoing cooperation between the United States and EU at all levels,
    including between the Congress and the European Parliament.
        I will work to advance the agenda President Biden and his EU
    counterparts set at the June 2021 U.S.-EU summit. This includes working
    together to end the COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global
    health challenges; protecting our planet and fostering green growth;
    strengthening our trade, investment, and technological cooperation; and
    building a more democratic, peaceful, and secure world. The U.S.-EU
    Trade and Technology Council meeting taking place tomorrow in
    Pittsburgh and our joint pledge earlier this month to reduce global
    methane emissions are two perfect examples of the kind of values-
    driven, future-focused cooperation with the EU that I would prioritize
    as ambassador, if confirmed.
        In a very real sense, both the EU and the United States are
    evolving, dynamic experiments in democracy. Both seek to form a ``more
    perfect union.'' While at different stages, neither side is finished
    with its work. I can think of no greater privilege than to be part of
    what President Biden calls the challenge of our generation: proving
    that democracy and strong independent institutions are the best form of
    governance. They are, indeed, the shortest and surest route to the
    ``pursuit of happiness.''
        I know from my experience in Romania that serving as ambassador is
    a great challenge, but also one of the best jobs in government. If
    confirmed, I will use that position to strengthen U.S.-EU relations and
    support the administration's foreign policy in the interests of the
    American people.
        Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Flake?

     STATEMENT OF HON. JEFFREY LANE FLAKE OF ARIZONA, NOMINATED TO
     BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
              STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY

        Senator Flake. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to
    appear before you today.
        It is an honor to be nominated as U.S. Ambassador to
    Turkey, and I am grateful for the trust that the President and
    Secretary of State Blinken have placed in me.
        I have the greatest respect for this committee. It was my
    home when I was in the Senate. I have served with most of you.
    I know of your experience, your expertise, your deep commitment
    to the national interest. If confirmed, I look forward to
    maintaining a close, consultative relationship with each of
    you.
        I would like to start by thanking my family--my wife,
    Cheryl, and our five children--Ryan, Alexis, Austin, Tanner,
    and Dallin. They have sacrificed much through the years and yet
    still have managed to continually assume the best and look for
    the good. I am more grateful than I can express.
        I should note that more than 30 years ago, when we were in
    college, my wife was part of a singing-dancing touring group at
    BYU called the Young Ambassadors, and they traveled to Turkey.
    So when I was asked if I might want to be Ambassador to Turkey,
    Cheryl said, ``I suppose it is your time now.'' And I look
    forward to traveling with her and cannot wait for the Turkish
    people to meet my wife, Cheryl.
        I am well aware that, if confirmed, I will be the first
    political appointee to this position in more than 40 years. I
    will arrive at a particularly pivotal moment in U.S.-Turkey
    relations. The United States has a longstanding and complex
    relationship with Turkey, a NATO ally for nearly 70 years.
    There are areas where our interests intersect and where we are
    firmly aligned. There are areas where we profoundly disagree.
        As this committee is well aware, we have for decades worked
    closely with Turkey to advance our national security interests,
    from Korea to Afghanistan and beyond. Our partnership with
    Turkey enables us to defend NATO's eastern flank and project
    U.S. power in the region.
        But our interests extend beyond the security realm. Turkey
    is an important economic partner, hosting more than 1,900 U.S.
    companies, including some of our largest and most recognized
    brands, and the United States is Turkey's fourth-largest source
    of imports. If confirmed, I look forward to robustly fostering
    this vital economic relationship.
        Having said that, our relationship also faces profound
    challenges. Despite the United States' efforts to address
    Turkey's security needs, Turkey still chose to purchase and
    test fire the Russian S-400 system. This action ran counter to
    the commitments all allies made at the 2016 NATO summit and
    rightly triggered Turkey's removal from the F-35 program and
    the imposition of CAATSA sanctions.
        If confirmed, I will consistently reiterate that disposing
    of this system is the path to removing CAATSA sanctions. I will
    also warn Turkey that any future purchase of Russian weapons
    risks triggering further CAATSA sanctions in addition to those
    already imposed.
        At the same time, we should encourage Turkey to purchase
    U.S. defense items that keep the Turkish military interoperable
    with NATO. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this
    committee to determine what defense trade with Turkey is in the
    U.S. national interest.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, as we all know,
    the authoritarian, anti-democratic impulse is resurgent in the
    world. There is no value that defines us more as Americans than
    the rights of free people to determine the course of their
    lives and the destiny of their countries. In my career, I have
    not hesitated to speak out on such issues.
        I am troubled by Ankara's democratic backsliding and the
    negative trajectory in terms of freedom of expression, freedom
    of association, and peaceful assembly in Turkey. Restoring the
    full freedoms of the Turkish people is a good in itself, and
    rebuilding confidence in the rule of law in Turkey would go a
    long way toward expanding the potential for further economic
    investment and international partnerships. If confirmed, I will
    challenge Turkey to uphold its domestic and international human
    rights commitments while also pushing Turkey to live up to its
    status as a NATO ally.
        While some of Turkey's recent actions have advanced U.S.
    interests in the Middle East, the Mediterranean, and Black Sea,
    other actions have been destabilizing and unhelpful. If
    confirmed, I will encourage Turkey to support efforts to find a
    sustainable long-term solution to the conflict between Armenia
    and Azerbaijan and encourage peaceful and diplomatic
    resolutions to disagreements in the Eastern Mediterranean.
        Despite the very real challenges to U.S.-Turkish relations,
    Turkey is an indispensable ally, anchored in NATO and acting as
    both a bridge and a buffer to a region in constant flux. Our
    national interest is served when the United States and Turkey
    work together to confront the very real threats to global peace
    and security that emanate from Russia, from Iran, and elsewhere
    in the region.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, if
    confirmed, I am committed to working with you, as both former
    and future colleagues, to advance our national interests, and I
    look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Senator Flake follows:]

                 Prepared Statement of Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It
    is an honor to be nominated to be the United States Ambassador to
    Turkey. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
    confidence they have placed in me.
        I have the greatest respect for this committee. It was my home when
    I was in the Senate. I have served with most of you. I know of your
    experience, your expertise, and your deep commitment to the national
    interest. If confirmed, I look forward to maintaining a close,
    consultative relationship with each of you.
        I would like to start by thanking my family--my wife Cheryl and our
    five children--Ryan, Alexis, Austin, Tanner, and Dallin. They have
    sacrificed much through the years and have somehow managed to
    continually assume the best and look for the good. I am more grateful
    than I can express.
        I am well aware that, if confirmed, I will be the first political
    appointee to this position in 40 years, and will arrive at a
    particularly pivotal moment in U.S.-Turkey relations. The United States
    has a longstanding and complex relationship with Turkey, a NATO ally
    for nearly 70 years. There are areas where our interests intersect and
    we are firmly aligned, and there are areas where we profoundly
    disagree.
        As this committee is well aware, we have for decades worked closely
    with Turkey to advance key national security interests, from Korea to
    Afghanistan and beyond. Our partnership with Turkey enables us to
    defend NATO's eastern flank and project U.S. power in the region.
    Turkey has submitted a credible plan to meet defense spending
    commitments by 2024 and regularly provides forces for NATO missions in
    the region, such as its recent deployment of F-16s to Poland.
        Our interests extend beyond the security realm. Turkey is an
    important economic partner hosting more than 1,900 U.S. companies,
    including some of our largest and most recognized brands, and the
    United States is Turkey's 4th largest source of imports. If confirmed,
    I look forward to robustly fostering this vital economic relationship.
        However, our relationship also faces profound challenges. Despite
    the United States' tireless efforts to address Turkey's security needs,
    Turkey still chose to purchase and test fire the Russian S-400 system.
    This action ran counter to the commitments all Allies made at the 2016
    NATO Summit and rightly triggered Turkey's removal from the F-35
    program and the imposition of CAATSA sanctions.
        If confirmed, I will consistently reiterate that that disposing of
    the system is the path to removing CATSAA sanctions. I will also warn
    Turkey that any future purchase of Russian weapons risks triggering
    further CAATSA sanctions in addition to those already imposed.
        At the same time, we should encourage Turkey to purchase U.S.
    defense items that keep the Turkish military interoperable with NATO.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee to determine
    what defense trade with Turkey is in the U.S. national interest.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, as we all know, the
    authoritarian, anti-democratic impulse is resurgent in the world. There
    is no value that defines us more as Americans than the rights of free
    people to determine the course of their own lives and the destiny of
    their countries. In my career, I have never hesitated to speak out on
    such issues. I am troubled by Ankara's democratic backsliding and the
    negative trajectory in terms of freedom of expression, freedom of
    association, and peaceful assembly in Turkey. Restoring the full
    freedoms of the Turkish people is a good in itself and rebuilding
    confidence in the rule of law in Turkey would go far toward expanding
    the potential for further economic investment and international
    partnerships. If confirmed, I will challenge Turkey to uphold its
    domestic and international human rights commitments while also pushing
    Turkey to live up to its status as a NATO Ally.
        While some of Turkey's recent actions have advanced U.S. interests
    in the Middle East, Mediterranean, and Black Sea, other actions have
    been destabilizing and unhelpful. If confirmed, I will encourage Turkey
    to support efforts to find a sustainable long-term solution to the
    conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan and encourage peaceful and
    diplomatic resolutions to disagreements in the Eastern Mediterranean.
        Despite the very real challenges in U.S.-Turkish relations, Turkey
    is an indispensable Ally, anchored in NATO and acting as both a bridge
    and a buffer to a region in constant flux. Our national interest is
    served when the United States and Turkey work together to confront the
    very real threats to global peace and security that emanate from
    Russia, Iran, and elsewhere in the wider region.
        Mister Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if
    confirmed, I am committed to working with you, as both former and
    future colleagues, to advance our national interests. I look forward to
    taking your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ms. McCain?

     STATEMENT OF CINDY HENSLEY MCCAIN OF ARIZONA, NOMINATED TO BE
     REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED
      NATIONS AGENCIES FOR FOOD AND AGRICULTURE WITH THE RANK OF
                AMBASSADOR DURING HER TENURE OF SERVICE

        Ms. McCain. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and the distinguished members of the committee. Thank
    you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am
    honored to be here.
        Sitting here in the place that my husband, John, loved the
    most is a little bit bittersweet for me. Senator Graham,
    although he is not here now, thank you for all that you said,
    your kind words. We are so lucky to have him as part of our
    family.
        I am pleased to join my colleagues on this panel today,
    especially Senator Jeff Flake. Both our family and the entire
    State of Arizona are grateful for your leadership and for your
    friendship.
        I am grateful and honored to be President Biden's nominee
    as the United States Representative to the United Nations Food
    and Agricultural Agencies in Rome. I hope to bring honor,
    civility, and transparency to the role that you have entrusted
    me to accept.
        One in three people globally do not have access to enough
    food, and that, simply said, is not okay. I plan to spend my
    time, if confirmed, working tirelessly to lower that number. I
    would be honored to help advance U.S. values and worldwide
    global food security efforts.
        The goal is simple to state, but very difficult to achieve.
    Alleviate hunger and promote agricultural development to
    increase food access and stability for the hundreds of millions
    of food insecure around the world. I am very optimistic that
    with the partners and team we currently have in place in Rome
    and around the world, we can build on all of the already
    impressive accomplishments in this arena.
        There has never been a more important time for the U.S.
    leadership on food and agricultural issues both within the U.N.
    agencies and around the world. I have been working on
    humanitarian issues the majority of my adult life. My parents
    taught me that as a woman, I could do anything. My husband,
    though, instilled in me the desire to serve a cause greater
    than myself.
        I have had the opportunity to pull landmines out of the
    ground in Mozambique, Angola, and Cambodia. I worked on school
    feeding programs in Congo and Uganda. I have been able to
    elevate the plight of Syrian refugees in Greece, Jordan,
    Turkey, and Lebanon as they fled conflict in their home
    country. I have battled human trafficking not only here in the
    United States, but in Southeast Asia and in Europe.
        Early in my humanitarian journey, I led a group of medical
    professionals to multiple conflict zones. I have witnessed
    firsthand what hunger, conflict, and the ravages of natural
    disaster can do to communities and families. I have seen U.N.
    agencies at their best, and at their worst. If confirmed, I
    will welcome your guidance and wisdom on how best to represent
    U.S. policies and priorities in Rome.
        There are certain things that I look forward to focusing
    on. Being from Arizona, water has always been an issue. I would
    like to focus on the intersection of access to water and
    agricultural needs. I hope to promote American thought
    leadership, innovation, and technology so others may use less
    water to feed more people.
        I will also focus on representing and fostering U.S. values
    and integrity. We need to guard against malign actors in the
    U.N. system and hold others accountable for good governance and
    transparency. I take very seriously my role in ensuring that
    the U.S. taxpayer money is not being misused or misspent and
    will work to reduce redundancy, sharpen focus, and improve
    efficiency.
        The U.S. leadership in this fight against hunger is a
    tribute to the work of this committee and our workers on the
    ground around the world, but government contributions just are
    not enough to take on all of the current global crises we face.
    I would like to expand public-private partnerships, to bring
    both new ideas and new donors to fight hunger and food
    insecurity. I look forward to developing new relationships as
    we develop local economies and fight poverty.
        I have seen firsthand the use of hunger as a weapon in
    conflict, and it is simply unacceptable. It goes against
    everything we stand for as a country, and I would like to use
    the reach and the power of our diplomacy to ensure no person
    goes hungry at the hands of another person.
        Finally, I would like to close by paying a brief tribute to
    my late husband and your former colleague, John McCain, and to
    the great cause of his decades of service, human dignity. His
    efforts to defend human rights wherever they were denied and to
    advance the values of our democracy to every corner on Earth
    were undertaken to serve that one end, respect the dignity of
    every human life.
        John believed he had as much dignity as any other person on
    the Earth, but not one measure more, and he felt a personal
    responsibility to those of his fellow human beings who suffered
    oppression and deprivation. Should I be confirmed, he would
    expect me to use my opportunity to serve the same end, and I
    will do my very best to do so and hope that he would be proud
    of me.
        Thank you, and I welcome any questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. McCain follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Cindy Hensley McCain

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and distinguished members
    of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
    today, I am honored to be here. Sitting here in the place that my
    husband John loved the most, is bittersweet. Senator Graham, thank you
    for the kind introduction, we are so lucky to have you as part of our
    family. I am pleased to join my colleagues on this panel, especially
    Senator Jeff Flake, both our family and the entire state of Arizona are
    grateful for your leadership and friendship.
        I am grateful and honored to be President Biden's nominee as the
    United States Representative to the United Nations Food and Agriculture
    Agencies in Rome. I hope to bring honor, civility and transparency to
    the role you have entrusted me to accept. One in three people globally
    don't have access to enough food, and that, simply, is not OK. I plan
    to spend my time, if confirmed, working tirelessly to lower that
    number.
        I would be honored to help advance U.S. values and worldwide global
    food security efforts. The goal is simple to state but difficult to
    achieve: alleviate hunger and promote agricultural development to
    increase food access and stability for the hundreds of millions of food
    insecure around the world. I am very optimistic that with the partners
    and team we currently have in place in Rome and around the world, we
    can build on all of the already impressive accomplishments in this
    arena. There has never been a more important time for U.S. leadership
    on food and agricultural issues both within the U.N. agencies and
    around the world.
        I have been working on humanitarian issues the majority of my adult
    life. My parents taught me that as a woman, I could do anything I
    wanted to. My husband instilled in me the desire to serve a cause
    greater than myself. I have had the opportunity to pull landmines out
    of the ground in Mozambique, Angola and Cambodia. I have worked on
    school feeding programs in Congo and Uganda. I was able to elevate the
    plight of Syrian refugees in Greece, Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon as they
    fled conflict in their home country. I have battled human trafficking
    not only here in the United States but in South East Asia and in
    Europe. Early in my humanitarian journey I led a group of medical
    professionals into multiple conflict zones. I have witnessed firsthand
    what hunger, conflict, and the ravages of natural disaster can do to
    communities and families. I have seen U.N. agencies at their best, and
    at their worst.
        If confirmed, I will welcome your guidance and wisdom on how best
    to represent U.S. policies and priorities in Rome. There are certain
    things that I look forward to focusing on.
        Being from Arizona, water has always been an issue. I would like to
    focus on the intersection of access to water and agricultural needs. I
    hope to promote American thought leadership, innovation, and technology
    so that others may use less water to feed more people.
        I will also focus on representing and fostering U.S. values and
    integrity. We need to guard against malign actors in the U.N. system
    and hold others accountable for good governance and transparency. I
    take very seriously my role in ensuring that U.S. taxpayer money is not
    being misused or misspent, and will work to reduce redundancy, sharpen
    focus, and improve efficiency.
        The U.S. leadership in the fight against hunger is a tribute to the
    work of this committee and our workers on the ground around the world,
    but government contributions just aren't enough to take on all of the
    current global crises we face. I would like to expand public-private
    partnerships, to bring both new ideas and new donors to fight hunger
    and food insecurity. I look forward to developing new relationships as
    we develop local economies and fight poverty.
        I have seen firsthand the use of hunger as a weapon in conflict--
    and it is simply unacceptable. It goes against everything we as a
    country stand for, and I would like to use the reach and power of our
    diplomacy to ensure no person goes hungry at the hands of another
    person.
        Finally, I'd like to close by paying brief tribute to my late
    husband, your former colleague, John McCain, and to the great cause of
    his decades of service--human dignity. His efforts to defend human
    rights wherever they were denied and to advance the values of our
    democracy to every corner on earth were undertaken to serve that one
    end--respect for the dignity of every human life. John believed he had
    as much dignity as any other person on earth, but not one measure more,
    and he felt a personal responsibility to those of his fellow human
    beings who suffered oppression and deprivation.
        Should I be confirmed, he would expect me to use my opportunity to
    serve the same end, and I will do my best to do so in the hope that he
    would be proud of me. Thank you.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ms. McCain. I am sure he will be.
        Let me, before I start my questions, ask questions on
    behalf of the committee as a whole. These are questions that
    speak to the importance that this committee places on
    responsiveness by all officials in the executive branch and
    that we expect and will be seeking from each of you. So I would
    ask each of you to provide a simple yes or no answer to the
    following questions.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff, when invited?
        Mr. Markell. Yes.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
        Senator Flake. Yes.
        Ms. McCain. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and
    currently informed about the activity under your purview?
        Mr. Markell. Yes.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
        Senator Flake. Yes.
        Ms. McCain. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation while policies are being developed, not just
    providing notification after the fact?
        Mr. Markell. Yes.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
        Senator Flake. Yes.
        Ms. McCain. Yes.
        The Chairman. And lastly, do you commit to promptly
    responding to requests for briefings and information requested
    by the committee and its designated staff?
        Mr. Markell. Yes.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Yes.
        Senator Flake. Yes.
        Ms. McCain. Yes.
        The Chairman. Okay, thank you. All of the nominees have
    answered yes to all four questions.
        So we will start a round of 5 minutes. I will start off
    with myself.
        Senator Flake, for many decades, the Armenian genocide has
    been denied by the descendants of those who perpetrated it. In
    2019, the Senate recognized the Armenian genocide for the first
    time. In April of this year, on Armenian Remembrance Day,
    President Biden joined us in acknowledging this truth.
        In the past, you voted against resolutions which recognize
    the genocide. Will you join this body and the administration in
    reaffirming the Armenian genocide?
        Senator Flake. Yes.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        If you are confirmed, will you reiterate that commitment on
    April 24, which is Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day?
        Senator Flake. I will.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        We have talked here, your own testimony this morning, I
    must say I listened to your statement, and it certainly is more
    positive than I would have posited as it relates to Turkey. I
    guess that is the role of a potential Ambassador. Certainly,
    when we talk about arms sales again, as the committee that has
    jurisdiction over arms sales, I see no arms sales going to
    Turkey unless there is a dramatic change-around on the S-400
    and moving forward.
        His latest calls, Erdogan's latest calls for supposedly
    purchasing more is certainly not an invitation to find a
    pathway to arms sales from the United States. So I just put
    that out there as something that is truly concerning to me. I
    wish it was different. I wish he would change course.
        Senator Risch spent a lot of time with President Erdogan in
    the previous administration trying to convince him of a
    different pathway and was largely rebuffed. And so I think we
    have given off-ramps to Turkey. Unfortunately, they have chosen
    not to take it. So that is a concern as well.
        If President Erdogan makes additional significant purchases
    from the Russian defense sector, I assume you will strongly
    support the imposition of additional CAATSA sanctions?
        Senator Flake. I will. As I mentioned in the statement,
    they need to know that any purchase of additional Russian
    weapons will result in additional CAATSA sanctions.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Flake. And these CAATSA sanctions will not be
    lifted until they have disposed of the current system they
    have.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        More than 35,000 Turkish troops remain in Northern Cyprus,
    now almost 5 decades after Turkey first invaded in 1974. Most
    recently, President Erdogan now pushes for a two-state
    solution, something that is not recognized by the United
    Nations, something that is not recognized by our Government,
    and flagrantly violates the U.N. Security Council resolutions
    on the occupied section called Varosha.
        Will you commit to speak out publicly and privately in the
    event that Turkey continues to violate Cyprus' exclusive
    economic zone?
        Senator Flake. I will. I was pleased to see after the
    December visit by Erdogan to Cyprus that the United States
    Government spoke out, as did the U.N., that any of the action
    that was contemplated with Varosha, for example, would violate
    Security Council Resolutions 550 and 789.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        And then we will--and I will look forward to your--you said
    in your opening statement, so I will not explore it more with
    you, other than to say there are more lawyers and journalists
    in Turkish jails today than in any other part of the world.
    That is saying something, considering some parts of the world
    that are pretty authoritarian.
        So the question of human rights is something we would
    expect you to also engage vigorously upon your confirmation.
        Let me turn to Ambassador Gitenstein. France's reaction to
    AUKUS, I understand the French concern about the consequences
    or the economic impact of the cancellation of their agreement
    with Australia, not with us. But France is a vital partner in
    dealing with China and other global challenges. How do you
    intend to go about strengthening the U.S. relationships with
    European allies like France to work together to meet the China
    challenge?
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, first of all, I was very
    pleased to see that the President and President Macron had
    apparently a very good conversation. They reached some common
    ground. And if I were confirmed and I were sitting in Brussels
    right now, I would immediately reach out to the leadership of
    the EU and to the French Ambassador and try and build a
    personal relationship like I did in Romania and try and
    strengthen those relationships.
        But to the extent the French intend to pursue a strategy, I
    think as the Ranking Member Risch referred to, in terms of an
    independent military strategy, it has to be very carefully
    coordinated with NATO. I have become very friendly with the
    proposed U.S. Ambassador to NATO Julie Smith. We intend to meet
    on a very regular basis and develop a common message point and
    platform and communication with the EU on these very issues.
        So while we want to work with the French, it has to be
    consistent with our national security needs and especially as
    it relates to NATO.
        The Chairman. Thank you. One last question.
        What steps will you take to increase pressure on the
    Kremlin and work more closely with the EU to support, you know,
    a more robust--we have had a series of economic sanctions and
    other things for Russia's transgressions. The annexation of
    Crimea, its constant engagement in Ukraine, its use of chemical
    weapons against its opponents, and so much more. But we have
    not always been able to get our European allies to join us in a
    more robust multilateral approach.
        How would you approach that?
        Ambassador Gitenstein. With respect to the Russians?
        The Chairman. Yes.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, I think this is a vital
    concern to the United States right now. I am sure someone is
    going to ask me sometime later about Nord Stream, and I see
    that I do not have much time to respond to that right now, but
    I believe that the malign activity of the Russians in the EU
    and the European region has been demonstrable.
        I spent most of the last 10 years of my life in and out of
    Romania and Central and Eastern Europe, and their efforts are
    relentless. And they are intended to divide the EU and to
    divide the EU from us, and it is extremely dangerous. And it is
    extremely insidious.
        I saw it throughout my time as Ambassador in Romania,
    especially on energy issues, and I think the first step in this
    regard is to build a unified position with respect to energy
    issues, but a lot more with respect to Europe. And so I intend
    to work very hard on that, and indeed, one of the main reasons
    I talked to the President and the now Secretary of State about
    wanting this job was because I saw the power that the EU can
    play on anti-corruption and energy security if all the players
    in the EU work together, and especially if the Central and
    Eastern European countries, as I call the borderlands, which
    are very much the targets of this effort.
        And I want to work directly with them and directly with the
    leadership of the EU on all of these issues. That is why I want
    to be the U.S. Ambassador to the EU, and I hope you will
    confirm me.
        The Chairman. I appreciate your answer.
        I have questions for the other nominees, but in deference
    to our colleagues, I will turn to the ranking member.
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Flake, let me say having known both you and your
    lovely wife, whoever made the decision to send her instead of
    you with the singing and dancing ambassadors made the right
    decision. So thanks to whoever made that decision.
        Senator Flake. Well said.
        Senator Risch. On a much, much, much more serious note,
    this deterioration of the relationship between Turkey and the
    United States is--is just heartbreaking really for us. They
    have been a really good ally over the years, and we have done
    such good things with them. The country itself has made huge
    strides in its economy and everything else.
        The S-400s, I guess, is the apex of our problems, but I
    hope you will put in your pocket a copy of the letter that
    Senator Shaheen and I delivered in Ankara in October of 2012,
    when Turkey was in the process of buying the kind of missiles
    they were looking for. Both Erdogan and the many, many
    diplomats, ministers, and everything else we have met with from
    Turkey tell us, oh, no, we had to buy the S-400s because you
    would not sell us the Patriots.
        Well, Senator Shaheen and I know better than that. We hand
    delivered that letter to the foreign minister in Ankara in his
    home and urged them, and the letter itself you can see urges
    them to buy those.
        Why they have turned to Russia is actually beyond me,
    especially when you look at the history between those two
    countries that is centuries old and the problems and the
    animosity they have had. For whatever reason, just absolutely
    Erdogan--and I think this all comes down to Erdogan. Erdogan
    himself just has no interest in promoting this relationship
    with us and with NATO, which is absolutely stunning, given the
    fact that many, many, many nations on the planet would give a
    whole lot to be part of NATO. And here they are, tearing the
    relationship apart.
        I have explained to him and others have explained to him
    that they cannot be part of the military actions that NATO
    takes or part of the defense system that we have had if they
    are putting S-400 missiles in their country. It just cannot be
    done.
        And to show you how determined they are, they paid for 5 of
    the F-35s that are sitting here in the United States. The
    chairman and I will not allow those planes to be delivered. We
    have told them that as long as they got S-400s in the country,
    they cannot have the F-35s. And we are very determined on this,
    and not only that, they were making 900 parts for the F-35, and
    we pulled those back.
        And so that is how determined they are on this. I do not
    understand it. I do not get it. And I have spent a lot of time
    talking with them, and maybe when you come back, you will have
    some answers for us.
        But if I were you, I would take that letter along so when
    they try to tell you what the facts are, you can show them the
    facts are not as they say. So it is a real problem, and gosh,
    we would sure like to welcome Turkey back into the fold. But I
    think as long as Erdogan is there, I think we have got a
    serious problem.
        So good luck, and we will help you as we can. Is that the
    letter you have in your hand?
        Senator Flake. Thank you. I do have it right here.
        Senator Risch. Good for you. You got my vote, Senator. I
    appreciate that. Thank you.
        Let us move over. Governor, China is seeking membership in
    the OECD, and gosh, we had a real disappointment when they were
    let into the WTO. And it is not getting any better that is for
    sure.
        Tell me your thoughts about letting China into the OECD.
        Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question.
        One of the core strengths of the OECD is the shared values
    amongst the members, a commitment to democracy, a commitment to
    a market-oriented economic system. While there may be some who
    see the growth in OECD membership as a metric that matters, I
    do not. I think it is incredibly important that we continue to
    have allies who maintain those same values.
        In fact, one of the real strengths of the OECD, the data
    that they put out, the research that they put out, is that they
    are very well positioned to call out China on issues that
    matter, on the export--credit subsidies and the like. So I
    think we should have an incredibly high bar when it comes to
    accession into OECD membership, and that is the position that I
    will certainly be taking there and certainly something I look
    forward to consult with this committee on as well.
        Senator Risch. Well said. I think your description, too, of
    the requirements for membership is very clear, and it certainly
    does not describe China by not even close. So thank you for
    that.
        Ambassador Gitenstein, you are going to a place where we,
    as Americans, have over the years unfortunately not fully
    appreciated our cousin's view of things and have not worked as
    hard as we should to keep this together. Things like the
    European strategic autonomy discussion is occurring, and I
    think that is tragic. There is no place on the planet that is
    closer to us on values and on culture than our friends in
    Europe.
        So you have got your work cut out for you, but we need to
    convince them that with the dangers in the world, with the
    rising of China, with the malign activity of Russia, there is
    nothing more important than the strategic relationship between
    the United States of America and our European cousins. I hope
    you will work at that.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. I read your report on China, and I
    thought it was excellent. One of the first things I will do is
    encourage them to read that report because it makes a very
    strong case for the threat that China presents to the European
    Union and to Europe generally and that the notion of developing
    a common platform between the United States and the EU is
    important to both the United States and the EU to their
    strategic interests. And it is extremely important that we
    reach common ground on these issues, from regulatory issues to
    strategic issues.
        And as I said earlier to the chairman's question, we cannot
    do anything on military strategic independence without
    carefully coordinating it with NATO.
        Senator Shaheen [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator
    Risch. Next, we have Senator Cardin on Webex.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Madam Chair.
        And let me thank all four of our nominees for their
    willingness to continue to serve our Nation, and I particularly
    also want to thank your families. This really is a day for the
    Senate family with Jeff Flake and Cindy McCain. So it is
    particularly gratifying to see both of you before us, and both
    of you stressed in your opening statements the importance of
    advancing American values and human rights in the posts that
    you have been nominated to.
        Ms. McCain, I particularly appreciate your just desire to
    follow in the late Senator McCain's path in regards to
    advancing human rights, advancing his legacy, and building on
    his legacy. I miss your late husband and his passion in the
    United States Senate and his partnership in advancing so many
    important issues, including the Global Magnitsky law.
        And Senator Flake, I very much appreciated our opportunity
    to have a conversation in regards to Turkey. As you have heard
    from many of us, Turkey presents enormous challenges through
    our relationship. We recognize the strategic importance of
    Turkey, and we want to build on that relationship. We recognize
    the important partnership they have in NATO, but we cannot
    allow the security breaches that we have seen. You have already
    heard from our chairman and ranking member on that.
        I want to drill down a little bit on human rights. As
    Senator Menendez said, they have more journalists in prison
    than any other country. You really cannot challenge the Erdogan
    Government and be safe from harassment or arrest.
        What is your strategy to advance democratic values and
    human rights in Turkey as our representative in Turkey when you
    are confirmed?
        Senator Flake. Well, thank you.
        This issue particularly of press freedom is one that has
    been an issue of mine for years during my time in the House and
    the Senate. I have spoken out on this on a number of occasions,
    and it is a concern. Turkey currently detains more journalists
    than any country but China. That is not consistent with the
    values that we all share in terms of plurality--or pluralism
    and religious freedom, press freedom, freedom of assembly. A
    number of issues come to mind.
        But I think that I will, if I am confirmed, continue the
    practice of speaking truth to power, of speaking out and being
    frank, as our current Ambassador has done and as the State
    Department and our President has done on this issue. So that is
    what I intend to do is to be frank.
        Senator Cardin. As you know, you will have partners in this
    committee that will support your efforts and do whatever we can
    to help. We want our embassy to be welcoming to those that are
    speaking on behalf of human rights within Turkey.
        Ambassador Gitenstein, I very much appreciated our
    conversation and your knowledge and commitment in a large part
    of Europe, particularly those in the developing democratic
    societies. We have two countries, in addition to Turkey, that
    are very much backsliding on democratic values and institutions
    in Hungary and in Poland.
        Tell me what you have learned from Romania and how you
    would apply that to dealing with strengthening democratic
    institutions in those parts of Europe where we are seeing a
    backsliding.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, thank you for that question,
    Senator.
        Well, first of all, I have discussed this extensively with
    the President over the last 5 or 6 years, and he knows about
    the work that I did in Romania. And he feels very strongly that
    one of the primary goals of his foreign policy is to stand up
    to autocracies wherever they occur. And as you and I discussed,
    if we cannot get this right in the EU, we probably cannot get
    it right anywhere.
        And I think one of the most encouraging things that is
    happening within the EU is that they are conditioning their EU
    structural funds on reporting requirements as they relate to
    the rule of law and anti-corruption. And I saw in Romania how
    valuable that is because, as you know, Romania was admitted to
    the EU on condition, which is known as the cooperation
    verification mechanism, which is a benchmarking and reporting
    system that has worked quite well in Romania, and it should
    work well in Hungary and Poland.
        And this will depend entirely on whether the EU continues
    to press with the conditions they have set on those funds. And
    as an Ambassador, I will certainly argue for that.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator
    Cardin.
        Next, we have Senator Young on Webex. Actually, I am told
    he is not ready. So we will go to Senator Coons.
        Senator Coons. Well, thank you. Excuse me, thank you, Madam
    Chair.
        Let me just thank all four of you for your willingness to
    continue serving our Nation. We have known each other in
    various roles and various ways over decades or over years, and
    I know each of you to be a person of great skill and character
    and capability. You are going to places where we need you, and
    we need to continue to reinforce that America sends its best
    and brightest to represent us around the world.
        I am excited to hear how you will work together with the EU
    and the OECD and, in partnership with our NATO Ambassador, will
    reinforce our values. And Senator Flake, you are going to have
    quite a challenge dealing with Turkey and trying to strike a
    balance between their dramatic backsliding on human rights and
    transparency and democracy, and our strategic relationship is
    still trying to bring them, as it were, back into the fold.
        And Mrs. McCain, we have traveled to many countries
    together, African countries in particular, and I know your
    passion, your skill, and your determination has already earned
    the admiration of all of us here for your hard work combatting
    human trafficking, fighting for a better future for women and
    girls, and bringing American values that are rooted in our
    shared commitment to democracy to your advocacy around the
    world.
        So I look forward to supporting all four of your
    nominations. If I could briefly, both for Ambassador Gitenstein
    and for Governor Markell, one of the most challenging issues
    for the global digital economy is determining the right
    balance, when law enforcement authorities should have access to
    citizens' personal data and balancing legitimate security
    concerns with individual privacy.
        And in particular, the safety of human rights advocates and
    minority party politicians in increasingly repressive
    countries. We have referenced in your earlier conversations
    Hungary, Poland, and others.
        The OECD has often excelled, Governor Markell, at finding
    sensible solutions and setting implementation standards for
    democratic governors, part of why I agree with you. We should
    be very cautious about China's engagement.
        But on this issue, the OECD has hit a road block, and the
    EU has been reluctant to move multilateral talks forward. As
    Ambassador to the OECD, how would you work together with
    Ambassador Gitenstein at the EU to balance data privacy and
    security interests?
        Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question, Senator Coons.
        I will say this is one of those issues not only are there
    differences between the U.S. and Europe, there are some,
    frankly, philosophical differences even within our own country
    about how this ought to be addressed. Ambassador Gitenstein and
    I have actually talked a couple times about opportunities to
    work together. This is one of them.
        This is actually also an area where I think it would be
    important to consult with this committee to get your sense of
    this particular issue. The OECD excels when it is focused on
    technical issues like standards, data, research, and reports
    that ensure that the policymakers can make the best possible
    decisions. But I do think this is one of those places where
    there is so much overlap between the work of the OECD, the
    influence of the European Union, as well as negotiations
    backdrop.
        So Ambassador Gitenstein and I have developed an excellent
    relationship, and I know that on this particular issue it is
    one that we will engage with together frequently.
        Senator Coons. Thank you.
        And Ambassador Gitenstein, you referenced the EU-U.S. Trade
    and Technology Council convening in Pittsburgh. I am glad
    Secretaries Blinken and Raimondo and Trade Representative Tai
    will attend, and I am interested in hearing how you think we
    should move forward, both on that balance that Governor Markell
    was speaking to and how we work together on a raft of new
    regulations with the EU on AI and digital platforms as well.
        I also think on climate and on a border carbon adjustment,
    we have an enormous opportunity with the EU. I would be
    interested to hear your views on these complex issues.
        Ambassador Gitenstein. Well, I am as anxious as you are to
    see what happens in Pittsburgh tomorrow. You know, because I am
    not yet confirmed, I am not cleared on all the pre-decisional
    materials that have been prepared for that, but I can just
    speak as from my experience, which is I first got to know then-
    Senator Biden working on the FISA statute, Foreign Intelligence
    Surveillance Act, which grew out of the work that I did on the
    Church committee. And I know how difficult it is to strike the
    balance between national security and privacy, but it has to be
    improved, and I think that statute needs to be improved.
        And as the Europeans have begun to break new ground in this
    area with GDPR, I have some questions about how effective that
    is, and it needs--and you know, because of the Schrems
    decision, the Europeans are insisting, rightfully, I think,
    that there be some consolidation of positions between the EU
    and the United States on those issues. And I think they are
    going to be difficult issues to resolve, but I intend to put a
    lot of energy into that.
        This is just on the digital privacy and security issues. We
    will work closely with Jack. Jack and I have become very good
    friends, and I hope we will meet regularly on this. But the
    OECD and the EU need to be on the same page, and I will
    certainly argue for that within the administration and within
    the EU.
        Senator Coons. Thank you.
        Senator Flake, you are going to have a difficult balancing
    act. There is a lot of issues on which to hold Turkey
    accountable, from Cyprus to repression of religious minorities
    to the ongoing tense relations with Greece, to the Armenian
    genocide recognition. There is lots of other things in addition
    to the S-400 and their human rights violations.
        Are there any areas where you think we can actually
    increase our collaboration partnership and work with them in a
    positive way or hold that out as a carrot at the same time that
    you are holding to a tough line on CAATSA sanctions and on
    insisting that they pull back from their embrace of Russia?
        Senator Flake. Well, thank you.
        As I mentioned in my remarks, there are areas where we have
    worked with them and continued to work closely with them. They
    have pushed back against Soviet--Russian aggression in Ukraine
    and with Georgia. They have supported those countries'
    aspirations to become members of NATO. So they have been useful
    there.
        They help, to some degree, with the delivery of
    humanitarian assistance to Syria and were willing to help with
    regard to Afghanistan and the airport and were with us to the
    end there. So there are some things that we can build on. But
    as you mentioned, there are a lot of issues that are
    challenging, and we will work with them where we can, challenge
    them where we must.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator.
        Mrs. McCain, the chairman, having returned, notes that I
    have taken great liberties with the time allowed for
    questioning----
        The Chairman [presiding]. Great liberties.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Coons.--I look forward to talking with you
    separately about public-private partnerships and look forward
    to supporting your important work and the ambassadorship in
    Rome.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen, I understand, is next on
    our list.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
    Member.
        Congratulations to all of you on your nominations, and
    thank you for your willingness to serve in these important
    capacities.
        And I just want to endorse the comments my colleague
    Senator Coons made with respect to both our Ambassador to the
    EU and OECD. We do have to dramatically expand the cooperation
    between the United States and these two entities, and not just
    saying it, but taking the practical steps to implement it,
    especially with respect to the challenge from China around the
    globe and look forward to working with both of you on that.
        Mrs. McCain, congratulations on your nomination. Look
    forward to supporting you in this important post.
        Senator Flake, great to see you and appreciated the
    conversation that we had. As we discussed, I grew up in a
    Foreign Service family, spent many of my early years in Turkey.
    I have great affection for the people of Turkey.
        But President Erdogan has taken Turkey way off track and in
    the wrong direction, both with respect to NATO commitments
    overall, as well as other actions, malign actions in the
    region, and undermining human rights at home. And some of them
    have already been mentioned. He doubled down just this weekend
    on national TV here on taking another round of S-400s. That
    means that we will continue to discontinue any cooperation on
    the F-35s, given the security compromises that would exist.
        We need to make sure we implement fully the CAATSA
    sanctions, and I understand that you have already said in this
    hearing that you would support an increase in CAATSA sanctions
    if they proceed with the next purchase. Is that correct?
        Senator Flake. That is correct.
        Senator Van Hollen. You also know that Turkey is out to
    destroy the Syrian Kurds. Would you agree that the Syrian Kurds
    have been the tip of the spear for us in our fight against
    ISIS?
        Senator Flake. They have been an effective partner with us
    in defeating ISIS, yes.
        Senator Van Hollen. So here we have an erstwhile ally
    trying to destroy the major partner we had in the fight against
    ISIS.
        I heard my colleagues raise the issue of the situation in
    Eastern Med and Cyprus. In Cyprus, President Erdogan is going
    backwards, right? They have now retreated from what had been
    the agreed-upon approach to the talks there, bizonal,
    bicommunal approach. And recently, would you agree that his
    actions in Varosha violated U.N. Security Council resolutions?
        Senator Flake. Yes, most definitely.
        Senator Van Hollen. We also have seen him aiding and
    abetting the attacks against Armenia. And then, at home, an
    ongoing effort to actually disqualify and ban the HDP, which is
    the third-largest political party in Turkey, is it not?
        Senator Flake. It is.
        Senator Van Hollen. Okay. Senator Langford and I are going
    to be soon sending a bipartisan letter to the President raising
    concerns about these issues, but my question to you is this.
    President Erdogan has repeatedly taken these actions. He has
    said very publicly that he does not care what the United States
    says, does not care what we say. He said that just 6 weeks ago.
        So really what matters is what we do. The CAATSA sanctions
    have gotten their attention, although they have not changed
    their conduct yet, but it is having an impact on their
    military. With respect to the HDP and actions on Cyprus, what
    do you propose that we actually do beyond words to get Turkey's
    attention?
        Senator Flake. Well, thank you. Thank you for the question.
        And let me just say and commend this committee for pushing
    so hard for CAATSA sanctions, Section 231. When people say you
    guys talk but do not do anything, this committee and the
    Congress and the administration did. And it has had an impact,
    a significant impact on Turkey's economy because their defense
    industry is a big part of their economy. And being out of the
    F-35 program has hurt, and they know that.
        With regard to other issues, obviously Cyprus, it was in
    violation--the action or the statements that were made in July
    with regard to Varosha, regard to a two-state solution. There
    is no two-state solution in Cyprus. As you mentioned, it needs
    to be a bizonal, bicommunal federation negotiated between the
    parties. That has been our consistent position, and it needs to
    continue to be.
        With regard to banning of political parties and some of the
    other democratic backsliding, we need to make clear, as we
    have, and continue to make clear that that is inconsistent with
    democratic values and inconsistent with commitments that have
    been made. And so I think that we will continue to speak out on
    those issues and continue to act with regard to new arms
    purchases with additional sanctions, and that has got their
    attention. It has hurt, and it needs to, and I want to commend
    this committee for doing it.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you. I just hope we will
    take those kind of actions with respect to these other
    activities that are being taken, and the EU has an important
    role to play in concert with the United States.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Young is with
    us virtually.
        Senator Young. Yes, Chairman, thank you.
        Ms. McCain, the Chinese Communist Party is actively seeking
    to use the U.N. standard-setting bodies to their own unique
    advantage. From telecommunications to international aviation
    and, yes, agriculture, the authorities in Beijing understand
    that the U.N.'s specialized agencies possess an outsized
    ability to help them reshape the global order.
        If confirmed, how would you use your position to ensure
    that FAO is actually seeking to accomplish its core missions
    and that its activities are free from bias, including from its
    senior leadership?
        Ms. McCain. Thank you. Thank you for the question, Senator.
        First of all, if I am confirmed, I will ensure that U.S.
    leadership and partnerships will not falter on my watch. I am
    also concerned about their leadership positions and where they
    are damaging and undermining organizations with malign
    influences and nefarious practices.
        I will be watching very closely to ensure that the FAO DG
    is following our leadership, which ensures our values and
    transparency, building coalitions to ensure our leadership
    remains strong, and I am also committed most definitely to food
    safety and its global impact. Best-case scenario in what I am
    saying is that I am watching.
        Senator Young. All right. Thank you for that answer.
        So the FAO has been doing very important work for a number
    of years, staving off hunger for millions. And this has been
    due in large measure to the resources that it can bring to bear
    in moments and in places of great crisis. Its record in
    supporting and growing ag capacity and resiliency in the
    developing world is, however, less positive.
        One overlooked dynamic at play is the success that
    regulators overseas, especially within the European Union, have
    had in keeping U.S.-led Ag tools like groundbreaking
    development of genetically modified crops out of the FAO's
    toolbox, even as they would potentially reduce the threat of
    drought in paths from crucial staple crops. If confirmed, how
    would you seek to ensure that the FAO embraces all possible
    means of supporting the resiliency of agricultural systems,
    including ones widely practiced in America?
        In short, how would you seek to ensure that the FAO
    actually embraces science in furtherance of feeding those who
    are hungry?
        Ms. McCain. Thank you for the question. Oh, sorry.
        There, is that--can you hear me?
        Senator Young. Yes.
        Ms. McCain. I apologize. Thank you for the question.
        It is, indeed, an issue, and it is a problem. What I would
    do is, number one, as I mentioned earlier, is building
    coalitions and bringing in more of our technology and our
    biotech overall. And most of all, making sure that we keep
    track of not just what our leadership is doing, but how we can
    best strengthen our ability, our multilateralism, our
    advancement in other areas.
        The science and technology are key to our ability to be
    able to help grow more food with less water, grow more food
    independently, build sustainable villages, and build
    sustainable crops. I am a very strong supporter of that.
    Without that, I do not see how we go any farther with it. We
    are not going to be able to feed the multitudes that we have
    unless we consider every option.
        Senator Young. Well, thank you for embracing that. It will
    require, I think, some robust and tenacious diplomacy to
    persuade some of our European friends of the merits of that
    position. But I suspect you are going to be doing that. So,
    thank you.
        Ms. McCain. Senator, I have been compared to a chihuahua
    before in that I bite the ankles and bark enough until people
    listen to me. And so you have my commitment to being not only
    determined, but one that will follow through and make sure
    people hear.
        Senator Young. Thank you, Ms. McCain.
        I think I have 1 minute left, and so I will very quickly
    ask a question of Mr. Markell. Mr. Markell, the members of the
    OECD collectively produce 60 percent of the world's goods and
    services, and they account for 75 percent of global trade. As
    was indicated earlier, China is not a member, but you indicated
    I think they are seeking membership.
        I understand that India may also be hesitant to join, as
    they are a large but still emerging economy. What would the
    consequences be for India becoming a member, and is this
    something you would advocate for?
        Mr. Markell. Senator, I am not sure I----
        The Chairman. I think you are good now.
        Mr. Markell. Thank you. Senator, I could not understand the
    entire question. I think it had to do with the accession of
    other countries into OECD membership.
        Senator Young. India. Yes, India in particular.
        Mr. Markell. Okay. So one of the real strengths of the OECD
    is that its members share a number of common values, not only
    democracy, not only a commitment to free market systems, but
    also to a level playing field. Things like a real commitment to
    anti-bribery, to intellectual property protections, and the
    like.
        The bar for entrance for any new country, including India,
    is extraordinarily high, and my commitment is certainly to
    consult with this committee, but also to--should I be
    confirmed--to bring to my position at the OECD a real sense
    that we do have a very high bar which is only met through
    actions, not words.
        Senator Young. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much. Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member
    Risch.
        And congratulations to this very finely qualified panel of
    nominees. I have the good fortune to consider three of you as
    friends.
        Jack, you and I worked together as Governors, and you did
    such good work as a Governor and as chair of the National
    Governors Association.
        Jeff Flake, you were a partner on so many initiatives on
    this committee, somebody I deeply admire and miss as a member.
        And Cindy, we have worked together, and I had the pleasure
    of sitting with your husband, both on this committee and on the
    Armed Services Committee. And I will never forget the first
    time I traveled with your husband, Senator McCain, on a
    bipartisan delegation, and I think it was to the Middle East
    and the first press event we did. He said something, and I was
    stepping to the microphone to dramatically disagree with him. I
    had been in the Senate for about 2 months and wondered how he
    would take it.
        So I said, ``I am going to disagree with you.'' And he
    said, ``Get up there and disagree with me. We need to show them
    that we are not all a monolith here.'' And we were fast friends
    from that moment.
        So thank you all for your service. Ambassador Gitenstein,
    you are the only one with the good fortune not to have had to
    work with me in the past.
        Let me ask to, Ms. McCain, the three food programs that are
    based in the U.N. that you will work in representing the United
    States, they have all faced major challenges because of COVID,
    which both affect donors, increase food insecurity, and then
    also make the task of delivery of programs more difficult. So
    if you could share a little bit about the challenges that this
    last 18 months has meant for these programs and, as you are
    starting in to contemplating the position, the kinds of things
    we should be thinking about from Congress' side to help get
    through this tough chapter.
        Ms. McCain. Well, first of all, thank you very much for the
    question. And I am glad you survived the trip to the Middle
    East we used to call the ``McCain death march.'' So I am glad
    you made it through.
        I would like the committee to know that I am very committed
    to keeping U.S. leadership within the World Food Program and
    others. That is of deep importance to me and I think also to
    the United States. And that has never been more present and
    more definitive than the fact that World Food Program won the
    Nobel Peace Prize as a result of the good work that they do.
        But the U.S. is the largest donor by far. We have to
    continue to do more. We have to. Whether it is thinking outside
    the box, bringing new people in, putting together groups that
    we can discuss good ideas, bad ideas, whatever it may be. But I
    am committed to making sure that we talk to everybody and we
    understand issues and consider new ideas in all of this.
        I also want to encourage new donors and more country
    involvement. We carry the load of this, which we do
    brilliantly, but I would like to make sure that we are able to
    bring in more people, more ideas, as I said, and more countries
    to be a part of this. It is important.
        Our public-private partnerships have to be expanded as
    well, and they do a marvelous job. But I am very committed to
    making sure that we expand our public-private partnership
    options here.
        And also to consider a push for diversity and inclusivity,
    which is the question--the prior question that you asked me,
    and more. And most of all, making sure within that diversity
    and inclusivity that we have a safe workspace for people to
    work in. And of course, pushing for more technology and
    innovation in all of this is part of what I feel is not only
    important, but it is imperative in what we do.
        And I would like to get on the ground and really examine
    what is going on with the issues that you initially talked
    about and see what can be done, what changes can be made, if
    that is the case.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. McCain. I think that you are
    very well suited for the position.
        Senator Flake, the questions that I wanted to ask you have
    generally been covered by my colleagues. But I guess, you know,
    maybe big picture, here would be something I hope after some
    time there you might come back and educate us on.
        I think we all share this frustration with the Erdoganand
    feel like there was some promise at the start, and then it has
    taken this turn in a number of ways that have been hostile to
    the United States. But friends of mine who are in Turkey
    basically say it is not that hard to understand Erdogan's
    position vis-a-vis the United States if you look at the Turkish
    population's attitude about the United States.
        Now these things can self-reinforce, but you know, leaders
    are not going to be warm and fuzzy to the United States if the
    populations have a lot of anti-U.S. sentiment. And I do not
    know this as an expert on Turkey, but people I know who are
    experts point out to me a lot that the Turkish population's
    view of the United States is quite negative. And as an
    Ambassador, A, you would be in a position to dig in and find
    out if that is true and then share with us why, but also you
    will have a unique opportunity with your own diplomatic
    background from having been in the Senate to, having shared
    why, giving us strategies and undertaking efforts yourself to
    start turning that around.
        We are not going to have a government that is going to
    really be a great ally of the United States if their population
    is very anti-U.S. in their public sentiment, and I would look
    forward to having that conversation with you, should you be
    confirmed--and I am confident you will be--down the road after
    you have been in Turkey for a while.
        Thank you very much to the panel, and yield it back, Mr.
    Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Shaheen?
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
    congratulations to each of our nominees this morning. We are
    especially delighted to see our former Senate family back here
    again.
        I am going to begin with you, Mrs. McCain, and I would have
    identified you more as a Great Dane than a Chihuahua. So I have
    had Afghans since the takeover of the Taliban who have said to
    me that they really hope that the United States and the
    international community will not prevent humanitarian aid from
    going to the Afghan people because of our opposition to the
    Taliban. We know there are 14 million in Afghanistan who are
    food insecure, 2 million of them children who are malnourished.
        Winter is coming. So the situation is only going to get
    worse. So can you talk a little bit about how you will work
    with the U.N., with the United States, to ensure that
    desperately needed food gets to those Afghans who are really in
    need.
        Ms. McCain. Thank you for the question, and it is like many
    of you and all of you, I mean, having had two sons in
    Afghanistan, I have watched with great interest and many times
    great horror, seeing what is actually occurring and has
    occurred there.
        Once again, our most vulnerable are being preyed upon,
    which is the usual drill in a lot of these countries. The U.S.
    is the largest single donor, though, to humanitarian assistance
    within Afghanistan and within the region as well. I commit that
    we will continue the lifesaving support that those need, if I
    am confirmed.
        Most of all, if I am confirmed, I will support all efforts
    to ensure that humanitarian assistance and in Afghanistan
    benefits those that it is going to, which is, as you know, is
    about transparency and the ability to really have good partners
    on the ground. And I will also continue to monitor what is
    going on within the country. It is a dicey project, and I know
    you know that.
        It is certainly an evolving situation as well, much like
    Yemen and Ethiopia right now, and we will continue to work on
    best practices in addressing the needs of the conflict zones in
    that area. And if I am confirmed, you have my commitment to do
    the best I can.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much for that answer,
    and if I can be helpful, please let me know.
        Ms. McCain. Thank you. I would rely on the entire committee
    for help.
        Senator Shaheen. Absolutely. I know that we are ready to
    help.
        Senator Flake, tomorrow President Erdogan is supposed to
    meet with Vladimir Putin. They are ostensibly discussing
    cooperation in Syria, and yet given the surge of Turkish troops
    in Northwestern Syria to combat Russian airstrikes this week,
    is there still a threat of a Russian-Turkey joint offensive in
    Syria, do you think? And how should we respond to that in the
    United States?
        Senator Flake. Thank you, Senator.
        I have not had classified briefing yet. I have not been
    confirmed. So I would defer questions to Department of Defense
    on the possibilities there.
        But the meeting with Putin, obviously Ankara has had at
    least a transactional relationship with Russia on a number of
    issues. As we mentioned, the purchase of weapon systems. But
    they have also pushed back in a number of areas as well.
    Crimea, been consistent in saying that that is part of Ukraine
    territory and the selling arms to Ukraine and also supporting
    Ukraine and Georgia in their sovereignty.
        So, yes, it is an interesting relationship. I will be very
    interested to see what comes out of that meeting, to the extent
    that we know. But with regard to Syria, I would defer to those
    who know more than I do right now.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, I hope when you get confirmed that
    that will be an area of focus.
        Senator Flake. It will.
        Senator Shaheen. Because, obviously, it is a very difficult
    situation in the country, as you know.
        Governor Markell, as you are probably aware, we are having
    negotiations around tax policy right now, and it is an issue
    that the OECD has also been working on. They have had an
    ambitious framework for how to coordinate tax policy. How
    optimistic are you that their process can result in agreement,
    and what should we be thinking about with respect to that as we
    are looking at what we might do on taxation of income of
    multinational corporations?
        Mr. Markell. Well, thank you very much for the question,
    Senator.
        Since I have not been confirmed, I have not been read into
    all the details yet. My sense is that it is the Treasury
    Department that has really taken the lead in those
    negotiations, but the OECD has an important role to play
    because it provides so much of the technical assistance.
        And so, should I be confirmed, obviously I will be
    supporting the position of the administration, and I look
    forward to consulting with this committee for your guidance as
    well.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr.
    Chairman.
        The Chairman. Well, thank you. I know of no other members
    seeking recognition. So I have one or two final questions
    before we close.
        Ms. McCain, what you and I spoke about yesterday, the
    reality of in the context of food insecurity a disproportionate
    impact upon women and girls, 10 percent higher among women as
    of 2019. So will you make it part of your advocacy, upon
    confirmation, for women and girls who have been
    disproportionately impacted by the pandemic-related food
    insecurity?
        Ms. McCain. Yes, Senator. And may I say that from my
    experience around the globe and everything that I have done,
    and all too often our women and children are disposable. And
    that simply, in this case that I do not buy that, and it is not
    going to happen.
        The Chairman. Fine, thank you.
        And also I think you referred to some of your experiences
    on water and what not. But part of our challenge globally in
    terms of food supply chain is the question of climate change,
    which the Food and Agriculture Organization approaches in a
    national, regional, and global context using the Paris
    agreement as structure to which the entity collaborates with
    member nations.
        I hope that as we--in the first instance, this program is
    about helping people in need, the emergent nature of it. But
    the question becomes once we have a population that we are
    directly feeding through these programs, there is an
    opportunity to also change and transform their lives and how we
    ultimately create more food, as you suggested, with less water.
    I hope that you will make that a significant part of your
    mission upon confirmation.
        Ms. McCain. Yes.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Finally, Governor, one of our former colleagues questioned
    you only about India, but I am more interested as well about
    the expansion of OECD membership. There are 38 members in the
    OECD, along with 5 partner countries and 6 countries vying to
    become full-fledged members. Two of those partner countries
    include China and India. Russia has been trying to get in for
    several years but was basically shut out after their invasion
    of Ukraine in 2014.
        What are your thoughts on the accession program for
    countries trying to join the OECD?
        Mr. Markell. Thank you for the question.
        There should be a very high bar. The OECD, unlike many
    other multilaterals, has characteristics and qualifications for
    membership, which are very much focused on a commitment to
    democracy, a commitment to market-oriented economic systems.
    And it has just never been more important that countries that
    share those values demonstrate that we can deliver better than
    those who have other approaches.
        And so there are some who believe that increasing the
    membership of the OECD is a metric that we should care about. I
    do not agree with that. I think the OECD is extraordinarily
    valuable to its member countries. I think it is a great place
    for convening of like-minded countries, and so I think the bar
    to accession is extremely high.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I share your view. Expansion
    should be based upon those who can meet and share the same
    values, not just simply for the sake of expansion. So I
    appreciate that.
        And the other point about the OECD, I am increasingly
    concerned that the United States is not well positioned to
    engage in economic statecraft for the 21st century, both
    including promoting U.S. jobs, business investments, engaging
    in development, financing for infrastructure, and setting
    standards for emergent technologies and the digital economy.
    These are all incredibly important areas, as well as that, you
    know, an American company goes abroad and has maybe got the
    best product, maybe they got the best performance, maybe they
    got the best delivery, but they cannot suborn that foreign
    government under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.
        Unfortunately, other countries in the world do engage in
    that process, including countries or companies within the
    European Union. How do you see, view your role in the OECD in
    both helping us in these different areas of economic
    statecraft?
        Mr. Markell. Well, thank you for that question as well.
        My view is that American businesses and American workers
    can compete successfully anywhere so long as there is a level
    playing field. And I believe that one of the most critical
    goals and pieces of the OECD mission is to ensure that there
    is, in fact, a level playing field.
        The OECD's Anti-Bribery Convention is one of the most
    important things that the OECD has ever done. It ensures that
    not only member countries live up to those standards, but it
    sets a model for other countries as well. I know that Senator
    Cardin on this committee has done some really important work
    over the years, including the CROOK Act, which he has been
    pushing.
        So whether it is things like anti-bribery, whether it is
    around issues of stopping the theft of intellectual property,
    whether it is making sure procurement opportunities are
    available to U.S. businesses, this is just one of the most
    important parts of what the OECD does, and I will--if
    confirmed, I will ensure that focusing on a level playing field
    is at the very top of my priority list.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        And I will just call to your attention, I am sure you are
    familiar with this, adherence to the OECD Guidelines for
    Multinational Enterprises, which is a key international
    framework on responsible business conduct, are required to
    establish a national contact point to help promote the
    guidelines to businesses and other stakeholders.
        I hope that when you are confirmed, you will work to make
    that system strong and effective to deal with some of the
    challenges we have been talking about.
        Mr. Markell. Thank you, Senator.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        All right. I understand there are no other members seeking
    recognition.
        With that, with our thanks to the nominees, the record for
    this hearing will remain open until the close of business
    tomorrow, Wednesday, September 29. To colleagues on the
    committee, please ensure that questions for the record are
    submitted no later than tomorrow, Wednesday, September 29.
        To the nominees, there will inevitably be questions for the
    record. I would urge you to answer the questions expeditiously
    and fully so that your nominations can be considered before a
    full business committee.
        And with that, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Jack A. Markell by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Can you expand upon how you view your role at the OECD,
    if you are confirmed, in helping to renew and replenish US economic
    statecraft instruments?

        Answer. The work of the OECD rests on the shared values of the
    member nations: a commitment to democracy, human rights, transparency,
    and open market based economic principles. If confirmed, I will work to
    coordinate U.S. Government agency engagement with the OECD to ensure
    the organization's recommended policies and regulations reflect those
    values and interests and will secure the agreement of other member
    nations. The resulting policies and regulations will, in turn, help
    create and expand legitimate investment and financing opportunities for
    U.S. business and promote U.S. job creation.

        Question. Where do you see the biggest challenges? Biggest
    opportunities?

        Answer. I see the most pressing challenge today is building back
    our economies and societies after the COVID-crisis in a better, more
    inclusive way. This brings with it opportunities to address the climate
    crisis, to ensure the gains of trade are shared by all, to manage the
    disruptive impact of critical and emerging technologies, and to find
    inclusive and equitable economic strategies consistent with our shared
    values. If confirmed, I will work to keep the OECD focused on its
    strengths of high-quality, unbiased data collection and evidence-based
    analysis to make policy recommendations in those areas. It is here
    where U.S. engagement and leadership can ensure the organization
    remains an effective institution that benefits the American people.

    OECD Guidelines Review
        Question. The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises are a
    pioneering set of standards that promote responsible business conduct.
    The guidelines were last updated in 2011, and the OECD is currently
    undertaking a stocktaking to see if they are still fit for purpose or
    need revision. Several stakeholders have identified gaps in the
    guidelines, particularly in the areas of gender, environmental impacts,
    and protections of human rights defenders.

       How will you ensure that the potential updated guidelines are
            strengthened to further incorporate high standards in these
            areas?

        Answer. I agree with you on the importance of the OECD Guidelines
    for Multinational Enterprises (Guidelines), a key set of
    recommendations from governments to businesses that promote responsible
    business conduct. I understand the ongoing stocktaking exercise will
    assess the guidelines, their implementation, and the OECD's overall
    work on Responsible Business Conduct. If confirmed, I will work with
    officials from the State Department and other U.S. Government agencies
    to take into account stakeholder input and consider ways to further
    strengthen the guidelines consistent with our shared values.

        Question. How will you ensure that this review results in a
    strengthening--rather than a weakening--of the current standards?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with officials from the State
    Department and other U.S. Government agencies to take into account the
    input of all relevant stakeholders, including affected groups, and
    consider ways to further strengthen the Guidelines consistent with our
    shared values. I agree on the need to avoid a weakening of the
    guidelines.

        Question. As the U.S. Representative to the OECD, how will you
    ensure that the NCP system is strong and effective to address business
    and human rights grievances?

        Answer. The U.S. National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for
    Multinational Enterprises (Guidelines) serves an important role in
    promoting and implementing the Guidelines, and in facilitating the
    resolution of allegations brought against a company. The Guidelines
    provide important government recommendations to companies on
    responsible business practices, including with respect to human rights.
    If confirmed, I will work with the State Department and other agencies
    to review the current work of the U.S. NCP, consider feedback from
    concerned stakeholders, and take appropriate steps to ensure the
    mechanism we have in place is a meaningful one.

    China
        Question. As you know, this committee has been very focused on
    reframing our relationship with China through the lens of strategic
    competition--as evidenced by our bipartisan approach in passing the
    Strategic Competition Act. This historic, bipartisan legislation is
    clear-eyed about the challenges we face, and is designed to meet this
    consequential moment in U.S.-China relations.

       How do you plan on using your position at the OECD to effectively
            confront and compete with China?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the People's Republic of China
    (PRC) actions in international organizations that aim to reshape the
    international order to align with its authoritarian system. If
    confirmed, I will keep at the forefront of my actions the focus that
    any OECD engagement with the PRC must support member nation interests
    and uphold the norms, high standards, and practices that underpin the
    rules-based global economic order. Additionally, I will work to
    leverage the OECD's role in developing best practices for global trade,
    digital economy policy, anti-corruption, infrastructure, and other
    policy areas to counter alternative models pushed by authoritarian
    states that undermine global values, rules, and norms.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Mark Gitenstein by Senator Robert Menendez

    U.S.-EU trade
        Question. Economic ties between the United States and the EU were
    damaged under President Trump, particularly with the imposition of
    tariffs on EU food and beverage imports. These tariffs put additional
    financial strain on families in my home state of New Jersey, many of
    whom work in food processing, as well as many restaurants who tried to
    stay afloat during the pandemic. President Biden suspended these
    destructive tariffs in March 2021. How will you advance stronger trade
    ties between the United States and the EU as ambassador? Will you
    commit to seeking a permanent resolution of the large civil aircraft
    dispute so that consumers, restaurants, and food importers have
    certainty in the U.S.-EU trade relationship?

        Answer. The United States and the European Union represent the
    largest economic relationship in the world. The Transatlantic trade and
    investment relationship is vital for our mutual prosperity. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with the EU and member states to resolve
    or deescalate difficult bilateral issues, including in trade, with the
    EU and other partners. I will work together with our European partners
    to protect the rules-based global trading system-a system under threat
    from non-market economies. This includes resolution of the large civil
    aircraft dispute. In addition, I will work with our trade experts in
    the U.S. Government, in consultation with business, labor, and other
    stakeholders to support policies that advance our trade and investment
    objectives with the European Union for our mutual benefit.

    China
        Question. The United States has expressed strong support for the
    Three Seas Initiative as an alternative for Chinese investment plans
    like the 17+1 format. How do you plan to engage European members on
    Three Seas and other proposals to reduce Chinese malign influence in
    Europe?

        Answer. I agree with Secretary Blinken that the Three Seas
    Initiative (3SI) is an important tool to bring the private sector to
    the table alongside governments to make infrastructure projects happen
    and to develop robust connections among our Central European Allies
    that link them closer to each other and to Western European countries.
    If confirmed, I will work with the EU to support resilient
    infrastructure in Europe, including through the 3SI and the Build Back
    Better World and Blue Dot Network initiatives. If confirmed, I will use
    all the tools at our disposal to work with our EU partners to promote
    an affirmative vision that is rooted in our shared values and promote
    high-quality, resilient infrastructure both in Europe and globally.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Mark Gitenstein by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Russia has been slowing its supply of natural gas through
    Ukrainian pipelines, which has left some EU members at an all-time low
    in pre-winter stores of fuel. These empty tanks have pushed energy
    prices in Europe up very high. EU energy regulations state that no
    single pipeline owner may supply more than 50 percent of the EU's
    energy capacity.

       Should the flow of Russian natural gas not return to normal before
            winter, do you believe that the EU will consider suspending or
            breaking its regulations with regard to Russian supplier,
            Gazprom, and allow it to provide more than 50 percent of its
            natural gas supply to fulfill the increased demand in the
            winter months?

        Answer. I am concerned gas storage in Europe is low and the market
    is undersupplied compared to prior years. The lower-than-normal levels
    of gas storage illustrate the importance of diversified energy supplies
    and suppliers to meet Europe's energy security goals. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with the European partners to enhance energy
    security for member states.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to calling on the European
    Union to implement the rules and regulations required by the Third
    Energy Package on Nord Stream 2 as well as on the Turk Stream 1 and 2
    pipelines?

        Answer. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is a Russian geopolitical
    project that undercuts the energy security of a significant part of the
    Euro-Atlantic community. I understand the administration continues to
    work with Germany, Ukraine, and other European Allies and partners to
    reduce the risks of an operational Nord Stream 2 pipeline. This
    includes the package of measures detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-
    Germany Joint Statement on support for Ukraine, European Energy
    Security, and our Climate Goals. If confirmed, I will continue to urge
    the European Union to apply Third Energy Package directives to ensure
    that all energy projects in Europe are implemented in a transparent and
    non-discriminatory manner that promote competition.

        Question. Some leaders have been discussing the concept of
    strategic autonomy in Europe's security posture for almost a decade,
    and in recent years discussion of it has risen due to the perceived
    decline of American leadership in the world and a weakening of
    relations with Europe. Strategic autonomy has now become a major topic
    of discussion among EU leaders following the U.S. surrender of Europe's
    energy security to Russia through the concession of Nord Stream 2, the
    disastrous Afghanistan withdrawal that exposed our allies'
    vulnerabilities in conducting security operations without close U.S.
    involvement, and the recent AUKUS deal, which, while a good move for
    our mutual interests in the Indo-Pacific, left a major ally feeling
    disenfranchised, overall sending a poor message on how the United
    States values its allies.

       Is it in the interests of the United States for EU nations to
            pursue strategic autonomy and develop a military that launch
            major operations outside of our transatlantic military
            alliances?

        Answer. The administration is committed to re-engaging allies and
    partners and revitalizing our alliances. I welcome European efforts to
    strengthen European defense that would enhance Transatlantic security.
    If confirmed, I will work closely with the EU and member states to
    ensure that this work is complementary to and not duplicative of NATO's
    efforts and strengthen practical participation by the United States in
    EU defense programs. I look forward to engaging with Allies and EU
    partners to reinforce the unparalleled value of Transatlantic
    cooperation and the NATO Alliance.

        Question. How would strategic autonomy improve the issue of burden
    sharing in defense cooperation between the U.S. and EU members?

        Answer. The EU and EU member states are important partners in
    addressing key foreign policy, security, and economic issues. A strong
    EU and strong EU member states committing more resources to defense
    contribute to the goal of enhanced Transatlantic security. If
    confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU member states to promote
    greater U.S. participation in European defense projects and ensure that
    EU Defense initiatives are coherent, interoperable, complementary to
    and not duplicative of NATO efforts. If confirmed, I will support
    continued NATO-EU cooperation and to ensure increased burden sharing by
    Allies.

        Question. How would the formation of a European army open the door
    to the EU pursuing unilateral security interests that diverge from
    those of the United States?

        Answer. A strong Europe, including EU member states should
    contribute to the goal of enhanced Transatlantic security. If
    confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU member states to ensure
    greater U.S. participation in EU defense initiatives and that these
    initiatives remain coherent, interoperable, complementary with, and not
    duplicative of, NATO efforts. Additionally, if confirmed, I will seek
    ways to support continued NATO-EU cooperation.

        Question. Should the EU focus efforts more on expanding its
    membership, or more on helping current members improve their political
    and economic situations?

        Answer. The EU is an important partner in addressing key foreign
    policy, security, and economic issues. Member states with durable and
    capable democratic institutions and strong economies enhance this
    partnership. Closer integration into key European and Euro-Atlantic
    institutions has strengthened democratic institutions and rule of law
    in aspirant countries, contributing to political stability and economic
    prosperity. If confirmed, I will work with the EU and member states to
    maintain a focus on governance, rule of law, anti-corruption reforms,
    independent media, and vibrant civil societies--in short, urging the EU
    to both support accession-related reforms in candidate states and help
    current members improve democratic governance and rule of law.

        Question. What is the consensus in the EU about expansion, given
    that some members, such as Hungary, have seen democratic backsliding in
    recent years?

        Answer. I am concerned about backsliding on democratic principles
    and institutions in some EU member states, including in, but not only
    in, Hungary. The transatlantic relationship is deeply rooted in the
    United States' and European Union's shared commitment to democratic
    values, including the rule of law, judicial independence, and media
    freedom. These values are an essential part of our relationship with
    the EU and a topic of frank discussions with member states; a
    demonstrated commitment to democracy and its institutions is also a
    prerequisite for EU accession. The administration supports the EU and
    EU member states' efforts to reverse democratic backsliding within the
    bloc, and we work alongside the EU to support democratic institutions
    and promote rule of law reforms in states working towards EU accession.
    If confirmed, I will work with the EU and member states to support and
    strengthen democracy across Europe.

        Question. China has already been making inroads in Europe by laying
    debt traps in the Balkans, building the PEACE cable to France, buying
    stakes in major seaports, and creating formats that divide Europe, like
    the 17+1. Fortunately, European nations have begun to recognize the
    threat that China poses and have shut down Chinese attempts to
    influence educational institutions and businesses.

       What are some concrete ways you will help the United States
            Government coordinate with and provide mutual support to EU
            members to combat China's influence?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with the EU and member states
    on collective approaches to challenging non-market policies and
    coercive economic practices that undermine the fair and transparent
    operation of the global economy, including those from the PRC. If
    confirmed, I will also work with the EU to support resilient
    infrastructure, including through the Build Back Better World and Blue
    Dot Network initiatives and the Three Seas Initiative. Finally, if
    confirmed, I will use all the tools at our disposal--including the
    U.S.-EU dialogue on China and the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology
    Council--to address the challenges posed by the PRC and promote rules
    of the road that reflect the democratic values shared by the United
    States and Europe.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States should honor its
    earlier commitment to have the Development Finance Corporation invest
    $300 million in The Three Seas Initiative Investment Fund?

        Answer. I understand that U.S. International Development Finance
    Corporation continues to strongly support the Three Seas Initiative
    (3SI) and is engaged in promising discussions with the investment
    adviser of the 3SI Investment Fund. The relevant parties are working
    intensively on a vehicle to enable DFC to announce its support to the
    fund consistent with U.S. legal and regulatory requirements. DFC
    financing can serve as a catalyst in developing renewable and reliable
    energy networks that can drive development and growth across priority
    regions. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the EU to promote
    investments in quality infrastructure and exploring ways to align our
    respective infrastructure initiatives.

        Question. Will you work to urge the European Union to increase its
    investments in eastern and southern European infrastructure projects
    (even those outside of the EU), improve its oversight of strategically-
    important asset sales?

        Answer. The United States is committed to working through the G7's
    Build Back Better World initiative and the Blue Dot Network to support
    quality, inclusive, sustainable, and high-standard infrastructure
    development, including in Europe. We also are a strong supporter of the
    Three Seas Initiative. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
    EU to promote investments in quality infrastructure and exploring ways
    to align our respective initiatives. Also, if confirmed, I will
    continue discussions on investment screening approaches under the
    framework of the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council.

        Question. What strengths to you see in the European Union's
    recently-released EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific? What
    do you see as the main weaknesses in this Strategy?

        Answer. The United States and EU share a vision of the Indo-Pacific
    that is inclusive and based on the rule of law and democratic values
    and that contributes to the security and sustainable development of the
    region. Both prioritize cooperation to promote secure, sustainable,
    free and open maritime supply routes and supply chains. I was glad to
    see the President and Secretary of State welcomed the EU's new
    strategy. If confirmed, I will work with the EU as we each implement
    our respective Indo-Pacific strategies to ensure our approaches are
    complementary, are rooted in our shared values, and support shared
    initiatives like Build Back Better World.

        Question. The Balkans, as the poorest and least Euro-integrated
    region on the continent, have come under heavy pressure from Russia and
    China.

       How could greater integration with the rest of Europe help reverse
            and resist these outside forces that seek to use the Balkans as
            an inroads to Europe and establish a beachhead of influence on
            the continent?

        Answer. Closer integration with key European and Euro-Atlantic
    institutions has proven to contribute to political stability,
    strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law and advancing
    economic prosperity. If confirmed, I will work to support the countries
    of the Western Balkans as they seek to join the Western community of
    democracies, including by undertaking the required reforms. These
    efforts will buttress them against malign actors who seek to undermine
    democratic principles, subvert the rule of law, and divert these
    countries from their Western paths.

        Question. How great of an obstacle do good governance issues, such
    as corruption, rule of law, and electoral problems pose to Balkan
    integration into Europe?

        Answer. Closer integration with key European and Euro-Atlantic
    institutions has proven to contribute to political stability,
    strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law and advancing
    economic prosperity. The people of the Western Balkans states deserve
    transparency, rule of law, multi-ethnic democracy, and respect for
    human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to
    support their aspirations and support the reform process to help these
    countries maintain their paths toward the Western community of
    democracies.

        Question. How would the efforts to improve corruption, rule of law,
    and economic issues in the Balkans benefit from an increase in effort
    from the EU to integrate the region?

        Answer. Closer integration with key European and Euro-Atlantic
    institutions has proven to contribute to political stability,
    strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law and advancing
    economic prosperity. The people of the Western Balkans states deserve
    good governance, rule of law, multi-ethnic democracy, respect for human
    rights and fundamental freedoms, and economic opportunity. However,
    disillusionment with delays on the Western Balkans' EU path opens the
    door for harmful influences from our strategic rivals. If confirmed, I
    will work to support the Western Balkans' European aspirations and
    support the reform precoss to help these countries maintain their paths
    toward the Western community of democracies.

        Question. In the wake of Brexit, the UK, Ireland and the greater
    European Union have been left to tackle the issue of the EU-UK customs
    border between Ireland and Northern Ireland.

       How will you engage in negotiations on this issue to ensure that
            U.S. trade interests are protected, and that the Good Friday
            Agreement is preserved?

        Answer. The United States supports a close and cooperative
    relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union, based
    on a shared understanding of democratic values, national security, law
    enforcement, and a broad range of other interests. The United States
    also wants to see a confident, forward-looking Northern Ireland with a
    prosperous economy that reflects the identity and aspirations of every
    tradition. If confirmed, I will encourage both sides to keep the door
    open to continued dialogue that will enhance the prospect for long-
    term, positive solutions and promote strong trade and investment ties
    with the EU, while preserving the Good Friday Agreement.

        Question. Should the EU-UK customs border be formed along the
    border of Ireland and Northern Ireland, or between the island of
    Ireland and the island of Great Britain, with Northern Ireland
    receiving a special condition to maintain unity with the rest of the
    UK? Do you believe there is a better proposal for a solution to the
    customs border issue?

        Answer. Recent unrest in Northern Ireland underscores the
    importance of safeguarding the gains of the Belfast/Good Friday
    Agreement. If confirmed, I will encourage all parties to prioritize
    political and economic stability and to negotiate when differences
    arise. I would emphasize the need to ensure any Brexit outcomes do not
    undermine the progress made since the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. If
    confirmed, I will support the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and welcome
    the provisions in both the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement and
    the Northern Ireland Protocol which help protect hard-won gains.

        Question. In July 2020, the European Court of Justice struck down
    the Privacy Shield program, invalidating a critical mechanism for
    transferring personal data from the EU to the U.S. This has raised
    significant concerns about the continued viability of transatlantic
    data flows at an important moment for U.S. economic recovery, as data
    flows support more than $245 billion in U.S. digital exports to Europe.
    There is an ongoing interagency effort to negotiate a successor privacy
    framework with our European partners, without which U.S. companies are
    likely to increasingly face barriers to engaging in cross-border
    digital commerce with Europe.

       If confirmed, will you prioritize the on-going negotiations to
            replace the Privacy Shield program?

        Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American
    businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I
    would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy
    Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while
    ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides
    of the Atlantic.

        Question. Toward that goal, what steps do you plan to take to
    support a swift and successful conclusion to the efforts to produce a
    successor Privacy Shield framework?

        Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American
    businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I
    would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy
    Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while
    ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides
    of the Atlantic.

        Question. This month saw the launch of the U.S.-EU Trade &
    Technology Council (TTC). While the TTC will cover a broad set of
    issues, it is well-suited to support U.S. engagement with the EU's
    proposed Artificial Intelligence Act. As with GDPR, the AI Act is
    likely to be enacted and set a global benchmark for AI regulation.

       If confirmed, will you seek to engage with your EU counterparts--
            both directly and through the Trade and Technology Council--as
            the EU's AI Act moves forward toward avoiding divergent
            regulatory approaches while supporting interoperability in AI
            governance?

        Answer. The United States welcomes the opportunity to collaborate
    with the EU on governance approaches to technology that advance
    innovation, take a risk-based approach that reflects our shared
    democratic values, and address shared global challenges. The U.S.-EU
    Trade and Technology Council is a key forum for joint efforts to foster
    trustworthy, secure, and responsible AI that reflects our shared values
    and commitment to protecting the rights and dignity of all our
    citizens. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing this effort and to
    ensure our respective regulatory frameworks maintain a risk-based,
    innovation-friendly approach.

        Question. Given the importance of the EU-U.S. bilateral and the
    breadth of pressing tech-related issues, how will you seek to
    comprehensively balance the interests of U.S. businesses with the
    strategic goal of enhancing a steadfast relationship with our European
    allies?

        Answer. Building on our shared democratic values and economic
    relationship--the world's largest--if confirmed, I will use my role as
    U.S. Ambassador to the EU to implement and inform an agreed interagency
    approach to achieve an appropriate and comprehensive balance between
    national security and economic security goals. In my previous
    experience as U.S. Ambassador to Romania, engaging with government
    officials and stakeholders from business, labor, and civil society was
    essential to build relationships and find common ground, even on tough
    issues.

        Question. What are your thoughts regarding restarting the Trans-
    Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) talks with Europe?
    What are your thoughts regarding completing free trade agreement talks
    with the U.K.?

        Answer. The administration is reviewing its policies on trade
    agreements to ensure that trade supports middle-class jobs and labor.
    If confirmed, I will work with our trade experts in the U.S.
    Government, as well as business, labor, and other stakeholders to
    support policies that advance our trade and investment objectives with
    Europe our mutual benefit.

        Question. The U.S. and the EU have, generally speaking, highly
    developed regulatory processes based on science that are intended to
    keep our people healthy and safe. As part of the Trans-Atlantic Trade
    and Investment Partnership (TTIP) talks under President Obama,
    exploratory efforts were made to find ways to better coordinate or to
    find equivalence in our respective regulatory processes. Studies
    conducted at the time of TTIP suggested significant potential cost
    savings to both sides through potential alignment on regulatory
    outcomes. Sometimes these savings were far greater than a simple tariff
    cutting trade agreement would have provided. In addition, to the extent
    the U.S. and EU could agree on common approaches to regulation, we
    together could set global standards for others to follow. What are your
    thoughts about strengthening engagement on the regulatory front between
    the U.S. and the EU? Is this a realistic goal to think we could create
    some convergence between us on the regulatory front? How would you
    contribute to pursuing it, if confirmed?

        Answer. President Biden and his EU counterparts established the
    U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council in June 2021 as a forum to shape
    the rules of the road for the 21st century economy and demonstrate how
    democratic approaches to trade, technology, and innovation can improve
    the lives of our citizens. The inaugural ministerial meeting took place
    in Pittsburgh on September 29. The two sides intend to discuss ways to
    avoid non-tariff barriers, particularly in emerging technology such as
    artificial intelligence. If confirmed, I will work to ensure our
    respective regulatory frameworks maintain a risk-based, innovation-
    friendly approach.

        Question. For decades, China has been underwriting steel production
    through cheap loans and other government interventions. Such Chinese
    Government support to Chinese steel has hurt the steel industry in the
    U.S. This overproduction has also injured many other countries as
    excess Chinese steel (produced according to political directives and
    not necessarily in response to market demand) is dumped, creating
    ripple effects throughout the rest of the world including in Europe.
    Europe should be a potential natural ally in forming a coalition to
    pressure China to reform its steel practices. What are your thoughts on
    how we might partner with Europe on countering such anti-market
    practices by China?

        Answer. The United States and the European Union committed in May
    to enter into discussions that would address global steel and aluminum
    excess capacity and the deployment of effective solutions, including
    appropriate trade measures to preserve our critical industries. By
    working together with our allies to address excess capacity and non-
    market practices, we can support strong domestic steel and aluminum
    production, inputs in supply chains critical to our national security.
    If confirmed, I will support efforts to resolve or deescalate difficult
    bilateral issues with the EU and other partners and focus on the shared
    threat we face from non-market economies.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Hon. Mark Gitenstein by Senator Todd Young

        Question. What is the unify vision of the European Union?

        Answer. The President has emphasized the United States' continued
    commitment to the goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. A strong
    relationship with a united European Union will be essential to face the
    challenges of the present and future. If confirmed, I will work to
    revitalize and raise the level of ambition in our relations with the EU
    to address the challenges we face and promote an affirmative vision
    rooted in our shared democratic values.

        Question. Do you support a European Union having its own Army?

        Answer. A strong Europe, including EU member states, should
    contribute to the goal of enhanced Transatlantic security. If
    confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU member states to ensure
    greater U.S. participation in EU defense initiatives, and that these
    initiatives remain coherent, interoperable, complementary with, and not
    duplicative of, NATO efforts. Additionally, if confirmed, I will seek
    ways to support continued NATO-EU cooperation.

        Question. How do you plan to plan to foster a ``transatlantic
    view'' for security vs. the ``Europe alone'' attitude espoused by
    President Macron?

        Answer. The EU is a vital partner in addressing key foreign policy,
    security, and economic issues. A strong EU contributes to enhanced
    transatlantic security. If confirmed, I will work with the EU and EU
    member states to ensure that EU security and defense initiatives are
    coherent, complementary, and interoperable with and not duplicative of
    NATO efforts. If confirmed, I will seek ways to support and enhance
    continued NATO-EU cooperation to address the multiple and evolving
    security challenges confronting the United States, NATO Allies, and EU
    member states. There is strength in numbers. We are more effective in
    facing common threats if we work together and combine our resources and
    expertise than if we work separately.

        Question. How can the EU work with NATO to advice the common
    interest of European Security?

        Answer. The administration has committed itself to re-engaging
    European allies and partners. I welcome European efforts to strengthen
    European defense including by spending more on defense. If confirmed, I
    will work closely with the EU and EU member states to ensure that
    defense efforts should be coherent, complimentary, and interoperable
    with and not duplicative of NATO efforts. If confirmed I will seek to
    strengthen NATO-EU cooperation and work with Allies and partners to
    enhance Transatlantic security. Julie Smith, if confirmed, and I have
    committed to meet weekly in Brussels towards this goal.

        Question. Would you say that Russia, not climate change is the
    biggest threat to European Security?

        Answer. The administration has worked with the EU on strengthening
    our mutual ability both to resist Russian use of energy as a weapon and
    to combat climate change, and if confirmed I will continue to do so.

        Question. How can the EU stand up to Russia when it continues to
    peruse Russian energy?

        Answer. Europe's continued reliance on Russia for its energy supply
    remains a top threat to its energy security. Russia is the main EU
    supplier of crude oil, natural gas, and solid fuels. Russia's nuclear
    fuel supply monopoly in Central and Eastern Europe is also a matter of
    concern. The administration strongly supports diversification of energy
    supplies to diminish the role of geopolitics in energy markets, reduce
    consumer prices, and enhance energy security. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with the European Union on enhancing energy security
    for member states and pushing back against Russia's attempts to use
    energy as a weapon.

        Question. Would you oppose further European joint energy projects
    with Russia?

        Answer. The administration strongly supports diversification of
    energy supplies to diminish the role of geopolitics in energy markets,
    reduce consumer prices, and enhance energy security. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with European Union on enhancing energy
    security for member states and pushing back against Russia's attempts
    to use energy as a weapon.

        Question. What should be the lesson the EU should learn from
    Ukraine who has had their energy turned off by Russia and now faces
    severe energy shortfalls this winter?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support the administration's efforts
    to work with our allies and partners to promote a more secure and
    sustainable energy future for Ukraine and frontline NATO and EU
    countries, and to push back against Russian attempts to use energy as a
    weapon.

        Question. Do you see Turkey becoming an EU member in the
    foreseeable future?

        Answer. Turkey will need to meet the EU accession conditions,
    including implementing reforms that ensure respect for human rights,
    fundamental freedoms, and democratic institutions. To do this, Turkey
    will need to undertake reforms to reverse the democratic backsliding
    that has occurred. If confirmed, I will encourage both the EU and
    Turkey to continue to concretely advance a positive EU-Turkey agenda
    and to encourage Turkey, in coordination with our embassy in Ankara, to
    undertake the necessary reforms.

        Question. What would have to change to make that happen or happen
    faster?

        Answer. Turkey will need to meet the EU accession conditions,
    including implementing reforms that ensure respect for human rights,
    fundamental freedoms, and democratic institutions. It will also have to
    make more technical reforms ranging from customs union modernization to
    migration cooperation. If confirmed, I will encourage both the EU and
    Turkey to continue to concretely advance a positive EU-Turkey agenda
    and to encourage Turkey, in coordination with our embassy in Ankara, to
    undertake the necessary reforms.

        Question. How can the EU work with Turkey to manage the
    humanitarian crisis that is still ongoing in southern Europe?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with our
    partners in the European Union and member states on providing
    humanitarian assistance and diplomatic engagement with Turkey and other
    countries to respond to the humanitarian issues in the southern Europe.
    We have encouraged Turkey to maintain its close coordination with the
    EU and international organizations to promote coordinated, effective,
    and efficient humanitarian responses in southern Europe.

        Question. If confirmed, will you prioritize the on-going
    negotiations to replace the Privacy Shield program?

        Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American
    businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I
    would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy
    Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while
    ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides
    of the Atlantic.

        Question. What steps do you plan to take to support a swift and
    successful conclusion to the efforts to produce a successor Privacy
    Shield framework?

        Answer. I understand the urgency of this issue for American
    businesses and for our Transatlantic ties more broadly. If confirmed, I
    would prioritize continued U.S.-EU negotiations on an enhanced Privacy
    Shield Framework to facilitate continued transatlantic data flows while
    ensuring sufficient privacy protections for individuals on both sides
    of the Atlantic.

        Question. If confirmed, will you seek to engage with your EU
    counterparts--both directly and through the Trade and Technology
    Council--as the EU's AI Act moves forward toward avoiding divergent
    regulatory approaches while supporting interoperability in AI
    governance?

        Answer. Yes. The United States welcomes the opportunity to
    collaborate with the EU on governance approaches to technology that
    advance innovation, take a risk-based approach, reflect our shared
    democratic values, and address shared global challenges. The U.S.-EU
    Trade and Technology Council is a key forum for joint efforts to foster
    trustworthy, secure, and responsible AI that reflects our shared values
    and commitment to protecting the rights and dignity of all our
    citizens. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing this effort and to
    ensure our respective regulatory frameworks maintain a risk-based,
    innovation-friendly approach.

        Question. Given the importance of the EU-U.S. bilateral and the
    breadth of pressing tech-related issues, how will you seek to
    comprehensively balance the interests of U.S. businesses with the
    strategic goal of enhancing a steadfast relationship with our European
    allies?

        Answer. Building on our shared democratic values and economic
    relationship--the world's largest--if confirmed, I will use my role as
    U.S. Ambassador to the EU to implement and inform an agreed interagency
    approach to achieving an appropriate and comprehensive balance between
    national security and economic security goals. In my previous
    experience as U.S. Ambassador to Romania, engaging with government
    officials and stakeholders from business, labor, and civil society was
    essential to build relationships and find common ground, even on tough
    issues.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. The Azerbaijani military attacked ethnic Armenian
    positions using Turkish drones during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War.
    Satellite images showed Turkish F-16s at an airport in Azerbaijan, and
    Armenia claims that a Turkish F-16 shot down one of its planes in
    Armenian airspace in September 2020. Reports indicate that Turkey
    recruited and paid Syrian mercenaries to aid Azerbaijan's military.
    What tools would you use as Ambassador to hold the Turkish Government
    accountable for its role in exacerbating international conflicts as it
    did in Nagorno-Karabakh?

        Answer. Over the past several years Turkey has pursued a more
    independent foreign policy that has at times advanced American
    interests and in some cases has been unhelpful and destabilizing. If
    confirmed, I will work with counterparts in the Departments of State,
    Defense, Treasury, and the United States Congress to encourage and, if
    necessary, pressure Turkey to take actions in line with NATO and U.S.
    interests in the region. If confirmed, I will support efforts to engage
    bilaterally and multilaterally to advance conflict resolution and
    normalization in the Caucasus.

        Question. Ever since the 2016 coup attempt, the Erdogan regime has
    engaged in increasingly systematic human rights violations, including
    through mass detentions, undermining elections, arbitrary arrests,
    indefinite detention, and in some cases, torture. President Erdogan has
    undermined the judiciary, attacked the free press, and repressed civil
    society and the political opposition. How will you use your role as
    Ambassador to highlight these abuses and put pressure on the regime to
    meet its values oriented commitments as a NATO ally?

        Answer. It is in the U.S. national interest for Turkey--a key
    player on regional issues--to be a stable, democratic, prosperous, and
    reliable Ally and partner. If confirmed, I will reinforce the
    importance of democracy and human rights to our bilateral relationship
    and urge the Government to make the necessary reforms to reverse
    democratic backsliding. If confirmed, I will urge the Government of
    Turkey to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, uphold fair
    trial guarantees, enable civil society and independent media to
    operate, support the empowerment of women, and defend the rights of
    all. I will call for the immediate release of all those incarcerated
    for exercising their fundamental freedoms and participate in events
    that promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

        Question. As recently as last week, 22 Turkish fighter jets
    committed 17 violations of Greek airspace in the Aegean Sea. This
    behavior is emblematic of past Turkish violations of Greek airspace, as
    well as forays into the Cypriot Exclusive Economic Zone. How will you
    engage the Turkish Government on these issues of aggression against
    U.S. allies and partners?

        Answer. I understand the United States has been clear with Turkey
    that military flights through Greek airspace are unhelpful and
    provocative. If confirmed, I will encourage Ankara to respect the
    sovereign airspace of other countries and to operate state aircraft
    with due regard for the safety of navigation of civil aircraft. Where
    disagreements exist over the limits of a country's territorial
    airspace, I will urge coordination and discussion. Disagreements
    between Greece and Turkey should be resolved through diplomacy and
    engagement.

        Question. Turkey's military efforts against the Syrian Kurds,
    including through Turkish-sponsored Syrian proxies, undermine U.S.
    counterterrorism objectives and serve as a major point of friction in
    what could be a more unified U.S. and Turkish approach to Syria.
    Previous administrations actively worked to manage and mitigate Turkish
    concerns with U.S. support to the Syrian Democratic Forces. If
    confirmed, will you pledge to reinvigorate diplomacy on this front,
    despite its role as a cross-Bureau issue within the Department?

        Answer. Turkey is an important member of the Global Coalition to
    Defeat ISIS. If I understand correctly, the administration is cognizant
    of Turkey's long-standing concerns about U.S. cooperation with the
    Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the counter-ISIS campaign. The SDF's
    efforts were critical to collapsing ISIS's fraudulent ``caliphate'' and
    remain essential to further degrading the group. The Biden
    administration remains committed to countering ISIS and other terrorist
    threats to the security of the United States, its partners and allies.
    If confirmed, I pledge to fully engage with my counterparts across
    bureaus in the Department of State and in the Department of Defense to
    advance U.S. policy goals in Syria.

        Question. The Turkish Government is actively seeking U.N. approval
    and cooperation to facilitate the return of Syrian refugees in Turkey
    to Syria, despite the unsuitable ground conditions for doing so. This
    reflects the efforts of select European nations, but poses an
    unacceptable humanitarian and political precedent. If confirmed, will
    you pledge to advocate against these actions with the Turkish
    Government, and work collaboratively to identify opportunities to
    reduce tensions associated with Syrian refugees communities in Turkey?

        Answer. The administration appreciates Turkey's generosity in
    hosting four million refugees, 3.6 million of whom are from Syria, and
    acknowledges the challenges of doing so both for the Turkish Government
    and local communities. In line with U.N. assessments, the
    administration does not believe conditions in Syria at this time are
    conducive for any systematic or large-scale returns, and I agree.
    Consistent with international principles, refugee returns should be
    safe, dignified, informed, and voluntary. If confirmed, I will work
    with Turkey in line with these principles and explore ways to reduce
    tensions related to Syrian refugee communities in Turkey and reinforce
    the administration's position on returns.

        Question. The maritime boundary agreement between Turkey and Libya
    is based on a flawed reading of international maritime law and
    infringes on the legitimate maritime claims of Turkey's Mediterranean
    neighbors, especially Greece. What will your message be to Turkey on
    this? Will you call on them to respect the legitimate claims of their
    neighbors?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the United States generally
    does not take a position on other states' maritime boundary disputes
    and calls on all parties to refrain from all actions that risk
    heightening tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. If confirmed, I will
    consistently urge Turkey to resolve maritime delimitation issues with
    its neighbors peacefully through dialogue and in accordance with
    international law. In addition, consistent with my understanding of the
    administration's policy, if I see provocative action being taken I will
    not hesitate to call it out.

        Question. Turkish-backed fighters in Libya pose a significant
    threat to that country's stability and its upcoming elections, as do
    Russian-backed fighters from Wagner. Will you urge Turkey to withdraw
    these Syrians and commit to Libya's political process?

        Answer. The administration made public statements strongly
    supporting the operationalization of UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and
    full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. If confirmed, I
    will call on the Turkish Government to use its influence to encourage
    all Libyan parties to establish the framework and constitutional basis
    for on-time national elections on December 24.

        Question. The EMGF is a great consortium of regional energy
    players, but its focus on natural gas is not sustainable. In order to
    avoid the most catastrophic consequences of climate change, all
    countries need to reduce their reliance and usage of fossil fuels to
    ensure that global warming does not exceed 2 degrees Celsius. While
    natural gas is less polluting than oil and coal, it is not a
    sustainable alternative. How do you think the United States should
    leverage its role as an official observer to push this forum past an
    explicit focus on natural gas to one that is focused on a diverse and
    sustainable regional energy mix?

        Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
    opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum
    can help promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic
    prosperity throughout the region. If confirmed, I will build on the
    work between colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy
    Resources, and European and Eurasian Affairs to coordinate our
    engagement and am eager to learn more about the EMGF's announcement
    earlier this year that it plans to work with specialists to discuss and
    promote gas decarbonization. I will also take steps to encourage
    Turkey, which is not a member of the EMGF, to collaborate with regional
    partners in incorporating more renewable energy sources for their
    energy needs.

        Question. Turkey is increasingly dependent on energy imports,
    especially fossil fuels. Turkey's nationally determined contribution
    (i.e. its Paris Agreement commitment) is critically insufficient to
    uphold the 2 degrees Celsius global warming limit outlined in the Paris
    Agreement. Turkey has not submitted an updated nationally determined
    contribution (required under the Paris Agreement) and their path to a 2
    degree Celsius-aligned economy is unclear. How can the United States
    support lowering the carbon intensity of Turkish energy consumption and
    increase their climate ambition in line with the 2 degrees Celsius
    Paris Agreement target?

        Answer. Turkey is a leader in renewable energy, producing almost
    half its electricity from renewable sources, especially hydropower.
    However, Turkey's current pledge to reduce levels of greenhouse gas
    emissions is weak and would still allow a doubling in the volume of
    Turkey's emissions over the next decade. If confirmed, I will engage
    with the Turkish Government and private sector to seek collaboration on
    technologies and investment in infrastructure critical to increasing
    Turkey's energy security and reducing emissions. I will urge Turkey not
    only to follow through on President Erdogan's very welcome announcement
    regarding its plan to ratify the Paris Agreement, but also to put
    forward a strengthened 2030 emissions reduction target consistent with
    achieving net zero emissions by 2050.

    Anomalous Health Incidents
        Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
    Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
    the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
    individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
    is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
    responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.

       Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
            threat to the health of U.S. personnel?

        Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top
    priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major
    interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and
    how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my
    utmost to ensure anyone who reports an anomalous health incident
    receives immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I
    will consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and
    security of the Embassy community.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
    incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
    appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
    access to medical care?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employee or family
    member who reports a possible anomalous health incident receives
    immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will
    communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees
    and their family members and work together with partners in Washington
    and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these
    incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting
    these members of our Embassy community. If confirmed, I will consider
    it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the
    Embassy community.

        Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
    at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
    protocols are being followed?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary
    responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
    community.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Relations between Turkey and Greece have been strained in
    recent years, with exclusive economic zone disputes in the Aegean and
    Mediterranean seas, pressures from mass migration, and tensions over
    Cyprus. How would you work with the U.S. mission in Greece to take a
    coordinate approach to protecting U.S. interests affected by the Greco-
    Turkish relationship?

        Answer. The administration has been clear that it supports all
    efforts to reduce tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean and welcomes
    exploratory talks between Greece and Turkey. The Biden administration
    has also made clear that it is committed to ensuring stability in the
    Eastern Mediterranean, that the sovereignty and territorial integrity
    of all countries should be respected and protected, and that
    disagreements in the region should be resolved through diplomacy. If
    confirmed, I will work collaboratively with our Ambassador in Athens to
    pursue opportunities for the United States Government to encourage
    these two important NATO Allies to take the necessary steps to reduce
    tensions and resolve disputes.

        Question. Since its initial intervention in January 2020, Turkey
    has deployed hundreds of troops and Syrian militia fighters to Libya in
    support of the then internationally recognized government, the
    Government of National Accord. After months of fighting between the
    Turkish-backed GNA and its eastern based rival, the Libyan National
    Army (LNA), which garnered support from Russia, Egypt, and the United
    Arab Emirates (UAE) among others, a ceasefire agreement was reached in
    October 2020. Under the terms of the U.N. brokered agreement, both
    sides and their respective backers agreed to withdraw all foreign
    forces and mercenaries from the country. Despite the October 2020
    ceasefire agreement, the U.N. Secretary General, in address to the
    Security Council remarked that thousands of foreign forces remained in
    Libya as of early September 2021, ``with no discernible abatement of
    their activities.'' Furthermore, there continues to be ongoing
    violations of the U.N. arms embargo on Libya by a variety of actors.

       Please provide your assessment of Turkey's role in the conflict in
            Libya.

        Answer. Turkey joins the United States and others in supporting the
    Libyan-led, U.N.-facilitated political process, including elections on
    December 24 this year. The administration also publicly and strongly
    supported the operationalization of UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and
    full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. If confirmed, I
    will stress to our Turkish colleagues and all parties involved that it
    is essential to end the Libya conflict through an inclusive political
    process, providing essential public services, and through ensuring
    free, fair, and credible elections.

        [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. The United States has been clear
    that all foreign fighters and forces need to withdraw from Libya,
    including Turkish forces. Turkey supports a staged, coordinated
    withdrawal of its forces that is matched to a withdrawal of other
    foreign forces in the country. Turkey joins the United States and
    others in supporting the Libyan-led, U.N.-facilitated political
    process, including elections on December 24 this year. The presence of
    foreign fighters in Libya undermines U.S. goals of this Libyan-led
    political process to resolve the conflict. However, it is also the case
    that Turkey's intervention in 2020 secured Tripoli, preventing the fall
    of the Government of National Accord and averting a humanitarian
    crisis. As I understand, Turkey's foreign policy on Libya is aimed at
    cementing the position of an internationally recognized government in
    Tripoli that is friendly to Ankara's security interests in the Eastern
    Mediterranean and North Africa.
        If confirmed, I will stress to our Turkish colleagues and all
    parties involved that it is essential to end the Libya conflict through
    an inclusive political process, providing essential public services,
    and through ensuring free, fair, and credible elections.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you propose to work with the U.N. to
    advance efforts to ensure Turkey's fully complies with the October 2020
    ceasefire agreement?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my
    counterparts in the State Department's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs
    (NEA) to ensure Mission Turkey informs and advances U.S. policy in
    Libya. In coordination with my colleagues in NEA and the Bureau of
    International Organization Affairs, I will also work with the United
    Nations Support Mission in Libya to create the conditions for
    successful elections in Libya in December of this year.

        Question. What are the prospects for a full Turkish withdrawal from
    the country to include its troops, mercenaries, and military equipment?

        Answer. I understand the United States supports UNSC resolution
    2570 (2021) and full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire.
    If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my counterparts across the
    State Department to ensure Mission Turkey informs and advances U.S.
    policy in Libya.

        [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. While I am not able to comment
    on a hypothetical, as I understand, Turkey believes that its direct
    military intervention helped enable the then U.N.-recognized interim
    Government of National Accord (GNA) to repel a Russian-supported
    offensive. Turkey has also claimed credit for the de facto ceasefire
    since June 2020 that enabled a U.N.-led political process to take hold
    and the formation of a unity government.
        However, the presence of foreign fighters in Libya undermines our
    goal of a Libyan-led political process to resolve the conflict. Turkey
    supports a staged, coordinated withdrawal of its forces that is matched
    to a withdrawal of other foreign forces in the country. We stand ready
    to facilitate such an agreement, and if confirmed, I will coordinate
    closely with my counterparts across the State Department to ensure
    Mission Turkey informs and advances U.S. policy in Libya.

        Question. In your view, what interest does Turkey have in remaining
    involved in Libya?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to call on Turkey to
    operationalize UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and support an end to the
    Libya conflict through an inclusive political process, providing
    essential public services, and ensuring free, fair, and credible
    elections.

        [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. Turkey's foreign policy on Libya
    aims to cement the position of an internationally recognized government
    in Tripoli that is friendly to Ankara's economic and security interests
    in the Eastern Mediterranean and North Africa. Turkey also hopes to
    secure a new Arab ally, preferably with an Islamist outlook, in a
    region where it has few. If confirmed, I will continue to call on
    Turkey to operationalize UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and support an end
    to the Libya conflict through an inclusive political process, providing
    essential public services, and ensuring free, fair, and credible
    elections.

        Question. Do you see Turkey's interest in remaining involved in
    Libya changing over the next year?

        Answer. The administration made public statements strongly
    supporting the operationalization of UNSC resolution 2570 (2021) and
    full implementation of the October 23 Libyan ceasefire. If confirmed, I
    will continue to call on all parties to support the U.N.-facilitated,
    Libyan-led political process to ensure free, fair, and credible
    elections.

        [Additional Response--10/12/2021]. The administration made public
    statements strongly supporting the operationalization of UNSC
    resolution 2570 (2021) and full implementation of the October 23 Libyan
    ceasefire. Current U.S. outreach to Turkey on Libya is focused on
    pressing Ankara to use its influence with Libyan parties to get them to
    reach an agreement on an electoral framework that would enable on-time
    national elections in December 2021. If confirmed, I will continue to
    call on all parties to support the U.N.-facilitated, Libyan-led
    political process to ensure free, fair, and credible elections.

        Question. Turkey's objectives in northeast Syria run counter to
    U.S. interests, particularly with respect to the so-called Operation
    Peace Spring Zone, which it seized following an offensive in 2019,
    while we tacitly support their activities in the northwest.

       How do we reconcile these two contradictory policies?

        Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in
    sustainably ending the Syria civil war. The United States is grateful
    for Turkey's continued support to 3.6 million Syrian refugees in Turkey
    and for being a critical partner in ensuring Syrians have access to
    life-saving assistance, including through the continuation of cross-
    border assistance in northwest Syria. Turkey has also been an important
    member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. The Biden administration
    remains committed to countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the
    security of the United States and its partners and allies, to include
    through a limited military presence in northeast Syria. The Syrian
    Democratic Forces remain a capable and effective partner to U.S. forces
    on the ground. If confirmed, I will ensure we consult Ankara on Syria
    policy and seek areas for understanding while also making clear the
    United States' enduring security interests where we disagree.

        Question. To what extent do you feel we share overlapping
    objectives in Syria?

        Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in
    sustainably ending the Syria civil war. The United States is grateful
    for Turkey's continued support to 3.6 million Syrian refugees and for
    being a critical partner in ensuring Syrians have access to life-saving
    assistance, including through the continuation of cross-border
    assistance in northwest Syria. Turkey has also been an important member
    of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. The Biden administration
    remains committed to countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the
    security of the United States and its partners and allies.

        Question. Please provide your assessment of how Turkish-Russian
    cooperation in Syria impacts U.S. national security objectives,
    including with respect to the fight against terror.

        Answer. Turkey worked with Russia to maintain the ceasefire in
    northwest Syria agreed to in March 2020. The maintenance of this
    ceasefire supports U.S. efforts to advance the political process as
    outlined in UNSCR 2254. The United States and Turkey share an interest
    in sustainably ending the Syria civil war. The United States is
    grateful for Turkey's continued support to 3.6 million Syrian refugees
    who fled the conflict. Turkey is also an important member of the Global
    Coalition to Defeat ISIS. The Biden administration remains committed to
    countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the security of the
    United States and its partners and allies.

        Question. What are your plans for navigating our relationship with
    Syria given Turkey's longstanding concerns with respect to U.S. Syrian
    Kurdish partners?

        Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in
    sustainably ending the Syria civil war. It is my understanding that the
    administration continues to consult Ankara on Syria policy and seeks
    areas for cooperation. Additionally, the United States recognizes
    Turkey as an important member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS
    while being cognizant of Turkey's long-standing concerns about U.S.
    cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the counter-ISIS
    campaign. The SDF is the primary counter-ISIS partner of the United
    States in Syria. The efforts of the SDF were critical to collapsing
    ISIS's fraudulent territorial ``caliphate'' and remain essential to
    degrading the group. The Biden administration remains committed to
    countering ISIS and other terrorist threats to the security of the
    United States and its partners and allies. If confirmed, I will
    continue to work together with Turkey and local Syrian partners for the
    safety and security of U.S. forces, partner forces, and civilians.

        Question. In your view, can the U.S. find a way to balance Syria-
    Turkish policy short of reaching a solution to the Kurdish issue?

        Answer. If I understand correctly, the administration's view is
    that stability in Syria, and the greater region, is best served through
    a political process that produces peaceful outcomes in Syria. The
    United States has committed to working with allies, partners, and the
    U.N. to ensure that a durable political solution remains within reach.
    I will continue work to address Turkish concerns while advancing
    critical U.S. national security interests.

        Question. How do you plan to work with Turkey to ensure the
    continued delivery of humanitarian aid to Syria?

        Answer. The United States is grateful for Turkey's continued
    support to millions of Syrian refugees who fled the conflict. Turkey
    has also remained an important partner in ensuring Syrians in Syria
    have access to life-saving assistance. This includes the facilitation
    of humanitarian assistance to those in need. Turkey was instrumental in
    the recent passage of UNSCR 2585, allowing for cross-border access for
    humanitarian aid to Syria. If confirmed, I will continue to work with
    Turkey to expand humanitarian access to reach those in need.

        Question. To what extent are you concerned about allegations of
    human rights abuses carried out by Turkish backed forces, including
    HTS, in Syria?

        Answer. I am gravely concerned by continued reports that some
    Syrian groups that Turkey supports are violating the law of armed
    conflict and committing human rights abuses in Syria. On July 28, the
    United States imposed sanctions on Ahrar al-Sharqiya - an armed Syrian
    opposition group known to be receiving support from Turkey - for
    committing human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will continue to
    monitor these reports and would urge Turkey to reconsider its
    relationships with any groups that commit human rights abuses, use its
    influence to press them to cease human rights abuses, hold perpetrators
    accountable, and take steps to prevent any such abuses.

        Question. Can you commit to working with Turkey to ensure
    unfettered access to the areas under its control?

        Answer. Turkey has remained an important partner in ensuring
    Syrians have access to life-saving assistance. This includes the
    facilitation of humanitarian assistance to those in need inside Syria
    and helping to support Syrian refugees living in Turkey. If confirmed,
    I will work to ensure those in areas under Turkish control in northwest
    Syria have unfettered access to critical humanitarian assistance.

        Question. In many ways, the growing rivalry between the United Arab
    Emiratis and Turkey has played a key role in reshaping the Middle East
    and North Africa region, while simultaneously having a notable impact
    in countries across Africa as well.

       Please provide your perspective on the role the United States
            should play in mediating tensions between Turkey and our Gulf
            partners?

        Answer. I think I can safely say that the United States would
    welcome and support efforts by Turkey and the United Arab Emirates to
    decrease tensions and strengthen cooperation. If confirmed, I will
    continue to work with Turkey to increase prosperity and security
    between the two countries and across the wider region.

        Question. To what extent do you see this rivalry as having negative
    implications on U.S. national security interests?

        Answer. I think I can safely say that tensions and rivalry between
    Turkey and the UAE only benefit our adversaries. The United States
    welcomes efforts to improve the relationship between Turkey and the
    UAE. If confirmed, I will encourage our NATO Ally Turkey to resolve
    disagreements in the region through diplomacy.

        Question. The security relationship between the United States and
    Turkey has been at an impasse over the issue of Turkey's purchase and
    deployment of Russian S-400 missile launchers. How will you communicate
    to the Turkish Government that while we value Turkey as an ally, there
    is a limit to the anti-alliance behavior the U.S. will tolerate?

        Answer. Turkey is a NATO Ally with which we have many common
    interests, as well as disagreements. Turkey had the opportunity to buy
    Patriot surface-to-air missile systems but chose to acquire and test
    the Russian S-400. This action resulted in significant negative impacts
    to Turkey, including the imposition of CAATSA sanctions and Turkey's
    removal from the F-35 program. If confirmed, I will be crystal clear
    that Turkey should not retain the S-400 system and that any new Russian
    arms purchases risk triggering new CAATSA sanctions in addition to
    those already imposed.

        Question. Turkey is in increasingly difficult economic straits.
    Meanwhile, in 2019 and 2020, there was much talk of a U.S.-Turkey trade
    deal as a potential piece of a larger agreement to smooth over the
    issues in the bilateral relationship.

       Do you see the realization of a U.S.-Turkey trade deal as a
            realistic possibility in the next three years?

        Answer. I see significant opportunities for the United States and
    Turkey to continue strengthening our trading relationship. If
    confirmed, I will seek to promote high-level trade and investment
    engagement with Turkey, including under the umbrella of the Trade and
    Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA).

        Question. Do you believe that a trade deal with Turkey would be
    beneficial to the United States?

        Answer. I believe that enhanced trade and investment ties with
    Turkey will help the United States and our business community by
    creating new trade opportunities for our companies, in particular
    through reducing barriers to market access. If confirmed, I will work
    with our trade experts in the U.S. Government and business leaders to
    ensure that any trade arrangements with Turkey are in the best
    interests of the United States and our business community.

        Question. Do you believe that a trade deal with Turkey would be
    beneficial to Turkey?

        Answer. I believe that enhanced trade and investment ties with
    Turkey will be beneficial to Turkey by lowering market barriers between
    our countries, which will be critical to encouraging businesses on both
    sides to explore new commercial opportunities.

        Question. Three current or (now) former locally-employed staff in
    our embassies and consulates in Turkey currently face restrictions on
    their freedom for having allegedly taken part in the 2015 coup against
    Erdogan in some small way. These allegations have very little substance
    to back them up, and these men are either in prison or unable to leave
    their home or the country.

       If confirmed, do you commit to be increasingly vocal with the
            Turkish Government about its role in this abuse of power and to
            advocate for the full release of these men and an end to their
            persecution?

        Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing legal proceedings,
    imprisonment, or controls targeting of U.S locally employed staff--
    Metin Topuz Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay--in Turkey based on
    unsubstantiated charges related to their official duties. It is my
    understanding that the United States Government remains deeply
    concerned by the prosecutions and detentions and follows their cases
    closely. If confirmed, I will advocate with the highest levels of
    Turkish officials for the immediate cessation of all judicial processes
    and restrictions targeting our locally employed staff s.

        Question. Such realities are certain to have had an impact on the
    morale of locally-employed staff at Mission Turkey, and may have even
    impacted the Mission's ability to hire and retain good staff.

       What is your understanding of morale in Mission Turkey,
            particularly among LES?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the administration has
    repeatedly expressed concerns regarding Turkey's continued unjust legal
    proceedings and judicial controls targeting local staff working for our
    diplomatic mission in Turkey. If confirmed, I will reiterate to Ankara
    the importance of the immediate cessation of all judicial processes and
    restrictions targeting our locally employed staff. And if confirmed, I
    will ensure that the Department of State remains focused on this issue.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the Embassy
    and Consulates?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the work of my predecessor,
    along with the rest of the leadership team of the Embassy and
    Consulates, to be a firm advocate for the welfare, safety and security
    of all staff members of Mission Turkey, and especially for the locally
    employed staff. I will, if confirmed, convey clearly to all members of
    the Mission Turkey team that the safety and well-being of the staff are
    my highest priorities.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across Mission Turkey?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will immediately assess the situation that
    prevails across Mission Turkey, review and update the Mission's
    priorities, strategy, and activities in full alignment with the
    strategy and priorities of the President and the Secretary of State. As
    Chief of Mission, I will continually maintain security, morale, well-
    being, productivity, and effectiveness across all of Mission Turkey --
    Embassy and Consulates equally - throughout my tenure.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with the Turkish
    Government to push for significant human rights reforms, including
    rights for religious minorities and women and girls?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately urge the
    Government of Turkey to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms,
    enable the participation of civil society and independent media, uphold
    fair trial guarantees, support the empowerment of women and defend the
    rights of all, including freedom from gender-based violence. If
    confirmed, I will also host and participate in events that promote
    respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It is in the U.S.
    national interest for Turkey to be a stable, democratic, prosperous,
    and reliable Ally and partner. Although Turkey has withdrawn from the
    Istanbul Convention on the prevention of violence against women, I will
    urge them to honor their commitments made in that treaty. If confirmed,
    I will work with Turkey on areas of mutual concern, reinforce the
    importance of democracy and human rights to our bilateral relationship,
    and urge the Government to make the necessary reforms to reverse
    democratic backsliding.

        Question. In the 2021 State Department Human Rights Report, Turkish
    authorities were described as using ``antiterror laws broadly against
    opposition political party members, human rights activists, media
    outlets, suspected PKK sympathizers, and alleged Gulen movement members
    or groups affiliated with the Gulen movement, among others, including
    to seize assets of companies, charities, or businesses.''

       Please describe your engagements, if confirmed, to address these
            egregious human rights concerns in Turkey?

        Answer. The July 2016 coup attempt was a deeply traumatic event for
    Turkey. I understand and appreciate the Government of Turkey's need to
    bring the alleged perpetrators of the 2016 coup attempt to justice, but
    the quality and impartiality of justice matters. Strong judicial
    independence and respect for the rule of law must accompany any
    investigation, legal process, or detention to ensure respect for human
    rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will urge Turkey to
    revise its antiterrorism laws in line with the recommendations outlined
    by the United States during Turkey's 2020 Universal Periodic Review and
    in accordance with international standards. Strong democratic
    institutions and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms
    would expand our potential for partnership in Turkey and around the
    world.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps can the United States Government
    take to hold Turkey accountable for their excessive numbers of
    unlawfully held detainees?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will call for the immediate release of all
    those incarcerated based on limited or dubious evidence or on a
    seemingly arbitrary basis, such as in connection with exercising their
    fundamental freedoms. Osman Kavala and Selahattin Demirtas are two such
    cases. I will also urge the Turkish Government to reduce pre-trial
    detention lengths and revise their antiterrorism laws to meet
    international standards. Prosecutions must be based on evidence,
    respect the rule of law, and be consistent with Turkey's domestic and
    international commitments and obligations to human rights and
    fundamental freedoms.

        Question. Open source reporting has indicated Turkey is abusing the
    INTERPOL red notice system to target individuals who dare to criticize
    or belong to a movement the Government does not agree with. Turkey's
    abuse of an international organization to subvert fundamental human
    rights cannot stand. What actions will you take, if confirmed, to
    demonstrate this practice is not tolerated?

        Answer. I understand and appreciate the Government of Turkey's need
    to bring the alleged perpetrators of the 2016 coup attempt to justice,
    but the quality and impartiality of justice matters. If confirmed, I
    will urge Turkey to conduct any investigation, legal process, or
    extradition against individuals alleged to be involved in this crime,
    or any other, in a manner that respects human rights, due process, and
    the rule of law.
        Prosecutions and extraditions must be based on evidence, respect
    the rule of law, and be consistent with Turkey's domestic and
    international obligations to human rights and fundamental freedoms. If
    confirmed, I will also urge third-country partners to resist pressure
    and follow due process standards in cases where Turkey seeks
    politically motivated deportations, removals, or expulsions that may
    violate international norms or agreements.

        Question. According to the 2021 State Department International
    Religious Freedom Report and Human Rights Report, Turkey has very
    little tolerance for religious freedom, a fundamental human right. How
    will you continue to bolster religious freedom in country and work with
    civil society to increase understanding?

        Answer. I understand the Turkish Government maintains several
    restrictions on the exercise of freedom of religion or belief of
    concern to the United States. These include limitations on the rights
    of members of religious minority groups.
        If confirmed, I will publicly and privately urge the Government of
    Turkey to respect freedom of religion or belief and the rights of
    members of religious minority groups. I will also advocate for issues
    of top importance to religious minority leaders, such as free and fair
    religious foundation board elections and the reopening of the Greek
    Orthodox Halki Seminary.

        Question. Internet freedom, or the ability to use the internet
    without state-sponsored censorship, is limited in Turkey. What can you
    do, if confirmed, to support this crucial tool for civil society?

        Answer. I also have concerns about the Government of Turkey's use
    of censorship and overly broad terrorism and insult laws to silence
    critical voices. The Turkish Government's efforts to restrict freedom
    of expression online, including on social media, run counter to
    democratic values.
        If confirmed, I will convey my firm belief that freedom of
    expression - including online - strengthens democracy and needs to be
    protected. I will also urge the Government to revise existing laws to
    meet international standards, ensure appropriate judicial oversight on
    media or online regulations, and to refrain from passing new laws that
    further restrict the freedom of expression online.

        Question. President Erodgan's involvement in the Cyprus issue is
    increasingly concerning. If confirmed, what actions will you take to
    promote peace and potential reunification between the Republic of
    Cyprus and the ``Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus?''

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to make clear to Turkey and
    Turkish Cypriots the U.S. position in support of a Cypriot-led
    comprehensive settlement to reunify the island as a bizonal, bicommunal
    federation consistent with U.N. Security Council resolutions to benefit
    all Cypriots and the wider region. Calls for a two-state solution are
    unhelpful and will not find an audience in the international community.
    We appreciate the U.N. Secretary-General's efforts to facilitate the
    relaunch of political discussions. The status quo is unacceptable, and
    we hope both sides will engage with the U.N. Secretary-General and his
    team with openness, flexibility, and compromise to find common ground
    to restart formal talks. Ultimately though, the responsibility for
    finding a solution lies first and foremost with the Cypriots
    themselves.

        Question. Turkey jails more journalists than any other country on
    earth. If confirmed, what steps will you take to advocate for freedom
    of the press in country?

        Answer. I understand Turkey remains second only to China in numbers
    of incarcerated journalists, and uses censorship, insult, and
    antiterror laws widely to silence critical voices. If confirmed, I will
    make clear to the Turkish Government the integral role a free and
    independent press plays in any democracy. I will urge the Government of
    Turkey to revise laws or regulations that restrict media freedom and
    urge that they refrain from passing additional, restrictive laws. I
    will also engage with Government of Turkey interlocutors to encourage
    the release of all media workers incarcerated in connection with
    exercising their fundamental freedoms. I will also engage with media
    workers and civil society in Turkey to listen to and elevate their
    concerns on media freedom.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work with the Turkish Government
    to end the practice of forcible repatriation of Uyghurs to China?

        Answer. President Erdogan referred to the PRC repression targeting
    Uyghurs in Xinjiang in 2009 as a genocide. I understand that Turkey
    currently hosts between 30,000-60,000 Uyghurs. Turkey has welcomed
    Uyghurs for more than two decades under a variety of visa and
    immigration statuses. If confirmed, I will continue the
    administration's efforts to meet regularly with the Turkish Government
    to discuss Turkey's continued support for Uyghurs in the face of PRC
    pressure.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. In April of this year, President Biden formally
    recognized the Armenian genocide, something that I, and others,
    welcomed as it has been an overdue action that I have advocated for
    years for. However, more work needs to be done. We should continue to
    press countries that still deny this genocide, like Turkey and
    Azerbaijan, to end their denials and take the steps necessary to accept
    responsibility for this crime.

       In your opinion, do you recognize the Ottoman Empire's actions
            against the Armenians in 1915 as a genocide?

        Answer. Yes. President Biden's statement for Remembrance Day this
    year noted that the United States mourns the one and a half million
    Armenians who were victims of the Armenian genocide during the final
    years of the Ottoman Empire. We welcome efforts by Armenians and Turks
    to acknowledge and reckon with this painful part of their histories,
    which is a critical step towards building a foundation for a more just
    and tolerant future.

        Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to press the
    Turkish Government, and others, to stop denying the Armenian genocide?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will implement the administration's policy,
    honoring the victims of the Armenian genocide and encouraging Turkey to
    acknowledge and reckon with this painful part of its history.

        Question. Turkey has been a NATO member since 1952. However, under
    President Erdogan, Turkey has not lived up to the values of the NATO
    Alliance. Its dismal human rights record, purchase of the Russian S-400
    missile system despite U.S. objections, and its aggression towards
    other U.S. allies, like Cyprus, Greece and Israel suggest that Turkey
    is more of an adversary than a partner to the United States.

       Do you believe that Turkey may be more of an adversary?

        Answer. Turkey is a NATO Ally with whom we have many common
    interests, as well as profound disagreements. If confirmed, I will work
    with you to encourage and, if necessary, pressure Turkey to take
    actions in line with U.S. interests in the region and its
    responsibilities as a NATO Ally. If confirmed, I will continue to
    collaborate with Turkey in areas of common interest including in
    Central Asia, Syria, the Black Sea, and others. Working with Turkey to
    address some of its legitimate security concerns will assist us in that
    effort. I will also speak clearly and frankly when Turkey's actions or
    words run counter to our interests.

        Question. What is your opinion of the state of democracy in Turkey?

        Answer. Turkey is a key NATO Ally and critical regional partner,
    and the United States is committed to improving the relationship
    between our two countries. It is in our interest to keep Turkey
    anchored to the Euro-Atlantic community. We work together closely to
    confront the serious challenges that face both of our countries. While
    we may have differences of opinion on some topics, I want our Turkish
    partners to understand that U.S. concerns come from an Ally and friend
    that seeks to preserve and deepen our relationship in every dimension.
        The United States continues to emphasize the importance of the
    Turkish Government's adherence to policies and actions that build
    public trust in the country's democratic institutions and the rule of
    law, as well as upholding human rights commitments. If confirmed, I
    will publicly and privately urge the Government of Turkey to make
    meaningful reforms that ensure human rights and fundamental freedoms,
    including those of speech and assembly, are guaranteed in accordance
    with Turkey's own constitution. I will urge the U.N. to restore
    judicial independence, uphold fair trial guarantees, respect the rule
    of law, and enable civil society and independent media to function
    freely.

        Question. If confirmed, what specific actions will you take to
    improve Turkey's interactions with other NATO members?

        Answer. Turkey's relations with NATO member countries run the gamut
    between close cooperation to outright antagonism. As the second largest
    military in NATO, host of the NATO Land Component Command, and a
    regular contributor of forces to NATO regional missions, Turkey plays a
    major role in keeping NATO's collective defense credible. If confirmed,
    I will encourage additional Turkey-NATO collaboration in areas of
    common interest, including in Central Asia, Syria, and the Black Sea. I
    will also speak clearly and frankly when Turkey's actions or words run
    counter to NATO's interests and work with my fellow Ambassadors in
    other NATO member countries to do so.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Jeffrey Lane Flake by Senator Todd Young

        Question. Last year, a Turkish court sentenced several locally-
    employed staff of our diplomatic mission to Turkey to lengthy prison
    sentences for allegedly supporting groups opposed to the Erdogan
    Government. If confirmed, what will be your strategy for supporting
    these individuals, including seeking their prompt release and
    supporting their family?

        Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing legal proceedings and
    controls targeting U.S locally employed staff in Turkey based on
    unsubstantiated charges related to their official duties on behalf of
    our Government. If confirmed, I will support and defend our locally
    employed staff. In my understanding that the U.S. Government remains
    deeply concerned by the prosecutions and detentions and follows their
    cases closely. If confirmed, I will work to ensure all judicial
    processes, including movement restrictions, are lifted for Metin Topuz,
    Mete Canturk, and Hamza Ulucay. It is my understanding that the United
    States Government continues to consult with our locally employed staff
    and their families and to advocate with the highest levels of Turkish
    officials for their immediate release from all judicial processes.

        Question. How will you ensure that Turkish nationals who directly
    assist our diplomats are off-limits to the Government's own brand of
    justice?

        Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing prosecution,
    imprisonment, or legal controls targeting U.S locally employed staff--
    Metin Topuz Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay--in Turkey based on
    unsubstantiated charges related to their official duties. It is my
    understanding that the U.S. Government remains deeply concerned by the
    prosecutions and detentions and follows their cases closely. If
    confirmed, I will advocate with the highest levels of Turkish officials
    for the immediate cessation of all judicial processes and restrictions
    targeting our locally employed staff. The safety and security of all
    employees of U.S. Embassy Ankara and our consulates in Istanbul and
    Adana will be my highest priority, if confirmed.

        Question. Erdogan has made the production, use, and export of
    highly capable combat drones a pillar of his country's defense industry
    and security partnerships throughout not just the region, but the
    world. The Turkish military has utilized and advised on the use of
    drones in Iraq and against Nagorno-Karabakh, in many cases drawing no
    separation between legitimate military targets and civilians. If
    confirmed what steps should we take to rein in this behavior?

        Answer. Turkey is one of the top producers and exporters of
    unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) in the world. As Turkey is a relatively
    cost-effective supplier of advanced drone technology, NATO Allies such
    as Poland and partners such as Ukraine have sought to purchase Turkish
    UAVs. Turkey has sold UAVs to countries with whom we would not share
    this technology. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of Turkey
    using its capabilities to bolster NATO efforts and to advance mutual
    U.S. and Turkish goals.

        Question. How does Turkish drone proliferation affect our own
    security partnerships in the region?

        Answer. Turkey is one of the top producers and exporters of
    unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) in the world, specializing in the
    production of cost effective unmanned aerial systems. Turkish UAVs in
    most cases do not directly compete with more advanced U.S. platforms.
    Turkey's willingness to sell UAVs to countries with whom we would not
    share our own technology has at times been problematic for regional
    security. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of Turkey using
    its UAV capabilities to bolster NATO efforts and to advance mutual U.S.
    and Turkish goals. This approach would support our policy of preventing
    state or non-state actors from gaining capabilities that would
    undermine the safety and security of the United States and our allies
    and partners.

        Question. What have the intervening two years taught us about both
    the limits of our diplomacy towards Turkey, but also how we must adapt
    to secure our national interests?

        Answer. Over the past several years, Turkey has pursued a more
    independent foreign policy that has at times advanced U.S. interests
    but which in some cases has been unhelpful and destabilizing. If
    confirmed, I will commit to working with colleagues in the executive
    branch and Congress to find ways to continue strengthening our
    longstanding relationship with Turkey, while not shying away from
    identifying and addressing the areas where we disagree.

        Question. How have the past several years instructed your views on
    the appropriateness of our continued military presence at Incirlik Air
    Base? Should we refocus that presence elsewhere within NATO?

        Answer. Our military presence in Turkey, including at Incirlik Air
    Base, allows for a better defense of NATO's Southern flank and for
    supporting United States interests in the region. The United States
    benefits from our presence at Incirlik, and, if confirmed, I will not
    seek to relocate or reduce this presence. At the same time, the U.S.
    should continue to maintain and pursue new security partnerships with
    our Allies throughout the region.

        Question. In his interview with CBS this weekend, President Erdogan
    noted that his Government's preference would be that the United States
    withdrawals all of our troops from Syria, who are active in our efforts
    to fully defeat ISIS. Given Turkey's own continued presence in Syria,
    and especially considering the speed and indiscriminate nature of its
    invasion in 2019, how do you interpret Erdogan's desire for our
    withdrawal?

        Answer. As I understand, Turkey has long-standing concerns about
    U.S. cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces, which Ankara views
    as tied to Kurdistan Workers Party. The United States has an interest
    in advancing the campaign against ISIS, to include through preserving a
    limited military presence in northeast Syria. The Syrian Democratic
    Forces remain a capable and effective partner to U.S. forces on the
    ground. If confirmed, I will ensure we consult Ankara on Syria policy
    and seek areas for understanding while also making clear the United
    States' enduring security interests.

        Question. What do you believe is Erdogan's goal for Syria?

        Answer. The United States and Turkey share an interest in
    sustainably ending the Syrian civil war. We will continue to consult
    Ankara on Syria policy and seek areas for cooperation. Turkey is an
    important member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. I understand
    that the administration's view is that stability in Syria, and the
    greater region, can only be achieved through a political process that
    represents the will of all Syrians and that the United States is
    committed to working with allies, partners, and the U.N. to ensure that
    a durable political solution remains within reach.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Cindy Hensley McCain by Senator Robert Menendez

    Conflict & Food Insecurity
        Question. Today, conflict drives the top ten worst food crises in
    the world. Food insecurity in conflict-affected countries continues to
    deteriorate, and people there rely more and more on the U.N. food
    agencies to provide food relief.

       How can the World Food Program improve its work in conflict-
            affected countries? What should it do to expand the reach of
            its food assistance?

        Answer. Armed conflict is the primary driver of acute food
    insecurity globally, impacting eight of the ten worst food crises in
    the world. U.N. Security Council Resolution 2417 (2018) emphasizes the
    link between armed conflict and food insecurity and lays out clear
    expectations regarding the need for unfettered and unhindered
    humanitarian access. If confirmed, I will work to ensure concerted and
    collective diplomatic pressure to enable humanitarian access in
    conflict-affected countries.

        Question. How can the U.N. food agencies increase the effectiveness
    of their aid efforts in the face of national government actions that
    hinder humanitarian access and deliberately perpetuate food insecurity?

        Answer. National interference in aid operations and the obstruction
    of humanitarian access are unacceptable. If confirmed, I will apply
    strong diplomatic advocacy on behalf of the Rome-based agencies,
    including in coordination with like-minded countries, to exert pressure
    on United Nations Member States denying humanitarian access to their
    citizens. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues across the
    respective U.S. Missions to the United Nations, interagency partners in
    Washington, and other United Nations Member States to leverage
    diplomatic engagement and demand full access in conflict-affected and
    food insecure countries.

        Question. How would the principles, priorities and recommended
    approaches detailed in the Global Food Security Strategy influence your
    work, if confirmed, at U.N.-FAO?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. engagement continues
    to be aligned with the principles and priorities outlined in the Global
    Food Security Strategy. The U.S. commitment to invest $10 billion
    domestically and internationally toward transforming food systems to be
    more effective and inclusive was a first step and clear demonstration
    of U.S. leadership in accelerating progress toward global food
    security.

    Afghanistan
        Question. How can U.S. leadership at the U.N. food agencies promote
    sustained international engagement in Afghanistan to ensure that
    millions of people are not pushed to the brink of starvation?

        Answer. All three Rome-based food security agencies--FAO, the
    International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and WFP--have
    continued their operations in Afghanistan and are working in at least
    28 of the country's 34 provinces. U.S. diplomatic and financial
    leadership has proven critical to these operations. If confirmed, I
    will continue efforts to enable the Rome-based agencies to carry out
    their life-saving work, ensure that aid reaches the most vulnerable,
    and pursue burden-sharing with allies and partners to ensure
    sustainability.

        Question. You have been a fierce advocate for women and girls
    throughout your life. If confirmed, how do you plan to advocate for the
    women and girls who have disproportionately been impacted by pandemic-
    related food insecurity?

        Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically and
    disproportionately impacted women and girls; the prevalence of moderate
    or severe food insecurity is 10 percent higher among women than men,
    compared with 6 percent in 2019. If confirmed, I will work with FAO,
    WFP, and the Rome-based International Development Law Organization
    (IDLO) to ensure implementation of their gender action plans, and the
    delivery of concrete results that advance gender equality. If
    confirmed, I will also continue U.S. support for the innovative
    partnership between FAO and the IDLO focused on ensuring women and
    girls' access to affordable and nutritious food even as countries adopt
    emergency measures in response to health crises.

        Question. How can FAO facilitate collaboration across U.N.
    organizations (like the U.N. Environment Program, UNICEF, and U.N.
    Development Program) to promote adaptation and resilience in developing
    countries' agricultural and food production sectors?

        Answer. FAO's recently approved Strategic Framework (2022-2031)
    elevates climate change and prioritizes climate action in the food and
    agriculture sectors, noting in particular the need to increase
    adaptation activities. The FAO also plays a key role in implementing
    the One Health approach, which takes as a whole human health, animal
    health, and environmental health through a formal tripartite agreement
    between FAO, WHO, and the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE)
    with U.N. Environment Program (UNEP) participation. FAO, WFP, and IFAD
    conduct regular Rome-based agency coordination on climate change and
    other topics. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that FAO works with
    WFP, IFAD, and other U.N. agencies to match science and evidence-based
    solutions to national development plans, as part of the follow-up to
    the U.N. Food Systems Summit held on September 23.

        Question. What role should FAO have in assisting member nations in
    developing their National Adaptation Plans (NAPs)?

        Answer. As the lead U.N. agency for agriculture, FAO provides
    expert guidance to countries on the agriculture, forestry, and
    fisheries sectors in their NAPs. Through targeted guidelines, FAO plays
    a pivotal role in assisting members in reducing vulnerability of the
    agriculture sectors to the impacts of climate change by building
    adaptive capacities and resilience, addressing agriculture in the
    formulation and implementation of NAPs, and enhancing the integration
    of adaptation in agricultural development policies, programs and plans.
    If confirmed, I will work to ensure that FAO continues to integrate
    climate change adaptation into all of its programs and provides better
    climate-adaptation evaluations and data.
        U.S. Leadership & Donor Engagement: Donor investments to U.N. food
    agencies increased in 2020, but the increase did not match the surge in
    global food needs, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Up to 161
    million more people faced hunger in 2020 compared to 2019. As you know,
    humanitarian appeals, including those focused on food assistance, often
    remain grossly underfunded. The United States is the largest financial
    contributor to the U.N. food agencies.

        Question. How much funding do you think the United States should
    provide to the U.N. food agencies in Rome?

        Answer. The United States is the largest single financial
    contributor to the Rome-based agencies, and our generosity to this
    partnership has saved millions of lives. With the generous bipartisan
    support of the Congress, U.S. financial contributions have remained
    relatively steady over the last few years. The United States needs to
    continue to press others to do their share in shouldering their
    financial obligations to support these agencies. If confirmed, I will
    continue to press other countries and stakeholders for an equitable
    division of funding responsibility and burden sharing to fulfil
    humanitarian and development needs.

        Question. If confirmed, you will help lead donor engagement. In
    what ways can the agencies improve their outreach efforts given that
    current engagement has not resulted in adequate fundraising?

        Answer. It is critically important that other countries and non-
    state actors step up to match the incredible generosity of the American
    people. Humanitarian needs are increasing globally, and they will
    continue to rise if we continue to see growing conflicts, pandemics,
    and climate shocks. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the Rome-based
    agencies apply a focused and coordinated approach towards resource
    mobilization and financing throughout each organization. If confirmed,
    I will also press the agencies to identify new sources of revenue and
    will urge other donor countries to maintain or increase their
    contributions in the face of increasing needs.

    Climate
        Question. In 2010, FAO launched climate-smart agriculture designed
    to help develop technical, policy, and investment conditions to achieve
    sustainable and secure agriculture development under climate change.

       Should the United States increase its technical and financial
            contributions to support this initiative?

        Answer. The FAO's Climate Smart Agriculture initiative is an
    important part of the U.N.'s commitment to address climate change, and,
    if confirmed, I look forward to working with the FAO to ensure that the
    initiative advances our climate change goals. Additionally, if
    confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that U.S. leadership, led by the
    Climate-Smart Agriculture and Forestry Partnership Initiative recently
    announced by Secretary Vilsack, will guide FAO's work in this
    initiative.

    Agriculture
        Question. Agriculture, including forestry, fisheries, and livestock
    production, generate around a fifth of the world's greenhouse gas
    emissions. The Mitigation of Climate Change in Agriculture (MICCA)
    program generates technical knowledge, working on the ground to
    monitor, assess, and implement mitigation strategies.

       How can this program be strengthened?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that farmers have
    access to available tools and scientific advancements, especially new
    technologies for sustainable, climate-smart agriculture. In particular,
    USDA's new Climate-Smart Agriculture Partnership Initiative can provide
    guidance to the Rome-based agencies to enhance and create new markets
    and streams of income for farmers while strengthening rural economies
    and improving tracking and monitoring of greenhouse gas emissions and
    carbon sequestration.

        Question. How should FAO engage to address global agriculture's
    contribution to the climate crisis (i.e., reducing agriculture's carbon
    footprint and increasing the capacity of Agricultural activities to
    capture carbon) and prioritize climate mitigation?

        Answer. FAO has a key role in ensuring the development of agri-food
    systems that produce more food with more socio-economic benefits, but
    less impact on the environment and natural resources. If confirmed, I
    will ensure FAO continues to support countries to enhance capacities to
    implement Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and to adapt to
    and mitigate the effects of climate change through evidence-based
    programs and projects related to the agriculture, land, water, and food
    sectors.

        Question. How should FAO approach aquatic resource protection and
    better integrate marine-based foods (seafood) into its programming?

        Answer. Seafood from fisheries and aquaculture are a vital source
    of food and nutrition in the diets of many around the world--supplying
    both critical protein and high-quality nutrition to billions--and they
    are crucial components in sustainable development and developing
    climate-resilient food systems. If confirmed, I will strongly support
    efforts by the FAO to recognize the unique role of fisheries and
    aquaculture in the global food system and promote actions to protect
    the important contributions of fisheries and aquaculture to global food
    security.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Cindy Hensley McCain by Senator James E. Risch

    Humanitarian Assistance
        Question. Long-established humanitarian principles suggest that
    food aid should be ``agnostic,'' meaning that it should be targeted
    toward those with the greatest need regardless of their affiliation.
    Unfortunately, there is also a long history of food aid being used by
    malign actors as a weapon against those it is meant to help.

       If confirmed, are you prepared to halt aid deliveries to areas
            where it is being manipulated by malign actors?

        Answer. The World Food Program has significant experience
    programming humanitarian assistance in conflict settings and continues
    to strengthen its systems of oversight to ensure that assistance is not
    misused. With U.S. support, the World Food Program (WFP) has developed
    robust systems for beneficiary identification and risk mitigation and
    has stopped distributions-in Yemen, Syria, and elsewhere-when it
    determined food risked being stolen or diverted. If confirmed, I will
    seek to ensure that assistance is delivered to those who most need it
    and is not manipulated by malign actors.
        The World Food Program takes a blended approach in its food aid
    programs: it provides commodities in areas where food is scarce and
    market-based assistance (electronic transfers, vouchers, etc.) where
    food is available but inaccessible. When providing commodities, the
    agency often has to provide ``blanket'' feeding. When providing market-
    based assistance, there is room to target assistance more deliberately.
    There are benefits and risks associated with each of these approaches.
    If confirmed, it will be your job to find ways to maximize the benefits
    and minimize the risks associated with each of these approaches, so
    that the WFP can reach the right people with the right support in the
    right place at the right time.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advocating for the use
    of biometrics within the World Food Program and across other U.N.
    agencies, particularly when providing market-based assistance, in order
    to more effectively target assistance, verify beneficiaries, and
    eliminate duplication and waste?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for the implementation of
    effective and context appropriate accountability and monitoring
    mechanisms, in addition to coordinated needs assessments, to ensure
    that food assistance reaches the people who need it most. Biometrics is
    an appropriate accountability tool in contexts with the requisite
    technology, and if confirmed, I will support the implementation of the
    most effective accountability tools.

        Question. Beyond biometrics, are there other ways in which you
    would seek to enhance the WFP's efficiency and effectiveness, so we can
    stretch U.S. food aid dollars farther and save more lives?

        Answer. The U.S. Government and WFP work closely together to refine
    methods for beneficiary targeting and identification, to seek
    efficiencies in the transport and delivery of food, and to monitor and
    evaluate programs to improve impact and minimize opportunities for
    waste, fraud, abuse or diversion. The United States has partnered with
    WFP to advance technical solutions and innovations, in order to ensure
    more efficient delivery of assistance. If confirmed, I will take an
    active interest in further enhancing our collaboration to ensure the
    most efficient use of taxpayer funds to reach the largest possible
    number of people in need.

    Balanced Assistance
        Question. The United States works both bilaterally and through
    multilateral institutions - including the United Nations food and
    agriculture agencies in Rome--to ameliorate humanitarian conditions,
    promote food security, and catalyze agriculture-led economic growth in
    developing countries.

       In your view, what is the appropriate balance between U.S.
            bilateral and multilateral assistance for food aid and food
            security?

        Answer. Given the growing complexity and number of global
    humanitarian crises, the flexibility to use the right tool in each
    intervention and to work with a range of implementing partners is
    critical. The U.S. Government relies on U.N. partners, including the
    U.N. World Food Program and the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization,
    as well as a number of NGO partners to implement food and nutrition
    programs around the globe. Each crisis calls for a unique blend of
    partners and assistance modalities to ensure that beneficiaries are
    reached with the right assistance. Both bilateral and multilateral
    assistance is critically important, and the appropriate balance varies
    across countries and contexts. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
    that we utilize appropriate, accountable, and cost-effective
    humanitarian assistance mechanisms to meet food security needs.

        Question. Are there instances when U.S. bilateral assistance might
    be more appropriate than assistance delivered through the U.N. agencies
    for food and agriculture?

        Answer. The United States provides robust bilateral and
    multilateral assistance through USAID. USAID works with a range of
    implementing partners, including U.N. agencies and NGO partners, to
    carry out its mission of saving lives and reducing food insecurity. If
    confirmed, I am committed to evaluating and supporting effective,
    efficient, and accountable delivery of food assistance through the most
    appropriate means, whether bilateral or as delivered through the U.N.
    agencies for food and agriculture.

        Question. What role could or should the private sector play in
    promoting food security and catalyzing agriculture-led economic growth?

        Answer. Improving U.N. food security agencies' agility in terms of
    creative and innovative partnerships, including with the private
    sector, has been a long-term U.S. policy priority. The United States
    consistently emphasizes the need to integrate private sector views,
    expertise, and resources during the U.N. Food Systems Summit planning
    process. This includes the need to account for the aspirations and
    daily concerns of farmers themselves. If confirmed, I will not support
    the private sector as an indispensable part of the solution to today's
    challenges and will its critical role in advancing food security and
    agriculture-led economic growth.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advancing science-based
    approaches to promoting food insecurity at the Food and Agriculture
    Organization, including through the use of innovative agricultural
    technologies?

        Answer. Advancing science-based approaches is at the core of this
    administration's policies on addressing food insecurity. If confirmed,
    I commit to working closely with the U.N. agencies for food and
    agriculture and other United Nations Member States to press for
    science-based decision making and greater acceptance of biotechnology.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                         WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:07 p.m. by
    videoconference, Hon. Chris Van Hollen, presiding.
        Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Menendez, Cardin,
    Shaheen, Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, Booker, Schatz,
    Risch, Rubio, Johnson, Romney, Portman, Paul, Young, Barrasso,
    Cruz, Rounds, and Hagerty.
        Also Present: Senators Duckworth, Udall, and Graham.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

        Senator Van Hollen. Good afternoon, everybody, officially.
    Welcome to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing.
        We have some terrific nominees we are going to hear from
    this afternoon. Before I give some brief opening remarks,
    though, in deference to our colleagues who are here to
    introduce some of our nominees, I am going to turn it over to
    them.
        I understand we have Senator Markey here to introduce
    Leader Cronin. We have Senator Barrasso here to introduce Dr.
    Gawande, and we, I think, are expecting Senator Duckworth to
    introduce Captain Sullenberger.
        Why don't we kick this off? I see Senator Barrasso.
        Senator Barrasso, why do not you kick us off and please
    introduce Dr. Gawande?

                    STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN BARRASSO,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM WYOMING

        Senator Barrasso. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman, and I am
    pleased to welcome to the committee and to the Senate Dr. Atul
    Gawande, who is a fellow physician, and President Biden has
    nominated him to be Assistant Administrator for Global Health
    at USAID.
        Dr. Atul Gawande is truly a highly respected and well known
    voice in American medicine. He is a surgeon. He is a writer. He
    is a researcher. In domestic health care discussions, he
    normally needs no introduction.
        Dr. Gawande has devoted his life to public health as well
    as to medicine. His appreciation for the field started with his
    parents. They were both physicians, doctors, who emigrated from
    India to the United States.
        He earned a Bachelor's degree in biology and political
    science from Stanford University. He is a Rhodes Scholar,
    earned a Master's degree in philosophy, politics, and economics
    at Oxford. Graduated from Harvard Medical School. Also earned a
    Master's of public health.
        Dr. Gawande completed his general surgical residency
    training at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston, and in
    2006, he was named a MacArthur Fellow for his work researching
    and explaining problems faced by surgeons in training.
        Dr. Gawande continues caring for patients as a general and
    endocrine surgeon at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston. He
    is a professor at Harvard Medical School.
        He is training the next generation of doctors and, as a
    professor, he is focused on surgical safety, avoiding errors,
    and health system innovation.
        Mr. Chairman, over the years, Dr. Gawande has come to this
    very office in this room where I am sitting today doing this
    introduction to meet in a bipartisan way with groups of
    senators to discuss issues of health care, and he and I know
    that there are a number of political issues on which he and I
    do not agree.
        But let me just tell you why I am here in front of the
    committee today. For nearly 20 years, I have been pointing to
    his remarkable books, and when I talk with medical students I
    bring the books.
        When I talk to sometimes lay organizations and groups, I
    talk to the books. When I talk about health care and health
    care providers, I talk to the books. I have all four of them
    here.
        The first one I read was called ``Complications: A
    Surgeon's Notes on an Imperfect Science.'' Knowing how
    realistic he is and understanding even though you do your very
    best and put forth your best efforts, it does not always work
    out the way you would like as a surgeon.
        The next book I read was one called ``Better: A Surgeon's
    Notes on Performance,'' all aimed at improving performance, in
    getting better. Even though we live in a world that is
    complicated, we can always try to do better.
        And then we have Sully up here going to be nominated. ``The
    Checklist Manifesto,'' taken from pilots, what pilots have
    learned and how we can apply those in the operating room and we
    have, certainly, done that at the Wyoming Medical Center and at
    hospitals all across the country, and I believe thousands of
    lives have been saved by avoiding medical errors as a result of
    the work that he has done.
        And then the book that Senator Booker made reference to,
    Atul Gawande ``Being Mortal,'' what happens as we age in life
    and how we care for our parents, and then how our children end
    up caring for us.
        Dr. Gawande has a commitment to excellence, and you read
    through his books and you come up with the words of diligence,
    overcoming obstacles, avoiding errors, which is why I believe
    he would be a very valuable asset and why I am happy to
    introduce him today.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Barrasso, and thank
    you for being here to introduce Dr. Gawande.
        And now I am going to turn it over to our colleague,
    Senator Markey, who is going to be introducing Leader Cronin,
    who has been nominated to be our Ambassador to Ireland.
        Senator Markey?

                  STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

        Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr.
    Chairman.
        It is my pleasure today to introduce my friend, Claire
    Cronin, as the President's nominee to be the United States
    Ambassador to the Republic of Ireland, and I would also like to
    take this time to send my warmest regards to her husband, Ray,
    and two daughters, Kara and Kerry, who I am sure are watching
    right now.
        Claire, fittingly, comes before us today as a proud public
    servant from eastern Massachusetts. In her hometown of
    Brockton, Massachusetts, the city of champions, the undefeated
    Rocky Marciano shattered boxing records to earn Brockton that
    title.
        The Marvelous Marvin Hagler amplified the legend, and
    Claire Cronin continued in that tradition by shattering glass
    ceilings and being a champion in her own right.
        The Massachusetts State Legislature, also known as the
    General Court, traces its earliest origins back to 1629 and the
    Massachusetts Bay Colony.
        Claire wrote one of its latest chapters by becoming the
    first female chair of the Judiciary Committee, and more
    recently, the first female majority leader of the Massachusetts
    House of Representatives.
        And while Claire will not be the first female U.S.
    Ambassador to Ireland, I will note that the only two others to
    hold that honorable posting also hail from Massachusetts.
        As a legislator, former litigator, professional mediator,
    Claire has always taken the time to listen and respond to the
    needs and concerns of a diverse set of constituents and
    stakeholders.
        I have seen the way she builds genuine deep bonds within
    her community by fighting to improve the lives of those she
    represents. Her commitment to public service, diplomatic
    acumen, and work ethic are supreme and all critical skills that
    will serve her well in Dublin.
        Claire's leadership has also earned her multiple honors.
    Most recently, she was awarded the Jewish Community Relations
    Council Legislative Leadership Award, and was also named the
    Emerge Massachusetts 2020 Woman of the Year.
        The U.S.-Ireland relationship is one of the warmest and
    closest we have. Our shared values and ancestral ties serve as
    a bedrock of our modern dynamic relations in the area of
    commerce, education, culture, and research.
        As a proud Irish American, Claire understands that
    foundation well, and as a maverick public servant she is the
    ideal candidate to deepen and expand the cross community
    engagement and ties between our two nations.
        There is an old Irish proverb that says, may the hinges of
    our friendship never grow rusty. I have the utmost confidence
    that with Claire at the helm, our relation with Ireland will
    flourish very, very greatly for the 21st century.
        Congratulations on your nomination, Claire. I look forward
    to seeing the history you write in the next chapter.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Markey,
    for being here with those good words.
        And I see my colleague and friend and ranking member of the
    Africa Subcommittee, Mike Rounds, is here now and we are both
    honored to be chairing this full committee hearing for these
    great witnesses.
        Now let me turn it over to Senator Duckworth who is going
    to be introducing Captain C. B. ``Sully'' Sullenberger III to
    be the representative to the Council of the International Civil
    Aviation Organization.
        Senator Duckworth, take it away.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY DUCKWORTH,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS

        Senator Duckworth. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. It is
    so hard to follow Senator Markey. I am not as poetic as he is,
    but I will do my best.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Duckworth. It is a real privilege to join the
    committee today to introduce my good friend, fellow pilot and
    President Biden's nominee for the distinguished rank of
    ambassador and U.S. Representative to the Council of the
    International Civil Aviation Organization, Captain Chesley
    Burnett ``Sully'' Sullenberger III.
        Mr. Chairman, Captain Sullenberger has dedicated his entire
    professional life to the pursuit of aviation safety. I commend
    President Biden for nominating him to represent our nation
    before ICAO and I am confident that his expertise, experience,
    and dedication to public service will strengthen our efforts to
    achieve greater cooperation in international air
    transportation.
        He will restore America's leadership in international
    institutions at a time when our adversaries are openly
    questioning our capabilities. The United States' FAA and our
    aviation regulations are the gold standard for the world.
        This gold standard has been tarnished by the failures in
    oversight of the Boeing MAX-8's development and deployment. We
    are fixing these failures here at home, but our adversaries
    seek to undermine America's leadership by exploiting tragedy
    for their geopolitical gain.
        Captain Sullenberger's confirmation as Ambassador to the
    ICAO will immediately send a signal to the world that United
    States excellence in aviation and aviation safety is here to
    stay.
        While he is best known for piloting the Miracle on the
    Hudson, Captain Sullenberger is a longtime aviation safety
    expert, a renowned public speaker, and a successful author.
        Born and raised in Denison, Texas, Captain Sullenberger
    pursued his childhood love of aviation by learning to fly while
    still in high school. He pursued his passion for flying at the
    United States Air Force Academy, where he received the
    Outstanding Cadet in Airmanship Award.
        He went on to serve as a fighter pilot in the United States
    Air Force, serving in both North America and Europe, and became
    a flight leader and training officer attaining the rank of
    captain.
        After serving our nation in uniform, Captain Sullenberger
    became an airline pilot with Pacific Southwest Airlines in
    1980, which was then later acquired by U.S. Airways, and he
    flew with U.S. Airways until his retirement in 2010, though he
    still flies privately.
        Throughout his career, Captain Sullenberger has been an
    active and passionate safety advocate. While in the Air Force,
    he was selected to perform accident investigation duties and
    later he also served as a representative of the Airline Pilots
    Association during National Transportation Safety Board
    accident investigations.
        Captain Sullenberger served as APA's local air safety
    chairman, where he contributed to FAA advisory circulars. He
    was also instrumental in developing, implementing, and
    eventually teaching U.S. Airways' crew resource management
    course.
        Of course, Captain Sullenberger may be best known for his
    heroic actions on January 15th of 2009 when he and his crew
    safely guided U.S. Airways Flight 1549 through an emergency
    water landing in New York City's Hudson River after their
    Airbus A-320 lost thrust following bird strikes in both
    engines.
        Thanks to the calm and collected leadership of Captain
    Sullenberger and his fellow crew members, tragedy was avoided
    that day and all 155 people aboard Flight 1549 were rescued and
    reconnected with their families.
        Because of him and his crew, children still have their
    parents, grandmothers and grandfathers were there for the birth
    of their grandchildren, and many more lives were impacted
    positively than just the 155 he saved on that day.
        Time Magazine ranked Captain Sullenberger second in its top
    100 most influential heroes and icons of 2009, and France
    awarded him their highest order of merit, the Legion of Honor.
        Captain Sullenberger is presently an international lecturer
    and keynote speaker focusing on the importance of aviation
    safety, high-performance systems improvement, leadership and
    crisis management, among other topics.
        It speaks to Sully's love of country that after already
    serving his nation in uniform and after a second career
    ensuring the safety of the flying public he is now willing to
    take on this new tour of duty.
        When he called me and said he was thinking of accepting
    this nomination, I both cheered him on and offered him words of
    caution because he is taking on a heck of a lot, and I am so
    grateful that he is willing to do it.
        We Americans are lucky to have Captain Sullenberger on our
    side and that he will be our representative, and the world is
    lucky that he will be there, once confirmed, as Ambassador to
    the ICAO to truly regain aviation safety as a premier
    institution when it comes to the traveling public.
        If confirmed, I have no doubt that Captain Sullenberger
    will continue his long-standing passion for safety and
    cooperation in global air travels as our nation's Ambassador to
    the ICAO.
        I thank the committee for allowing me to introduce my
    friend and strongly encourage all senators to support Captain
    Sullenberger's nomination to be ICAO Ambassador.
        I yield back, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Duckworth, for that
    very eloquent and, I would say, poetic as well introduction.
        And I am just going to introduce briefly the members of our
    second panel. I will have a fuller introduction later. We just
    had introductions from the three distinguished nominees on our
    first panel. We have another round of equally distinguished
    nominees on the second panel and I am just going to go through
    that list.
        We have with us Mr. Kent Doyle Logsdon to be Ambassador to
    the Republic of Moldova, Ms. Sharon L. Cromer to be Ambassador
    to the Republic of Gambia, Ambassador Virginia E. Palmer to be
    our Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana, and Howard A. Van
    Vranken to be Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.
        I am going to keep my opening remarks short because we have
    a lot to cover, and as Senator Rounds and my colleagues know,
    we also have a couple of votes that are scheduled to take place
    shortly. We will have to juggle those.
        These hearings, of course, are a very important part of the
    Senate's constitutional responsibility of advice and consent,
    and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has historically
    taken this responsibility very seriously.
        This hearing is part of that process. I will say, and the
    chairman of the full committee, Senator Menendez, has mentioned
    this, we do have a backlog of nominees who have been appointed
    by the President, recommended by the President, but still do
    not have hearings scheduled.
        And so it is really important as we do our constitutional
    duty and also make sure that we are addressing the national
    security and foreign policy concerns of our country that we get
    those folks through the hearing process just as quickly as
    possible.
        With that said, I am pleased that we have these seven
    exceptional nominees before us today on two panels. These
    nominees, if confirmed, will help promote the United States'
    interests on issues of central importance to our country and to
    this committee, including aviation safety, climate change,
    bolstering the global pandemic response and vaccine rollout,
    and strengthening our relationships in key countries in Europe
    and in Africa.
        We have big challenges ahead but I am made more optimistic
    by the sterling credentials, diverse backgrounds, and
    impressive careers of today's nominees.
        We are joined by several distinguished career members of
    the Foreign Service, a Senate-confirmed Ambassador, a respected
    state legislator, a leading surgeon and public health
    researcher and writer, and one living breathing Miracle on the
    Hudson.
        And by the way, if you have not seen the movie ``Sully'' I
    recommend it to you. I just saw it again recently.
        Welcome to all of you. Now I want to turn it over to my
    colleague, Senator Rounds, for any opening remarks, and then we
    will begin with witness testimony.
        Senator Rounds?

                     STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Good afternoon to all of you on what is no doubt one of the
    proudest days of your life and that of your families. Your
    commitment to public service is commendable. I want to thank
    you and your families for your willingness to serve.
        Let me just begin by just saying I am a part of the Sully
    Sullenberger fan club. Captain Sullenberger, you were piloting
    U.S. Airways Flight 1549 on January 15 of '09 when it struck a
    flock of geese, taking out both engines. Your quick action to
    ditch the plane in the Hudson River saved all 155 souls on
    board.
        After serving as an Air Force pilot and 30 years as an
    ATP--an air transport pilot--you have spent the last 10 years
    as an international lecturer and keynote speaker on a number of
    topics, including aviation safety.
        I will be interested to hear about your concerns and
    priorities for the ICAO, China's rising influence in
    international bodies such as the ICAO, and whether ICAO might
    play a role in helping restore post-pandemic international air
    travel.
        Dr. Gawande, if confirmed, you will bring decades of
    experience in medicine and public health to the USAID. I
    believe your work running various public health nonprofits may
    provide management and logistics experience relevant to USAID's
    enormous global health supply chains.
        If confirmed, you will need to navigate a highly fractured
    U.S. Government response to the global COVID-19 pandemic. You
    will also have to manage USAID's relationship with the CDC,
    which for decades has been fraught with conflict, particularly
    in countries where both agencies have a presence.
        I will be interested to hear your views on how you plan to
    help elevate global health security and pandemic preparedness
    as a national security priority.
        As the ranking member of the Africa and Global Health
    Policy Subcommittee, I would appreciate hearing your views
    about the future of U.S.-China collaboration on public health
    in Africa generally and the Africa CDC specifically.
        I also note that you have described abortion as a woman's
    right to choose. I am pro-life. I would like to hear whether
    you think USAID funding should go to support abortion in
    foreign countries.
        Ms. Cronin, as we all know, the United States and Ireland
    enjoy close relations and have extensive historical and
    cultural ties. More than 31.5 million U.S. citizens and
    residents claim Irish ancestry, and I suspect even more on the
    17th of March.
        Ireland is a reliable international partner and is
    currently a rotating member of the U.N. Security Council. We
    have worked closely with Ireland, particularly on pushing back
    on China's abuses.
        That does not mean there is not hard work to be done. There
    is room for improvement in the area of countering human
    trafficking, for example.
        It will also be a challenge to persuade Ireland to adopt
    widely-accepted economic measures that it perceives might make
    it less attractive for foreign investment, such as the 15
    percent global corporate tax minimum.
        I also look forward to hearing about how you might draw
    upon your background as an attorney, mediator, and skilled
    politician to reinvigorate implementation of the Good Friday
    Agreement in the wake of COVID and the post-Brexit and Northern
    Ireland Protocol.
        Thank you all for being here today and I look forward to
    your comments.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
        Now we will go straight to our witness testimony and why do
    not we lead off with Captain Sullenberger?
        Captain Sullenberger, let me turn it over to you.

    STATEMENT OF CAPT. C.B. SULLENBERGER III OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO
       BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE
     COUNCIL OF THE INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION ORGANIZATION WITH
          THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE

        Captain Sullenberger. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds,
    members of the committee, I am deeply honored to be with you
    today as the President's nominee to become the U.S.
    Representative on the Council of the International Civil
    Aviation Organization.
        Please allow me to begin my statement today with a few
    comments about my biggest supporters, my wife, Lorrie, and our
    two daughters, Kate and Kelly. Kate, our older daughter, is a
    doctor of veterinary medicine in an emergency clinic. Kelly is
    working full time as a manager of enrollment for a major
    university and will finish her Ph.D. in the spring.
        My wife, Lorrie, put her career on hold to stay home with
    our girls when, as an airline pilot, I was gone two-thirds of
    every month. We were equal partners in leading our family
    through decades of airline life, and we are so grateful that
    both of our young women found their life passions early and
    have pursued them so enthusiastically and successfully. If
    confirmed, Lorrie and I are looking forward to an exciting new
    chapter in our lives.
        Mr. Chairman, I am deeply grateful to the President for
    this nomination and the confidence in me that he and Secretary
    of State Blinken have shown by asking that I assume this
    important role.
        I seek this position because I want to once again serve
    this nation that has afforded me such wonderful opportunities
    that have filled my life with purpose and meaning.
        In leveraging my life experience, I want to help restore
    and rebuild U.S. leadership in global aviation and increase
    economic opportunity for all Americans while improving their
    safety and security when they travel by air.
        With COVID, climate change, and security threats, we are at
    an inflection point. While we are facing great challenges, we
    also have great opportunities to positively affect global
    aviation standards and recommended practices for decades to
    come.
        At several points in my over half-century aviation career,
    along with my many colleagues, I have made significant
    contributions to our aviation progress.
        At each juncture, after each success, I have hoped that my
    greatest contributions might still lie ahead, and at this
    juncture that is still my hope and my goal.
        The International Civil Aviation Organization may be far
    from a household name but its purpose and performance are
    crucial to U.S. national security, and it benefits from the
    history of American leadership, dating to its founding in 1947.
        A remarkable growth in civil aviation over the last 75
    years is a testament not just to American innovation but also
    to the tangible value in multilateral bodies such as ICAO that
    facilitate cooperation, coordination, and mutual benefit.
        If confirmed, I would strive to extend the legacy of U.S.
    leadership on matters related to aviation safety and security
    and to harmonize the global aviation standards.
        I would underscore the administration's commitment to
    meaningful action on carbon offsets, sustainable aviation
    fuels, and gradual direct emissions reductions.
        I would also focus intently on actions to strengthen ICAO's
    culture of transparency and accountability, actions that cannot
    be delayed, given the recent history of mismanagement at the
    organization.
        I believe corrective measures became more achievable with
    the recent election of Juan Carlos Salazar as the
    organization's new secretary general and, if confirmed, I would
    be a relentless advocate for necessary reforms.
        I would also be attentive to the risks posed to
    international organizations such as ICAO by authoritarian
    states who see benefit in undermining the purpose and
    performance of these multilateral venues.
        Standard-setting bodies such as ICAO must work for the
    benefit of all its members, and in keeping with their intended
    roles, principles, and values. For ICAO, that means the safety,
    security, and sustainability of civil aviation.
        That mission is threatened when member states disregard
    their international commitments, as in the case of the Belarus
    Ryanair incident or the repeated unannounced launch of missiles
    by the North Korean regime.
        I also understand that successful American engagement at
    ICAO requires the strongest possible relationships across
    federal agencies, including the Federal Aviation
    Administration, the Transportation Security Administration, and
    the Department of Transportation, and continuous conversation
    with aviation industry groups.
        Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I would succeed many capable
    American representatives before me, and I would make every
    effort to live up to their collective standard.
        If I am fortunate enough to represent the United States at
    ICAO it would be the honor of my lifetime.
        Thank you, and I welcome your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Captain Sullenberger follows:]

             Prepared Statement of Chesley Burnett Sullenberger III

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee: I am deeply
    honored to be with you today as the President's nominee to become the
    U.S. Representative on the Council of the International Civil Aviation
    Organization.
        Please allow me to begin my statement today with a few comments
    about my biggest supporters, my wife Lorrie and our two daughters, Kate
    and Kelly. Kate, our older daughter, is a doctor of veterinary medicine
    in an emergency clinic. Kelly is working full time as a manager in
    enrollment for a major university and will finish her PhD in the
    spring. Lorrie put her career on hold to stay home with our girls when
    as an airline pilot I was gone two thirds of every month. We were equal
    partners in leading our family through decades of airline life. And we
    are so grateful that both of our young women found their life passions
    early and have pursued them so enthusiastically and successfully. If
    confirmed, Lorrie and I are looking forward to an exciting new chapter
    in our lives.
        Mr. Chairman, I am deeply grateful to the President for this
    nomination and the confidence in me that he and Secretary of State
    Blinken have shown by asking that I assume this important role.
        I seek this position because I want to once again serve this nation
    that has afforded me such wonderful opportunities that have filled my
    life with such purpose and meaning. In leveraging my life experience, I
    want to help restore and rebuild U.S. leadership in global aviation and
    increase economic opportunity for all Americans, while improving their
    safety and security when they travel by air.
        With COVID, climate change, and security threats, we are at an
    inflection point. While we are facing great challenges, we also have
    great opportunities to positively affect global aviation standards and
    recommended practices for decades to come.
        At several points in my over half-century aviation career, along
    with many colleagues, I have made significant contributions to our
    aviation progress. At each juncture, after each success, I have hoped
    that my greatest contributions might still lie ahead. And at this
    juncture, that is still my hope and my goal.
        The International Civil Aviation Organization may be far from a
    household name, but its purpose and performance are crucial to U.S.
    national security, and it benefits from a history of American
    leadership dating to its foundation in 1947. The remarkable growth in
    civil aviation over the last 75 years is a testament not just to
    American innovation, but also to the tangible value in multilateral
    bodies such as ICAO that facilitate cooperation, coordination, and
    mutual benefit.
        If confirmed, I would strive to extend the legacy of U.S.
    leadership on matters related to aviation safety and security, and to
    harmonize global aviation standards. I would underscore the
    administration's commitment to meaningful action on carbon offsets,
    sustainable aviation fuels, and gradual direct emissions reductions.
        I would also focus intently on actions to strengthen ICAO's culture
    of transparency and accountability--actions that cannot be delayed
    given the recent history of mismanagement at the organization. I
    believe corrective measures became more achievable with the recent
    election of Juan Carlos Salazar as the organization's new Secretary
    General, and if confirmed, I would be a relentless advocate for
    necessary reforms.
        I would also be attentive to the risks posed to international
    organizations such as ICAO by authoritarian states who see benefit in
    undermining the purpose and performance of these multilateral venues.
    Standard-setting bodies such as ICAO must work for the benefit of all
    its members and in keeping with their intended roles, principles, and
    values. For ICAO, that means the safety, security, and sustainability
    of civil aviation. That mission is threatened when member states
    disregard their international commitments, as in the case of the
    Belarus Ryanair incident, or the repeated, unannounced launch of
    missiles by the North Korean regime.
        I also understand that successful American engagement at ICAO
    requires the strongest possible relationships across federal agencies,
    including the Federal Aviation Administration, the Transportation
    Security Administration, and the Department of Transportation, and
    continuous conversation with aviation industry groups.
        Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I would succeed many capable American
    representatives before me, and would make every effort to live up to
    their collective standard. The United States has every reason to be
    proud of its leadership and continued preeminence in civil aviation,
    and I carry that pride with me. If I am fortunate enough to represent
    the United States at ICAO, it would be the honor of my lifetime.
        Thank you, and I welcome your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Captain Sullenberger.
        And as I mentioned, we are going to have some votes going
    on but we are going to try and keep this hearing going.
        And I understand my colleague, Senator Rounds, is going to
    go vote and then he will return and I will go vote.
        Next, let us turn it over to Dr. Gawande, who has been
    nominated to be Assistant Administrator of the United States
    Agency for International Development for Global Health.
        Dr. Gawande?

    STATEMENT OF DR. ATUL A. GAWANDE OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO
     BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
                       INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

        Dr. Gawande. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen, Ranking Member Rounds, members of the
    committee, I am honored to appear today as President Biden's
    nominee for Assistant Administrator for Global Health at USAID.
        I am immensely grateful to President Biden and
    Administrator Power for putting their trust in me at this
    critical time. Serving in this role would be a privilege and
    responsibility my parents could not have imagined for a child
    of theirs when they met in Brooklyn in the 1960s as young new
    doctors from India.
        I would like to thank my late father, and among my family
    attending I would like to thank my mother and my sister,
    Sumeeta, for their love and support, my children, Walker,
    Hattie, and Hunter, who have made me so proud, and my wife,
    Kathleen, whose encouragement and sacrifices have made this
    opportunity possible.
        I have been among the beneficiaries of USAID's vital work.
    My father grew up in a village in Maharashtra that went from
    suffering recurrent famine and praying for food aid to growing
    cash crops like sugar cane and cotton for export, thanks to
    USAID's critical support of agricultural development in India
    years ago.
        Then as a child born in New York, I had an anaphylactic
    reaction to the smallpox vaccine, preventing my ability to
    complete vaccination and travel abroad.
        USAID's leadership in helping eradicate smallpox in 1979
    meant that I could not only travel and work in global health
    but even be nominated to lead the bureau and dedicated people
    behind that effort.
        If I am confirmed, I commit to working with you and others
    in Congress in a bipartisan manner to strengthen and support
    USAID's staff and to further the agency's longstanding
    leadership in global health, and I will seek to specifically
    address three simultaneous colossal needs: controlling COVID-
    19, preparing for the next pandemic, and strengthening global
    health systems to regain the massive ground lost in advancing
    life expectancy.
        The global health challenges that are facing USAID and our
    country are daunting. But if I am confirmed, I believe my
    career as a surgeon, journalist, and public health leader have
    prepared me for service as assistant administrator.
        Over the last two decades, I have had a singular focus on
    reducing suffering and saving lives through leadership and
    innovation, to reduce disparities in systems of health care and
    public health worldwide.
        In my research and writing, I have endeavored to expose
    gaps and produce solutions, and then in my public health roles
    I have worked to deliver those solutions widely.
        And from this firsthand experience, I have learned not just
    how to make investments but how to use them to make systems
    work across a wide range of domains in health.
        For instance, I led a global partnership that created a
    two-minute surgical safety checklist that was found in a trial
    in hospitals from Seattle to rural Tanzania to reduce
    complications and deaths by more than one-third. Then I helped
    lead a decade of work that has produced daily use of that
    checklist in 75 percent of surgical procedures globally.
        Through Lifebox, an NGO I co-founded, we lowered the cost
    of oxygen-monitoring equipment for operating rooms in low
    income countries by 80 percent.
        I also co-founded Ariadne Labs, a center for health systems
    innovation where we have improved the safety of childbirth in
    India and sub-Saharan Africa, strengthened outbreak response in
    the H1N1 Ebola and coronavirus pandemics, and improved primary
    care in low income countries.
        Early in 2020, I turned my work toward the coronavirus
    pandemic. I co-founded CIC Health, a public benefit corporation
    to provide logistics and operations for U.S. COVID-19 needs
    that our existing health system struggled to meet.
        We have provided now 3 million coronavirus tests and
    vaccinations across the Northeast and are now feverishly
    working to deliver testing capacity for thousands of schools in
    need.
        This experience, along with my publications in medical
    journals, the New Yorker, and elsewhere during the pandemic led
    to two additional roles.
        I was privileged to serve on the Biden-Harris Transition
    COVID-19 Advisory Board and then as a co-leader of STAT, a
    Rockefeller Foundation-supported alliance of COVID-19 officials
    for 40-plus states who have met weekly in a bipartisan manner
    for the last year to design and share solutions for controlling
    the pandemic.
        Across my work, I have seen the quiet unrecognized heroism
    of the people in our public health and development agencies
    across the country and the world.
        They have saved and are saving more lives than most will
    know by taking on the toughest health challenges of our time,
    and that is why I could not be more excited by the possibility
    of joining them at USAID.
        It is an extraordinary privilege to be here. I look forward
    to answering your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Dr. Gawande follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Dr. Atul Gawande

        Senator Van Hollen, Senator Rounds, members of the committee, I am
    honored to appear today as President Biden's nominee for Assistant
    Administrator for Global Health at the U.S. Agency for International
    Development. I am immensely grateful to President Biden and
    Administrator Power for putting their trust in me at this critical
    time.
        Serving in this role would be a privilege and responsibility my
    parents could not have imagined for a child of theirs when they met in
    Brooklyn in the 1960s as young new doctors from India. I would like to
    thank my mother, my late father, and my sister, Sumeeta, for their love
    and support; my children-Walker, Hattie, and Hunter-who have made me so
    proud; and my wife, Kathleen, whose encouragement and sacrifices have
    made this opportunity possible.
        I have been among the beneficiaries of USAID's vital work. My
    father grew up in a village in Maharashtra that went from suffering
    recurrent famine and praying for food aid to growing cash crops like
    sugar cane and cotton for export, thanks to USAID's critical support of
    agricultural development in India. Then, as a child, I had an
    anaphylactic reaction to the smallpox vaccine, preventing my ability to
    complete vaccination and travel abroad. USAID's leadership in helping
    eradicate smallpox in 1979 meant that I could not only travel and work
    in global health, but even be nominated to lead the bureau and
    dedicated people behind that effort.
        If confirmed, I commit to working with you and others in Congress
    in a bipartisan manner to strengthen and support USAID's staff and to
    further the agency's long-established leadership in global health. And
    I will seek to specifically address three simultaneous, colossal needs:
    controlling COVID-19; preparing for the next pandemic; and
    strengthening global health systems to regain the massive ground lost
    in advancing life expectancy.
        The global health challenges facing USAID and our country are
    daunting. But if confirmed, I believe my career as a surgeon,
    journalist, and public health leader have prepared me for service as
    Assistant Administrator. Over the last two decades, I have had a
    singular focus on reducing suffering and saving lives through
    leadership and innovation to reduce disparities in systems of health
    care and public health worldwide. In my research and writing, I've
    endeavored to expose gaps and produce solutions. In my public health
    roles, I've worked to deliver those solutions widely. And from this
    first-hand experience, I've learned not just how to make investments,
    but how to use them to make systems work across a wide range of domains
    in health.
        For instance, I led a global partnership that created a two-minute
    surgical safety checklist that was found in a trial in hospitals from
    Seattle to rural Tanzania to reduce complications and deaths by more
    than one-third. Then I helped lead a decade of work that has produced
    daily use of the checklist in 75 percent of surgical procedures
    globally. Through Lifebox, an NGO I co-founded, we lowered the cost of
    oxygen-monitoring equipment for operating rooms in low-income countries
    by 80 percent. I also founded Ariadne Labs, a center for health systems
    innovation that has improved the safety of childbirth in India and sub-
    Saharan Africa; improved U.S. care in serious, life-limiting illness;
    strengthened outbreak response in the H1N1, Ebola, and coronavirus
    pandemics; and improved primary care in low-income countries.
        Early in 2020, I turned my work toward the coronavirus pandemic.
    Nothing has made the gaps in the delivery of health and survival
    clearer. I co-founded CIC Health, a public benefit corporation to
    provide logistics and operations for U.S. COVID-19 needs that our
    existing health systems struggled to meet. We have provided three
    million coronavirus tests and vaccinations across the northeast and are
    now working to deliver testing capacity for thousands of schools in
    need. This experience--along with my publications in medical journals,
    the New Yorker, and elsewhere during the pandemic--led to two
    additional roles. I was privileged to serve on the Biden-Harris
    Transition COVID-19 Advisory Board, and as co-leader of STAT, a
    Rockefeller Foundation-supported alliance of COVID-19 officials for 40-
    plus states who have met weekly for the last year to design and share
    solutions for controlling the pandemic.
        Across my work, I have seen the quiet, unrecognized heroism of the
    people in our public health and development agencies across the country
    and the world. They have saved and are saving more lives than most will
    ever know by taking on the toughest health challenges of our time. That
    is why I could not be more excited by the possibility of joining them
    at USAID.
        It is an extraordinary privilege to be here. I look forward to
    answering your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Leader Claire D. Cronin, who has been
    nominated to be our Ambassador to Ireland.
        Leader Cronin?

    STATEMENT OF HON. CLAIRE D. CRONIN OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED
       TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
                  UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO IRELAND

        Ms. Cronin. Thank you to Senator Markey for the kind
    introduction.
        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee,
    it is my honor to appear before you as President Biden's
    nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Ireland. I am grateful to
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their trust and
    confidence.
        If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to work closely with
    Congress and the administration to advance United States
    priorities and reinforce our shared values in Ireland.
        First, I would like to thank my husband, Ray, as well as
    our daughters, Kara and Kerry, for their love and support. I am
    also grateful to have the strong support of my brothers and
    sisters, and my close extended family--in-laws, cousins,
    nieces, and nephews, and of course, my dear friends, who have
    become a second family to me.
        My career is rooted in public service and the law. My path
    was shaped by the example set by my parents. My mother was a
    public school teacher and my father a Pearl Harbor survivor who
    served in the Pacific throughout World War Two. He attended law
    school with the help of the GI Bill when he returned home.
        I was honored to be elected to serve in the Massachusetts
    House of Representatives in 2012. I was grateful for the
    opportunity to serve as the first woman to chair the Judiciary
    Committee in the House and today as the first woman House
    Majority Leader.
        My experience as a mediator shaped my ability to work
    within the House in a constructive and bipartisan manner. When
    my grandfather left Donegal for the promise that America held,
    I cannot help but wonder what he would have thought if he knew
    his granddaughter will one day be testifying before this
    esteemed committee as the nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to
    Ireland.
        The Irish first arrived on our shores before the founding
    of our nation. Their significant contributions, sacrifice, and
    hard work helped define the American spirit and shape our
    success today.
        Over 30 million Americans claim Irish heritage. The
    historical, cultural, and economic ties between the United
    States and Ireland are undeniable and will forever unite our
    countries.
        This strong relationship is demonstrated within my own
    family. We are blessed and forever enriched by the addition of
    my sister-in-law Breffni, who was born and raised in Dublin.
        If confirmed, the safety and security of Americans in
    Ireland will be my top priority. If confirmed, I will also
    advance the shared values that are the bedrock of our enduring
    ties.
        These priorities include addressing global challenges
    together, increasing our shared prosperity, and strengthening
    our people-to-people ties.
        Ireland has a strong commitment to multilateral
    institutions, which is central in promoting peace, prosperity,
    and stability.
        While maintaining a policy of military neutrality, Ireland
    continues to be a valuable partner in maintaining global
    security through sustained contributions to U.N. peacekeeping,
    dependable humanitarian assistance, and membership in the D-
    ISIS Coalition.
        If confirmed, I will work with Ireland to ensure that
    addressing global challenges and partnering in global security
    continue to be strong elements of our bilateral relationship.
        Our economic relationship is the pillar of our strong ties.
    The U.S. is Ireland's strongest and largest trade and
    investment partner. More than 900 U.S. firms operate in
    Ireland, and Ireland is currently the ninth largest investor in
    the U.S.
        If confirmed, I will promote the United States as an
    investment and exchange destination for Irish companies and
    individuals, and advocate for increased two-way trade and
    investment to create jobs in the United States and Ireland.
        The United States and Ireland remain committed to the
    Belfast Good Friday Agreement, which has been the bedrock of
    peace, stability, and prosperity in Northern Ireland.
        If confirmed, I will encourage the United Kingdom, the
    European Union, and Ireland to engage in productive and
    cooperative dialogue to resolve the differences over the
    Northern Ireland Protocol. Our relationship is close and
    enduring, one that will continue to grow ever stronger as we
    work together on a range of shared issues.
        If confirmed, I will advance our shared priorities and
    values, expand our rich economic and commercial cooperation,
    and strengthen our people-to-people ties.
        Thank you for the opportunity to testify, and I look
    forward to answering your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Ms. Cronin follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Claire D. Cronin

        Thank you, Senator Markey, for the kind introduction.
        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, it is
    my honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to be U.S.
    Ambassador to Ireland. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken for their trust and confidence. If confirmed by the Senate, I
    pledge to work closely with Congress and the administration to advance
    United States priorities and reinforce our shared values in Ireland.
        First, I would like to thank my husband, Ray, as well as our
    daughters, Kara and Kerry, for their love and support. I am also
    grateful to have the strong support of my brothers and sisters and
    extended family, in-laws, cousins, nieces, and nephews.
        My career is rooted in public service and the law. My path was
    shaped by the examples set by my parents--my mother was a public school
    teacher and my father a Pearl Harbor survivor who served in the Pacific
    throughout World War II. He attended law school with the help of the GI
    Bill when he returned home.
        I was honored to be elected to serve in the Massachusetts House of
    Representatives in 2012. While serving, I was grateful for the
    opportunity to serve as the first woman chair of the Judiciary
    Committee in the House, and today as the first woman House Majority
    Leader.
        My experience as a mediator shaped my ability to work within the
    House in a constructive and bipartisan manner.
        When my grandfather left Donegal for the promise that America held,
    I can't help but wonder what he would have thought if he knew his
    granddaughter would one day be testifying before this esteemed
    committee as a nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Ireland.
        The Irish first arrived on our shores before the founding of our
    nation. Their significant contributions, sacrifice, and hard work
    helped define the American spirit and shape our success today. Over 30
    million Americans claim Irish heritage. The historic, cultural, and
    economic ties between the United States and Ireland are undeniable and
    will forever unite our countries.
        This strong relationship is demonstrated within my own family. We
    are blessed and forever enriched by the addition of my sister-in-law,
    Breffni, who was born and raised in Dublin.
        If confirmed, the safety and security of Americans in Ireland will
    be my top priority.
        If confirmed, I will also advance the shared values that are the
    bedrock of our enduring ties. These priorities include addressing
    global challenges together, increasing our shared prosperity, and
    strengthening our people-to-people ties.
        Ireland has a strong commitment to multilateral institutions, which
    are central in promoting peace, prosperity and stability.
        While maintaining a policy of military neutrality, Ireland
    continues to be a valuable partner in maintaining global security
    through sustained contributions to U.N. peacekeeping, dependable
    humanitarian assistance, and membership in the D-ISIS coalition.
        If confirmed, I will work with Ireland to ensure that addressing
    global challenges and partnering in global security continue to be
    strong elements of our bilateral relationship.
        Our economic relationship is a pillar of our strong ties. The
    United States is Ireland's strongest and largest trade and investment
    partner. More than 900 U.S. firms operate in Ireland and, Ireland is
    currently the ninth largest investor in the United States.
        If confirmed, I will promote the United States as an investment and
    exchange destination for Irish companies, and advocate for increased
    two-way trade and investment to create jobs in the United States and
    Ireland.
        The United States and Ireland remain committed to the Belfast/Good
    Friday Agreement, which has been the bedrock of peace, stability, and
    prosperity in Northern Ireland.
        If confirmed, I will encourage the United Kingdom, the European
    Union, and Ireland, to engage in productive and cooperative dialogue to
    resolve differences over the Northern Ireland Protocol.
        The United States' relationship with Ireland is close and
    enduring--one that will continue to grow ever stronger as we work
    together on a range of shared issues.
        If confirmed, I will advance our shared political priorities and
    values; expand our rich economic and commercial cooperation and
    strengthen our people-to-people ties.
        Thank you for the opportunity to testify and I look forward to
    answering your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Leader Cronin, and thank all
    of the nominees for their testimony here today, and now we will
    begin questions. We have got a lot of ground to try to cover.
        Let me start with you, Captain Sullenberger, and it really
    is a two-part question. You referenced in your testimony the
    fact that ICAO is conducting an investigation of the May 2021
    forced landing by Belarus of Ryanair.
        That was the flight bound for Lithuania, and they did it in
    order to arrest a dissident journalist, a flagrant violation of
    human rights, assault on the free press, and potentially a
    contravention of international aviation law.
        What options does ICAO have to address this kind of conduct
    in order to prevent a repeat of these kind of actions?
        Captain Sullenberger. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that
    important question, and it is a very important question
    internationally.
        The forced diversion of Ryanair Flight 4978 by Belarus for
    the arrest of an opposition journalist showed flagrant
    disregard for international norms of aviation security and
    safety and, clearly, undermined the critical trust between
    pilots and air traffic control in the flight information
    region.
        ICAO, as a U.N. organization responsible for setting global
    standards for the safety and security of international civil
    aviation, must ensure that those standards are upheld.
        If confirmed, I will continue to encourage our partners and
    allies to fully participate in the ICAO investigation by
    sharing all information relevant to the incident with ICAO's
    investigative team and to push for substantive findings,
    including a chronology of events to be presented to the Council
    in November.
        Already steps have been taken to sanction those involved,
    including the Belarus minister of transport, the air navigation
    commissioner, and another official.
        I think more action needs to be taken. There is, in the
    ICAO Charter Article 88, that in certain conditions we can
    temporarily remove the voting rights of a state for violating
    international norms.
        I think it requires a whole-of-government approach. We
    should be pulling every lever necessary to hold accountable
    those responsible for this act.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that response. Let me ask
    you briefly about the issue of climate change and ICAO's role
    in curbing carbon emissions from international aviation.
        I know you are aware of the CORSIA initiative. What more
    should we be doing in this area and what role can you and ICAO
    play in making even more progress, going forward?
        Captain Sullenberger. CORSIA is an important interim step
    and it is important that we begin immediately.
        As you know, with any crisis any denial or delay lowers our
    chances of success. The sooner we start, the more options we
    are going to have to deal with this existential threat, the
    better those options will be, and the lower the cost total in
    the long run.
        The administration supports legislative action to enable
    full U.S. implementation of CORSIA and, if confirmed, I will
    support this effort. Many U.S. airlines are already voluntarily
    beginning taking such action. Those actions remain voluntary
    through 2026.
        I think, again, a whole of government approach. Everything
    we can be doing we should be doing, including a wide
    distribution of sustainable aviation fuels in particular.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I am now going to--I see
    Senator Rounds has returned and I am going to turn it over to
    him for questioning and go vote.
        And Senator Rounds, I see Senator Shaheen is next after you
    but let me turn it over to you. I will be back. Thank you all.
        Senator Rounds. [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am
    just curious, will we be doing separate questioning for each of
    the members or can we discuss our questions with the entire
    panel at this time?
        Senator Van Hollen. I think--feel free to ask anybody. If
    there is interest, we can do another short round for this panel
    because I did have some questions for some of the other
    witnesses on this panel as well.
        Senator Rounds. Excellent. If it is okay with you, Mr.
    Chairman, I will do my questions with the entire panel and
    allow Senator Shaheen to do the same, and by that time you
    should be back in charge again.
        Senator Van Hollen. All right. Take care. Thanks. Thank
    you.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Let me just begin, first of all, by thanking all of you
    once again for participating and I want to begin with Captain
    Sullenberger.
        In your opening statement, you identified some priority
    areas that you will focus on at the I-C-A-O, or ICAO. Can you
    elaborate on what you see as the major U.S. interests for
    participation in ICAO, and also what benefits does the United
    States receive from membership?
        Captain Sullenberger. Thank you, Senator, for that
    important question.
        And that is part of why I want to serve in this capacity. I
    think it is important that we raise the level of awareness
    among the American people about what ICAO is and what it does
    and why it is important, and I want to use my public profile to
    help do that along with all my colleagues at FAA, at DOT, at
    TSA and in conference with your committee and the members.
        It is important that the American people understand that in
    ICAO they are responsible for setting and enforcing the best
    practices, the standards and recommended procedures that
    airlines and all aviation operators use globally, and it is
    important for safety and security of everyone who travels
    internationally by air that those standards be as high as are
    practicable and that they are uniform and harmonized throughout
    the world.
        And for American companies it is important that we try to
    harmonize these standards and practices globally so there are
    not great differences in procedures and standards between areas
    of the world, and it makes the whole use of airspace more
    efficient and makes our companies more successful and
    profitable.
        It is important that we--go ahead.
        Senator Rounds. No. Please finish.
        Captain Sullenberger. It is important in advancing U.S.
    economic interests, and one of the things that has been brought
    up already that we really need to do is to restore and make
    more robust U.S. leadership in global aviation because we have
    powerful strategic competitors out there, and particularly the
    PRC.
        And so we need to rally our allies, our partners, and like-
    minded states to promote values of democracy, of free markets,
    and not some of the values of autocratic states that appear in
    some ICAO documents at the request of the PRC that have been
    certified by the Communist Chinese Party, or that may include
    some of their rhetoric and their ideology.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you. That kind of leads into my
    second question, sir. Some policymakers are concerned about the
    increasing influence and role of countries that are viewed as
    U.S. competitors in U.N. bodies.
        For example, in recent years, U.N. specialized agencies,
    including ICAO, are increasingly being led by Chinese
    nationals. What is your assessment of China's efforts to
    increase its standing and influence in ICAO?
        Captain Sullenberger. Currently, because of the methodology
    that is used based upon nations' contributions to U.N.
    agencies, we are allowed certain members of U.S. nationals to
    work in certain U.N. agencies.
        Based upon our contributions and our funding for U.N.
    agencies, we should have at ICAO over 30 U.S. employees and now
    we have less than 10.
        That is one of the things that is foremost in my mind is to
    improve opportunities for employment at ICAO for Americans who
    have the knowledge, the skill, the expertise to improve
    aviation globally and to advance U.S. values and interests and
    not those of authoritarian states. That is one of the most
    important things that we can do.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir. And, look, I appreciate
    your stepping forward and participating in the public policy
    discussions. Thank you.
        Dr. Gawande, various provisions of law restrict the use of
    U.S. taxpayer funds to perform or promote abortion overseas. If
    confirmed, will you commit to upholding these laws in both
    letter and spirit?
        Dr. Gawande. I am very clear Congress makes the laws. USAID
    is not permitted to fund abortion and I am committed to
    continuing to comply with the laws and regulations that are--
    that pertain here.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you.
        The committee recently passed a bill to elevate global
    health security and pandemic preparedness as a national
    security priority, including by establishing a global health
    diplomacy lead at the State Department to better align the work
    of USAID and CDC in the field.
        If confirmed, will you commit to working with this
    committee to make sure it is faithfully implemented?
        Dr. Gawande. I will, certainly, work closely with the
    committee if the bill goes through to law to make sure it is
    appropriately--that we are in compliance with the law and that
    it is implemented.
        I strongly support improving our pandemic preparedness and
    global health security response and look forward to working
    with you for ways that we can expand our capabilities even
    further.
        Senator Rounds. Dr. Gawande, thank you very much.
        Ms. Cronin, Ireland's economic environment attracts foreign
    investment due to its low tax rates. There has been tension
    over Ireland's resistance to the 15 percent global corporate
    tax minimum that over 130 countries have already signed on to.
        How will you support efforts to advance solutions on tax
    issues with Ireland? And also, how would you help reconcile
    Ireland's differences with the global corporate tax minimum, or
    is there an alternative to be pursued?
        Ms. Cronin. Thank you very much, Senator, for your
    question. It is, certainly, an issue that has driven a great
    amount of discussion and, at times, controversy as we are
    moving forward with the U.S. proposed global minimum tax rate.
        As you rightly stated, over 130 countries have come to
    reach consensus on this rate, and the idea behind it to level
    the playing field relative to foreign direct investment in
    other countries.
        Ireland is one of the three countries within the EU who has
    not agreed to the minimum tax rate. I, certainly, recognize
    their desire for tax sovereignty, although Ireland has a very
    strong and positive climate for investment.
        They have a well-educated English-speaking and multilingual
    workforce, a strong judiciary, proximity to both the United
    States and the EU, good transportation links. All of these
    things are factors that businesses do consider when they decide
    to locate in another country or do business there.
        I think we have already seen that we have many, many
    industry leaders have a footprint in Dublin or in Ireland.
    Certainly, the tax rate--the 12.5 percent tax rate--is
    something that may have been attractive to those seeking to
    invest.
        But as I said earlier, there are many, many other factors
    which come into that decision. I think it is important to note
    the minimum global tax is a floor, not a ceiling. It does still
    allow good competition and a level playing field.
        I know Ireland is very committed to work within a
    multilateral framework. I would work, try to facilitate
    discussions with tax experts from the U.S. to meet with Irish
    Government officials, work within the EOCD to, hopefully, over
    time, promote this minimum tax with Ireland and hope that
    without too much longer that they may join with 130 other
    countries who have agreed to do so.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, and thank you once again for
    stepping forward. My time has expired, and at this time I would
    turn to Senator Shaheen.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Rounds, and
    congratulations to all of the nominees this afternoon. We look
    forward to the opportunity to serve with you.
        I want to begin, Captain Sullenberger, with you, because
    you mentioned in your opening remarks the Ryanair flight, and I
    had the opportunity to be in Lithuania shortly after that
    flight was brought down by Lukashenko in Belarus.
        And there was a real outrage not just in Lithuania but in
    Eastern European countries about the impact of a dictator being
    able to bring down a flight and how that would affect the
    freedom of all air travel.
        I wondered if you could speak to what you think ICAO could
    do to address any future attempts like we saw in Belarus that
    brought down a plane just for political purposes.
        Captain Sullenberger. It is very clear to me, Senator, that
    the United States must have an effective leadership role,
    again, with our allies, our partners, our like-minded states,
    to strengthen ICAO's standards so there is not a gap that
    autocrats can use and use our freedoms against us through
    deception, through coercion, to pose a situation where they say
    that there is a bomb threat and that the device might detonate
    if they fly into the next airspace or destination and that they
    must be diverted to Belarus.
        And again, that fractures the trust between air traffic in
    that region and--air traffic control and the pilots and it
    violates every norm.
        There is a debate about whether or not it violates
    international law. Perhaps the laws and the requirements, the
    standards, need to be strengthened to close these gaps that
    others might use to do something similar.
        We should be using every lever of power, every bit of
    influence we can, to isolate, to punish those who do these
    kinds of acts and make it less likely that anyone else will do
    that.
        But it is going to require a whole of government approach
    and a real effective partnership achieving consensus among many
    nations to do what needs to be done. It is going to be hard,
    but we have to start right now.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much for that response, and
    I hope you will, once confirmed, take the lead in trying to
    help make that happen at ICAO.
        Dr. Gawande, I want to follow up with you. I remember
    your--some of your articles were, really, blueprints as we were
    looking at trying to do the Affordable Care Act and put in
    place an improved health care system. Thank you so much for all
    of your writings and your research.
        I want to ask you about the global gag rule, because when
    the Biden-Harris administration took over one of the first
    things they did was to rescind the global gag rule, which I
    think has been very important to women and to families around
    the world because we know that it affects the ability of family
    planning agencies to really engage--often engage with their
    patients.
        Can you speak to the difference that that makes in the
    ability to provide for the health of women around the world?
        Dr. Gawande. Thank you, and thank you for the kind words,
    Senator.
        First, I want you to understand I am a strong believer in
    the evidence that voluntary family planning and reproductive
    health services are essential to women's health and that there
    is ample evidence of benefit to infant and child health as
    well.
        Second, I know there is a strong difference of views about
    the global gag rule and President Biden's decision to rescind
    the policy.
        But I think we can agree that we have had now decades of
    bipartisan support that has made the U.S. government the global
    leader in funding voluntary family planning. And not only that,
    it has made USAID the global leader in technical expertise for
    enabling voluntary family planning support.
        My core commitment, if I am confirmed to the agency, is
    going to be to, first, follow the law and applicable
    regulations, and then also advance our leadership in this
    space.
        The global gag rule rescission allows the reach of our
    programs at USAID to a wider range of organizations that are
    having a remarkable commitment while also complying with the
    laws that require that USAID not fund abortion.
        And so that ability to expand that leadership and that
    reach is the primary value that comes from that policy
    decision.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I really appreciate that answer
    and pointing out that family planning is not abortion, and we
    should stop including those organizations that help women
    determine their children, and how many children they can have
    and want to have and how to space out their families is
    different than abortion and we should stop treating them the
    same way. I appreciate that.
        Ms. Cronin, congratulations to you as well. As a neighbor--
    a neighboring legislator, I appreciate the barriers that you
    have broken in Massachusetts.
        And I wanted to--I am also the chair of the Subcommittee on
    Foreign Relations that deals with Europe and so I have been
    following the challenges relating to the implementation of the
    Northern Ireland Protocols as Britain has left Brexit.
        Can you talk about how you will work to ensure that the
    U.S. upholds its commitment to support trade to Northern
    Ireland and help ensure that the issues are being addressed in
    the framework of the protocol?
        Ms. Cronin. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And not only are we
    neighbors, I lived in Londonderry, New Hampshire, when you were
    elected as governor.
        Senator Shaheen. Oh, good.
        Ms. Cronin. Yes.
        [Laughter.]
        Ms. Cronin. Clearly, President Biden has stated that he is
    unequivocally committed to the preservation of the Good Friday
    Agreement. This is also very clearly shown with strong
    bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate in
    Congress--the Senate--and very strong bipartisan support as
    well.
        This will be a shared priority for both the United States
    and, certainly, for Ireland as well. They have repeatedly
    expressed great concern that the hard-fought gains of the Good
    Friday Agreement have been maintained.
        Recently, there has been some unrest regarding the Northern
    Ireland Protocol and its implications. If I were confirmed, I
    would work with Embassy London, Consul General in Belfast, and
    the Irish government to make sure that everyone would still
    come to the table and do everything possible and engage in
    constructive dialogue in order to preserve the hard-fought
    gains of the Good Friday Agreement.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I think that will be a real
    challenge as you take over your post, once confirmed.
        I look forward to working with all of you--I am sure I am
    out of time at this point--and really appreciate your
    responses.
        Ms. Cronin. Thank you.
        Senator Rounds [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
        I know that our chairman is on his way back, and prior to
    stepping into the next panel, I just--I wanted to ask Dr.
    Gawande one more question.
        I wanted to ask you a question touching on China, Africa,
    and public health. Amid an otherwise increasingly challenging
    relationship, the United States and China collaborated to
    assist the African Union stand up the Africa CDC.
        This offered hope that we and China could work together to
    address some of the world's most challenging problems. Has that
    collaboration continued in the wake of COVID-19 and will
    China's construction of the Africa CDC headquarters in Addis
    give China leverage when it comes to addressing public health
    concerns in Africa?
        Dr. Gawande. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
        Africa CDC has been an important organization for building
    capacity in Africa for public health services, public health
    structures and organization, and I think the critical part of
    my role, if I am confirmed, to the Global Health Bureau would
    be to engage directly with Africa CDC to ensure that our
    leadership, our close connection to Africa CDC, is sustained
    and that the global values that are reflected by the way we do
    our work are continued.
        We know that China has approached our--their contributions
    on COVID vaccines in a very transactional way. Where we have
    donated at the world's most massive level to COVAX and
    bilateral agreements for vaccines, China has approached it by
    only providing--primarily providing sales for profit and not
    upholding the same kinds of values and standards. I do think it
    is very important for us to be engaged in these organizations
    like Africa CDC.
        I will, lastly, point out that President Biden has elevated
    the Africa CDC director to become the head of PEPFAR and lead
    HIV/AIDS here as a nominee, and so he will come before this
    group as well, I suspect, and I think that this is all an
    important reflection of how much value Africa CDC has added in
    a short period of time.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Doctor.
        And, Mr. Chairman, I will turn the virtual gavel back over
    to you, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen [presiding]. Thank you. Thank you,
    Senator Rounds, and thank you all for your indulgence of all of
    us as we go to vote.
        And Senator Rounds really covered the question to Dr.
    Gawande that I want to focus on and just elaborate a little
    bit, because I think we are all pleased with the leadership
    that President Biden has shown in working to get vaccines
    deployed around the world and our contributions to COVAX.
        But we have got a long way to go, we, meaning the
    international community, especially in Africa where we have got
    17 percent of the world's population but only 2 percent of all
    the shots that have been delivered to date have been in Africa.
        And according to the most recent estimate from the World
    Health Organization, less than 4 percent of the African
    continent's population has been fully inoculated.
        We, on this committee and on the Africa Subcommittee and
    African Global Health Subcommittee, are going to want to work
    with you to address those issues.
        My final question is also to you, which is, obviously, we
    want to have all hands on deck to defeat the pandemic. But as
    you well know, there are all sorts of other diseases that claim
    people's lives around the world, including especially in
    Africa. And in many cases, as we have sort of surged resources
    to deal with COVID we have seen spikes in some of the other
    areas--diseases in other areas.
        Could you just talk a little bit about how we address both
    at the same time, even with the limited resources that we have
    got?
        Dr. Gawande. Yes. These are colossal and daunting
    challenges to both take on the COVID-19 threat that we have
    right in front of us, prepare for the next pandemic, but
    realize that the response and the effects of COVID have
    severely damaged health care systems and public health gains we
    have made over the last couple of years.
        We have seen vaccination for other conditions, for
    childhood illnesses, retreat. We have seen progress in
    preventing maternal and child death retreat. We have seen some
    of the same kinds of losses in our TB work.
        And I think the most critical opportunities that we have
    there are to now reengage, understanding that we still have--we
    will have well into 2022 and beyond coping with COVID and,
    therefore, we will have to reinvigorate our prevention of
    maternal and child death programs, our HIV/AIDS work, and our
    TB work.
        There are many opportunities to use our focus on COVID to
    strengthen the systems as a whole, help them get back on their
    feet, and make it possible to move forward on basic fronts like
    primary care and delivery of these kinds of capabilities.
        I think the bottom line will be that we have a extensive
    capability at USAID in those global health arenas. I think
    everybody has been all hands on deck on the COVID work and this
    is our opportunity to enable those teams now to also get back
    to advancing their lines of work, and if I am confirmed that is
    exactly what I will want to make sure we are doing.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Doctor.
        And Leader Cronin, I think Senator Shaheen asked one of the
    questions I was going to pose to you regarding Ireland and our
    efforts to establish at least some minimum international
    corporate tax and, really, the role that you will play in
    urging Ireland to really support that effort to prevent a race
    to the bottom.
        And I am going to submit for the record a couple questions
    regarding Brexit and its impact in relations with Northern
    Ireland and Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement.
        But let me say to all of you what a terrific group of
    nominees with great experience, and we are looking forward to,
    hopefully, having a fairly rapid markup and vote in the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee on all your nominations.
        I thank all of you for joining us, and now we are going to
    go to the second panel, unless there are any other members who
    have anything else to say.
        If not, round one is over and we are going to start the
    second round. Thank you all for being here and for joining us,
    and congratulations on your nominations.
        Dr. Gawande. Thank you.
        Captain Sullenberger. Thank you.
        Ms. Cronin. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
        Ms. Cronin. Thank you very much.
        [Pause.]
        Senator Van Hollen. All right. I, certainly, see some of
    the nominees for the second panel and I am going to kick this
    off with introductions for each of you, and then you can make
    your statements and then we will have a round of questions.
        I see another vote has just started so Senator Rounds and I
    will try to juggle this the way we did before.
        Let me just introduce all of our distinguished nominees. We
    have Kent Doyle Logsdon, who is a career member of the Senior
    Foreign Service and has spent the bulk of his three decades-
    long career in the European and Eurasia regions.
        He is currently chief of staff to the Under Secretary of
    State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment. Among
    his past assignments he served as Principal Deputy Assistant
    Secretary of State in the Bureau of Energy Resources, Deputy
    Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Berlin, and chief of
    staff to both the Deputy Secretary of State for Management
    Resources and the Deputy Executive Secretary of the State
    Department.
        He is the recipient of Presidential Meritorious Service
    Awards--the Presidential Meritorious Service Awards, as well as
    numerous other State Department performance awards.
        He speaks Russian, Ukrainian, Thai, and German, holds a
    Bachelor's degree from the University of Notre Dame and a
    Master's degree from the University of Virginia.
        Welcome to you, Mr. Logsdon.
        We also have Sharon L. Cromer, who is a career member of
    the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as the USAID
    Mission Director at the U.S. Embassy in Accra, Ghana. Among her
    many past assignments, Ms. Cromer served as USAID Mission
    Director at the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam and at the U.S.
    Embassy in Abuja.
        Ms. Cromer has also served in USAID as the Senior Deputy
    Assistant Administrator and Acting Assistant Administrator in
    the Africa Bureau, as Deputy Assistant Administrator in the
    Management Bureau, and as Acting Senior Deputy Assistant
    Administrator and Acting Assistant Administrator in the Bureau
    of Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance.
        She is a recipient of a Presidential Rank Award, the USAID
    Administrators Reengineering Award, and a State Department
    Superior Honor Award.
        Ms. Cromer earned her BA from Barnard College and her JD
    from Georgetown University Law School.
        Welcome to you, Ms. Cromer.
        Ambassador Virginia E. Palmer is a career member of the
    Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as both Principal
    Deputy Assistant Secretary and as Acting Assistant Secretary
    for the State Department's Bureau of Energy Resources.
        Previously, she served as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
    of Malawi where she oversaw an annual bilateral assistance
    budget of over $500 million and the work of 11 U.S. government
    agencies.
        Among her other past assignments Ambassador Palmer has also
    served as Deputy Chief of Mission and charge d'affaire ad
    interim at the U.S. Embassy in South Africa and Deputy Chief of
    Mission and charge d'affaire ad interim at the U.S. Embassy in
    Vietnam.
        Ambassador Palmer is the recipient of numerous superior
    honor, meritorious honor, and senior performance awards and
    speaks both Chinese and French. She received her Bachelor's of
    Science in Foreign Service degree from Georgetown University
    and her MA from the University of Virginia.
        Welcome to you, Ambassador Palmer.
        And Howard A. Van Vranken is a career member of the Senior
    Foreign Service and the Executive Director and Deputy Executive
    Secretary at the State Department's Executive Secretariat.
        He previously served as Executive Director and Acting
    Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of the department's Bureau
    of South and Central Asian Affairs, and as Deputy Executive
    Director in the State Department's Bureau of Near Eastern
    Affairs, and South and Central Asian Affairs.
        Earlier, Mr. Van Vranken served as Management Counselor at
    the U.S. Embassy in Rabat, Morocco, and as Deputy Political
    Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
        Past postings also include assignments in Norway, Yemen,
    Lebanon, Tunisia, Ireland, and the U.K. He is the recipient of
    multiple State Department awards and the Presidential
    Distinguished Service Award, and speaks Arabic, Farsi, and
    Norwegian. Mr. Van Vranken received his BA from UC Davis and
    his MA from the Harvard Kennedy School.
        Welcome to Mr. Van Vranken.
        I am now going to--I do not know, Senator Rounds, if you
    have any statements here. If not, I was going to turn it over
    and begin the testimony.
        Senator Rounds. Mr. Chairman, I will tell you what. I will
    enter my statement for the record and allow you to begin the
    testimony, and if you would like to coordinate a plan for both
    of us getting in to vote in a timely fashion, I would be all
    ears.
        Senator Van Hollen. All right. I am happy to go first--vote
    first or second, whichever your preference is.
        Senator Rounds. I will head out right now and, hopefully,
    get back in time to spell you sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. All right. Thank you.
        All right. Again, to all our nominees, thank you for your
    understanding. Senator Rounds is going to go vote, and then he
    will return and I will go vote as well.
        Let us please begin in the order in which I made the
    introductions and we will begin with Mr. Logsdon.

       STATEMENT OF KENT DOYLE LOGSDON OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
        COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
                               OF MOLDOVA

        Mr. Logsdon. Thank you very much.
        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee,
    I am honored to appear today as President Biden's nominee to be
    the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova.
        I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for
    the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge
    to work closely with Congress to advance our nation's interests
    in Moldova.
        I would not be here without the love and support of my
    family: my wife, Michelle, who just retired after 35 years of
    service as a Foreign Service officer, initially with the U.S.
    Information Agency and then as a public diplomacy officer at
    the State Department, our children, who accompanied us to our
    overseas postings. We are very proud of their resilience and
    achievements.
        Nora is a law student at the University of Virginia and
    Will is studying music production at Shenandoah University.
        And, of course, my parents, who encouraged me in this
    career--my mother, Carroll, who passed away last year after
    contracting COVID, and my father, Bill, who just retired after
    nearly 60 years as a patent attorney.
        The world changed after I joined the Foreign Service. The
    Berlin Wall and the USSR disappeared and the Cold War ended. My
    wife and I joined many of our colleagues in establishing and
    building relationships with new countries in Eastern Europe and
    Central Asia.
        I focused most of my diplomatic career working in or on
    issues involving the countries in this region, and it is
    exciting to see their progress and development in the past 30
    years.
        If confirmed, leading our mission in Chisinau would be a
    highlight of my diplomatic career. The U.S.-Moldova
    relationship is grounded in shared democratic values and
    support for a democratic, secure, and prosperous Moldova,
    anchored in Europe.
        With an historic mandate, President Sandu and a reform-
    oriented government have launched an ambitious program to
    establish a more transparent and accountable democracy, build a
    stronger economy, and combat endemic corruption.
        At the U.N. General Assembly, President Biden told the
    world about Moldovan voters' success in delivering a landslide
    victory for the forces of democracy with a mandate to fight
    graft to build a more inclusive economy.
        Corruption threatens Moldova's economic prospects and
    democratic future. We must continue to support the Moldovan
    government's efforts to strengthen the capacity of its
    institutions to identify, investigate, and prosecute
    corruption. If confirmed, I will make the fight against
    corruption one of my top priorities.
        We must also continue to be a steadfast partner to civil
    society, independent media, and other organizations committed
    to developing participatory democracy and promoting good
    governance.
        Progress in the fight against corruption will strengthen
    Moldova's investment climate and ensure a level playing field
    for U.S. business. Moldova has strengthened its financial
    sector oversight and transparency, and continued reforms will
    help Moldova unlock further budgetary support from the European
    Union and IMF to strengthen its economy in the wake of the
    COVID pandemic.
        Support from the United States and the European Union is
    helping Moldova expand trade and market linkages with the West.
    The EU is now Moldova's largest trading partner. Moldova is
    linking its energy infrastructure to Europe and diversifying
    its energy supply to reduce dependence on Russian gas imports.
        Moldova is also committed to transforming its defense
    forces and their capacity to contribute to international
    security and peacekeeping missions. U.S. security assistance
    has been key to this effort. The United States respects
    Moldova's constitutional neutrality and welcomes its efforts to
    build a more modern military equipped to counter emerging
    threats.
        Russian malign influence and disinformation threaten
    Moldova's democratic development, ambitious reform agenda, and
    European trajectory.
        If confirmed, I will work closely with the government
    leaders, civil society, and international partners to support
    Moldova's democratic reform agenda and build resiliency against
    malign influence and disinformation.
        Resolving the Transnistria conflict remains a priority. The
    United States supports OSCE-led efforts to uphold Moldova's
    sovereignty and territorial integrity while acknowledging a
    special status for Transnistria.
        We need to continue to press Russia to honor its
    commitments to withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldova,
    and we are committed to protecting the fundamental freedoms of
    citizens on both sides of the Dniester River.
        If confirmed, I will continue to promote confidence-
    building measures and seek tangible results through the OSCE-
    led 5+2 process.
        The Moldovan people have chosen a bold path of reform and
    Western integration. It is in our interest to support them. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working with the members of this
    committee and the Congress to do just that.
        Improving Moldova's democracy, prosperity, and security
    will help us develop a key partner in Eastern Europe.
        Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward
    to your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Mr. Logsdon follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Kent D. Logsdon

        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee, I am
    honored to appear today as President Biden's nominee to be the next
    U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova. I am grateful to the
    President and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed
    in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with Congress to advance
    our nation's interests in Moldova.
        I would not be here without the love and support of my family. My
    wife Michelle, who just retired after 35 years of service as a foreign
    service officer, initially with the U.S. Information Agency, and then
    as a public diplomacy officer at the State Department. Our children,
    who accompanied us to our overseas postings. We are proud of their
    resilience and achievements--Nora is a law student at the University of
    Virginia and Will is studying music production at Shenandoah
    University. And my parents, who encouraged me in this career--my mother
    Carroll, who passed away last year after contracting COVID, and my
    father Bill, who just retired after nearly 60 years as a patent
    attorney.
        The world changed after I joined the foreign service. The Berlin
    Wall and the USSR disappeared, and the Cold War ended. My wife and I
    joined many of our colleagues in establishing and building
    relationships with new countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. I
    have focused most of my diplomatic career working in or on issues
    involving the countries in this region and it is exciting to see their
    progress and development in the past thirty years. If confirmed,
    leading our mission in Chisinau would be a highlight of my diplomatic
    career.
        The U.S.-Moldova relationship is grounded in shared democratic
    values and support for a democratic, secure, and prosperous Moldova,
    anchored in Europe.
        With an historic mandate, President Sandu and a reform-oriented
    government have launched an ambitious program to establish a more
    transparent and accountable democracy, build a stronger economy, and
    combat endemic corruption. At the U.N. General Assembly, President
    Biden told the world about Moldovan voters' success in delivering ``a
    landslide victory for the forces of democracy with a mandate to fight
    graft, to build a more inclusive economy.''
        Corruption threatens Moldova's economic prospects and democratic
    future. We must continue to support the Moldovan Government's efforts
    to strengthen the capacity of its institutions to identify,
    investigate, and prosecute corruption. If confirmed, I will make the
    fight against corruption one of my top priorities. We must also
    continue to be a steadfast partner to civil society, independent media,
    and other organizations committed to developing participatory democracy
    and promoting good governance.
        Progress in the fight against corruption will strengthen Moldova's
    investment climate and ensure a level playing field for U.S. business.
    Moldova has strengthened financial sector oversight and transparency.
    Continued reforms will help Moldova unlock further budgetary support
    from the European Union and IMF to strengthen its economy in the wake
    of the COVID pandemic.
        Support from the United States and the European Union is helping
    Moldova expand trade and market linkages with the West. The EU is now
    Moldova's largest trading partner. Moldova is linking its energy
    infrastructure to Europe and diversifying its energy supply to reduce
    dependence on Russian gas imports.
        Moldova is also committed to transforming its defense forces and
    their capacity to contribute to international security and peacekeeping
    missions. U.S. security assistance has been key to this effort. The
    United States respects Moldova's constitutional neutrality and welcomes
    its efforts to build a more modern military equipped to counter
    emerging threats.
        Russian malign influence and disinformation threaten Moldova's
    democratic development, ambitious reform agenda, and European
    trajectory. If confirmed, I will work closely with government leaders,
    civil society, and international partners to support Moldova's
    democratic reform agenda and build resiliency against malign influence
    and disinformation.
        Resolving the Transnistria conflict remains a priority. The United
    States supports OSCE-led efforts to uphold Moldova's sovereignty and
    territorial integrity while acknowledging a special status for
    Transnistria. We need to continue to press Russia to honor its
    commitments to withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldova. And we
    are committed to protecting the fundamental freedoms of citizens on
    both sides of the Nistru River. If confirmed, I will continue to
    promote confidence building measures and seek tangible results through
    the OSCE-led 5+2 process.
        The Moldovan people have chosen a bold path of reform and Western
    integration. It is in our interest to support them. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with the members of this committee and the
    Congress to do just that. Improving Moldova's democracy, prosperity,
    and security will help to develop a key partner in Eastern Europe.
        Thank you for your time and consideration.
        I look forward to your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your testimony.
        Next, we will hear from Ms. Cromer.

     STATEMENT OF SHARON L. CROMER OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF
    THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, NOMINATED
       TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
         UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE GAMBIA

        Ms. Cromer. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
    members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
    today.
        I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me as their
    nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of the Gambia.
        If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with you and other
    distinguished members of Congress to advance our nation's
    security and foreign policy interests.
        Mr. Chairman, I am here today the product of a loving
    family. My mother, Thelma Cromer, now deceased, showed me how
    to care for others and live abundantly despite having so
    little.
        My father, Walter Cromer, Sr., drove a taxi right here in
    the nation's capital for 60 years and inspired in me the desire
    to explore the world.
        My loving husband of 33 years, Arnold Sobers, Jr.,
    supported my every step. Together, we raised two brilliant
    daughters, Courtney and Simone, and we now have two adorable
    grandchildren, Tanoor and Dunia.
        I am very grateful to all of my family, friends,
    colleagues, and mentors across the globe. They are my heroes.
        I have served proudly the American people for the past 35
    years as a Foreign Service officer with the U.S. Agency for
    International Development.
        I successfully advanced U.S. foreign policy in Southeast
    Asia and sub-Saharan Africa and managed programs to reduce
    poverty, halt HIV/AIDS, eradicate malaria, and promote girls'
    education and women's economic empowerment.
        I have mentored and sponsored employees of every race,
    gender, and sexual orientation, helping them to grow
    professionally and fully contribute to advancing U.S. goals. I
    am committed to enhancing diversity, equity, and inclusion in
    the workforce and in our programs.
        As a young university student traveling in the Gambia, I
    experienced the warm hospitality and proud traditions of the
    Gambian people.
        Today, Americans and Gambians share ideals of democracy,
    religious tolerance, good governance, and economic prosperity.
    If confirmed, I will strengthen the U.S.-Gambian partnership.
        After 22 years of authoritarian rule, in 2016 Gambians
    voted for a new president and commenced the transition from
    dictatorship to democracy. While some reforms have occurred,
    more must be done to realize the aspirations of Gambians for
    transparent, democratic, and accountable governance.
        If confirmed, I will be a staunch advocate of the Gambia's
    ongoing democratic transition. I will combat corruption,
    promote economic prosperity, speak up for human rights, explore
    ways to improve the primary health care system, and maintain a
    strong security partnership.
        I will pursue U.S. national security and foreign policy
    interests by helping the Gambian people achieve their goal to
    become a prosperous, secure, and democratic nation.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for
    the opportunity to address you today. I am happy to answer
    questions.
        [Prepared statement of Ms. Cromer follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Sharon L. Cromer

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
    committee, I am honored to appear before you today. I am deeply
    grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence
    they have shown me as their nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
    of The Gambia. If confirmed, I will collaborate closely with you and
    other distinguished members of Congress to advance our nation's
    security and foreign policy interests.
        Mr. Chairman, I am here today, the product of a loving family. My
    mother, Thelma Cromer, now deceased, showed me how to live a life of
    abundance despite having so little. My father, Walter Cromer, Sr.,
    drove a taxi right here in the nation's capital for over 60 years and
    inspired me to explore the world. My loving husband of 33 years, Arnold
    Sobers, Jr., supported my every step. Together, we raised two brilliant
    daughters, Courtney and Simone and we now have two adorable
    grandchildren. I am very grateful to all of my family, friends,
    colleagues, and mentors across the globe. They are my heroes.
        Mr. Chairman, I have proudly served the American people for the
    past 35 years as a Foreign Service Officer with the U.S. Agency for
    International Development. I successfully advanced U.S. foreign policy
    in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa and managed large, complex
    inter-agency programs, including the President's Emergency Plan for
    AIDS Relief, the President's Malaria Initiative, Feed the Future, Power
    Africa, and wildlife anti-trafficking. I championed girls' education,
    women's empowerment, youth employment, and the rights of marginalized
    people, including LGBTQI+ communities, to prosper and live in peace and
    dignity. I have enjoyed mentoring and sponsoring employees of every
    color, race, religion, gender and sexual orientation; helping each one
    to grow professionally, assume greater responsibilities, and fully
    contribute to advancing U.S. goals. If confirmed, I will continue to
    enhance diversity, equity and inclusion in the workforce and in our
    programs.
        Mr. Chairman, the U.S. and The Gambia have a close bilateral
    relationship based on shared ideals of democracy, religious tolerance,
    good governance, security, and economic prosperity. As a young,
    university student traveling in The Gambia, I experienced the warm
    hospitality and proud traditions of the Gambian people. It was clear
    then, and I believe it is true today, that Gambians admire American
    culture and traditions. If confirmed, I will strengthen the U.S./
    Gambian partnership for the benefit of both countries.
        After 22 years of authoritarian rule, in 2016 Gambians voted for a
    new president and commenced the transition from dictatorship to
    democracy. While some promised reforms have been implemented, much more
    remains to be done if the aspirations of the Gambia people for a
    transparent, democratic government accountable to the people are to be
    realized. The upcoming December presidential election will be an
    opportunity for Gambians to show the world that they are committed to
    solidifying their hard-won democratic gains. The U.S. has been a
    steadfast partner, supporting the Independent Election Commission's
    successful voter registration effort and helping civil society
    organizations empower citizens through voter education. This December,
    Gambians will determine their path forward through a free, fair and
    peaceful election.
        Given the opportunity, I will support The Gambia's ongoing
    democratic process. I will combat corruption and promote economic
    prosperity which will allow both U.S. and Gambian firms to invest and
    create good jobs. I will encourage trade and the use of the American
    Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA). I will speak up for human rights,
    and explore ways to improve the primary health care system. Of
    paramount importance is the need to maintain a strong security
    partnership. I will pursue U.S. national security and foreign policy
    interests by helping the Gambian people achieve their goal to become a
    prosperous, secure, and democratic nation.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee for the
    opportunity to address you today. I am happy to answer any questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your testimony.
        Next, we are going to hear from Ambassador Palmer, who has
    been nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana.
        Ambassador Palmer?

      STATEMENT OF HON. VIRGINIA E. PALMER OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
        COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
                                OF GHANA

        Ms. Palmer. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the
    committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today as
    the nominee to serve as America's Ambassador to the Republic of
    Ghana.
        I appreciate the confidence that President Biden and
    Secretary Blinken have placed in me and [inaudible] today to
    have the opportunity to publicly thank my family for their love
    and support.
        My husband Ismail Asmal, a retired Foreign Service Officer,
    is a wonderful partner and helpmate. My daughters Aliya and
    Nadia Amal and my son-in-law Paul Adamson are a source of great
    joy and pride and have a wonderful commitment to helping
    others. And my mother, Becky Palmer and late Richard Palmer, I
    want to thank them for their encouragement and example and for
    letting me take the grandbabies overseas.
        I have had the great fortune to represent the country I
    love around the world for 35 years, 15 in Africa. I have worked
    in models of democracy and governance and private sector-led
    growth.
        As Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi I oversaw an annual
    budget of $500 million and led a talented team which helped
    Malawi achieve HIV epidemic control, improve food security, and
    serve as a democratic model for the continent. If confirmed, my
    experience gained as deputy coordinator [inaudible] to support
    Ghana's work to counter the spread of violent extremism, and as
    Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Energy Resources to
    help Ghana deal with significant energy sector challenges.
        I bring to the job a commitment to the security and well
    being of embassy staff and a passion for diversity and
    inclusion, essential to getting policy right and to properly
    representing our values overseas.
        Our close partnership with Ghana spans more than 60 years
    and is rooted in our shared commitment to democracy and human
    rights for all, peace and security and economic opportunity and
    prosperity. Ghana's long democratic tradition, robust media,
    religious tolerance, and strong civil society make it a leader
    in West Africa and a model for the continent. With democratic
    backsliding in the region, Ghana's example and leadership are
    now more important than ever.
        If confirmed, my priorities will be encouraging inclusive
    economic growth and strengthening regional stability to make
    the United States--and Ghana--more secure and more prosperous.
    Essential to success in these endeavors will be work to help
    Ghana strengthen its democracy and accountability institution.
        Until COVID-19 disrupted global markets around the world,
    Ghana's economy was one of the fastest growing in the world.
    With the economy beginning to recover from the pandemic, close
    to 120 American businesses are active in Ghana.
        If confirmed, I will be a vigorous advocate for American
    companies and innovation, and will ensure U.S. public and
    private investments continue to support pandemic recovery in
    Ghana's journey to self-reliance.
        We will do this by facilitating trade, improving access to
    credit, boosting agricultural production and enhancing domestic
    resource mobilization, and improving health and education
    outcomes.
        Working in partnership with our Ghanaian friends to combat
    corruption and ensure a transparent business environment will
    be fundamental to these efforts.
        Ghana is a key security partner and its leadership is
    critical to U.S. efforts to promote regional stability and
    combat violent extremism. We enjoy robust military and law
    enforcement cooperation.
        Ghana is one of the top 10 contributors to U.N.
    peacekeeping missions and regularly hosts regional military
    exercises with the United States. It is an exporter of
    security.
        If confirmed, I will work to drive integrated programs on
    economic growth, rule of law strengthening, security
    cooperation, and maritime and border security.
        I also look forward to working with Ghana as it chairs the
    Economic Community of West African States, takes up a seat on
    the U.N. Security Council, and hosts the Secretariat of the
    African Continental Free Trade Agreement, which will create a
    trading bloc of more than 1.3 billion people.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
    thank you again for this opportunity. I look forward to
    partnering with you to advance America's interests in Ghana and
    stand ready to answer any questions you may have now and in the
    future.
        [Prepared statement of Ms. Palmer follows:]

                 Prepared Statement of Hon. Virginia E. Palmer

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, It is a
    great honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to
    serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana. I appreciate the
    confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me by
    putting my name forward for your consideration. I am deeply grateful
    for the love and support of my husband Ismail Asmal, a retired Foreign
    Service Officer, my daughters Aliya and Nadia Asmal and son-in-law Paul
    Adamson, my mother Becky Palmer and late father Richard Palmer. I would
    also like to thank my foreign and civil service colleagues across the
    Government and Embassy locally engaged staff who do tremendous work, in
    very challenging circumstances, to strengthen U.S. partnerships with
    countries around the world.
        I have had the good fortune to have represented the country I love
    in fascinating countries around the world for 35 years, 15 in Africa.
    Throughout my career, I have worked to share American models of
    democracy and governance and private sector-led growth. As Ambassador
    to the Republic of Malawi, I oversaw an annual budget of $500 million
    and led a talented team which helped Malawi achieve HIV epidemic
    control, improve food security, and serve as a democratic model for the
    Continent. As Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge d'Affaires in South
    Africa, I helped manage one of our largest missions and most complex
    relationships in Africa. If confirmed, I will also draw on experience
    gained as a leader of the State Department's Counter Terrorism Bureau
    to support Ghana's work to counter the spread of violent extremism in
    the region, and as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Energy
    Resources to help Ghana deal with significant energy sector
    challenges--and opportunities. I bring to the job a commitment to the
    security and well-being of Embassy staff and a passion for diversity
    and inclusion, essential to getting policy right and properly
    representing our values overseas.
        Our close partnership with Ghana spans more than 60 years and is
    rooted in our shared commitment to democracy and human rights for all,
    peace and security, and economic opportunity and prosperity. Ghana's
    long democratic tradition, robust media, religious tolerance, and
    strong civil society make it a leader in West Africa and a model for
    the continent. With democratic backsliding in the region, Ghana's
    example and leadership is ever more important.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with this Committee and
    Congress to advance U.S. interests in Ghana. My priorities will be
    encouraging inclusive economic growth and strengthening regional
    stability to make the United States--and Ghana--more secure and more
    prosperous. Essential to success in these endeavors will be work to
    help Ghana strengthen its democracy and governance institutions.
        Close to 120 American businesses are active in Ghana and the
    country's economy is beginning to recover from the pandemic. Until
    COVID-19 disrupted global markets, Ghana's economy was one of the
    fastest-growing in the world, with GDP growth of seven percent from
    2017 to 2019. Bilateral trade exceeded $1.5 billion in 2020. If
    confirmed, I will be a vigorous advocate for American companies and
    innovation and will ensure U.S. public and private investments continue
    to support pandemic recovery efforts and Ghana's journey to self-
    reliance. We will continue to help Ghana create an enabling environment
    for inclusive private sector-led growth by facilitating regional trade,
    improving access to credit, improving agricultural production and
    market access, enhancing domestic resource mobilization, and improving
    health and education outcomes. Working in partnership with our Ghanaian
    friends to combat corruption and ensure a welcoming and transparent
    environment for business will be crucial to success of these efforts.
        Ghana is a key security partner, and its leadership is critical to
    U.S. efforts to promote regional stability and combat violent
    extremism. We enjoy robust bilateral military and law enforcement
    cooperation. Ghana is among the top dozen contributors to U.N.
    peacekeeping missions and regularly hosts regional military exercises
    in partnership with the United States, including this year's Gulf of
    Guinea maritime security exercise, Obangame Express. If confirmed, I
    will work to drive integrated programs on economic growth, security
    sector cooperation, cyber security, and maritime and border security
    through our bilateral Security Governance Initiative. I also look
    forward to working with Ghana as it chairs the Economic Community of
    West African States, serves on the U.N. Security Council, and hosts the
    Secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, which will
    create a trading block of more than 1.3 billion people.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
    you again for this opportunity. I look forward to partnering with you
    to advance America's interests in Ghana and stand ready to answer any
    questions you may have now and in the future.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for your testimony.
        And now we will hear from Mr. Howard Van Vranken, who has
    been nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.
        I turn it over to you, and I see that my colleague, Senator
    Rounds, has returned. I apologize. I am going to go vote. But I
    got somebody here who is going to report to me on your
    testimony when I return.
        All right. I turn it over to you, Senator Rounds.
        And Mr. Vranken, please proceed with your testimony.
        Senator Rounds. [presiding.] Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

      STATEMENT OF HOWARD A. VAN VRANKEN OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
        COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
                              OF BOTSWANA

        Mr. Van Vranken. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Rounds, members of the committee. It is a great honor and
    privilege to appear before you today as President Biden's
    nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Republic of
    Botswana.
        I thank the President and Secretary Biden for the--excuse
    me, Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me. I am also
    grateful for this distinguished committee's consideration.
        I am especially grateful for my wife, Rebecca, who
    supported me during nearly two decades of marriage in the
    Foreign Service and for the endurance of my children--Grace,
    Robert, and Victor. I would not be here today without their
    tremendous and ongoing support.
        Finally, I want to thank my parents, Robert and Helen, who
    tirelessly inspired me to explore and embrace the world beyond
    my native California. I am forever grateful for their
    sacrifices on my behalf.
        During my 33 years of service with the Foreign Service, my
    work in Africa and the Middle East as well as assignments in
    Washington have prepared me to deliver impactful results for
    the American people in the important role for which I have been
    nominated.
        I have served in senior leadership positions in a number of
    posts, including most recently in Morocco and in Iraq. If
    confirmed, I will work diligently and with integrity to further
    strengthen ties between the United States and Botswana.
        Botswana is a strategically important and reliable partner
    on the African continent. We work with Botswana to advance
    shared global priorities including strengthening democratic
    institutions and promoting the respect for human rights, ending
    HIV and the COVID-19 pandemic, and advancing global health
    security.
        Together, we also work on regional and bilateral
    priorities, including conserving the environment and natural
    resources, expanding trade and investment, and addressing
    regional transnational criminal and security challenges.
        Our relationship is further strengthened through our
    valuable university partnerships and education linkages. If
    confirmed, as we emerge from the pandemic I will look to expand
    our in-person engagement to advance these priorities,
    especially through programming focused on youth and young women
    and girls.
        Economic ties between the United States and Botswana were
    growing before the pandemic. Even as the United States remains
    the world's top purchaser of Botswana's diamonds, we will
    support Botswana's efforts to diversify its economy, to build a
    knowledge-based economy, and to improve opportunities for
    American businesses.
        U.S. tourists attracted to the country's globally
    significant national parks and reserves will continue to
    present an important opportunity for Botswana as the pandemic
    recedes and travel resumes.
        If confirmed, I will work with Botswana to deter and
    dismantle poaching organizations. I will also work with
    Botswana to realize the potential offered by Power Africa's
    mega solar project, an initiative which would transform
    Botswana into a regionally significant solar power producer,
    consumer, and exporter.
        If confirmed, I will also continue to advance the
    priorities articulated in the DELTA Act to promote responsible
    natural resource and wildlife management practices in the
    Greater Okavango River Basin.
        The United States has invested more than a billion dollars
    in Botswana's health sector through the President's emergency
    plan for AIDS relief, the PEPFAR program.
        While there is still an estimated 9,000 new HIV infections
    annually in the country, Botswana has made impressive progress
    in its fight against HIV and it is near epidemic control.
        That said, the threat posed by HIV cannot be
    underestimated. If confirmed, I look forward to securing the
    sustainability of our PEPFAR investment and leading our
    interagency health team as we continue to work with the
    government of Botswana on its HIV response.
        If confirmed, I will also work to affirm President Biden's
    commitment to deliver additional COVID-19 vaccines to Botswana
    and its neighbors.
        The Botswana Defense Force is one of the most professional
    militaries on the continent and our military engagement remains
    strong. The United States also sponsors the International Law
    Enforcement Academy, which has trained more than 12,000 law
    enforcement and criminal justice professionals from Africa, the
    Americas, and Southeast Asia.
        Support for these institutions improve the rule of law in
    the country and on the continent, including the capacity to
    effectively respond to global issues like wildlife and timber
    trafficking, violent extremism, cybercrime, corruption, and
    trafficking in persons.
        If confirmed, I will work to expand the U.S.-Botswana
    military partnership and our regional security role through
    education and training programs.
        We expect to see a resurgence in the number of Americans
    visiting Botswana once we emerge from the pandemic. If
    confirmed, the safety of our staff and U.S. citizens in
    Botswana will remain paramount.
        The U.S. Ambassador to Botswana also serves as a U.S.
    representative to the Southern African Development Community,
    and I am excited about the opportunity to work towards
    increased security, health, and economic development across the
    region with our Southern African nation partners.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for
    the opportunity to appear before you today and I look forward
    to your questions.
        [Prepared statement of Mr. Van Vranken follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Howard A. Van Vranken

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, it is a
    great privilege and honor to appear before you today as President
    Biden's nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Republic of
    Botswana. I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their
    confidence in me. I am also grateful for this distinguished committee's
    consideration. I am especially grateful for my wife, Rebecca, who has
    supported me during nearly two decades of marriage, and for the
    endurance of my children, Grace, Robert, and Victor. I would not be
    here today without their tremendous support. Finally, I can say that my
    parents, Robert and Helen, tirelessly inspired me to explore and
    embrace the world beyond my native California and I am forever grateful
    for their sacrifices on my behalf.
        During my thirty-three years in the Foreign Service, my work in
    Africa and the Middle East, as well as assignments in Washington, have
    prepared me to deliver impactful results for the American people in the
    important role for which I have been nominated. I have served in senior
    leadership positions in a number of posts including, most recently, in
    Morocco and Iraq. If confirmed, I will work diligently and with
    integrity to further strengthen ties between the United States and
    Botswana.
        Botswana is strategically important and a reliable partner on the
    African continent. We work with Botswana to advance shared global
    priorities, including strengthening democratic institutions and
    promoting respect for human rights, ending AIDS and the COVID-19
    pandemic, and advancing global health security. Together, we also work
    on regional and bilateral priorities, including conserving the
    environment and natural resources, expanding trade and investment, and
    addressing regional transnational criminal and security challenges. Our
    relationship is further strengthened through our valuable university
    partnerships and education linkages. If confirmed, as we emerge from
    the pandemic, I will look to expand our in-person engagement to advance
    these priorities, especially through programming focused on the youth
    and young women and girls.
        Economic ties between the United States and Botswana were growing
    before the pandemic. Even as the United States remains the world's top
    purchaser of Botswana's diamonds, we will support Botswana's efforts to
    diversify its economy, to build a knowledge-based economy, and to
    improve opportunities for American businesses. U.S. tourists, attracted
    to the country's globally significant national parks and reserves, will
    continue to present an important opportunity for Botswana as the
    pandemic recedes and travel resumes. If confirmed, I will work with
    Botswana to deter and dismantle poaching organizations. If confirmed, I
    will work with Botswana to realize the potential offered by Power
    Africa's Mega Solar project, an initiative which could transform
    Botswana into a regionally significant solar power producer, consumer,
    and exporter. If confirmed, I will also continue to advance the
    priorities articulated in the DELTA Act to promote responsible natural
    resource and wildlife management practices in the greater Okavango
    River Basin.
        The United States has invested more than $1 billion in Botswana's
    health sector through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
    (PEPFAR) program. While there are still an estimated 9,000 new HIV
    infections annually in the country, Botswana has made impressive
    progress in its fight against HIV/AIDS and is near epidemic control.
    That said, the threat posed by HIV/AIDS cannot be underestimated. If
    confirmed, I look forward to securing the sustainability of our PEPFAR
    investment and leading our interagency health team as we continue to
    work with the Government of Botswana on its HIV response. If confirmed,
    I will also work to affirm President Biden's commitment to deliver
    additional COVID-19 vaccines to Botswana and its neighbors.
        The Botswana Defense Force is one of the most professional
    militaries on the continent, and our military engagement remains
    strong. The United States also sponsors the International Law
    Enforcement Academy, which has trained more than 12,000 law-enforcement
    and criminal justice professionals from Africa, the Americas, and
    Southeast Asia. Support to these institutions has improved rule of law
    in the country and on the continent, including capacity to effectively
    respond to global issues like wildlife and timber trafficking, violent
    extremism, cyber-crime, corruption and trafficking in persons. If
    confirmed, I will work to expand U.S.-Botswana military partnerships
    and our regional security role through education and training programs.
        We expect to see a resurgence in the number of Americans visiting
    Botswana once we emerge from the pandemic. The safety of our staff and
    U.S. citizens will remain paramount.
        The U.S. Ambassador to Botswana also serves as the U.S.
    representative to the Southern African Development Community, and I am
    excited about the opportunity to work towards increased security,
    health, and economic development across the region with other southern
    Africa nations.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the
    opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your
    questions.

        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Van Vranken.
        I have submitted my opening statement for the record. But I
    really feel it is important that we just share with you
    personally that I would suspect that every career diplomat
    wonders whether someday, after years of service, they might be
    nominated by the President of the United States to serve as an
    ambassador somewhere.
        I just want to say congratulations, because after today
    none of you will have to ask that question again. For
    Ambassador Palmer, this is twice.
        To all of you, thank you for your public service and your
    continued service on behalf of our country.
        I have got a series of questions that I will start with,
    and then by then I would suspect that our chairman will be back
    in as well, and I am sure that he has a series of questions as
    well.
        Let me begin with Mr. Logsdon. If confirmed as Ambassador,
    you will be going to Moldova at a very important time in its
    history. The president, Maia Sandu, and the new parliament have
    been elected on a platform of reform and plan to make changes
    to fight corruption across government, especially in the
    judiciary.
        As Ambassador, how will you work with the new government to
    support the reforms and see them through to success?
        Mr. Logsdon. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate that
    question. And, obviously, as you mentioned, this is an historic
    moment, I think, for the government of Moldova, the people of
    Moldova, and the United States and our opportunity to assist.
        It will not be just us saying we think these are good
    reforms. This is something we can do to assist the government.
    The government of Moldova has asked for some very specific
    kinds of support.
        We have worked for many years with different parts of the
    government and with civil society, and I think the goal for us
    now is to find ways that we can continue to support President
    Sandu and her government's desired end state, which is to push
    back on corruption. That is exactly why the government and
    President Sandu were elected by the people of Moldova.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
        Ms. Cromer, the Gambia's democratic transition, spurred by
    the ouster of dictator Yahya Jammeh at the ballot box in 2016
    was an unexpected victory for democracy on the continent.
        Given recent challenges to democracy in West Africa,
    including four coups in the last year, what are the regional
    implications for Gambia's continued democratic development and
    what tools can the U.S. consider to continue to appropriately
    support democratic and economic reforms as well as economic
    recovery from the Jammeh era, and more recently, the impacts of
    COVID-19?
        I know I am giving you a multiple question item, but if you
    could, please, and I will ask again if there is any part of it
    that you are not comfortable with.
        Ms. Cromer. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate the question.
        First of all, let me say that the Gambians have decided
    their own fate. They have voted back in 2016 a new president
    and have moved on the path from authoritarianism to democracy.
    It is a difficult path, it is a lengthy path, and it takes a
    steadfast partner like the U.S. to help them build that
    democracy.
        The top priorities of the U.S. Government, ones which, if
    given the opportunity to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
    Gambia, I would lead, would be, one, to help build a truly
    democratic state in the Gambia.
        The second would be advancing country-owned, country-led,
    and sustained development that improves the lives and well
    being of Gambians.
        And third, promoting an investment climate where both U.S.
    and Gambian enterprises can thrive and trade between the two
    countries creates good jobs and economic prosperity.
        On the COVID front, I had the opportunity this morning to
    take a walk to the Washington Monument, and on the grounds of
    the monument there are over 660,000 flag, small flags that have
    been put in the soil of the Washington Monument grounds, each
    representing--each flag representing an American who has died
    of COVID.
        This is a moving, beautiful, but sobering memorial to
    American lives and precious souls, and I would just like to say
    that the Gambia and other countries in Africa do not have the
    equipment, the vaccines, the trained staff, PPEs, to address
    the COVID pandemic, and the capacity to fight COVID-19 and
    future pandemics is extremely limited in the Gambia.
        If confirmed, I will work with the stakeholders on the
    ground in the Gambia and here in Washington to see what more we
    can do to build up the Gambia's capacity.
        Thank you.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Ms. Cromer.
        Ambassador Palmer, Ghana has long been seen as a key U.S.
    ally in Africa and held up as a stable, democratic, and
    economic partner and a regional leader. I was impressed by what
    I saw when I visited Ghana in early 2020.
        Given the deeply worrying trends in West Africa, does the
    U.S. need to adjust its engagement with Ghana to support the
    resiliency of its institutions and its leadership in the
    region? If yes, what would be your recommendations?
        Ms. Palmer. Thank you for that that question, Senator.
        I believe that, indeed, Ghana's example and leadership are
    very important in the context of democracy backsliding in the
    region.
        I think we need to continue to work to fight corruption in
    Ghana and to ensure the sanctity of contracts so that Ghana can
    continue to be a welcoming environment for investment and trade
    and that sort of beacon or bastion to countering violent
    extremism.
        I do not think we need to reorient. I think we need to
    continue to integrate our work to ensure inclusive economic
    growth, particularly in the north, to strengthen Ghana's
    accountability institutions and work, as I said, to improve
    contract sanctity and fight corruption.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you.
        Mr. Van Vranken, Botswana is a key partner in southern
    Africa, particularly given its historic credentials in
    democracy and maintaining stability and security.
        However, challenges and opportunities in the southern
    Africa region abound including with a mounting extremist threat
    in Mozambique, the ongoing political and economic crisis in
    Zimbabwe, efforts to address significant levels of corruption
    in Angola and South Africa, and the recent democratic
    transition in Zambia.
        As the U.S. Ambassador to Botswana, how will you engage
    with our Botswanan partners on issues of regional significance?
    And also, do you view Botswana as an opportunity for bolstered
    U.S. trade and investment and, if yes, what tools will you
    employ to encourage increased trade and investment in a
    diversity of sectors including but beyond the tourism and
    extractive industries?
        Mr. Van Vranken. Thank you for those questions, Senator.
    They are very pertinent.
        In terms of regional challenges, I think that, as you
    rightly identified, Botswana has a long tradition of democracy
    and, in that sense, stands as an example in the region.
        The government of Botswana has also been a founding member
    of the Southern African Development Community, the group of
    Southern African nations, and the government of Botswana has
    never been shy about voicing outspoken views on regional peace
    and security issues, and sometimes differing publicly with the
    policy of the Southern African Development Community.
        I think we should continue to encourage the engagement that
    Botswana has had in the recent past through the Southern
    African Development Community.
        I would note that it was through SADC that Ghana or, excuse
    me, Botswana deployed nearly 300 troops as part of a standing
    force to northern Mozambique, and I think that that is
    something that we should applaud and encourage.
        Regarding economic development and, particularly, trade and
    investment beyond the extractive or diamond sector as well as
    tourism, I think that there are areas that we can support
    Ghana.
        We have already initiated an agreement--excuse me, a
    memorandum of intent between Botswana and Namibia for the Power
    Africa, the mega solar project. That would provide two to five
    gigawatts of solar power and would replace coal--imported coal-
    fired electricity that Botswana currently imports from South
    Africa, and would enable it to be a--potentially, a significant
    exporter of solar power in the region.
        I think that there is ample opportunity for American firms
    in a project such as that. I also think that we should continue
    to find areas in AGOA as well as through Prosper Africa to
    facilitate trade between the two countries.
        I do think that this is a potential area where we can
    collaborate to both of our satisfaction.
        Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
        And I know that our chairman is on his way back from the
    vote. I am going to take advantage of a few more minutes here
    to ask a couple of questions, and when the chairman comes in I
    know he will have a hard stop, but he is going to try to get
    some questions in. I see the chairman has just arrived back on
    the thing.
        Mr. Chairman, I finished with my questions. I know that you
    have a hard stop coming up. Whenever you are completed it is
    fine with me if you close the meeting, sir.
        And once again, I want to say just thank you to all of our
    guests here today in front of us, our applicants. Clearly, we
    have to say thank you for their hard work and dedication to
    public service and to the State Department here in our country.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Van Hollen. [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Rounds,
    and thank all of you for your testimony. And I got a report on
    the questions that Senator Rounds asked, not surprisingly
    because we work together. He covered a lot of the territory
    that I would have between his questions and your comments.
        I would, Mr. Van Vranken, just like to follow up on the
    issue of loss of dollars in Botswana as a result of the huge
    drop off in tourism because of COVID-19.
        One of the other issues, though, in Botswana, as you know,
    in terms of their long-term sustainability and the
    sustainability of--continue to attract tourists is protection
    of wildlife, and there is a serious poaching issue still in
    Botswana.
        Can you just talk a little bit about how the United States,
    through your efforts and USAID and others, can help address
    that poaching issue?
        Mr. Van Vranken. Thank you very much, Senator.
        That is an excellent point. There has been a significant
    drop off in tourism dollars. To date, the United States has
    provided very important support to the government of Botswana
    to help them combat wildlife trafficking.
        We have helped to build the capacity of the government to
    conduct intelligence-led operations focused on poachers. We
    have, for more than a decade, have provided wildlife
    trafficking intervention training through our International Law
    Enforcement Academy in Botswana.
        That has helped not only Botswana but also regional
    partners. I think that we should sustain those efforts and
    continue to work through the Southern African Development
    Community on law enforcement and anti-poaching efforts.
        Thank you, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I also had one follow-up as
    well on Ghana for Ambassador Palmer, because as you indicated,
    Ghana has had a robust democracy and peaceful transitions of
    power and have been supporters, overall, of human rights.
        There was, though, a recent report by Human Rights Watch
    regarding discrimination--harsh discrimination against the LGBT
    community there as well as a proposed draconian anti-LGBT bill.
        Could you just comment on that and what your role can be in
    addressing that matter?
        Ms. Palmer. Thank you for that question, Senator.
        It is an issue of a great deal of concern to me. I think it
    is important that we note that we are not asking for special
    rights for members of the LGBT community but only the rights
    that other Ghanaians enjoy under the Ghanaian constitution and
    the international human rights charters to which Ghana is a
    signatory.
        There are moral and legal reasons for ensuring that the
    rights of the LGBT community are respected. But, importantly,
    there are also public order and public health reasons why
    draconian legislation and discrimination are a bad idea.
        I think it is also very important to think about this just
    in terms of discrimination. What the LGBT community in Ghana is
    asking for, I understand, is freedom from violence, freedom
    from harassment, freedom from discrimination.
        I am not equating my situation with that, but when I was
    falling in love with a nonwhite South African 35 years ago, our
    relationship was illegal and that is because his humanity was
    not respected and was not believed to be the same as mine. And,
    fortunately, those laws have changed and we think now how could
    that ever have been.
        And I hope that that will be the case all over for
    vulnerable groups, including women and girls and the LGBT
    community, and I will work to ensure that those human rights
    are respected.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that statement, and also
    your own experiences and how they can relate to this situation.
        I want to thank all of you. I want to thank your family
    members, who you introduced. Usually, we have a chance to meet
    people in the hearing room. Unfortunately, we are not able to
    do that now.
        As Senator Rounds said, I have a hard stop at 4:00 o'clock,
    but I do not know, Mike--Senator, if--I am happy to turn this
    over to you for additional questioning if you would like or we
    can close the hearing now.
        Senator Rounds. Mr. Chairman, I intend to submit a couple
    of questions for the record. But other than that, I am prepared
    to close it at this time, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Okay.
        Let me just, again, underscore the comments my partner,
    Senator Rounds, made just a few minutes ago and thanking all of
    you for your service.
        As somebody who grew up in a Foreign Service family, I am
    proud of the service of our Foreign Service officers and the
    entire family at the State Department, and look forward to
    supporting your confirmation.
        And maybe Senator Rounds and I will have a chance to come
    visit those of you in your countries where you are going to be
    representing the United States.
        Thank you all very much.

        [Whereupon, at 4:01 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Capt. C.B. Sullenberger III by Senator Robert Menendez

    COVID-19
        Question. What actions do you believe ICAO should take to protect
    the air travelling public, and flight crews aboard commercial airlines,
    from the COVID-19?

        Answer. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on civil aviation is
    unprecedented. ICAO moved quickly to establish the Council Aviation
    Recovery Task Force (CART) to provide guidance to governments and
    industry operators to restart the international air transport sector
    safely and promote recovery from the impacts of COVID-19 on a
    coordinated global basis.
        ICAO is convening a ministerial conference on COVID and aviation in
    mid-October to rally governments from every region to implement the
    CART recommendations and enable the recovery of international civil
    aviation. I believe these are the right first steps to move toward a
    safe restart of the aviation sector, and if confirmed, I will continue
    to promote these efforts to protect the air travelling public and
    flight crews aboard commercial airlines.

        Question. Do you believe the global airline industry will adopt
    adequate policies to protect its customers and employees?

        Answer. Airlines have already taken significant steps to protect
    customers and employees by implementing health mitigation measures such
    as requiring the use of masks on board aircraft, enhanced cleaning and
    disinfection procedures, health assessments of crew and passengers,
    enhancing airport security checkpoint procedures, and the minimizing of
    in-person interaction through use of new technologies. For
    transportation and travel to resume safely and sustainably, it is in
    the best interest of the global airline industry to continue all of
    these measures, and if confirmed, I will continue to promote these
    actions.

        Question. Do you believe ICAO has the authority and mandate to
    coordinate and establish some set of uniform standards or protections
    against the spread of the COVID-19?

        Answer. The United States participated actively in ICAO's CART task
    force, which has issued three reports since the beginning of the
    pandemic. Each report provided substantive and actionable
    recommendations for promulgating a framework for the detection and
    control of COVID-19 among air passengers and crew such that more
    stringent control measures, such as mandatory quarantines, could be
    relaxed or removed entirely.
        In the long-run, ICAO must continue to work with member States and
    the WHO to implement WHO recommendations on science and public health
    in the civil aviation domain, as well as to facilitate the efficient
    and secure flow of limited health information among air passengers and
    States to prevent and mitigate the effects of future pandemics on air
    transport. If confirmed, this will be a top priority of mine at ICAO.

    Climate Change
        Question. The ICAO Assembly at its 40th Session in 2019 adopted a
    resolution that reiterated two aspirational goals for the international
    aviation sector: a 2 percent annual fuel efficiency improvement through
    2050 and carbon neutral growth from 2020 onwards.

       Do you think these goals is adequate?

        Answer. It is important that ICAO Member States were able to come
    together to adopt these goals. If confirmed, I look forward to working
    with colleagues across the government to determine how best the United
    States can help achieve the existing climate goals and lead efforts to
    increase ambition where possible, consistent with the President's
    policy to press for enhanced climate ambition and the integration of
    climate considerations across a wide range of international fora,
    including on aviation. Aviation's recovery from the global pandemic
    also provides ICAO an opportunity to reassess whether these current
    goals are truly sufficient in light of the global recognition of the
    need to address climate change.

        Question. What do you foresee as the biggest challenges to meet
    these goals?

        Answer. Some of the biggest challenges ahead include making sure
    there is robust global participation, particularly for countries with
    significant international aviation activity, on ICAO measures like
    CORSIA, and accelerating both state and private sector deployment of
    cleaner technology, sustainable aviation fuels, and implementation of
    more efficient operations. Different countries have different profiles
    for aviation growth: some have very developed networks and industries
    with more opportunities for reducing emissions, while others are seeing
    significant expansion of aviation markets and are less likely to
    support increased ambition globally if they believe it will affect
    their industry.

        Question. What tools should the Biden Administration provide to
    meet these goals?

        Answer. The United States already plays a critical role at ICAO. To
    achieve these goals or to push for more ambitious goals, the United
    States needs to be a leader, and needs to work to develop a strong
    coalition of states to work with us both bilaterally and at ICAO. The
    Biden Administration is committed to working toward reducing the
    sector's emissions in a manner consistent with the goal of net zero
    emissions for our economy by 2050.

        Question. In September 2021, a coalition of 100 environmental
    groups called on the Biden Administration to strengthen greenhouse gas
    emission standards in the airline industry.

       Do you think the current ICAO standards are sufficient? If not,
            what changes do you believe are necessary?

        Answer. The current standards represent the first ever greenhouse
    gas emission standard for commercial aircraft. Establishing this global
    standard was an important achievement and a critical first step, but it
    is likely to be insufficient as technology advances. It will be
    critically important to strengthen these standards, and, if confirmed,
    that is something that I plan to pursue in ICAO.

        Question. ICAO adopted the Carbon Offset and Reduction Scheme for
    International Aviation (CORSIA) in 2016 and in 2018 the parties to ICAO
    took further action to advance the CORSIA through the establishment of
    Standards and Recommended Procedures (SARPs) for parties to comply with
    the CORSIA.

       Does FAA have sufficient authorities to comply with the CORSIA that
            would meet the threshold of the SARPs?

        Answer. It will be critical for the United States to be in a
    position to fully implement CORSIA, which U.S. airplane operators have
    broadly supported. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
    Congress, in coordination with the Federal Aviation Administration,
    Department of Transportation, and Department of State colleagues to
    ensure there is the necessary legislative authority to implement CORSIA
    and other ambitious climate measures.

        Question. Will you commit to working with FAA on advising Congress
    on the development of legislation that may be necessary to ensure the
    U.S. is in full compliance with ICAO's CORSIA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress, in
    coordination with FAA, DOT, and DOS colleagues to ensure there is the
    necessary legislative authority to implement CORSIA and other climate
    measures.

    Malevolent Influence in International Organizations
        Question. Will you commit to working with likeminded countries to
    ensure the agenda and decisions of ICAO and Parties to the Chicago
    convention operate transparently, and that you will maintain vigilant
    of the weight and influence of countries that do not share the U.S.'
    values and economic interests?

        Answer. Standard-setting bodies are essential to the national
    security and economic security of the United States, our partners, and
    allies. Organizations such as ICAO must remain transparent and
    accountable to member states, focused on mandates and core
    competencies, and led by independent, qualified individuals. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize working with allies and partners to
    strengthen ICAO's governance and its ability to fulfill its mandate:
    the safety, security, and sustainability of civil aviation. This will
    include opposing efforts by states, including the PRC, that seek to
    make ICAO and other international organizations less transparent and
    accountable or to use the organization to advance their own interests.
    If confirmed, I will also continue to support greater U.S.
    representation at ICAO, including by advocating for qualified and
    independent candidates.

    Air Safety and Boeing 737 Max
        Question. What role do you believe ICAO has to intervene or resolve
    country decisions to ground or prohibit Boeing 737 Max from their
    airspace?

        Answer. It is up to a State's regulatory authority to determine
    whether to allow an aircraft to conduct operations within its
    territory. On November 18, 2020, the FAA published the final
    Airworthiness Directive with its findings and decisions regarding
    recertification of the Boeing 737 MAX flight control systems. The FAA
    worked alongside Transport Canada Civil Aviation (TCCA), the European
    Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA) and the National Civil Aviation
    Agency of Brazil (ANAC) in approving all the design changes to the
    Boeing 737 MAX. Following the FAA's rescission of its prior grounding
    order on November 18th, 2020, over 178 countries have since taken steps
    to allow the reintroduction of the aircraft.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Capt. C.B. Sullenberger III by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In 2019, the State Department withheld about $2 million
    in contributions pursuant to Sec. 7048(a) of the FY 2019 Consolidated
    Appropriations Act, which mandates the withholding of 15 percent of
    contributions to international organizations that do not implement
    sufficient whistleblower protections. After the adoption and
    implementation of key ethics and oversight reforms, the U.S. restored
    full funding.

       If confirmed, will you direct the U.S. Mission to ICAO to push for
            the full adoption and implementation of the remaining ethics
            and oversight reforms?

        Answer. The Administration is committed to improving transparency
    and accountability at ICAO, including eliminating waste, fraud, and
    abuse, as well as protecting whistleblowers from retaliation. If
    confirmed, I will focus intently on and fully support actions to help
    ICAO leadership develop a culture of transparency and accountability
    within the organization--actions that cannot be delayed given the
    recent history of mismanagement.

        Question. How will you hold the body accountable for doing so given
    it has fallen way short in the past?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be a relentless advocate for necessary
    reforms. I believe corrective measures at ICAO became more achievable
    with the recent election of Juan Carlos Salazar, the former head of
    Colombia's civil aviation authority, as the organization's new
    Secretary General. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. engagement with
    ICAO leadership and other member states to ensure that ICAO's
    transparency and accountability mechanisms meet U.N. System-wide best
    practices.

        Question. Are you familiar with the whistleblower scandal at ICAO
    in recent years where the secretary general of ICAO, Fang Liu, was
    accused by a senior official-turned-whistleblower of ``toxic and
    hostile'' leadership marked by ``cronyism'' and ``favoritism,'' and
    where no investigation place and the whistleblower was fired by ICAO?

        Answer. I am familiar with the whistleblower scandal that occurred
    at ICAO, and with the cyberattack that spurred it. Following a high-
    level claim of retaliation in June 2019, I understand that the U.S.
    Mission increased its efforts to address deficiencies in ICAO's ethics
    framework, investigation procedures, and Secretariat transparency.
    Concerted action on the part of the United States led to ICAO's
    adoption of a new whistleblower protection policy and new procedures
    for investigating complaints of staff misconduct in 2020. If confirmed,
    I will continue to work to assure that whistleblowers can report
    wrongdoing without fear of reprisal and will also commit to working
    closely with the organization to ensure it is effectively implementing
    its new whistleblower protection policy.

        Question. In brief, a breach of ICAO's servers by a Chinese state-
    sponsored hacker group which took place in 2019 and revealed in 2019.
    The hackers reportedly gained access to the agency's system through a
    compromised laptop belonging to the son of then-ICAO Council President
    Olumuyiwa Benard Aliu. The hackers compromised the laptop of an ICAO
    official was in Beijing. Leaked documents show that ICAO staff sought
    to cover up the incident, and Liu reportedly ignored internal
    recommendations to investigate further. Are you familiar with this case
    which has been widely reported on?

        Answer. Yes, I am familiar with the serious cyberattack at ICAO
    that was revealed in 2019, and the deeply flawed response within the
    organization. Important reforms were subsequently put in place to deal
    with the lack of accountability in the handling of this issue, and if
    confirmed, I will press for continued implementation of those reforms
    to ensure enhanced transparency in the handling of these types of
    cases.

        Question. What is your perspective on protecting whistleblowers and
    do you commit to withholding the legislatively mandated portion of
    funds from ICAO if the agency reneges on its whistleblower protection
    reforms?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will push to ensure that ICAO's
    transparency and accountability mechanisms meet U.N. System-wide best
    practices, and I will work closely with the organization to ensure it
    is effectively implementing its new whistleblower protection policy. I
    will also work to ensure that whistleblowers can report wrongdoing
    without fear of reprisal. I will ensure that the Department's actions
    with respect to ICAO are consistent with U.S. law, and that all options
    are explored in support of the organization's whistleblower
    protections.

        Question. On January 8, 2020, the Islamic Republic of Iran shot
    down Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, a civilian aircraft
    departing a Tehran airport. 176 innocent passengers and crew members
    were killed, including 138 people with ties to Canada. More than a year
    after the downing, the governments of Canada and Ukraine have rejected
    Iran's handling of, and investigation into, the PS752 downing, pushing
    for Iran's full adherence to international conventions. The G7 Summit
    Communique reaffirmed the G7's commitment to addressing this case.

       If confirmed, will you commit to publicly and meaningfully
            supporting our allies and partners in Canada and Ukraine to
            pursue full accountability, transparency, and justice in this
            case, including at ICAO?

        Answer. The United States participated in the investigation of the
    shoot down of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, with the
    inclusion of an accredited representative on the investigation team. I
    understand that the ICAO Accident Investigation Panel formed a working
    group to continue to discuss some of the unique circumstances raised by
    the accident. If I am confirmed, I am committed to continuing to work
    with our international partners to ensure the integrity of the accident
    investigation process, to push for accountability for those responsible
    for the shoot-down of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752, and
    to call on Iran to uphold its responsibilities to the victims and
    families of this tragic incident.

        Question. Since 2013, Taiwan has been systematically excluded from
    participating at ICAO, including during key discussions to stop the
    spread of COVID-19 in the early days of the pandemic. Taiwan operates
    one of the busiest airports by passenger and cargo traffic in the
    world.

       Can you commit to championing Taiwan's bid to attain observer
            status at ICAO?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to supporting Taiwan's
    meaningful participation in ICAO, in line with longstanding U.S.
    policy. Aviation security, safety, and environmental impacts are
    matters of global importance, and should involve all interested
    stakeholders, including Taiwan, which has a major aviation sector and
    can both benefit from and contribute to technical discussions on
    aviation safety and security based on its own aviation experiences.

        Question. How will the U.S. Mission to ICAO, in conjunction with
    the State Department, specifically work to assist Taiwan in its bid?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will press ICAO leadership to provide
    meaningful participation for Taiwan at all appropriate levels and
    events. It is critical that Taiwan both contribute to and benefit from
    technical aviation safety and security discussions that occur at ICAO
    in various fora. If confirmed, I will make this a priority at ICAO and
    work with the State Department and other agencies to identify
    opportunities and events to support Taiwan's participation so that the
    international community can benefit from its contributions on this
    important issue.

        Question. On May 23, 2021, Ryanair flight FR4978 was forcibly
    diverted by the government of Belarus and a passenger was arrested.
    ICAO has taken up an investigation of this event.

       Can you commit to ensuring that the fact-finding investigation into
            Ryanair Flight FR4978 is completed with transparency?

        Answer. The forced diversion of Ryanair Flight 4978 by Belarus and
    subsequent arrest of an opposition journalist and a colleague showed
    flagrant disregard for international norms of aviation security and
    safety and undermined the critical trust between pilots and air traffic
    control. ICAO, as the U.N. organization responsible for setting global
    standards for the safety and security of international civil aviation,
    must work to ensure those standards are upheld.
        If confirmed, I will work to ensure our partners and allies, and
    all related parties fully participate in the ICAO investigation by
    sharing all information relevant to the incident with ICAO's
    investigative team and to push for substantive findings, including a
    chronology of events, to be presented to the ICAO Council in November.

        Question. How will you work to combat malign Chinese influence at
    ICAO?

        Answer. Standard-setting bodies are essential to the national
    security and economic security of the United States and our partners,
    friends, and allies. Organizations such as ICAO must remain transparent
    and accountable to membership, focused on mandates and core
    competencies, and led by independent, qualified individuals. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize working with allies and partners to
    strengthen ICAO's governance and its ability to fulfil its mandate: the
    safety, security, and sustainability of civil aviation. If confirmed, I
    will oppose efforts by states, including the PRC, that seek to make
    ICAO and other international organizations less transparent and
    accountable or to use the organizations to advance their own interests.
    If confirmed, I will also continue to support greater U.S.
    representation at ICAO, including by advocating for qualified and
    independent candidates.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Capt. C.B. Sullenberger III by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. What leadership role, if any, do you think ICAO could and
    should take in lifting travel restrictions and restoring post-pandemic
    international air travel?

        Answer. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on civil aviation is
    unprecedented. ICAO moved quickly to establish the Council Aviation
    Recovery Task Force (CART) to provide guidance to governments and
    industry operators to restart the international air transport sector
    safely and promote recovery from the impacts of COVID-19 on a
    coordinated global basis.
        While it is up to member states to lift restrictions on travel
    across borders, ICAO can continue to play an important role in
    identifying the tools and resources necessary to do so. In the long
    run, ICAO must continue to work with member states and the World Health
    Organization to ensure a more robust disease surveillance and contact
    tracing capability in the civil aviation domain, as well as to
    facilitate the efficient and secure flow of limited health information
    among air passengers and states to prevent and mitigate the effects of
    future pandemics on air transport. If confirmed, this will be a top
    priority of mine at ICAO.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Dr. Atul A. Gawande by Senator Robert Menendez

    COVID-19
        Question. Nearly two years into the COVID-19 pandemic access to the
    COVID-19 vaccine in poor and developing nations remains a challenge.
    For example, Africa has vaccinated only 3 percent of its population due
    to lack of supply.

       What are the major challenges to increasing the global supply of
            COVID-19 vaccines produced in the United States and Europe and
            what role if any will you play relative to helping overcome
            those challenges?

        Answer. While there have been significant improvements and scale-up
    in global manufacturing, there remain constraints in the supply of some
    key input materials, as well as constrained capacity to ``fill and
    finish'' vaccines into vials. I understand that USAID is working
    closely with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation and
    other partners to expand global vaccine manufacturing, including by
    supporting efforts to build human resource capacity for vaccine
    production and enabling the regulatory environment to review the safety
    and quality of vaccines before sale and use. If confirmed, I will work
    with colleagues across the U.S. Government to spur innovative solutions
    to these challenges.

       What is your understanding of the efficacy of vaccines produced in
            China and Russia, and if confirmed what messages, if any,
            should you deliver to countries about the safety and efficacy
            of these vaccines?

        Answer. While Sinopharm and Sinovac have been shown in certain
    studies to be less effective than several other COVID-19 vaccines,
    studies against prior prevailing SARS-CoV-2 strains have shown
    Sinopharm and Sinovac have a favorable protective impact against
    critical illness and both have received Emergency Use Listing from the
    World Health Organization (WHO). Russia's Sputnik V vaccine produced by
    Gamaleya Research Institute has not yet received Emergency Use Listing
    from the WHO or a stringent regulatory authority. I note that the
    Biden-Harris administration is dedicated to increasing U.S. vaccine
    sharing efforts and ensuring broad availability of safe and effective
    vaccines to more countries in need, through COVAX and bilaterally, and
    continues to call on others to do the same.

       Assuming availability of supply comes on line, what will be the
            most significant challenges to what is commonly referred to as
            ``putting shots in arms'' in countries with weak health
            systems, and what role will you play if confirmed to ensure
            those challenges have been addressed prior to COVID-19
            vaccination doses become available?

        Answer. Accelerating worldwide vaccine administration is an even
    bigger challenge than increasing supply. If confirmed, I will support
    USAID's efforts in this area as a top priority. Bolstering country
    readiness is critical to the success of the U.S. donation of Pfizer
    doses and other vaccines, in particular. I understand that the
    President has announced that USAID plans to allocate additional
    American Rescue Plan funds for vaccine readiness. This builds on
    previous investments to support partner countries to strengthen their
    vaccination programs, including setting up vaccination sites, training
    vaccinators, providing logistics support to the ``last mile,'' fighting
    vaccine misinformation, and securing cold chain equipment.

       If confirmed, what actions would you plan to take, related to
            implementing the objectives of the September 2021 U.S. COVID-19
            Summit?

        Answer. At the September COVID-19 Summit, the President announced
    that USAID plans to provide $195 million in support for country vaccine
    readiness efforts in support of the ``Vaccinate the World'' target and
    $50 million to expand access to oxygen in support of the ``Save Lives
    Now'' target. I understand that USAID will provide an additional $100
    million for rapid response interventions, including addressing needs in
    COVID-19 hot spots and will also play a key role supporting the
    administration of an additional 500 million Pfizer vaccines to be
    donated by the United States. If confirmed, I commit to supporting
    these efforts as well as working with our partners, the private sector,
    and other countries to support reaching the Summit targets.

       What is your view of the role the Coalition for Epidemic
            Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) can play in combatting the
            COVID-19 pandemic, and future pandemics, and what level of
            funding should USAID provide to the organization?

        Answer. I understand that USAID currently provides support to
    CEPI's core vaccine development program. If confirmed, I intend to
    consider all possible avenues where USAID can improve country COVID-19
    vaccine capacity. CEPI has been an effective innovator. If I am
    fortunate enough to lead the Bureau for Global Health, I will explore
    how CEPI's work aligns with the U.S. funding portfolio for efforts to
    expand use of existing vaccines and prepare for new variants.

    Health Systems Strengthening
        Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize Health Systems
    Strengthening? Will you commit to consulting with my staff on your
    plans in this area, if confirmed?

        Answer. Health systems strengthening has been a major focus of my
    career, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with USAID
    colleagues, and your staff, to prioritize this work. I understand that
    USAID recently released a new Vision for Health Systems Strengthening,
    and I plan to ensure that USAID's approach described in the Vision is
    implemented across the Agency's programs. In particular, I will
    prioritize support for local organizations and locally-derived
    solutions and work with countries and partners to leverage health
    resources across public, private, and community sectors. This includes
    supporting USAID's efforts to optimize the impact of those resources to
    advance equity and quality of healthcare.

    Tuberculosis
        Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize tuberculosis
    control efforts, in particular case finding, equitable and high quality
    treatment, and research and development of innovative diagnostics,
    therapies, and vaccines?

        Answer. COVID-19 has had a devastating impact on the global
    tuberculosis (TB) response. If confirmed, I will ensure USAID continues
    its TB recovery efforts in the highest impacted countries, focusing on
    expanding access to TB detection, such as with TB and COVID-19 bi-
    directional testing and community-based contact investigations. If
    confirmed, I look forward to overseeing efforts to improve the quality
    of TB and drug resistant TB treatment through, for example, innovative
    digital technology, and supporting research for new and better
    treatment and diagnostic tools. I will also support coordination with
    other partners, leveraging their additional resources for late-stage
    development and uptake of new TB vaccines.

    Global Women's Health
        Question. As the world continues to confront COVID-19, women's
    health services must be part of any comprehensive response to the
    pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to increased incidences of
    sexual exploitation and gender-based violence as well as decreased
    access to reproductive and maternal health care. In March 2021, the
    United Nations Population Fund reported that an estimated 12 million
    women experienced disruptions in access to family planning due to the
    pandemic, leading to 1.4 million unintended pregnancies. These impacts
    have been especially devastating for women and girls already in the
    grip of humanitarian crises, from Afghanistan to Venezuela. Already,
    women's progress over the past 25 years has begun to be reversed.

       How will USAID meet the expanding health needs of women and girls
            impacted by the secondary effects of COVID-19, including
            gender-based violence? What steps will USAID's Bureau of Global
            Health take to halt the reversal of progress in women's health
            and rights?

        Answer. U.S. investments in reproductive and maternal health, and
    gender-based violence prevention and response, are vital to women's
    health, gender equality, and the empowerment of women and girls. They
    also support the Biden-Harris administration's health and development
    priorities. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to reach those most
    vulnerable, especially women and girls; ensure continued and equitable
    access to life-saving voluntary family planning and maternal health
    care; support countries to develop enabling environments for healthy
    behaviors; and increase the health sector's capacity to prevent and
    address gender-based violence.

       How will USAID seek to ensure that women in humanitarian
            emergencies-who have been disproportionately impacted by the
            secondary impacts of COVID-19-receive access to critical health
            care services?

        Answer. I understand USAID's humanitarian programming in the
    context of COVID-19 takes an integrated health and protection approach
    to ensure women and girls in humanitarian emergencies have access to
    critical healthcare services, including antenatal care, safe delivery
    at birth, postnatal care, and voluntary family planning. Programs also
    address myths, misconceptions, and misinformation. In light of the
    dramatic increase in gender-based violence (GBV) resulting from the
    pandemic, I understand that USAID partners are expanding services to
    directly address pandemic-related GBV needs. If confirmed, I will work
    to ensure that USAID's longer term global health investments build on
    the important work of the Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance in
    countries where the Agency works.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Dr. Atul A. Gawande by Senator James E. Risch

    In General
        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding the statutory
    structure and organizational principals of the U.S. Agency of
    International Development (USAID), whereby the agency operates as an
    independent agency under the foreign policy direction of the U.S.
    Secretary of State?

        Answer. Yes, I will uphold the statutory structure and
    organizational principles by which USAID formulates and executes U.S.
    foreign economic and development assistance policies and programs,
    subject to the foreign policy guidance of the President, the Secretary
    of State, and the National Security Council.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working in a bipartisan
    manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by
    providing timely, accurate, and complete information on relevant U.S.
    global health strategies, initiatives, and funding?

        Answer. Yes.

    Waste, Fraud, and Abuse
        Question. A recent report by the Center for International Private
    Enterprise (CIPE) Anti-Corruption and Governance Center suggests that
    an estimated five to ten percent of annual humanitarian aid is lost to
    corruption, while an estimated seven percent of global spending on
    public health is lost to waste, fraud, and abuse. The United States is,
    by far, the single most generous donor of both humanitarian and global
    health assistance.

       If confirmed, will you commit to upholding a zero tolerance policy
            for waste, fraud, and abuse in the programs under your purview?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. If confirmed, will you also uphold a zero tolerance
    policy for USAID staff and implementing partners who engage in the
    sexual exploitation and abuse of the vulnerable communities they are
    meant to serve?

        Answer. Yes.

    Management
        Question. USAID has a diverse workforce, supported by 22 different
    hiring mechanisms, that has been under enormous stress over the last
    few years, in large part due to persistent management challenges,
    budget uncertainty, and COVID-19 and its associated stresses. To
    further complicate matters, if confirmed, you will be charged with
    managing an operational bureau that consumes roughly one third of the
    USAID budget and programs that cut across nearly every development
    sector. With the perceived importance of bureaus and initiatives all-
    to-often measured by the resources they manage, competition can be
    fierce and cooperation difficult.

       What is your understanding of morale within the Bureau for Global
            Health?

        Answer. I understand that the COVID pandemic has created challenges
    for the entire Federal workforce, and USAID has the relatively unique
    additional challenges of a substantial overseas workforce. More
    broadly, I understand that USAID has been asked to take on expanding
    duties, and the staff at the Bureau have been under tremendous pressure
    for the past 18 months as the Agency has responded to the COVID-19
    pandemic.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the bureau?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to addressing morale and
    strengthening community at USAID. Among my top, early priorities will
    be to gain a comprehensive understanding of the issues affecting
    morale, as well as the agency's personnel structure and human resources
    and management mechanisms that can be used to address the most critical
    issues. Through two decades of management experience, I have come to
    understand the value of listening to my teams, creating opportunities
    for personal and professional growth at all levels, and ensuring that
    the often incredibly difficult work undertaken by my staff or
    organization is publicly and privately acknowledged.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across the bureau, while also accounting for the areas of overlap with
    other agencies, bureaus, offices, and initiatives?

        Answer. I understand that the size and scope of the Global Health
    Bureau can create coordination challenges within the Agency, and across
    other departments and agencies. At the same time, I see tremendous
    opportunity in leveraging the expertise and experience of the Global
    Health Bureau in coordination with the State Department, Centers for
    Disease Control and Prevention, Department of Health and Human
    Services, and others, at a policy level and on specific public health
    issues. If confirmed, I commit to building constructive relationships
    with my colleagues and counterparts at USAID and across the interagency
    to further U.S. foreign policy interests and strengthen global health.

        Question. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I work hard to be an effective leader of leaders. That
    means, in managing organizations small and large, I've worked to
    establish, communicate, and win support for clear priorities; to secure
    the leaders and resources to achieve them; and to build the
    transparency and relationships that enable people to pull together in
    the same direction. When these come together, extraordinary things
    happen.

        Question. In your view, how would your management style translate
    in a USAID setting, where your workforce is composed of career foreign
    and civil servants, as well as a dizzying array of political
    appointees, Foreign Service Limited appointments, Participating Agency
    Service Agreements, contractors, and grantees?

        Answer. Establishing clear priorities, the needed talent and
    resources, and the strong relationships required for execution is
    particularly challenging in federal government. But these principles of
    effective leadership apply equally in the public sector as the private
    sector.

        Question. As a political appointee rather than career foreign or
    civil servant, do you believe it is incumbent upon Agency leaders to
    integrate themselves into bureau operations and culture? If yes, how do
    you intend to do so?

        Answer. Yes. I believe that USAID is made stronger as an Agency by
    combining the talents and skill sets of all its staff, regardless of
    their hiring mechanism. If I am confirmed, I will seek to integrate
    myself into that ecosystem, both to understand how the Global Health
    Bureau works and to add my perspective as a physician and public health
    leader. If confirmed, I will do this by holding listening sessions to
    understand the challenges facing current staff and solicit advice on
    how we can create a workforce that is more diverse and inclusive.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or in private?

        Answer. No.

        Question. In order to incentivize and ensure employee excellence at
    USAID, accurate performance reviews for all categories of employees are
    critical, though often lacking.

       Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
            accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order
            to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
            their roles?

        Answer. Yes, I do. I understand that USAID has five performance
    management systems which emphasize ongoing, constructive feedback and
    require formal conversations during the annual performance cycle. USAID
    also has a robust awards and recognition program that includes annual
    performance bonuses and incentive awards. If confirmed, I commit to
    working within these systems to encourage employees to achieve success
    both within and on behalf of USAID.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage the
    managers in your bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback
    to employees in order to improve performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes. I would encourage managers to continue providing
    clear, accurate, and direct feedback to employees on a regular basis
    and as part of their annual performance appraisals. Constructive
    feedback is critical to helping employees be successful and to ensure
    that underperforming employees get back on track. It also allows
    managers to recognize and reward individuals and groups for
    contributions to the accomplishment of USAID's mission, goals, and
    objectives.

    Global Health Security
        Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public
    health research--such as gain-of-function or other life sciences
    research that poses dual-use concerns--in cooperation with countries
    that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have violated or
    failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or where the
    United States cannot certify that such country is in compliance with
    the Biological Weapons Convention?

        Answer. I do not support USAID conducting research that would make
    viruses more lethal or transmissible in cooperation with such
    countries. Furthermore, it is my understanding that USAID does not fund
    gain-of-function research, and that USAID has not funded or conducted
    any studies or experiments anywhere in the world that would make
    viruses more lethal or transmissible.

        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure USAID's research and
    development grants are fully vetted and do not flow to partners,
    including through sub-grants, engaged in such research, particularly in
    countries with lax biosecurity standards?

        Answer. I understand that USAID provides clear guidance in all
    Global Health Security (GHS) programming to implementing partners on
    compliance and adherence to rigorous biosafety and security protocols
    and that USAID does not fund any gain-of-function research through
    prime or sub-partners. USAID requires regular reporting on implementing
    partners' activities supported with its funding, which must adhere to
    the criteria laid out in the award. This reporting is closely monitored
    by USAID staff to ensure compliance with U.S. Government regulations
    pertaining to GHS research. If confirmed, I will continue to implement
    this guidance and will not fund any gain-of-function research with
    USAID funds.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you enhance USAID's monitoring
    and evaluation of sub-grants related to life sciences research?

        Answer. It is my understanding that for all awards, USAID requires
    regular reporting on partners' activities supported with Agency
    funding, which must adhere to the parameters of each award. If
    confirmed, I will work to ensure USAID continues to provide robust
    oversight of awards to monitor activities and the appropriate use of
    funds, and that award-level safeguards related to monitoring sub-awards
    are included in each applicable award.

        Question. In your private capacity, you have asserted that the
    ``lab leak'' theory--i.e. that the COVID-19 pandemic may have its
    origins in an accidental exposure or leak from a lab in Wuhan, China--
    is plausible and merits further investigation.

       If confirmed, will you commit to conducting a comprehensive review,
            to include lessons learned, of all USAID grant funding to
            entities in the People's Republic of China for the previous 10
            years and sharing the results of such review with this
            committee?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with the committee
    regarding USAID-funded global health activities in the People's
    Republic of China. Lessons learned from past programming can and should
    help shape the Agency's future approaches. I supported the President's
    decision to direct the Intelligence Community to conduct a full
    investigation into the origins of COVID-19, as well as administration
    efforts with partners and allies to seek a second phase study by the
    WHO. We also know getting to the bottom of the origin of this pandemic
    will help us understand how to prepare for the next pandemic.

        Question. If confirmed, will you also commit to providing this
    committee with all requested information on USAID funding to EcoHealth
    Alliance?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to responding to the
    committee's requests for information on USAID's prior funding for
    EcoHealth Alliance which, I understand, has concluded.

        Question. In your testimony, you indicate that your top three
    priorities as USAID Assistant Administrator for Global Health would be
    to accelerate the global response to COVID-19, prepare for the next
    pandemic, and strengthen health systems. In July, the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee passed S. 2297, the International Pandemic
    Preparedness and COVID-19 Response Act, with overwhelming bipartisan
    support. The top three priorities you have outlined align with this
    bill.

       Are you familiar with S. 2297, the International Pandemic
            Preparedness and COVID-19 Response Act?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Do you agree with the legislation's basic principles
    that: (1) U.S. global health security and diplomacy are inextricably
    linked; (2) enhanced leadership by the Department of State will be
    required to advance an effective U.S. global health security and
    diplomacy strategy overseas; (3) while a competent entity at the
    Department of State should align and coordinate U.S. foreign assistance
    efforts, the technical experts at USAID and the Department of Health
    and Human Services (HHS) should be trusted to lead in design and
    implementation of programs under such strategy; (4) international early
    warning systems are lacking and must be strengthened; and (5) an
    international financing mechanism that incentivizes countries to
    identify and close measurable gaps in health security, including
    through enhanced early warning, will be required to help us get ahead
    of the next pandemic.

        Answer. I support the idea of improving our pandemic preparedness
    and global health security activities, and I agree that diplomacy and
    assistance are both critical tools in these efforts. I know that USAID
    works closely with the Department of State, the Centers for Disease
    Control and Prevention and others to ensure the U.S. is best positioned
    to prevent, detect, and respond to infectious disease threats. If
    confirmed, I commit to working with you on all efforts to advance
    global health security.

        Question. USAID missions have the authority to make cross-cutting
    investments in health systems strengthening while implementing disease-
    and sector-specific initiatives, yet often fail to do so. S. 2297 thus
    seeks to incentivize USAID investments in health system strengthening
    through the creation of a pilot program.

       If confirmed, which countries and investments would you prioritize
            under such a pilot program?

        Answer. Health systems strengthening (HSS) has been a major focus
    of my career, and if confirmed, I look forward to working within the
    Agency to ensure this work is prioritized, including by identifying
    opportunities for future investments in specific partner countries. I
    understand USAID recently released a Vision for Health System
    Strengthening, which outlines a clear approach for designing,
    implementing and monitoring HSS activities. If confirmed, and if such a
    pilot program is created, I will seek to partner with countries
    interested in fully implementing USAID's HSS approach.

        Question. Where are the greatest opportunities for success, and
    where are the greatest obstacles?

        Answer. Since programs have the opportunity to make efficiency
    gains by addressing common health system challenges, I think the
    countries that implement a range of global health programs offer the
    greatest opportunity for success. I also understand that this same
    dynamic can be an obstacle to integrated programming because different
    programs operate under their own unique sets of objectives. If
    confirmed, I will work to better integrate global health programming to
    overcome this obstacle.

        Question. The President's FY 2022 budget request for the Department
    of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs proposes a
    substantial increase for global health security.

       If confirmed, which partners and investments would you prioritize?

        Answer. I understand that the President's FY 2022 budget request
    would increase global health security funding with a significant
    portion focused on USAID. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
    you, the National Security Council staff and relevant Departments, and
    colleagues at the Agency on potential plans to scale up bilateral
    country programs as well as support multilateral organizations working
    to develop tools to end the COVID-19 pandemic and more effectively
    prevent and respond to future ones. I will also work to ensure that
    USAID's Global Health Security programming continues to build
    resilience for future epidemics and pandemics by supporting partner
    countries scale up the core public health capacities that are needed to
    prevent avoidable epidemics, detect threats early, and respond rapidly
    and effectively to disease outbreaks to stop them from becoming
    national or global emergencies. Moreover, I will ensure that global
    health security investments complement the broader approach to health
    systems strengthening so that USAID's investments help countries
    withstand future shocks.

    COVID-19
        Question. The American Rescue Plan (ARP) provided USAID with
    $905,000,000 to prevent, prepare for, and respond to coronavirus, to
    include support ``for a multilateral vaccine development partnership to
    support epidemic preparedness.'' Though there was virtually no
    consultation on the authorizing language, the authors reportedly
    intended to require USAID to dedicate a substantial portion of this
    amount for a substantial contribution to the Coalition for Epidemic
    Preparedness Innovations (CEPI). More than six months later, the
    substantial contribution envisioned in the ARP has yet to materialize.
    This has raised questions about the level of confidence USAID has in
    CEPI's model and operations.

       If confirmed, will you commit to provide to this committee a
            complete, detailed spending plan for the funds received through
            the American Rescue Plan (ARP) for the international COVID-19
            response, to include all aspects of the response, from vaccine
            sharing to second order impacts?

        Answer. I understand that the State Department and USAID provide
    Congressionally-mandated reporting on COVID-19 funding, including
    obligations and disbursements by country and partner, every 60 days. If
    confirmed, I will ensure consultations with the committee continue and
    that USAID provides regular briefings on the use of American Rescue
    Plan funding.

        Question. If confirmed, would it be your intention to engage with
    CEPI for the research and development of COVID-19 vaccines, including
    vaccines to combat COVID-19 variants, as well as vaccines to disrupt
    transmission of new and emerging infectious diseases with pandemic
    potential?

        Answer. I understand that USAID currently provides support to
    CEPI's core vaccine development program. While I am not privy to
    administration discussions on the use of American Rescue Plan funding,
    if confirmed, I intend to consider all possible avenues where USAID can
    improve COVID-19 vaccine capacity. CEPI has been an effective
    innovator. If I am fortunate enough to lead the Bureau for Global
    Health, I will explore how CEPI's work aligns with the U.S. funding
    portfolio for efforts to expand use of existing vaccines and prepare
    for new variants.

        Question. What is your assessment of CEPI's performance to date?
    For what reason might USAID be hesitating to make contributions?

        Answer. While I am not privy to administration discussions on the
    use of American Rescue Plan funding, if confirmed, I will assess how
    CEPI's capabilities would advance the administration's efforts to
    support a multilateral vaccine development partnership to enhance
    epidemic preparedness and look forward to consulting with you on those
    efforts.

        Question. USAID, in coordination with the U.S. Department of State,
    currently is managing United States contributions to COVAX.

       How would you assess the performance of COVAX to date?

        Answer. I understand that COVAX has performed well in the context
    of unforeseen and ongoing constraints to the global vaccine supply,
    including the restricted export of vaccines from India. While it
    appears that COVAX is below its original delivery projections, vaccine
    donations from the United States and other donors continue to increase
    the immediate supply to low and lower-middle income countries. If
    confirmed, I will continue to support efforts to expand the
    availability of safe and effective vaccines globally to bring this
    pandemic to an end.

        Question. How can USAID ensure that COVAX is working expeditiously
    to get shots in arms while guarding against waste, fraud, and abuse?

        Answer. It is my understanding that USAID's $4 billion in
    contributions to Gavi/COVAX in 2021 was provided in tranches, allowing
    USAID to ensure Gavi/COVAX obtained the funding needed from other
    donors to scale up global vaccine access, while closely monitoring
    COVAX's performance. USAID also participates in Gavi's Audit and
    Finance Committee, and has the opportunity to regularly review risks
    involved in procuring and delivering COVID-19 vaccines. It is my
    understanding that Gavi/COVAX has established methods for receiving
    reports of fraud, and that all allegations are overseen by Gavi's
    Investigation Managing Director and Whistleblower Compliance Officer.
    If confirmed, I will support efforts by USAID to strengthen and
    reinforce existing systems to mitigate these threats to multilateral
    and bilateral vaccine campaigns and strengthen fraud awareness and
    reporting.

        Question. How can USAID ensure that U.S. financial contributions to
    COVAX are not used to underwrite the purchase and distribution of
    substandard Chinese COVID-19 vaccines, particularly following the
    announcement that COVAX would, in fact, begin making major purchases of
    Chinese vaccines?

        Answer. My understanding is that Gavi allocated the $4 billion
    contribution from the U.S. prior to the decision to purchase Sinopharm
    and Sinovac vaccines, and that no U.S. funds were used for those
    purchases. If confirmed, I look forward to working within the
    administration and with Congress to make certain that the U.S.
    continues to engage constructively with Gavi to ensure a robust supply
    of safe, effective, and high-quality vaccines to COVAX Advance Market
    Commitment (AMC) countries.

        Question. Under what circumstances would U.S. bilateral vaccine
    contributions be more appropriate than contributions via COVAX?

        Answer. Donating doses through the multilateral COVAX initiative
    is, in most cases, generally more cost-effective and efficient than a
    bilateral donation, as it allows the U.S. Government to utilize COVAX's
    existing legal agreements with manufacturers and countries, and ensures
    that countries have access to necessary ancillary materials (e.g.
    syringes) and logistics support. Bilateral donations, in contrast,
    require the U.S. Government to arrange logistic support directly with
    recipient countries and develop new legal agreements. In some specific
    instances, particularly with high-income countries, bilateral donations
    offer a faster and more direct route for sharing vaccines.

        Question. The Biden administration has identified critical
    shortages in COVID-19 testing, treatment, and vaccine readiness,
    particularly in developing countries. Within the Access to COVID-19
    Tools (Act) Accelerator, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis
    and Malaria's COVID-19 Response Mechanism is responsible for the
    diagnostics and health systems strengthening pillars. The United States
    has committed $3.5 billion to the Global Fund for this purpose.

       Given your own private sector experience in expanding access to
            COVID-19 diagnostics, what is your assessment of the Global
            Fund's performance to date? What is the Global Fund getting
            right, and what would you do differently?

        Answer. The Global Fund (GF), a valued U.S. Government partner,
    moved quickly to announce COVID-19 funding that allowed countries to
    respond to the escalating crisis. I understand that GF has leveraged
    volume commitments to reduce the cost of rapid antigen based test kits
    by 40 percent and is expected to supply more than 110 million tests
    during 2021. If confirmed, I will work with the GF to provide robust
    assistance to countries to support the achievement of GF grant targets,
    while acknowledging that adjustments may be necessary during the COVID-
    19 pandemic. If confirmed, I will also work with the Global Fund to
    ensure their core mission remains fulfilled, given the increased needs
    globally to address HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria.

    President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)
        Question. USAID overseas missions have a long history of stretching
    the boundaries when it comes to permissible uses of PEPFAR funds,
    including when using PEPFAR funds to finance the construction of
    schools in Malawi despite the availability of education funds earmarked
    by appropriators annually for this purpose, or when using PEPFAR funds
    statutorily set aside to support children who have been made vulnerable
    by HIV/AIDS for activities with no discernable connection to HIV/AIDS.

       If confirmed, will you commit to working closely with the Office of
            the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (OGAC) at
            the U.S. Department of State to ensure that USAID's efforts to
            combat HIV/AIDS are efficient, effective, aligned and
            complementary to the work of OGAC?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with OGAC to ensure
    USAID's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS are efficient, effective, aligned,
    and complementary to the work of OGAC. I understand that USAID has
    established planning, monitoring, and oversight procedures and has
    dedicated personnel for monitoring activities to foster greater
    accountability for the use of resources toward epidemic control and the
    attainment of PEPFAR goals. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure
    that USAID employs the core principles that have been paramount in
    realizing programmatic success to date, including: demonstrating clear
    outcomes and impact of U.S. Government investments through robust data
    and analytics, finding efficiencies to increase impact, and managing
    for results and accountability.

        Question. Will you work to ensure that USAID missions meaningfully
    contribute to, but also adhere to, PEPFAR's Country Operating Plan
    (COP) process?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that USAID
    Missions continue to contribute and adhere to PEPFAR's COP process. It
    is my understanding that USAID Mission teams engage actively in
    strategic planning discussions with their interagency team, USAID
    Global Health Bureau counterparts, and local stakeholders -- including
    the host government and implementing partners -- to analyze new data,
    discuss prior performance, and reach consensus on the new COP's
    direction to ensure full accountability and ownership.

    Multilateral and Bilateral Global Health Programs
        Question. There has been strong focus over the last year and a half
    on multilateral institutions to address global health challenges,
    including but not limited to the U.S. international response to the
    COVID-19 pandemic.

       Recognizing that multilateral and bilateral programs work
            collaboratively, and that each have their own unique strengths
            and challenges, what would you consider to be the appropriate
            balance between multilateral and U.S. bilateral global health
            assistance and programs to address existing and emerging global
            health challenges?

        Answer. Multilateral institutions bring together bilateral donors,
    foundations, and other entities and support global alignment around
    common objectives. I think it is critical that USAID engage with global
    institutions to influence and support policy and practice worldwide. At
    the same time, USAID's bilateral programs work directly with country
    institutions on implementation. USAID's comparative advantage is its
    collaboration globally and at the country level with multilateral and
    bilateral partners. That collaboration is the catalyst for
    sustainability and the achievement of U.S. foreign policy and
    development goals.

    Family Planning and Reproductive Health
        Question. The President's FY 2022 budget request for the Department
    of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs proposes a
    substantial increase for Family Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/
    RH), through both bilateral aid programs and contributions to the U.N.
    Population Fund.

       If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring full and complete USAID
            compliance with current law, which prohibits the use of U.S.
            foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion as a method
            of family planning, support involuntary sterilizations, or
            lobby for or against the legalization of abortion overseas?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Do you recognize the fungibility of U.S. foreign
    assistance? If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S. foreign
    assistance does not enable implementing partners to perform or promote
    abortion as a method of family planning, perform involuntary
    sterilizations, or lobby for or against the legalization of abortion?

        Answer. USAID funding does not support abortions or involuntary
    sterilizations. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to comply with all
    applicable laws, including the Helms and Siljander amendments, in
    implementing the Agency's programs.

        Question. To your knowledge, is the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-
    led government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) deploying
    coercive abortion, forced sterilization, or other involuntary
    population control measures in Xinjiang Province?

        Answer. While I do not have direct knowledge nor have I studied the
    documentation on this issue, I do know that the People's Republic of
    China is committing atrocities against Uyghurs and other ethnic
    minorities in Xinjiang Province.

        Question. You have written extensively about the correlation
    between increased access to contraception and reduced demand for
    abortion. If confirmed, will you ensure that information on family
    planning is locally sensitive and includes options for natural family
    planning?

        Answer. Yes.

    Preventable Maternal and Child Deaths
        Question. Thanks in large part to commitments under the 2012 global
    Call to Action, and subsequent U.S. leadership and investment through
    USAID's Acting on the Call strategy, significant gains have been made
    in reducing preventable maternal and child deaths around the globe.
    Unfortunately, much of this progress is now at risk.

       USAID's Acting on the Call strategy expired in 2020. If confirmed,
            how would you renew and reinvigorate the strategy to reflect
            the unique challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, ensure
            local input, and galvanize other donors to join the fight to
            end preventable child and maternal deaths by 2030?

        Answer. I understand that USAID is finalizing a new strategy to
    guide its child and maternal programming, and will prioritize proven
    interventions and support countries in their efforts to end preventable
    child and maternal deaths by 2030. If confirmed, I commit to working
    with the global health community to continue focusing on building
    healthier, stronger, and more self-sufficient partner countries, and to
    leverage other donor, private sector, and host country resources
    towards addressing this shared goal.

        Question. How important is restoring access to routine vaccinations
    to this effort, particularly in areas plagued by insecurity and
    conflict?

        Answer. Restoring access to routine vaccinations is critical to
    USAID's efforts to prevent child and maternal deaths. WHO-UNICEF global
    immunization estimates indicate 23 million children missed out on basic
    vaccines through routine immunization services in 2020--3.7 million
    more than in 2019. Most of these children live in communities affected
    by conflict, in under-served remote places, or in informal or slum
    settings with limited access to basic health and key social services.
    If I am confirmed, restoring and shoring up immunization services will
    be an urgent priority in order to stop a wave of preventable outbreaks
    of vaccine-preventable diseases, such as measles, and backsliding in
    child mortality gains made over the past two decades.

    Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene
        Question. Access to safe water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) in
    healthcare facilities is critical to: establishing and sustaining
    strong health systems; preventing the spread of infectious diseases;
    addressing the growing challenge of antimicrobial resistance; and to
    ensuring quality care and the safety of patients and health workers.
    Yet, a recent WHO/UNICEF report cited that globally, 1-in-3 healthcare
    facilities does not have access to safe drinking water, soap, and hand
    sanitizers, and every year 17 million women give birth in facilities
    without adequate WASH.

       If confirmed, would incorporating WASH into the bureau's health
            systems strengthening programs, and particularly those led by
            the Office of Health Systems, be a priority?

        Answer. As a medical professional, I understand that access to safe
    water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) in healthcare facilities is
    essential to providing quality healthcare and protecting healthcare
    workers and patients from infections, such as COVID-19. I have also
    seen firsthand how the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the critical
    importance of WASH in disease prevention and infection control. If
    confirmed, I commit to working with public and private development
    partners to strengthen WASH in healthcare facilities to improve quality
    of care.

        Question. Will you commit to working with the Bureau for Resilience
    and Food Security and the USAID Global Water Coordinator to prioritize
    WASH across each of the bureau's health programs, ensure alignment of
    effort, and eliminate duplication and waste?

        Answer. Health is one of the most critical and well demonstrated
    WASH benefits. My understanding is that there is strong coordination
    between the Bureau for Resilience and Food Security (RFS) and the
    Global Water Coordinator. This includes intra-agency coordinating
    groups and the integrated management of programs and Mission support by
    the RFS Center for Water, Security, Sanitation, and Hygiene; GH Office
    of Maternal, Child Health and Nutrition; and Regional Bureaus. If
    confirmed, I commit to continue to ensure effective collaboration
    through existing platforms and to work with colleagues to improve
    internal USAID WASH program alignment.

    Polio
        Question. USAID has long worked with U.N. agencies and private
    sector partners, including Rotary International and the Gates
    Foundation, to eradicate polio. These efforts have achieved notable
    success. Since the launch of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative in
    1988, more than 2.5 billion children have been immunized, two of the
    three known strains of wild poliovirus have been eradicated, and global
    cases have been reduced by 99 percent. Today, wild poliovirus remains
    endemic in just two countries: Pakistan and Afghanistan. Still, the
    COVID-19 pandemic and the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan threaten to
    reverse these gains.

       If confirmed, will you prioritize efforts to eradicate polio
            globally, including through the reinvigoration of public-
            private partnerships and utilization of innovative approaches
            to track infections and expand access to vaccinations in
            vulnerable, hard to reach communities?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing USAID's 25-year
    history of collaborating with public and private partners to eradicate
    polio, including through the use of international and local non-
    governmental organizations, and community and faith-based
    organizations, to reach the hardest-to-reach communities through
    gender-inclusive and equity-focused approaches.

        Question. How can USAID and its partners expand the reach of polio
    vaccines in Pakistan and Afghanistan while ensuring the protection of
    vaccinators?

        Answer. The threat to polio workers continues to be grave; in this
    year alone, more than 10 people have been killed while supporting polio
    eradication efforts. I understand that USAID's polio work in Pakistan
    and Afghanistan has focused on funding a network of staff to detect,
    track, and report wild and vaccine-derived polio cases. This
    surveillance data is essential for WHO, UNICEF, and others to plan
    polio campaigns and to implement timely outbreak response measures.
    USAID collaborates with multilateral organizations and other partners
    to mitigate risks to healthcare workers that support polio eradication.
    If confirmed, I will continue to ensure USAID and its partners maintain
    and expand access to polio vaccines, while prioritizing the safety and
    security of all polio program staff.

    Localization
        Question. Successive administrations--both Democrat and
    Republican--have launched initiatives to ``localize'' U.S. foreign
    assistance, including by building the capacity of local partners to
    design programs and manage U.S. funds directly, rather than working as
    sub-awardees to large, U.S.-based development contractors and non-
    governmental organizations. Each of these initiatives has had mixed
    results.

       What is your view of ``localization''?

        Answer. In my view, localization can increase the input, ownership,
    and decision-making of the people who live development challenges daily
    in their communities. If confirmed, I will support Bureau approaches to
    localization efforts that reinforce implementation of global health
    activities that are guided by the people and institutions who drive
    change in their own countries and communities. I understand this is a
    key feature of USAID's Vision for Health System Strengthening that
    guides the work of the Office of Health Systems.

        Question. How can the Bureau for Global Health more effectively
    empower local partners through its program consultation, design, and
    implementation processes?

        Answer. Local capacity for development program design and
    management often requires development itself. I agree it is important
    that USAID work to support and grow a diverse set of partners who
    understand specific development needs and challenges, and continue to
    ease their access to Agency grant and contracting opportunities. If
    confirmed, I will work with USAID's global health programs and broader
    Agency efforts that I understand to be underway, to better enable local
    actors to define priorities and lead their communities' and countries'
    development agendas.

        Question. Is it appropriate to set targets for ``localization''
    and, if so, what would you consider to be reasonable and appropriate?

        Answer. I do not believe that localization can be solely based on
    providing increased numbers of grants to local organizations or
    management targets that emphasize inputs over impact. If confirmed, I
    will work with USAID's global health programs and broader Agency
    efforts that I understand to be underway, to better enable local actors
    to define priorities and lead their communities' and countries'
    development agendas.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Dr. Atul A. Gawande by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. In 1998, you wrote an article titled, ``The Human Cost of
    Crippling Castro'' where you criticized the longstanding U.S. policy of
    withholding financing and support for the Castro and Diaz-Canel
    regimes. For years, I have sought to clarify that the U.S. does not
    sanction Cuba, or sanction the Cuban people, but on a regime that is
    the number one reason why Cuba is the only country in the world where
    Cubans cannot succeed. For proof, we just need to look at the most
    recent protests in July, where Cubans across the island took to the
    streets against the regime's long history of economic mismanagement and
    violation of Cuban's basic rights.

       Understanding that you wrote this article more than two decades
            ago, do you oppose U.S. efforts to deny funding to the Castro-
            Diaz-Canel regime in Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will abide by existing restrictions
    concerning Cuba, including the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 and the
    Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996. As you
    rightly note, the Cuban regime's violent crackdown on dissent both
    preceding and in response to the July 11 protests demonstrates the
    Government's blatant disregard for its people and economic
    mismanagement. I agree that no funding for Cuba should go to the
    regime. I understand that current funding only benefits the Cuban
    people, carried out by independent organizations and strictly adheres
    to the relevant U.S. laws governing the provision of assistance in
    Cuba.

        Question. In that same article, you praise the high quality of
    Cuba's medical sector, which the regime uses to promote its
    international medical missions. However, the U.S. State Department, in
    its most recent Trafficking in Persons Report, found that these
    missions are only possible through forcing Cuban doctors to work.

       In your opinion, is a health care system that relies on the forced
            labor of its doctors and nurses really something to admire?

        Answer. Based on these findings and evidence that has emerged in
    recent years, I believe this system ultimately is exploitative and
    coercive to its participants. Any system that relies on systematic and
    deliberate violations of people's human rights should be publicly
    denounced. As stated in the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in
    Persons Report with regard to participants in Cuba's international
    medical missions, ``The Government failed to inform participants of the
    terms of their contracts, which varied from country to country,
    confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened medical
    professionals and their family members if participants left the
    program.''

        Question. You have written significantly on the subject of
    abortion. Some of this writing indicates a seemingly nonchalant
    attitude to abortion as a method of family planning, which raises grave
    concerns for your role, if confirmed, of overseeing all USAID
    assistance for global health programs.

       Do you support abortion as a tool of family planning?

       Do you believe the United States should no longer prohibit the use
            of U.S. Government funds for the performance of abortion?

       Do you support the use of partial-birth abortions?

        Answer. I am clear that USAID does not fund abortions and that
    Congress passes the laws governing the use of U.S. Government funds.
    Since 1973, the Helms Amendment has prohibited the use of U.S. foreign
    assistance funds to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of
    family planning, or to motivate or coerce any person to practice
    abortions. I take this and other restrictions, including other
    restrictions related to abortion, very seriously. If confirmed, I
    commit to ensuring that USAID continues to comply with the law,
    including the Helms and Siljander amendments, in implementing the
    Agency's programs.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Claire D. Cronin by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. On September 13, the British Government unilaterally
    announced that customs checks on EU imports were delayed from October
    2021 until January 2022. The checks were part of the Brexit deal that
    kept Northern Ireland within the EU single market and avoids the need
    for a hard border with Ireland. Will you convey to the Irish government
    your staunch support for the Northern Ireland Protocol in the Brexit
    withdrawal agreement? How will you make clear that many in Congress do
    not support a U.S.-UK FTA without full implementation of the Northern
    Ireland Protocol?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will protect the hard-fought gains of the
    Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. I will encourage all parties to
    prioritize political and economic stability and to negotiate when
    differences arise. I would emphasize the need to ensure any Brexit
    outcomes do not undermine the progress made since the Belfast/Good
    Friday Agreement.

        Question. The British Government has proposed an across-the-board
    amnesty for all criminal prosecutions related to the Troubles. This
    amnesty would be wider than more than 300 other post-conflict
    amnesties, including the one issued by Pinochet in Chile, according to
    a study from Queen's University Belfast. This proposed amnesty is
    incompatible with the human rights-related commitments of the GFA. What
    steps should the U.S. take to ensure that victims of Troubles-era
    violence and their families receive proper justice and accountability?

        Answer. There are many complexities surrounding the past in
    Northern Ireland and addressing these issues in a constructive way is
    essential. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Irish government
    and colleagues at Embassy London and our Consulate General in Belfast
    to urge Northern Ireland's political parties to negotiate when
    differences arise in order to build a peaceful and prosperous shared
    future in Northern Ireland.

        Question. Ireland was elected to the United Nations Security
    Council for 2021--2022. During its Presidency in September, Ireland
    focused on the UN-led peace process in Libya, the Middle East Peace
    Process, and the situations in Syria, Yemen, Sudan, and South Sudan.
    Given Ireland's leadership on peacekeeping, climate, and security, how
    will you work with Irish partners to build coalitions that address our
    mutual priorities?

        Answer. Ireland is already a strong advocate for many shared
    priorities. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. priorities remain top
    agenda issues for my engagement with Irish officials. I will seek the
    most effective ways to work with Ireland to advance key U.S. policy
    objectives, including expanding the bilateral business and economic
    relationship, combatting the global pandemic, countering the
    destructive influence of bad actors, strengthening transatlantic ties,
    and providing a safe and business-friendly environment for American
    citizens and companies working in Ireland.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Claire D. Cronin by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Despite generally good relations between the two
    countries, one of the sticking points in our relationship is the rather
    high level of illegal immigration of Irish citizens into the U.S. While
    this issue tends to fly under the radar, there are an estimated 10,000-
    50,000 Irish citizens residing illegally in the United States.

       Do you believe that illegal Irish immigrants should be lumped
            together in immigration reform bills with other groups of
            illegal immigrants?

        Answer. The history of Irish immigration to the United States is as
    old as our country and contributes to our strong bonds of friendship
    and history. During President Biden's March meeting with Taoiseach
    Miche l Martin, the leaders expressed their support for an earned path
    to citizenship for immigrations to the United States, as proposed in
    the U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021. If confirmed, I will work to
    implement the applicable U.S. immigration laws and policies for Irish
    immigrants, in coordination with the Department of Homeland Security
    and other Administration partners and in support of the
    Administration's commitment to the humane enforcement of U.S.
    immigration law.

        Question. Do you commit to working to find a legal remedy for this
    issue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to supporting the Administration's
    efforts to create a humane and effective immigration system,
    recognizing both that strong borders are fundamental to our national
    security and that welcoming immigrants is core to our national
    identity. I will support and defend any legal remedies to this issue,
    if I am confirmed.

        Question. Many in the U.S. Congress have vocally told London that
    they will not ratify any U.S.-UK trade deal if the Good Friday
    agreements are seen to be undermined in any final post-Brexit
    agreements that the UK may make with the European Union.

       Do you agree with this stance? Why or why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will protect the hard-fought gains of the
    Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. I will encourage all parties to
    prioritize political and economic stability and to negotiate when
    differences arise. I would emphasize the need to ensure any Brexit
    outcomes do not undermine the progress made since the Belfast/Good
    Friday Agreement.

        Question. Ireland has signed on to the Paris Climate Agreement,
    however it has continued to lag behind its emissions reduction goals.

       How do you plan on engaging with Irish government and organizations
            to encourage them to reach their emissions goals under the
            Paris Agreement?

        Answer. Ireland is eager to work with the United States to raise
    the profile of the issue. In July, Ireland passed a Climate Action Bill
    committing to halving carbon emissions by 2030 and reaching net-zero
    emissions by 2050. As member of the European Union (EU), Ireland has no
    country-specific Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the
    Paris Agreement--they are currently working to meet the bloc's
    collective target. However, with agriculture constituting the biggest
    share of carbon emissions, Ireland is now in the process of setting
    ambitious legally-binding targets for climate change mitigation and
    adaptation. If confirmed, I will work with U.S. and Irish Government
    officials and scientific experts to ensure that ambitious climate goals
    are met.

        Question. In May 2021, the regime of Aliaksandr Lukashenka forced
    down a Ryan Air flight that was in Belarusian airspace on its way from
    Athens, Greece, to Vilnius, Lithuania. Once on the ground, the
    Lukashenka regime forcibly removed Belarusian opposition journalist
    Raman Pratasevich and his girlfriend from the flight. Mr. Pratasevich
    has since been seen to be forced to make confessions of his sins
    against the regime on Belarusian television. Ryan Air is an Irish
    airline, and after the hijacking, many questions were raised about the
    airline's role in allowing the plane to be escorted to the ground.

       Now, after several months of EU-forced routing around Belarusian
            airspace, airlines are beginning to question when the
            restrictions will disappear. The stance of Ryan Air is
            particularly important. If confirmed, will you commit to
            working to maintain this overfly ban over Belarus?

        Answer. Belarus's forced diversion of a commercial Ryanair flight
    under apparently false pretenses and the subsequent removal and arrest
    of Raman Pratasevich, a Belarusian journalist, and his traveling
    companion, was a direct affront to international norms. The United
    States strongly condemned these actions and has since taken measures,
    including issuing a Level 4 travel warning against travel to Belarus,
    and imposed sanctions and air travel restrictions. The United States
    has also strongly supported the investigation of the incident by the
    International Civil Aviation Organization, which is slated to present
    its findings in November. If confirmed, I would work with the Irish
    government to support the Belarusian people in their aspirations for a
    free, democratic, and prosperous future and support their call for the
    regime to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms.

        Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in
    Persons (TIP) Report, Ireland was listed on Tier 2 Watch List for the
    second year in a row. Tier 2 Watch List, by definition, states:

            Countries and territories whose governments do not fully comply
            with the Act's minimum standards but are making significant
            efforts to bring themselves into compliance with those
            standards, and: The estimated number of victims of severe forms
            of trafficking is very significant or is significantly
            increasing and the country is not taking proportional concrete
            actions; or There is a failure to provide evidence of
            increasing efforts to combat severe forms of trafficking in
            persons from the previous year.

       Ireland seems to be in both categories. If confirmed, what steps
            would you take to engage with the host government on this
            critical issue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Irish authorities
    to encourage cooperation and regularly raise trafficking in persons at
    the highest levels of the Irish government. While the government
    recently convicted two traffickers for the first time under its
    trafficking law, I will continue to urge the Irish government to take
    concrete actions in addressing the recommendations from this year's
    Trafficking in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage the
    government of Ireland to vigorously investigate, prosecute suspects,
    and convict traffickers using the human trafficking law as well as
    improve systemic deficiencies in their victim identification, referral,
    and assistance.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with the office of the
    Ambassador at Large for Trafficking in Persons?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. authorities,
    including a confirmed U.S. Ambassador at Large for Trafficking in
    Persons, and the relevant Irish authorities, to encourage cooperation
    to make progress in combating trafficking in persons.

        Question. Do you believe that progress is possible in Ireland? Is
    there sufficient political will to tackle this growing problem?

        Answer. The Irish government continues to work with the U.S.
    government to address these issues. As noted in the 2021 Trafficking in
    Persons Report, the government made some significant efforts to combat
    trafficking during the reporting period, including designating an
    independent human trafficking national rapporteur and increasing
    funding for victim assistance, awareness campaigns, and training. In
    June 2021, Ireland convicted two Irish citizens--the first convictions
    under the anti-trafficking law since it was amended in 2013. In
    September, courts sentenced the traffickers to over five years'
    imprisonment. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Irish
    authorities to encourage cooperation and progress in combating
    trafficking in persons. In addition, I believe that progress can be
    made by effectively using public diplomacy tools to increase awareness
    and victim identification.

        Question. There are certain statutory limitations on how long a
    country can be consistently listed on the Tier 2 Watch List. After a
    certain amount of time, they must improve to Tier 2 or be moved to Tier
    3. What do you believe are some concrete steps that the United States
    and the government of Ireland can take together to prevent further
    slipping to Tier 3?

        Answer. For the second consecutive year, Ireland remained on the
    Tier 2 Watch List in the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
    report. If confirmed, I will urge the Irish government to take concrete
    actions in addressing the prioritized recommendations the Department
    highlighted in this year's Trafficking in Persons Report, especially
    with regard to increased prosecutions and victim identification and
    assistance. While the government has made some progress in recently
    convicting two traffickers for the first time under its trafficking
    law, if confirmed, I will encourage the government of Ireland to
    vigorously investigate, prosecute suspects, and convict traffickers of
    both sex and labor trafficking.

        Question. Embassy Dublin has been under enormous stress over the
    past few years dealing with COVID and the local lockdowns it caused.

       What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Dublin?

        Answer. Ireland has enforced three strict national lockdowns. The
    Foreign Service Officers and Locally Employed Staff at Embassy Dublin
    have dealt with significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful
    for their service, despite the difficulties. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize meeting with Embassy employees, including the Deputy Chief
    of Mission, to understand the impact of the pandemic on the mission.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale across the Embassy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
    professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
    and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. I believe
    that all members of U.S. Embassy Dublin are one team working for the
    good of the U.S.-Ireland relationship, and the interests of the United
    States and the American people.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    across Embassy Dublin?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
    professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
    and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. My
    commitment will be to ensure we use our available resources as
    effectively as possible to advance our top policy priorities. I believe
    that all members of U.S. Embassy Dublin are one team working for the
    good of the U.S.-Ireland relationship and the interests of the United
    States and the American people.

        Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
        How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. My career is rooted in public service and my experience as
    a mediator shaped my ability to work with colleagues of all backgrounds
    in a constructive manner. My management style is also shaped by my
    service as the first woman House Majority Leader in Massachusetts. My
    leadership style is collaborative and team oriented. I regularly engage
    with members of my team and always seek to create a space for open
    dialogue and diversity of thought. Despite the team approach, I
    recognize that decision making authority rests with me and that I am
    responsible for the outcome of the decision. If confirmed, I will work
    hard to foster an environment of respect as the Embassy carries out
    important work on behalf of the American people.

        Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
    to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
    your diplomatic workforce are career employees?

        Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously
    reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the
    needs of each mission. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we
    use our available resources as effectively as possible to advance our
    top policy priorities. If necessary, I would advocate for additional
    resources to carry out our mission.

        Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
    you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
    themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
    intend to do so?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador
    will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Dublin, including the
    Deputy Chief of Mission.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. No.

        Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
    deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of
    Mission to advance U.S. priorities in Ireland, including: protecting
    the safety and security of Americans, growing our economic
    relationship, and advancing shared political priorities. I expect to
    have a positive working relationship and to work together closely.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be
    to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Dublin, including the Deputy
    Chief of Mission. I will consult closely with the Deputy Chief of
    Mission on a range of issues and value the institutional knowledge
    provided.

        Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
    policy efforts.

       What is the public diplomacy environment like in Ireland? What
            public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

        Answer. The deep cultural, familial, and economic U.S.-Ireland
    connections provide a strong foundation on which Embassy Dublin
    promotes U.S. policy goals, such as recovering from the COVID-19
    pandemic, responding to the climate crisis, and standing up for our
    shared democratic values. With a sophisticated knowledge of American
    history, customs, and politics, many Irish enjoy positive experiences
    in the United States as tourists, students, or professionals. If
    confirmed, I will use public diplomacy tools including cultural
    programming, exchanges like the Fulbright program, and traditional and
    social media to bolster people-to-people ties across the country and
    expand the pool of key influencers who advocate for U.S. interests.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. The State Department's foreign policy goals--whether in
    Washington, DC or Ireland--are the same. The public diplomacy team at
    Embassy Dublin presents information to their local audience using their
    understanding of that audience and the local environment. The Embassy
    blends rapid reposting or amplification of Department or administration
    messaging with post-generated content directly tailored to
    contextualize the material to achieve the greatest impact with local
    audiences. If confirmed, I will continue to deploy public diplomacy
    staff and resources to analyze, engage, inform, and influence Irish
    audiences in support of U.S. foreign policy goals.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Claire D. Cronin by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. Recently, the COVID pandemic and the post-Brexit Northern
    Ireland Protocol have posed challenges to further implementation of the
    Good Friday Agreement. Political turmoil over the issue has again given
    rise to public unrest, including outbreaks of violence from loyalists
    in Northern Ireland in April 2021. As Ambassador, how can you use your
    role to facilitate dialogue and de-escalation around Northern Irish
    sectarian issues, from the Irish side of the border?

        Answer. Recent unrest in Northern Ireland underscores the
    importance of safeguarding the gains of the Belfast/Good Friday
    Agreement. If confirmed, I would work with colleagues in London and
    Belfast, and with the Irish government, to encourage political and
    community engagement to ensure the gains of the hard-won peace are
    protected.

        Question. Ireland has recently been downgraded to the Tier 2 Watch
    List in the State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons report.
    Ireland has only rarely prosecuted anyone for human trafficking. As
    Ambassador, what will you do to raise the profile of this issue of
    concern?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Irish authorities
    to encourage cooperation and regularly raise trafficking in persons at
    the highest levels of the Irish government. While the Government has
    made some progress in recently convicting two traffickers for the first
    time under its trafficking law, I will urge the Irish government to
    take further concrete actions to address the recommendations from this
    year's Trafficking in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage
    the government of Ireland to vigorously investigate, prosecute
    suspects, and convict traffickers using the human trafficking law as
    well as improve systemic deficiencies in their victim identification,
    referral, and assistance.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Kent Doyle Logsdon by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. In November 2017 and December 2018, parties to the OSCE's
    5+2 format reached agreements on elements of the Berlin-plus Protocol.
    If confirmed, how will you leverage the United States' status as an
    observer to the format to continue to make progress towards full
    implementation of the protocol?

        Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our close and
    collaborative engagement with the OSCE and likeminded allies and
    partners to ensure productive, results-oriented discussions under the
    5+2 format. The United States hopes to see continued progress on
    remaining confidence-building measures, underlying political and
    security issues, and maintaining a focus on advancing human rights. If
    confirmed, I am ready to work with the Government of Moldova and
    international partners under the OSCE framework to support full
    implementation of the protocol, including: enhanced movement through
    the Nistru River security zone, registration and facilitation of
    international traffic, and resolution of criminal cases.

        Question. In a recent address to the U.N. General Assembly,
    President Sandu called for the withdrawal of Russian troops from
    Transnistria and the destruction or removal of weapons caches in the
    region. How would you engage parties in the 5+2 format to ensure that
    Moldovan independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity are
    recognized?

        Answer. The United States fully supports President Sandu's and the
    Government of Moldova's call on Russia to honor its Istanbul Summit
    commitments and withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldovan
    territory. If confirmed, I will actively continue this support through
    direct dialogue with our partners in the OSCE and with the parties to
    and mediators of the OSCE-led 5+2 process. I will uphold the U.S.
    commitment to the 5+2 process and its goal to achieve a comprehensive,
    peaceful, and sustainable settlement that upholds Moldova's sovereignty
    and territorial integrity, with a special status for Transnistria
    within Moldova's internationally recognized borders.

        Question. President Sandu and Prime Minister Gavrilita have
    embarked on an ambitious reform agenda since Moldova's parliamentary
    elections in July 2021. The reforms aim to root out corruption at all
    levels of the Moldovan Government and have been welcomed by the
    international community. However, an August 2021 open letter signed by
    Moldovan civil society groups called for increased transparency with
    regard to reform efforts. How will you work to support the Moldovan
    Government's anti-corruption efforts while also encouraging appropriate
    public consultation?

        Answer. The United States is committed to supporting President
    Sandu and the Moldovan Government as they pursue reforms to strengthen
    democratic institutions and combat corruption. Engagement with Moldovan
    civil society is a key component of U.S. support. Civil society plays
    an important role in promoting accountability of elected leaders,
    driving meaningful reform, promoting access to justice for vulnerable
    communities, and strengthening independent media. If confirmed, I will
    support an open and consultative reform process that incorporates a
    diverse range of stakeholders, including civil society and
    international experts. I will also ensure that the U.S. Embassy
    amplifies successes of the Moldovan Government's anticorruption
    efforts.

        Question. LGBTI individuals in Moldova continue to be victims of
    discrimination, hate crimes, and verbal and physical assaults. What
    will be your strategy for supporting civil society groups that work
    with the LGBTI community?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society
    organizations and likeminded international partners to urge the
    Moldovan Government to adopt policies to protect the rights of LGBTQI+
    persons and to address impunity for hate-based crimes against all
    vulnerable communities and minority groups. I will ensure the United
    States continues to support improving accountability for perpetrators
    of hate crimes against LGBTQI+ persons and protecting the rights of
    victims of these crimes. If confirmed, I also will focus on building
    the capacity of civil society to advocate for all individuals to fully
    exercise their human rights and fundamental freedoms and to support
    investigations of hate crimes against LGBTQI+ persons.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Kent Doyle Logsdon by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. What areas in the U.S.-Moldova relationship do you see as
    most ripe for improvement?

        Answer. The United States has two key priorities for our bilateral
    relations. The first is to promote the development of strong government
    institutions that advance accountability, democracy, and human rights,
    and that work for the Moldovan people. The second is to strengthen
    Moldova's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity to
    counter Russian malign influence and empower Moldovans to pursue their
    chosen European path. The United States, in coordination with our
    European partners, is focused on providing the political and technical
    support needed to advance the new government's reform agenda. The
    United States is also ready to assist Moldova's economic recovery
    through market-oriented reforms and increased transparency.

        Question. Moldova's forward progress has at times been hampered by
    their inability to fulfil the conditions required by the IMF to receive
    much needed funds. As many neighboring states have moved forward
    economically, Moldova's economy has remained stagnant and dependent on
    remittances.

       As one of the major contributors to the IMF, what role do you
            believe the United States should play in helping rebuild ties
            between Moldova and the IMF?

        Answer. The United States is committed to assisting Moldova in
    building a robust, diversified, and export-oriented economy with
    stronger links to Western trade partners. IMF assistance and associated
    reforms have helped Moldova make important progress in strengthening
    transparency and oversight in its financial sector. If confirmed, I
    will support ongoing dialogue between Moldova and the IMF on reaching
    agreement on future assistance packages that will encourage the
    strengthening of the rule of law in Moldova and deliver both important
    governance reforms and much-needed financial assistance as Moldova
    builds back its economy in the wake of the COVID pandemic.

        Question. Moldova remains completely dependent on Russia for its
    gas supplies. If confirmed, do you commit to helping Moldova explore
    and develop other, non-Russian sources of power, and to helping push
    the country to implement programs that will make it more energy
    efficient and thus use less Russian gas?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would focus on supporting Moldova's energy
    security and diversification by leveraging U.S. technical assistance to
    promote renewable energy and alternative sources of gas supply and
    encourage reforms to better link Moldova to European energy markets.
    Collectively, these efforts can help to reduce Moldova's dependence on
    Russian gas imports. In addition, linking Moldova's energy
    infrastructure to its neighbors, such as Ukraine and Romania, will
    support further diversification.

        Question. Moldova's struggle with Russian-backed and
    institutionalized corruption are well-chronicled. In 2014, for
    instance, $1 billion disappeared from Moldovan banks and has not been
    retrieved.

       Do you believe that the United States should assist the Government
            of Moldova in their fight against corruption by providing them
            with intelligence on the whereabouts of certain individuals or
            their financial accounts who are suspected of having stolen
            from or defrauded the Moldovan people?

        Answer. We support the Moldovan Government's efforts to implement
    anti-corruption reforms and to investigate and prosecute those involved
    in corruption, including those who participated in the 2014 billion-
    dollar bank fraud. Corruption continues to slow economic development
    and threatens Moldova's European trajectory. If confirmed, I am
    committed to working with Moldova to promote and ensure accountability
    for corrupt actors and assist the Moldovan Government's investigations
    to hold those complicit in the 2014 billion-dollar bank fraud to
    account in whatever way we can.

        Question. Do you believe that visa or financial sanctions should be
    utilized by the United States against the aforementioned individuals?
    Why or why not?

        Answer. The United States stands with the Moldovan people in their
    fight against corruption. If confirmed, I will seek to use all
    available tools, as appropriate, to promote accountability for corrupt
    actors undermining the integrity of democratic institutions and rule of
    law in Moldova, regionally, and globally.

        Question. A new anti-corruption-focused government has recently
    come to power in Moldova. But time is short for them to make progress,
    and the entrenched interests working to maintain their grip on
    Moldova's politics and economy are strong.

       What role do you think the United States should play in helping
            Moldova fight corruption?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make the fight against corruption one
    of my top priorities. Moldovan voters chose a new government with a
    clear anticorruption mandate. U.S. assistance to Moldova is focused on
    promoting the development of strong, independent, and democratic
    justice sector institutions. As the new Moldovan Government seeks to
    implement its ambitious reform agenda, the United States can help
    Moldova build capacity within key anticorruption institutions, promote
    global best practices, and increase the effectiveness of its justice
    sector.

        Question. What tools does the new government have to begin the
    fight to corruption, and what new anti-corruption tools could they
    develop to enhance reform efforts.

        Answer. Moldova's fight against corruption has benefited from an
    increasingly independent judiciary, the development of specialized
    anticorruption and integrity bodies, and robust exchanges with the
    United States and our European partners to implement international best
    practices. To achieve its anticorruption goals, the new government can
    continue to strengthen accountability and transparency within judicial
    and prosecutorial oversight bodies. In the financial sector, Moldova is
    working to improve financial transparency and develop its financial
    intelligence capabilities. If confirmed, I would support Moldova's push
    to expand its anticorruption agenda, in consultation with independent
    experts and civil society.

        Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Moldova was
    identified as remaining on Tier 2 due to lack of prosecutorial efforts
    and systemic corruption in law enforcement.

       How will you work with the Moldovan authorities to address these
            issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Moldovan Government to
    strengthen its investigative and prosecutorial capacity to combat human
    trafficking, as well as press for improved government support,
    services, and justice for trafficking victims. U.S. support in the
    fight against human trafficking in Moldova is centered on victims and
    includes programs to increase access to services. Rooting out
    corruption in law enforcement and the judiciary, as well as building
    capacity within Moldovan law enforcement agencies, will improve
    Moldova's ability to prosecute and prevent trafficking.

        Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
    Moldova was identified as partially tolerant of religious freedom, with
    noted anti-Semitic incidents.

       What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
            how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster
            religious freedom in-country?

        Answer. While Moldova's constitution and laws provide for religious
    freedom, discrimination against members of religious minority groups
    persists, particularly anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim hatred. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with the State Department's Office of
    International Religious Freedom, civil society, the Moldovan
    Government, and religious communities to combat religiously motivated
    hatred and to promote respect for all religious groups. Efforts to
    strengthen Moldova's antidiscrimination body will support
    accountability for perpetrators of religiously motivated hate crimes.
    If confirmed, I will also work to advance freedom of religion or belief
    and freedom of expression within the Transnistria region.

        Question. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, Moldova was identified
    as having serious human rights concerns, particularly during the COVID-
    19 pandemic, including the freedom of expression, assembly, and
    movement.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
            with the host government?

        Answer. The United States welcomes the commitment of the new
    government to advance human rights as a policy priority. The United
    States remains concerned about pervasive human rights issues, including
    discrimination and impunity for hate crimes against members of minority
    groups and vulnerable communities. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with the Moldovan Government to improve the human rights
    situation in the country. The United States remains deeply concerned
    about the deteriorating human rights situation in Transnistria,
    including the prosecution of individuals for exercising their human
    right and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I will press for improved
    protection of vulnerable communities in Transnistria.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society
    organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs,
    and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in
    Chisinau enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil
    society on human rights and democracy issues. Civil society?has
    played?an important role in?promoting accountability of elected
    leaders, driving meaningful reform, supporting the rights of members of
    minority groups and access to justice for vulnerable communities,
    and?strengthening?independent media.??

        Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
    the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

       What is your understanding of morale throughout Embassy Chisinau?

        Answer. Embassy Chisinau continues to attract a talented and
    diverse group of foreign service professionals and their families. The
    COVID pandemic, as well as movement restrictions and strain on
    Moldova's healthcare system, presented new challenges for the Embassy
    in Chisinau. However, access to vaccinations for all staff and U.S.
    family members, as well as continued U.S. assistance to support
    Moldova's recovery from the pandemic, have contributed to improved
    resiliency and health and safety. In addition, the team in Chisinau has
    been energized through engagement with the new pro-reform, Western-
    oriented government. If confirmed, I would fully support Embassy staff
    and continually seek ways to promote good morale at post.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Embassy Chisinau?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my deputy chief of mission
    to ensure that we create an atmosphere in which our staff knows that
    they can bring serious issues to us and know that they are being heard
    at the highest level. I will ensure that everyone in the mission
    understands that my highest priority is the safety and security of the
    team. If confirmed, I will promote training and professional
    development, and ensure that all staff members are aware of the
    employee and family support resources that the Department offers to
    assist employees.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    at Embassy Chisinau?

        Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a
    clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and
    transparent communications throughout the mission by sharing
    information, and seek ways to support and ensure the safety and
    community of the mission the community--both American and local staff.

        Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

       How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I have a collaborative management style. I believe in
    sharing information and empowering my team, being open to ideas and
    suggestions from throughout the mission, and providing clear guidance
    and decisions as needed to lead.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private.

        Question. What lessons did you learn from your tenure as deputy
    chief of mission in Berlin?

        Answer. As Deputy Chief of Mission in Berlin, I learned it is
    important to build a strong team and to provide the guidance needed to
    empower the members of your team to lead their own sections and
    agencies in support of overall mission goals and objectives. As Deputy
    Chief of Mission, I focused on increasing diversity throughout the
    mission, but especially within the senior team. I also learned it is
    important to take care of your team, including their families,
    especially in difficult and uncertain times.

        Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
    your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. I have been a deputy chief of mission (DCM) twice--in
    Tbilisi, Georgia, and in Berlin, Germany. To be successful, a DCM must
    be the Chief of Mission's alter ego, confidante, and partner in
    managing and leading the mission. If confirmed, I fully expect to have
    that kind of positive relationship with my DCM in Chisinau.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate entrusting my deputy chief of
    mission to manage the day-to-day operations of the mission, and to be
    fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and mission
    management should the deputy need to step in to lead.

        Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
    the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
    for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

       Given your time as chief of staff to the Deputy Secretary for
            Management and Resources, do you believe that it is important
            to provide employees with accurate, constructive feedback on
            their performances in order to encourage improvement and reward
            those who most succeeded in their roles?

        Answer. I believe it is critical to provide employees with
    accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
    encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
    roles. I will hold accountable those who have performance or conduct
    issues. This is what I have done throughout my career.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers. I will hold accountable those
    who have performance or conduct issues.

        Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
    Moldova.

       In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
            walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. In my experience, U.S. diplomats have gotten outside of our
    embassy walls sufficiently to accomplish our mission, and if confirmed
    I would stress the importance of getting outside of our Embassy by
    example. Access to and engagement with local contacts and populations
    is an important part of our work overseas. Throughout my career, I have
    participated in public outreach to all parts of society--from students
    to non-governmental organizations to the media--and will continue to do
    so.

        Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage embassy staff to spend time
    engaging with local populations and developing contacts. I will also
    lead by example to demonstrate to my team that it is important to
    engage with our local counterparts and to participate in public
    outreach to provide information about our goals in a country and to
    learn from our hosts about local conditions.

        Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
    policy efforts.

       What is the public diplomacy environment like in Moldova? What
            public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

        Answer. The United States enjoys dynamic people-to-people ties with
    Moldovans through many U.S.-sponsored exchange programs, and Moldovan
    alumni of U.S. programs have become key leaders in government and civil
    society. Moldovans are eager to engage with U.S. diplomats and the
    Embassy has a robust program of public outreach. The media environment
    remains challenging, as consolidated ownership and disinformation
    create a narrow space for independent media. The United States has
    consistently supported the development of independent media and
    resiliency against disinformation. If confirmed, I would engage in
    public outreach and work to improve the ability of Moldovan citizens to
    get their news from reputable media outlets.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on closely coordinating the
    efforts of Washington- and Chisinau-based public affairs teams to
    ensure there is a unified approach to highlighting key messages and
    U.S. policies in Moldova. The small size of the Moldovan media market
    and the great public interest in the U.S.-Moldova relationship enables
    the mission to take advantage of the local media platform to convey
    U.S. priorities and build cross-cultural ties. In addition, the embassy
    has focused on expanding outreach to amplify U.S. messages for a wider
    range of audiences outside Chisinau.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Sharon L. Cromer by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. President Adama Barrow has reneged on his promise to
    serve a three-year term, declaring his intention to stand for
    reelection in a presidential poll scheduled for December 4 of this
    year. In addition, his party has blocked the approval of a new
    constitution, which would have established presidential term limits,
    and he reportedly formed a political alliance with the party of his
    predecessor, Yahya Jammeh, whose term in office was characterized by
    severe political repression and human rights abuses.

       What are the prospects for credible elections in the face of what
            appears to be Barrow's backsliding relative to democracy?

        Answer. Presidential elections in December 2021 will be a critical
    benchmark. The Government is encouraging free, fair, and transparent
    election campaigns in what could be the first election without
    government interference and intimidation in a generation. Credible
    ballot counting will be essential. Both the ruling party and main
    opposition party were responsible for blocking the constitutional
    referendum. That said, President Barrow's recent comments about closing
    down space for the opposition to operate are troubling. For the
    December 2021 presidential election, I understand the U.S. election
    observation mission will work in concert with our like-minded partners
    to ensure that electoral authorities are accountable to the public and
    that any attempt to improperly alter the election's outcome will be
    detected and publicized.

        Question. What are the most significant actions the U.S. can do in
    support of a sustainable democratic transition?

        Answer. Gambian democracy is still in its infancy and its steps
    forward are still unsteady. It will take the country significant time
    to put in place the institutions needed to create a vibrant democracy.
    The amended Constitution should be put to a referendum, the National
    Assembly needs to fulfill its legislative role, and the courts must
    address the backlog of cases which delays prisoners from getting a fair
    trial. If given the opportunity to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
    Republic of The Gambia, I will use my experience as a Mission Director
    and senior leadership positions at USAID headquarters to help Gambians
    build a truly democratic state and to advance country owned, led and
    sustained development that improves the lives and well-being of
    Gambians.

        Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to support a
    lasting transition to democracy?

        Answer. The courageous decision of Gambians to vote out of office
    the increasingly authoritarian and dictatorial former president was
    successful in large part due to an intervention led by the democracies
    of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Global
    democracy and governance indicators show that The Gambia is making
    modest progress but is still a fledgling democracy emerging from 22
    years of under-investment in democratic governance and the rule of law.
    If confirmed, I will advocate for reforms to create a firm foundation
    for a transparent, democratic, and accountable system of governance.
    Presidential elections in December 2021 will be a critical benchmark
    for the democratic trajectory of the West Africa region.
        The Gambia is on the Tier 2 Watch List according to the State
    Department's 2020 annual Trafficking in Person's Report. According to
    the report, ``the government did not convict a trafficker for the third
    consecutive year, victim services remained inadequate overall, and some
    law enforcement officers allegedly requested bribes to register
    trafficking complaints.''

        Question. What programs and activities is the U.S. supporting to
    help the Gambia improve the conviction rate for traffickers and support
    trafficking victims?

        Answer. The State Department continues to engage diplomatically and
    programmatically on combating human trafficking in The Gambia. In 2019,
    the TIP Office awarded $750,000 to the International Organization of
    Migration (IOM) to work with three existing One Stop Centers for
    victims of gender-based violence and train staff to screen for and
    provide comprehensive services to victims of trafficking. The project
    also aims to strengthen the National Anti-Trafficking Task Force to
    coordinate the Government's anti-trafficking response. Additionally,
    IOM provides training to criminal justice practitioners on conducting
    proactive investigations and identifying trafficking. If confirmed, I
    will continue to support this important work.

        Question. What U.S. assistance programs and activities help combat
    police corruption?

        Answer. Corruption is a significant and growing problem in The
    Gambia. Police commonly proposition citizens for bribes at checkpoints.
    Unfortunately, the Department of State does not have any programming
    that directly addresses police corruption in The Gambia. However, the
    Department is aware of the harmful effect of corruption in the public
    sector, including in the criminal justice sector, and is considering
    opportunities to work with police, special investigators, and judicial
    actors to reduce corruption. If confirmed, I will increase engagement
    with my Gambian counterparts and anticorruption leaders to fight
    against corruption in all of its forms. I will also enlist the full
    resources of the Department of State's anticorruption teams and other
    USG resources to supports these efforts.

        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. While I was USAID Mission Director in Tanzania in 2016, the
    Government raided the offices of a USAID implementing partner, broke
    into a USAID financed warehouse, confiscated commodities, arrested
    Implementing Partner employees who were providing HIV services, and
    demanded the confidential names of beneficiaries perceived to be
    homosexual. The beneficiaries feared for their lives and went into
    hiding, suspending provision of their life-saving HIV/AIDS care and
    treatment. We resolved the matter by addressing it as a public health
    and human rights issue. I deployed staff to meet secretly with
    beneficiaries to ensure their safety and collect evidence from their
    experiences to inform security and programmatic actions. I made the
    difficult decision to temporarily close outreach services for the
    safety of our implementing partners and beneficiaries. I engaged in
    quiet diplomacy with champions in the Ministry of Health who influenced
    decisions behind the scenes. Through these efforts, my USAID/Tanzania
    staff and I protected the safety of Tanzanians, reinstated needed HIV/
    AIDS services, and upheld American values.
        As Mission Director in Ghana, I guided my democracy staff to make
    an award to a local partner to conduct a pre-election survey of
    Ghanaians' impressions of the upcoming December 2020 presidential and
    parliamentary elections. The survey showed that Ghanaians had
    considerable confidence in the upcoming election process and youth were
    positively engaged in the political process. The widely disseminated
    survey results were used to counter heated political rhetoric about the
    lack of confidence in elections and Ghana's security forces. In
    meetings arranged by the U.S. Ambassador with the top political party
    representatives, I advocated for party leaders to publicly commit to
    nonviolence by signing a Peace Accord brokered by civil society. The
    leading Presidential candidates agreed to do so, and the December 2020
    elections were free and fair, and held peacefully.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Republic of the Gambia? These challenges
    might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
    institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
    society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
    possible.

        Answer. The Gambia transitioned to democracy in 2017 after 22 years
    of dictatorship. As a fledgling democracy The Gambia faces challenges
    in implementing a democratic system, but global democracy and
    governance indicators show that The Gambia is making modest progress
    rather than backsliding. Presidential elections in December 2021 will
    be a critical benchmark. The Government is encouraging free, fair, and
    transparent election campaigns in what will be the first election
    without government interference and intimidation in a generation.
    Credible ballot counting will be essential. President Barrow has made
    troubling comments about closing down space for the opposition to
    operate. The Truth, Reconciliation, Reparations Commission (TRCC) has
    set the stage for accountability and transitional justice, but the
    Government must take the necessary action to implement those
    recommendations and hold accountable those most responsible for
    violations and abuses of human rights.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Republic of the Gambia? What do you hope to accomplish
    through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing
    the specific obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. If confirmed, advancing democratic governance and
    principles in The Gambia will be a key priority. I will call on
    political parties across the spectrum to respect the results of the
    presidential election. I will work to ensure that opposition activities
    are not unlawfully curtailed.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. If confirmed, supporting democracy and governance will be
    my top priority. USAID just launched a multi-year Promoting Rights and
    Justice initiative to support justice sector reform with a current
    value of over $7 million, and the MCC Board just approved a Threshold
    Program valued at $25 million. If confirmed, I will prioritize
    assistance for capacity building in the legislature and the justice
    sector and for electoral system reform.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Republic of the Gambia? What steps will you take to pro-
    actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society
    via legal or regulatory measures?

        Answer. Throughout the course of my career, I have worked
    tirelessly to promote respect for human rights and achieved goals
    through partnership with civil society groups and NGOs. If confirmed, I
    will strengthen and build on our existing relationships and look to
    form new relationships with worthy organizations. I will engage closely
    with civil society organizations and NGOs to strengthen their capacity
    and will call on the Government to work together with these groups to
    build a better, fairer, and more just country.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening the relationships
    our mission has built with democratically oriented political opposition
    figures and parties. I will strive to support the efforts of these
    figures and parties to protect the inclusive political environment in
    The Gambia, including their efforts to advance electoral reform and put
    the draft constitution to a referendum. I will urge the Government to
    respect the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly of all
    political actors, even those who do not agree with the Government.
    Through public statements, small grants and other programming, and
    direct engagement, I will advocate for a political environment that is
    inclusive of women, youth, minorities, and those who might otherwise be
    marginalized.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Republic of the Gambia on freedom of the press and address any
    government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
    through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting
    regularly with independent, local press in Republic of the Gambia?

        Answer. The power of a free press to hold government to account, to
    expose corruption and malfeasance, and to investigate allegations of
    violations and abuses of human rights cannot be understated.
    Fortunately, the Government of The Gambia is not currently engaged in
    undermining the Gambian press, but we must remain vigilant. If
    confirmed, my Embassy team and I will meet regularly with independent,
    local press and engage with the Gambian Government on issues of press
    freedom.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. After 22 years of dictatorship, democracy and the
    democratic process are still developing in The Gambia and the country
    is particularly vulnerable to the destructive effects of disinformation
    and propaganda. If confirmed, I will continue current engagement and
    promote new engagement with government and opposition groups, the
    press, and civil society organizations to counter disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in The
    Gambia, including through public statements and Embassy social media
    platforms.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Republic of the Gambia on the right of labor groups to organize,
    including for independent trade unions?

        Answer. Organized labor groups, including unions, are an important
    element of protecting and promoting the welfare of workers. If
    confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with the Government of The
    Gambia on the right of workers to exercise freedom of association,
    including to form and join independent trade unions, and speak out
    against incidents when this freedom is restricted.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Republic of the
    Gambia, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Throughout my career, protection and promotion of respect
    for human rights has been one of my top priorities. If confirmed, I
    fully commit to using all available methods to promote and defend the
    human rights and dignity of all Gambians, regardless of their sexual
    orientation or gender identity.?

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Republic of the Gambia?

        Answer. A large majority of Gambian citizens view same-sex conduct
    as contradictory to their values. Faith organizations and media are
    unsupportive of members of the LGBTQI+ community and oppose any measure
    to recognize members of the LGBTQI+ community as legitimate or worthy
    of protection. Same-sex sexual conduct is criminalized in The Gambia.
    Both the Barrow administration and those campaigning for president have
    stated that ``homosexuality is a non-issue in The Gambia'' and
    decriminalization is neither needed nor a possibility. Due to the
    cultural and political environment, LGBTQI+ persons are significantly
    marginalized in The Gambia. The LGBTQI+ community has specifically
    requested that Western diplomatic missions not make their situation a
    highly visible aspect of our engagement specifically because it puts
    them at risk and undermines their own quiet efforts to change minds and
    attitudes among their fellow Gambians.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Republic of the Gambia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead the U.S. Government's
    efforts to encourage change--especially decriminalization--while
    ensuring our efforts do not put at risk those we seek to help. I will
    ensure that members of the LGBTQI+ community are aware of our strong
    support for their dignity, for their human rights, and for their full
    inclusion in Gambian society and look for ways to support steps to
    realize this important goal.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to the Gambia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work together with the State
    Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs to respond promptly to all
    appropriate requests for information and briefings for members of
    Congress and their staff and to offer such briefings whenever I am in
    Washington or remotely from Post.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Sharon L. Cromer by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Given recent challenges to democracy in West Africa,
    including 4 coups in the last year, what are the regional implications
    for The Gambia's continued democratic development?

        Answer. The courageous decision of Gambians to vote out of office
    the increasingly authoritarian and dictatorial former president was
    successful in large part due to an intervention led by the democracies
    of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Global
    democracy and governance indicators show that The Gambia is making
    modest progress but is still a fledgling democracy emerging from 22
    years of under-investment in democratic governance and the rule of law.
    If confirmed, I will advocate for reforms to create a firm foundation
    for a transparent, democratic, and accountable system of governance.
    Presidential elections in December 2021 will be a critical benchmark
    for the democratic trajectory of the West Africa region.

        Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
    a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
    the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
    the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you
    respond to the Gambia doing something like this?

        Answer. While every country retains the right to make
    constitutional changes, the United States government has long opposed
    any constitutional changes designed to favor incumbent elected leaders
    or the extension of an incumbent's term in office. I believe that
    regular, democratic, and peaceful transitions of power yield more
    accountability, help build and maintain stronger institutions, and
    engender less corruption. According to a recent Afrobarometer survey,
    an overwhelming majority of Gambian citizens strongly favor term limits
    on the office of the President. If confirmed, I will speak out publicly
    against any attempt to alter the constitution or extend term limits
    against the will of The Gambian people.

        Question. From your perspective, what should be the top priorities
    for US policy toward The Gambia?

        Answer. Beyond serving and protecting American citizens, our key
    policy priorities include strengthening The Gambia's democratic
    institutions, encouraging good governance including supporting The
    Gambia's own justice sector reform initiatives and efforts to hold
    accountable those most responsible for the widespread violations of
    human rights during the Jammeh era, strengthening the capacity of Civil
    Society and The Gambian legislature to constructively exercise their
    constitutional authorities, and encouraging economic growth. If
    confirmed, I will continue to promote inclusive country-led development
    and enhance U.S. influence in the face of strategic competition. Each
    of these priorities furthers U.S. interests by promoting regional
    stability, limiting our strategic competitors' expansion, and creating
    new markets for U.S. goods.

        Question. In your opinion, is The Gambia a good target for
    increased U.S. investment? If yes, how will you support increased U.S.
    trade and investment with The Gambia as ambassador, if confirmed?

        Answer. Investors in The Gambia face multiple challenges: a small
    market, weak institutions, poor infrastructure, inadequate electrical
    supply, high tax burden on formal enterprises, corruption, and
    bureaucratic hurdles. Despite these challenges, U.S. companies are
    market leaders in telecommunications, agriculture, and health care in
    The Gambia, and other opportunities exist. If confirmed, I will ensure
    the Mission maintains close contact with the small number of U.S.
    businesses in The Gambia, advises firms in the United States seeking to
    enter the Gambian market, and coordinates with the Foreign Commercial
    Service to publicize public tenders of interest to American companies.

        Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
    Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
    gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
    including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
    effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
    European countries to build on likeminded interests in the Gambia and
    counter the malign influence of China?

        Answer. The Gambia's relationship with the People's Republic of
    China (PRC) is defined by transactional and opaque decision making,
    with The Gambia providing access to natural resources in exchange for
    Beijing's provision of infrastructure development. PRC companies and
    labor are generally utilized, undermining Gambian companies and the
    Gambian labor force. The country's interaction with most international
    partners is based on financial assistance: the government often acts in
    direct response to requirements set forth as conditions for continued
    or increased aid. The EU's regular infusion of millions of Euros in
    direct budgetary support gives it significant leverage in The Gambia.
    The recent signing of a Development Objective Agreement to expand USAID
    operations in country and the unanimous approval of a MCC Threshold
    Program can help to cement the United States as a partner of choice.

        Question. How will you work to attract U.S. investment
    opportunities to the Gambia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain close contact with the small
    number of U.S. businesses in The Gambia, regularly advise firms in the
    United States seeking to enter the Gambian market, work with the
    American Chamber of Commerce in The Gambia, and coordinate with the
    Foreign Commercial Service to publicize public tenders of interest to
    American companies.

        Question. What particular insights and areas of expertise do you
    envision bringing to the role of US Ambassador to The Gambia given your
    significant experience with USAID, including having served as USAID
    Mission Director four times in Africa?

        Answer. My experience working in fragile democracies, such as
    Indonesia after the downfall of President Suharto, leads me to believe
    that after 22 years of authoritarian rule which ended in January 2017,
    the Gambian government is still in its infancy and its steps toward
    democracy are unsteady. It will take the country significant time to
    put in place the infrastructure needed to create a vibrant democracy.
    The Constitution should be amended, the National Assembly needs to
    fulfill its legislative role, and the courts must address the backlog
    of cases which delays prisoners from getting a fair trial. If given the
    opportunity to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of The
    Gambia, I will use my experience as a Mission Director and senior
    leadership positions at USAID headquarters to help Gambians build a
    truly democratic state, advance country owned, led and sustained
    development that improves the lives and well-being of Gambians, and
    promote an investment climate where both U.S. and Gambian enterprises
    thrive and two-way trade between our countries create good jobs and
    economic prosperity.

        Question. How will you prioritize U.S. democracy and governance
    assistance to support the Gambia's ongoing democratic transition?

        Answer. USAID just launched a multi-year Promoting Rights and
    Justice initiative to support justice sector reform with a current
    value of over $7 million, and the MCC Board just approved a Threshold
    Program valued at $25 million. If confirmed, I will prioritize
    assistance for capacity building in the legislature and the justice
    sector and for electoral system reform.

        Question. What are the most urgent priorities for the Gambia in its
    effort to build a sustainable democracy?

        Answer. While the Barrow government has shown admirable support for
    democratic norms leading to remarkable increases in rankings in press
    freedoms and human rights, essential reforms remain incomplete. Many
    core promises of Barrow's 2016 campaign remain unfulfilled. The
    statutory framework exploited by former president Jammeh remains in
    place, and The Gambian government must renew its focus on eliminating
    the mechanisms that supported his abuses. Key pieces of legislation,
    especially anticorruption measures and reforms of the criminal code,
    remain pending. Corruption is a particularly potent threat to
    democratic reform. Gambians perceive the Barrow government as
    increasingly plagued by both high-level and small-scale corruption, a
    problem that requires both urgent attention and a robust statutory
    framework. The Presidential election scheduled for December 2021 must
    be free and fair, electoral processes must be transparent, and all
    parties must abide by the results. If confirmed, I will advocate for a
    respect for human rights, the rule of law, accountability, access to
    justice, adherence to constitutionally-mandated term limits, and strong
    democratic institutions as fundamental to a country's peace and
    prosperity.

        Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to
    hold corrupt Gambian officials accountable for corrupt behavior? If
    confirmed, what would be your approach in using those tools?

        Answer. There are no quick fixes to corruption in The Gambia, but
    passing comprehensive anti-corruption legislation is a necessary first
    step. Surveys of the Gambian public show their steadily worsening view
    of the government's handling of corruption, and urgent action is
    needed. Existing laws requiring government officials to disclose their
    assets are weak, unenforced, and insufficient. If confirmed, I will
    aggressively push the Gambian government to pass this legislation, work
    with civil society organizations shining a light the problem, and
    support the Gambians who are tirelessly working to root out corruption.
    I will also enlist the full resources of the Department of State's
    anticorruption teams and other U.S. government resources to supports
    these efforts.

        Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
    independent international election observation missions?

        Answer. Independent monitoring efforts are essential to the U.S.
    objective of supporting free and fair elections, and transparent
    election processes in The Gambia. For the December 2021 presidential
    election, I understand the U.S. observation mission will work in
    concert with our like-minded partners to make clear to Gambian
    authorities that they are accountable to the public and that attempts
    to improperly alter the election's outcome will be detected and
    publicized.

        Question. Would you support a U.S. funded, independent
    international election observation mission for Gambia's next general
    election?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would carefully consider how U.S. support
    to observation efforts can contribute to free and fair electoral
    processes in The Gambia. For the December 2021 elections, U.S.
    diplomats will be on the ground to determine if the government follows
    through on their obligations to conduct a free and fair election that
    reflects the will of the people. In addition, recipients of U.S. grant
    funds will dispatch local observers to every polling place in the
    country to observe the voting process and provide regular reports.
    Taken together, the effort will give the United States a comprehensive
    view of this critical juncture in The Gambia's democratic development.

        Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
    the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
    understanding of morale throughout Embassy Banjul?

        Answer. Respecting this nomination process, I have not engaged
    directly with Embassy/Banjul staff. However, I understand morale is
    high despite the enormous workload.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Embassy Banjul?

        Answer. Embassy Banjul is a small mission. There are only 12 U.S.
    Direct Hires which often means that staff must assume multiple roles
    and cover for colleagues who are on leave or away from Post, or when
    there are staffing gaps due to the assignment process. I understand
    that staff members, American and Gambian alike, are knowledgeable,
    collegial, and enthusiastic about their work. If confirmed, I intend to
    nurture that enthusiasm by identifying the talent in each individual
    and growing that talent, ensuring the well-being of staff members and
    their families, and creating a work environment that promotes respect
    for everyone and celebrates our teamwork and achievements large and
    small.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    at Embassy Banjul?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will create a unified ``one team'' approach
    in Embassy Banjul which draws on the expertise and talents of staff
    assigned to Embassy Banjul and also includes officers from USAID,
    Treasury, Commerce, Agriculture and other agencies who support Banjul
    from Embassies in Dakar and Accra, as well as Washington. Everyone who
    supports the mission's integrated country strategy must feel welcomed
    and supported as vital member of Banjul's team. Management is a key
    responsibility for chiefs of mission.

        Question. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. As a senior leader, I have always believed that it is my
    duty and responsibility to mentor and sponsor staff to make sure they
    grow professionally, feel appreciated and supported, and are given
    opportunities to take on new responsibilities and contribute to U.S.
    goals. For the past eight years, I have devoted each Friday to
    mentoring staff. I mentor staff by delegating tasks, encouraging
    questions and brainstorming, providing guidance, as needed, and
    welcoming new ideas. I never assume that I have all the answers. I
    communicate regularly and consult broadly, seeking out different
    perspectives. I lead quarterly town halls and regularly communicate via
    email to the entire staff on current topics. When the time comes to
    make a decision, I don't hesitate to do so. When problems arise, I
    expect to be notified promptly so we can resolve them together rather
    than let them fester. I place staff wellbeing and creating a respectful
    working environment above all else. To accomplish this, family must
    come first. It is important to me to pause, acknowledge and celebrate
    successes both big and small and reward exceptional performance.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. It is never acceptable to berate subordinates in public or
    private. Such action is not only unkind and disrespectful, but also
    abusive and ineffective.

        Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
    deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. The relationship between the chief of mission (COM) and the
    deputy chief of mission (DCM) is extremely important. The DCM serves as
    a trusted advisor to the COM. In this respect, trust must be built and
    maintained between the two for the smooth operation of the mission and
    the well-being of the entire staff. I intend to include the DCM in all
    internal meetings and keep him/her abreast of all external affairs.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. The deputy chief of mission is the chief of staff,
    responsible for the day-to-day management of the mission. All State
    Department section heads will report to the DCM. In order to create and
    continue employee excellence at the Department, accurate and direct
    employee evaluation reports (EERs) for Foreign Service Officers are
    imperative.

        Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
    with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
    encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
    roles?

        Answer. It is extremely important for managers to provide accurate
    and constructive performance feedback to employees on a regular basis.
    I check in with staff frequently and offer mentoring sessions if they
    have any concerns about their performance or careers. I conduct formal
    performance feedback with direct reports on a quarterly basis. When
    performance appears to be lacking, I provide immediate feedback in
    private and work with the employee to find ways to improve their
    performance. I recognize accomplishments through awards and public
    recognition.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes. I believe that it is the responsibility of leaders to
    create leaders, not followers. Nurturing leadership requires clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback tailored to the individual's needs. I am
    rewarded when staffs grow and take on new roles and responsibilities
    that advance their careers.

        Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
    embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
    the Gambia. To properly execute our jobs, we must travel beyond the
    boundaries of the capital and engage with stakeholders throughout the
    country. I understand the Embassy Banjul team leaves the building to
    meet with local contacts, develop connections in the community, and
    spread America's message. There is no substitute for in-person
    connections, and our team relies on those links to accomplish our
    mission goals. Face-to-face conversations not only supply the
    information key to the U.S. government's decision-making process, they
    also provide opportunities to inform and persuade the Gambians who make
    the country's most important decisions. Developing those relationships
    consistent with appropriate security measures is a core component of
    our work, and the reason diplomats are stationed abroad.

        Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. The Gambia is a diverse democracy comprised of countless
    social, tribal, economic, and cultural groups. If confirmed, I endeavor
    to meet with representatives of all of them on a regular basis. I will
    target outreach efforts to broaden and strengthen the country's
    representative democracy while also developing links to marginalized
    communities. Public Diplomacy programs are an essential tool to
    expanding this outreach effort. Exchange programs give the Embassy an
    unapparelled tool to influence key members of diverse communities. If
    confirmed, I will strive to ensure that no group is overlooked, and
    that the rights of members of Gambian minority groups are respected.
    Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.

        Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in The
    Gambia?

        Answer. In general, the Gambian people view the United States
    positively, based on connections with the Gambian diaspora in the
    United States; their appreciation for U.S. assistance, and U.S. popular
    culture; and a belief in our shared values of democracy, security,
    prosperity, and respect for human rights. If confirmed I will use
    public diplomacy resources to promote a favorable view of the United
    States and its foreign policy, advance democratic values, and encourage
    inclusive economic growth. I will focus the Public Affairs Section on
    youth and emerging voices, furnishing them with the tools needed to
    become entrepreneurs, civil society leaders, and advocates for
    democracy and good governance.

        Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
    there?

        Answer. Payment for positive press is rampant in the Gambia,
    causing a reduced level of trust in the media. Capacity among
    journalists is low. If confirmed, I will support efforts to build a
    free, professional, and independent press.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. In my experience, Posts have latitude to tailor our public
    messaging to local issues and concerns. If confirmed, our message at
    Post will be the same as our messaging from Washington: that Americans
    and Gambians share the same ideals of democracy, religious and social
    tolerance, good governance, security, and economic prosperity. I will
    ensure that our public diplomacy posture continues to play a key role
    in promoting our many shared values and America's generous financial
    assistance and support across the range of issues.

        Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, The Gambia was
    identified again as Tier 2 Watch List due to lack of resources and
    ongoing failure to prosecute traffickers. How will you work with the
    Gambian authorities to address these issues if you are confirmed as
    Ambassador?

        Answer. Although The Gambia did not fully meet the minimum
    standards for the elimination of trafficking, it is making efforts to
    do so. Gambian courts have some recent success in convicting
    trafficking cases, but remain challenged by lack of resources,
    inadequate space for remanded prisoners, defendants absconding while on
    bail, and victims reluctant to testify or provide evidence due to a
    cultural emphasis on forgiveness or fear of retaliation. While the
    government is making progress towards identifying victims among
    vulnerable populations, such as through the adoption of a new national
    referral mechanism, additional improvements are needed. If confirmed, I
    will work with the Gambian government to address the prioritized
    recommendations in the 2021 TIP Report.

        Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, The
    Gambia was identified as generally tolerant of religious freedom. What
    is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will
    you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster religious freedom in-
    country?

        Answer. Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority,
    and the Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom
    situation in The Gambia. The Gambia is generally tolerant of religious
    freedom and members of the majority Muslim population are largely
    accepting of members of the Christian minority. If confirmed, I commit
    to working with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious
    Freedom and Congress to emphasize the importance of continued religious
    tolerance and to address religious freedom concerns in The Gambia.

        Question. As Ambassador, how would you advocate for former Gambian
    president Yahya Jammeh to personally face justice for the gross
    violations of human rights and corruption committed while president?

        Answer. The Truth, Reconciliation, Reparations Commission (TRRC),
    established to investigate and publicize the wrongs committed during
    Jammeh's rule, has concluded and should issue its final report soon. A
    newly created National Human Rights Commission is operating with
    significant and notable independence. Yahya Jammeh should face justice
    for the crimes he allegedly committed. The United States can help
    through building capacity in the judiciary and publicly supporting the
    efforts of the TRRC, but it is up to the Gambian people and courts to
    decide the fate of the former dictator.

        Question. How do you envision the United States supporting the
    implementation of Gambia's Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations
    Commission (TRRC) report once it is released to the public? If
    confirmed as ambassador, how would you personally prioritize the
    report's implementation?

        Answer. The TRRC is essential to The Gambia's national healing
    process after decades of nondemocratic rule characterized by
    allegations of human rights violations and abuses and lack of respect
    for human rights. The Commission has set the stage for accountability
    and transitional justice, but much hard work remains. The country has
    to make hard choices to hold former officials accountable and obtain
    justice for victims. If confirmed, I will press the government to hold
    accountable those responsible for the egregious crimes, violations and
    abuses of human rights, and affronts to dignity testified to at the
    Commission. In the 2021 Human Rights Report, The Gambia was identified
    as having some serious human rights concerns, like the use of forced
    disappearances, attacks on freedom of expression, and a climate of
    impunity.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these
    instances with the host government?

        Answer. After the election of President Adama Barrow in 2016, the
    new government quickly recognized and moved to respect Gambians' human
    rights. This included an end to arbitrary detention, political
    persecution, and censorship. The Gambia is moving in the right
    direction, but there is still work to be done. If confirmed, I will
    press the Government of The Gambia to investigate allegations of human
    rights violations and abuses thoroughly and transparently, and to hold
    accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. Throughout the course of my career, I have worked
    tirelessly to promote respect for human rights and achieved goals
    through partnership with civil society groups and NGOs. If confirmed, I
    will strengthen and build on our existing relationships and look to
    form new relationships with worthy organizations. I will engage closely
    with civil society organizations and NGOs to strengthen their capacity
    and will call on the Government to work together with these groups to
    build a better, fairer, and more just Gambia that respects the rights
    of all.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Virginia E. Palmer by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. According to the State Department 2020 Country Reports on
    Human Rights Practices ``Impunity remained a significant problem in the
    Ghana Police Service. Corruption, brutality, poor training, lack of
    oversight, and an overburdened judicial system contributed to impunity.
    Police often failed to respond to reports of abuses and, in many
    instances, did not act unless complainants paid for police
    transportation and other operating expenses.'' What is your
    understanding of the level of police corruption in Ghana?

        Answer. My understanding of the level of police corruption in Ghana
    is that it remains a significant problem and is fueled by impunity,
    poor training, lack of oversight, and an overburdened judicial system.

        Question. Are there U.S. funded programs aimed at addressing police
    corruption?

        Answer. The Department of State does not have any programming that
    directly addresses police corruption in Ghana. However, the Department
    is aware of the harmful effect of corruption in the public sector,
    including in the criminal justice sector, and is considering
    opportunities to work with police, special investigators, and judicial
    actors to reduce corruption.

        Question. How, if confirmed, will you engage on the issue of police
    corruption?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with our like-
    minded partners and the Department of State's Bureau of International
    Narcotics Law Enforcement to identify opportunities to create
    programming that can address police corruption while empowering Ghana's
    professional police officers.

        Question. The Committee to Protect Journalists has reported on a
    number of worrying cases of the detention, harassment and abuse of a
    number of journalists in 2021, and a call from a ruling party
    politician that a journalist to be targeted for attack. Are media
    freedoms in jeopardy in Ghana?

        Answer. Ghana enjoys a vibrant and free media, with over 350 radio
    stations, more than 120 television operators on air, and approximately
    250 newspaper and magazine publications, plus active and growing
    internet use and social media presence. Freedom of speech and
    expression are enshrined in Ghana's constitution. There have been a few
    high-profile cases of violence and threats of violence against
    journalists. The Government often responds appropriately to protect
    freedom of the press, but some of these threats have come after stories
    alleging official corruption. Exchange and training programs for
    journalists, such as fact-checking, data journalism, and even
    journalism ethics, are welcomed and in demand across Ghana. If
    confirmed, I commit to doing all I can to ensure these freedoms are
    protected and enhanced in Ghana.

        Question. Are attacks on the media indicative of broader threats to
    the right of individuals to criticize the Government?

        Answer. Freedom of speech and expression, freedom of assembly, and
    other fundamental freedoms are enshrined in Ghana's constitution.
    Although there are some reports of violence and threats of violence, or
    unjustified arrests or prosecution against journalists, they are
    generally free to be critical of the Government without fear of
    reprisal.

        Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to support media
    freedoms in Ghana?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support media freedom by encouraging
    the Ghanaian Government to appropriately protect freedom of the press
    by thoroughly investigating cases of violence, threats of violence,
    unjustified arrests, and prosecution of journalists. I will also
    continue programs to enhance the professionalism and expertise of
    Ghana's journalists.

    Democracy & Human Rights
        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. I have had the honor to work on democracy and governance
    issues for much of my 35-year career. I served as the Labor Officer in
    the PRC immediately after the Tian An Men massacres in 1989, for
    example, and drafted the first reporting on exports made from Chinese
    prison labor. I was the first Western diplomat granted access to
    several Chinese prisons, providing important information for human
    rights reporting and U.S. customs actions to ensure U.S. workers were
    not disadvantaged. For this work, I received a Meritorious Honor Award
    and runner up for the Department's 1991 Labor Officer of the Year.
        In Zimbabwe from 1993-1997, I ran the Democracy and Human Rights
    Fund that provided project financing to ZimRights and the Legal
    Resources Foundation and seed money to establish the Zimbabwe Lawyers
    for Human Rights, Southern African Human Rights Research, and
    Documentation Trust and other groups. These groups formed the core of
    the Zimbabwe Election Support Network which challenged Robert Mugabe's
    human rights and electoral abuses from 2000-2016. I established the
    first Human Rights Donor Coordination Group to leverage U.S. democracy
    and human rights resources and avoid duplication. To address rampant
    child abuse and rape, I brought together officials from the Zimbabwe
    police, Attorney General's office, and human rights organizations,
    which had not previously cooperated, to draft legislation and change
    arrest procedures to establish the first child-friendly courts,
    receiving Meritorious and Superior Honor Awards for this work.
        In Hong Kong, I drafted Human Rights Reports for Hong Kong and
    Macau and helped acquire Public Interest Benefit Parole for Chinese
    Christians persecuted for their beliefs but unable to apply for refugee
    status because they could not leave the PRC. That work contributed to
    better U.S. understanding of the House Church movement in the PRC.
        In Vietnam, I was the Front Office's principal interlocutor with
    the Ministry of Public Security on human rights issues and met
    regularly with dissidents under house arrest or in prison. After one
    such visit (and lots of work from Washington and Embassy teams) Tran
    Khai Thanh was released from prison and allowed to travel to the United
    States.
        In Malawi, I represented the United States on the U.N.-led Election
    Support Network and oversaw U.S. Government support for national
    elections, including an NDI-run Parallel Voter Tabulation, support for
    Malawi police and military providing security for the election, and
    U.S. participation in international election monitoring efforts. I
    spoke out frequently on the need for Malawi to respect the human rights
    of all, including LGBTQ persons. I hosted multiple gatherings of faith
    leaders to promote religious tolerance and respect for the human rights
    of all, including women and girls and LGBTQ persons.
        If confirmed, I pledge to continue work to advance democracy, good
    governance, and respect for human rights in Ghana.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Republic of Ghana? These challenges might
    include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
    institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
    society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
    possible.

        Answer. Ghana is widely considered to be one of the leading
    democracies on the African continent and generally respects human
    rights. Continuing problems include reports of arbitrary or unlawful
    killings by the Government or its agents; harsh and life-threatening
    prison conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious problems with
    the independence of the judiciary; violence and threats of violence, or
    unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists; serious acts
    of corruption; violence against women; and existence of the worst forms
    of child labor. Although the Ghanaian Government has taken steps to
    prosecute and punish officials who commit human rights violations or
    abuses, whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the Government,
    impunity remains a problem.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Republic of Ghana? What do you hope to accomplish through
    these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the
    specific obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. Our close partnership with Ghana spans more than 60 years
    and is rooted in our shared commitment to democracy and human rights
    for all, peace and security, and economic opportunity and prosperity.
    Ghana's long democratic tradition, robust media, religious tolerance,
    and strong civil society make it a leader in West Africa and a model
    for the continent. With democratic backsliding in the region, Ghana's
    example and leadership is ever more important.
        Strengthening democracy and governance institutions are essential
    to regional stability and inclusive economic growth. Potential
    impediments include the culture of corruption, slow bureaucratic
    processes, and a lack of resources. If confirmed, I will continue
    aggressive programs to strengthen Ghana's anti-corruption and electoral
    institutions and increase Ghanaian women's participation in political
    life.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. If confirmed, combatting corruption and addressing issues
    related to adherence to contractual commitments will be among my top
    priorities. Integration of U.S. Government programs, particularly those
    dealing with inclusive economic growth, accountability and proper
    delivery of government services to Ghanaian citizens, is key to success
    of these efforts. I will also aggressively pursue programs to end
    trafficking and child labor.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Republic of Ghana? What steps will you take to pro-actively
    address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
    legal or regulatory measures?

        Answer. I will. The promotion of respect for human rights is a
    central pillar of our relations with Ghana. If confirmed, I will
    strengthen relationships with civil society leaders and human rights
    advocates in Ghana, the United States and internationally. I will work,
    where possible in partnership with diplomatic counterparts, to
    proactively counter any efforts to close the space for NGOs and civil
    society to operate, including via legal or regulatory measures.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties and to advocating for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
    political parties. To encourage genuine political competition, I will
    work to strengthen existing relationships and build new ones across the
    political spectrum.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Republic of Ghana on freedom of the press and address any government
    efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
    regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    independent, local press in Republic of Ghana?

        Answer. Freedom of speech and expression, freedom of assembly, and
    other fundamental freedoms are enshrined in Ghana's constitution. Ghana
    has over 350 radio stations, more than 120 television operators on air,
    and approximately 250 newspaper and magazine publications. If
    confirmed, I will lead Embassy engagement to expand Ghana's vibrant and
    free media. I also commit to meeting regularly with independent and
    local press in Ghana.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's ongoing
    engagements with civil society and government counterparts to promote
    the importance of countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated
    by foreign state or non-state actors in the country.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Republic of Ghana on the right of labor groups to organize, including
    for independent trade unions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with Ghana
    on the right of workers to exercise freedom of association, including
    to form and join independent trade unions, and call out incidents when
    this right is restricted.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Republic of Ghana,
    no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to defend human
    rights and the dignity of all Ghanaians, no matter their sexual
    orientation or gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Republic of Ghana?

        Answer. In Ghana, people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender, and queer face increasing anti-LGBTQI+ rhetoric and
    actions that threaten the human rights of members of that community.
    Ghana's Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression, and
    freedom of assembly to all Ghanaians, not just to certain groups. These
    freedoms are foundational to our two democracies and must be vigorously
    defended. Failure to do so creates serious public order and public
    health problems.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Republic of Ghana?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned about the evolving situation around
    the LGBTQI+ community in Ghana. In his video address to the AU,
    President Biden affirmed the United States policy to promote respect
    for the human rights of all individuals, including women and girls,
    LGBTQI+ individuals, persons with disabilities, and persons of every
    ethnic background, faith, and heritage.
        If confirmed, I will urge national leaders in Ghana to uphold
    protections provide in Ghana's constitution for all individuals,
    consistent with its human rights obligations and commitments. I will
    work with diplomatic counterparts and allies in civil society and the
    LGBTQI+ community to address the uptick in hateful rhetoric and
    intimidation tactics.

    Congressional Consultations
        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Ghana?

        Answer. Yes.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Virginia E. Palmer by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In your opinion, what are the most significant domestic
    and external threats Ghana faces?

        Answer. Ghana and its neighbors confront significant threats from
    violent extremists from the north, and piracy and illegal fishing in
    the Gulf of Guinea. Domestically, the COVID pandemic, corruption,
    unemployment, burdensome fiscal deficits and debt, an uptick in hateful
    rhetoric and actions against members of the LGBTQI+ community pose
    threats to Ghana's development goals and role as democratic model.

        Question. In your opinion, how should we strengthen our partnership
    with Ghana on counterterrorism operations in the region?

        Answer. Ghana is well-respected for its proactive involvement and
    positive leadership on security issues throughout West Africa. If
    confirmed, I will support Ghana's regional leadership role and will
    strengthen our partnership with Ghana to counter violent extremism by
    continuing integrated U.S. programs on inclusive economic development,
    rule of law strengthening, and security and law enforcement
    cooperation.

        Question. Where are the opportunities to do more with Ghana to
    counter threats in littoral West Africa?

        Answer. Ghana is internationally recognized for its commitment to
    advancing peace on the continent, and around the world, through
    participation in U.N. and AU peacekeeping missions. Ghana ranks among
    the top ten countries worldwide for its contributions to peacekeeping
    operations. Currently, Ghana is supporting U.N. peacekeeping missions
    in South Sudan, Lebanon, and Mali.
        Opportunities to do more with Ghana to counter threats in littoral
    West Africa include encouraging Ghana to support additional U.N.
    missions in the region as those environments evolve, as well as
    fortifying the Department of State's security assistance provided to
    Ghana's military and police forces through the International Military
    Education and Training (IMET) program, Foreign Military Financing
    (FMF), and the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) accounts. The Accra
    Initiative provides an important opportunity for locally-developed
    regional cooperation to counter violent extremism and bolster regional
    security. Ghana also plays an important role, as a model of democratic
    practice and through its leadership of ECOWAS, to counter democratic
    backsliding in the region.

        Question. If confirmed as ambassador, how can you, and the U.S.
    more broadly, continue to build Ghana's role as an active and
    constructive actor in West African regional affairs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Ghana as it chairs the
    Economic Community of West African States, serves on the U.N. Security
    Council, and hosts the Secretariat of the African Continental Free
    Trade Agreement--roles that build Ghana's profile as an active and
    constructive actor in West African regional affairs. In addition, I
    will prioritize programs like the International Police Peacekeeping
    Operations Support program, through which the Department of State's
    Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL)
    provides training and assistance to the Ghana Police Service to improve
    the capacity of Formed Police Units and individual police officers
    deployed to U.N. peacekeeping missions.

        Question. Do you believe the United States should support robust
    democracy and governance assistance programs in comparatively stronger
    African democracies like Ghana? If so, what should be the strategic
    focus for these efforts?

        Answer. Yes. Ghana's long democratic tradition, robust media,
    religious tolerance, and strong civil society make it a leader in West
    Africa and a model for the continent. Supporting anti-corruption
    efforts, promoting respect for human rights and strengthening the rule
    of law are important to achieving all of our security and economic
    goals in Ghana. With democratic backsliding in the region,
    strategically supporting Ghana's leadership and example of robust
    democracy and governance is ever more important and, if I am confirmed,
    will remain the focus of assistance programming efforts.

        Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
    a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
    the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
    the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you
    respond to Ghana doing something like this?

        Answer. Every country has the right to make constitutional changes
    as long as they are made through a consultative and broad process that
    includes all stakeholders, including civil society and opposition
    parties. However, constitutional changes designed to favor incumbents
    or extend terms erode democratic principles. If confirmed, I will
    advocate for regular, democratic transitions of power, which yield more
    accountability, stronger institutions, and less corruption.

        Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
    independent international election observation missions?

        Answer. Promoting democracy and human rights has long served as the
    basis of American foreign policy. Election observation can promote
    public participation, encourage transparency and public confidence in
    the electoral process, and mitigate the potential for electoral
    violence. Both U.S. Mission observers and independent observation
    missions help deter fraud at polling stations and facilitate the
    collection of critical information on conditions. To ensure real
    democratic gains, it is important that our elections work not focus
    solely on Election Day, but also address institutional or conduct
    problems in the lead up to elections.

        Question. Would you support a U.S. funded, independent
    international election observation mission for Ghana's next general
    election?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would carefully consider how U.S. support
    to observation efforts can contribute to free and fair elections, and
    transparent electoral processes in Ghana.

        Question. Ghana made a modest improvement from previous years in
    Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index. How can
    the United States best support Ghana in its fight to curb corruption in
    government and the private sector?

        Answer. Changing the culture of corruption in Ghana is essential
    for attracting more foreign investment, promoting sustainable,
    inclusive economic growth, and eliminate Ghana's dependence on foreign
    assistance. The United States can best support Ghana in its fight to
    curb corruption in government and the private sector by encouraging the
    Ghanaian Government to reinforce existing anti-corruption institutions
    like the Office of the Special Prosecutor, promote transparency, and
    enforce anti-corruption laws. If confirmed, I will utilize all
    available tools and programs, including visa restrictions, to support
    Ghanaian efforts to combat corruption.

        Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to
    hold Ghanaian officials accountable for corrupt behavior? If confirmed,
    what would be your approach in using those tools?

        Answer. Driven by a combination of corrupt interest and political
    expediency, Ghana's adherence to contractual commitments has been
    inadequate and is concerning for U.S. and other foreign companies. If
    confirmed, I utilize all available tools and programs, including visa
    restrictions, to support Ghanaian efforts to combat corruption. I will
    work to strengthen Ghana's accountability institutions, including the
    Office of the Special Prosecutor.

        Question. How can the United States best support Ghana in curbing
    the corrupt behavior of those companies and government officials of
    malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt governments and
    business environments?

        Answer. Improving anti-corruption institutions, laws and
    regulations and their implementation is critical to improving Ghana's
    business environment, achieving Ghana's development goals and curbing
    the corrupt behavior of malign actors. If confirmed, I will push back
    on corrupt or coercive practices that damage our interests and those of
    our Ghanaian partners, including impingement on state sovereignty,
    economic coercion, and the abusive use of new security technologies.

        Question. How is the United States working with Ghana's Government
    to curb efforts by malign foreign actors seeking to use their country
    as a hub for propagating disinformation campaigns in the U.S. and other
    countries? As Ambassador, how will you prioritize this issue with the
    Ghanaian Government?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize this issue with the Ghanian
    Government by supporting a central part of this effort: exposing malign
    foreign actors' tactics so that partner and allied governments, civil
    society organizations, academia, the press, and the international
    public can conduct further analysis of their own and thereby increase
    collective resilience to disinformation and propaganda.

        Question. How should the United States build on its existing
    defense and security cooperation with Ghana? Where are the
    opportunities and the risks?

        Answer. The United States should build on its existing defense and
    security cooperation to help Ghana and its neighbors counter violent
    extremism, combat transnational crime and strengthen the rule of law.
    These efforts are most effect when our security and law enforcement
    cooperation, inclusive economic growth and the rule of law (including
    anti-corruption) efforts are integrated. Ghana's military is known for
    its professionalism and is critical to our ability to counter global
    threats in the sub-region. Fortifying this cooperation poses
    significant opportunities and few risks.

        Question. The instability in the Sahel is now bleeding over into
    the Littoral states in the Gulf of Guinea. Because of this concern,
    these coastal countries, led by Ghana, have established the Accra
    Initiative to build capacity and support a more integrated approach to
    intelligence gathering and crisis response. Does the U.S. plan to
    support the Initiative with technical and material assistance. Is it
    considering bilateral assistance to Ghana to establish the Secretariat?

        Answer. The United States has provided bilateral assistance to
    Ghana to support the Accra Initiative since September 2020 through
    Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Those efforts help
    prevent further spread of violence in West Africa. If confirmed, I will
    engage relevant stakeholders to explore ways the United States can
    support Ghana and the Accra Initiative address this threat.

        Question. Would Ghana be a strong candidate for a bilateral free
    trade agreement with the United States? If not, why not? If so, why?

        Answer. Yes. Bilateral trade exceeded $1.5 billion in 2020 and with
    the U.S. recording a trade surplus of $112 million.
        In addition, Ghana hosts the secretariat of the African Continental
    Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which will modernize and streamline the
    continent's overall trade and economic systems and create a trading
    block of 1.3 billion people, creating opportunities for greater
    commercial ties between the United States and all of Africa.

        Question. What is your view on the role of the U.S. Prosper Africa
    initiative in driving increased trade and investment between the U.S.
    and Ghana? Do you believe the U.S. should focus more of its efforts
    vis-a-vis Prosper Africa toward large African U.S. economic partners
    like Ghana?

        Answer. The U.S. Prosper Africa Initiative drives increased trade
    and investment between the United States and Ghana by bringing together
    services and resources from across the U.S. Government to empower
    businesses with market insights, deal support, and solutions to
    strengthen business climates. Prosper Africa will advance opportunities
    to build new markets for American products, drive billions of dollars
    of investment in Africa, and support thousands of new jobs for both
    African and American workers.

    China and the Indo-Pacific
        Question. China is keen to secure the affections of Africa's next
    generation of leaders. The Chinese Government claimed in 2019 that
    Ghana had the highest number of African students studying in China. How
    do you view such educational exchanges and opportunities playing in
    projecting ``soft power'' ?

        Answer. African countries are our partners in pursuing our shared
    interests--from security, global health, climate change, democracy, and
    economic growth. African publics continue to prefer the United States
    to the PRC, and democratic values to authoritarianism. If confirmed, I
    will capitalize on this soft power--engaging with youth, promoting
    exchanges and study in the United States, and promoting American
    business.

        Question. Do you agree or disagree that an increased proportion of
    Ghanaians attending U.S. colleges and universities would more closely
    tie the current and future relationship of the country to the U.S.?

        Answer. I agree that an increased proportion of Ghanaians attending
    U.S. colleges and universities would more closely tie the current and
    future relationship of the country to the United States.

        Question. If you agree, what can and should the U.S. do to boost
    opportunities for Ghanaians to study in the U.S.?

        Answer. With a population of 1.3 billion people whose median age is
    19 years old, African youth are one of the continent's most important
    resources. Expanding existing links and promoting new partnerships at
    the university level will strengthen Ghana's educational institutions
    as instruments of national development--enhancing regional prosperity,
    security, and stability. Such cooperation also promotes the U.S. value
    of academic freedom, which is under increasing threat across the world
    as global competitors expand their own educational programs targeting
    the continent's scholars and students. If confirmed, I commit to
    promoting this important American export and to strengthening academic
    ties between the U.S and Ghana.

        Question. China is one of, if not Ghana's biggest, trading partner
    and foreign investment source. While the United States enjoys long-
    standing and consistently strong relations with Ghana, the country is a
    leading African buyer of U.S. goods, and there is typically a large
    U.S. trade surplus with Ghana. Despite this, the U.S. trade and
    investment relationship lags in comparison to the country's bilateral
    trade and investment relationship with China. What should the United
    States prioritize to improve its bilateral trade and investment
    relationship generally with Ghana, and in what ways can the U.S.
    improve American businesses interest and competitiveness to drive
    greater U.S. investment in Ghana?

        Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy team and I will meet the
    challenge the PRC presents by ensuring that American companies can
    compete on an even playing field, providing a meaningful alternative to
    the PRC's economic approach, and promoting entrepreneurship, and fair
    practices. I will be a vigorous advocate for American companies and
    innovation and will ensure U.S. public and private investments continue
    to support pandemic recovery efforts and Ghana's journey to self-
    reliance. If confirmed, I will continue to help Ghana create an
    enabling environment for inclusive private sector-led growth by
    facilitating regional trade, improving access to credit, improving
    agricultural production and market access, enhancing domestic resource
    mobilization, and improving health and education outcomes.

        Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
    Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
    gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
    including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
    effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
    European countries to build on likeminded interests in Ghana and
    counter the malign influence of China?

        Answer. The United States should partner with likeminded countries
    to counter negative actions and influence of the PRC by calling out and
    confronting nondemocratic behavior and insisting that all economic
    actors on the continent adhere to the highest standards of
    transparency, anti-corruption, debt sustainability, environmental
    protection, and respect human rights, including labor rights. In
    addition, Ghana recently expressed an interest in establishing a
    partnership with NATO. If confirmed, I will encourage Ghana and our
    NATO allies to advance this partnership, which provides security
    benefits for NATO and Ghana.

    State Department Management and Oversight
        Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
    the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
    understanding of morale throughout Mission Ghana?

        Answer. My understanding is that morale throughout the Mission is
    strong, motivated by staff's commitment to the important mission of
    bolstering regional security and countering violent extremism,
    promoting inclusive economic growth and improving health outcomes.
    However, staff, particularly Locally Employed (LE) Staff whose families
    have not been vaccinated, remain very concerned about the risks
    associated with Ghana's very low vaccination rates and concerned about
    a full return to in-office work. COVID-19-related travel restrictions
    limiting opportunities for rest and recuperation and even regional
    change of scene also have a negative effect on morale.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Ghana?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Ghanaian Government to
    increase vaccination levels of the Ghanaian public. This will both help
    us achieve our broader public health goals and allow us to increase in
    person diplomacy since ``diplomacy is a contact sport.'' I will work to
    fill vacancies in a timely manner, recruiting diverse staff and
    ensuring they enjoy opportunities to do fulfilling work and provide
    policy input. I will also work hard to ensure that Locally Employed
    Staff salaries (currently negatively affected by rising inflation)
    remain competitive.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    at Mission Ghana?

        Answer. In general, the best way to create a unified mission is to
    communicate broadly about what our goals are and successes and lessons
    learned as we work toward them. That is even more important with COVID-
    19-induced teleworking inhibiting in person meetings where
    brainstorming and spontaneous exchanges of information are more free
    flowing. If confirmed, I will also rely heavily on ``thematic'' working
    groups, such as the Law Enforcement Working Group and the Countering
    Violent Extremism Working Group. These working groups will include law
    enforcement and security agencies as well as USAID, DoD, and the
    Embassy Deal Teams, to create synergies and ensure all elements of U.S.
    national power are used to advance U.S. interests in Ghana and the
    region.

        Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
    How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I am direct and decisive. I welcome collaboration and
    demand information sharing and respect for others. I am fast and not
    particularly linear. I believe diplomacy is personal and that my
    contacts need to believe that I am a credible interlocutor, honest,
    forthright, and, where possible, helpful.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
    subordinates, either in public or private.

        Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure leading
    Embassy Lilongwe?

        Answer. I came to have a stronger belief that our development
    assistance programs are more effective when they are integrated. For
    example, production enhancements have little effect if they are not
    accompanied by improved market access (i.e., it does not help me to
    produce more tomatoes if I cannot get them to market) and assistance
    aimed to improve the health and education outcomes of girls and young
    women pays huge dividends in achieving all our other development goals.
    I am pleased that Ghana's Integrated Country Development Strategy
    integrates the Mission's security, inclusive economic growth and rule
    of law programs.
        When Malawi was slow to implement much needed reform of the
    agriculture sector despite looming famine, I learned that ``we cannot
    want it (reform, good programs, etc.) more than they do;'' policy
    change and development and other programs will be more effective when
    there is strong local/indigenous demand for them.
        I learned very positive lessons about how good, bold ideas can come
    from unexpected agencies/personnel. For example, our $90 million
    project to keep girls in school and break the cycle of HIV transmission
    from older men to younger girls to boys arose from Peace Corps at an
    Embassy Adolescent Girls and Young Women Task Force meeting.

        Question. How will your management style and approach differ from
    Embassy Lilongwe?

        Answer. With Ghana serving as host to the African Continental Free
    Trade Agreement Secretariat, Chair of ECOWAS, and member of the U.N.
    Security Council, if confirmed, I will focus more attention on regional
    and international issues than I did in Lilongwe.
        I will continue to rely on interagency working groups for policy
    development and operational coordination. Embassy Accra's Country Team
    is larger and more senior than Lilongwe's. I hope that agency and
    section heads will have more experience establishing and maintaining
    accountability measures; I will nonetheless remain attentive to these
    issues.

        Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
    deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. I have served twice as Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) and
    know that there is no more important relationship in the Mission. If
    confirmed, my DCM will be my alter ego. Through regular meetings,
    scheduled and ad hoc, I will ensure that we are in sync and that the
    DCM has full input into policy formulation and decision making. Where
    possible we will divide responsibilities, ensuring that important
    conclusions or insights from meetings are always shared.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the DCM to chair the Emergency
    Action Committee, Law Enforcement Working Group, and other Interagency
    Working Groups as required, participating myself when requested/
    required. I will ensure that the entire Mission understands that the
    DCM enjoys my full faith and confidence and speaks for me, but that my
    door is always open if there are issues they do not feel comfortable
    raising with him/her.

        Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
    the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
    for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
    you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
    constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
    improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

        Answer. I believe it is important to provide employees with timely,
    accurate, constructive feedback on their performance to encourage
    improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in to improve performance
    and reward high achievers.

        Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
    Ghana. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
    walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. I agree that it is essential for diplomats to get outside
    of the Embassy to meet with host country officials, thought leaders and
    the public as well as diplomatic counterparts. This is an essential
    part of representing the United States and ensuring proper ``branding''
    of our programs, initiatives, and companies. This is even more
    challenging with COVID-induced telework requirements, but in my
    experience, U.S. diplomats get outside of the embassy walls enough to
    fully accomplish their mission.

        Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize all available public diplomacy
    tools for in-person, virtual and media engagement. I will encourage in-
    country travel and representation outside of the capital. I would be
    remiss if I did not note the importance of local staff in shaping and
    articulating our mission and programs and their important role as
    interface between American diplomats and local communities.

        Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
    policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Ghana?

        Answer. Ghana enjoys a vibrant and free media, with over 350 radio
    stations, more than 120 television operators on air, and approximately
    250 newspaper and magazine publications, plus active and growing
    internet use and social media presence. Freedom of speech and
    expression, freedom of assembly and other fundamental freedoms are
    enshrined in Ghana's constitution. Although there are some reports of
    violence and threats of violence, or unjustified arrests or prosecution
    against journalists, they are generally free to be critical of the
    Government without fear of reprisal. Ghanaians generally have a
    positive impression of the United States.

        Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
    there?

        Answer. U.S. diplomats face limited public diplomacy challenges in
    Ghana. Public Diplomacy exchange programs, like the Mandela Washington
    Fellowship and Fulbright exchanges are enormously popular and help to
    create a robust alumni network across the country in various areas of
    interest.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. Post has latitude to tailor our public messaging to local
    issues and concerns. If confirmed, I will ensure that our public
    diplomacy posture continues to play a key role in promoting our many
    shared values and America's generous financial assistance and support
    across the range of issues.

    Human Rights
        Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Ghana was
    identified as Tier 2 due to lack of adequate resourcing for law
    enforcement as well as a lack of prosecutions of traffickers. How will
    you work with Ghana authorities to address these issues if you are
    confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. Ghana has maintained a Tier 2 ranking in the Trafficking in
    Persons Report since in 2018, indicating significant efforts to combat
    trafficking. Trafficking within the country is more prevalent than
    transnational trafficking, and the majority of victims are children
    subjected to forced labor. Children can fall prey to economic hardships
    in Ghana, and some are subjected to forced child labor within Ghana in
    the fishing, cocoa, artisanal gold mining, and agriculture sectors as
    well as in domestic service, street hawking, begging, pottering, and
    quarrying. Ghanaian girls, and to a lesser extent boys, are also
    subjected to sex trafficking within Ghana, including in the Central,
    Volta, and Greater Accra regions.
        If confirmed, I will encourage the Government to increase its
    resources to better train and equip the police force to investigate
    trafficking cases. I will also encourage the Government to provide
    appropriate shelters for trafficking victims. I will encourage
    assistance be provided to organizations working on the front lines to
    combat human trafficking.

        Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Ghana
    is described as having religious freedom enshrined in the constitution
    but does lacks general understanding of respective religions in civil
    society. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
    confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster
    religious freedom in-country?

        Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and
    the Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom
    situation in Ghana. Religious freedom and interfaith communication are
    among Ghana's greatest strengths. Muslim and Christian leaders
    emphasize the importance of religious freedom and tolerance and report
    communication and coordination among themselves as well as with those
    from smaller minority faiths on a wide array of matters. If confirmed,
    I commit to work with the Ambassador at Large for International
    Religious Freedom and Congress to emphasize the importance of religious
    freedom, addressing any religious freedom concerns, and further
    strengthen tolerance and respect among and for religious communities in
    Ghana.

        Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Ghana was identified as
    having serious human rights concerns, including arbitrary or unlawful
    killings by the Government, cruel treatment or punishment by the
    Government, corruption, the worst forms of child labor, and more. If
    confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the
    host government?

        Answer. The Ghanaian Government generally respects human rights.
    Continuing problems include reports of arbitrary or unlawful killings
    by the Government or its agents; harsh and life-threatening prison
    conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious problems with the
    independence of the judiciary; violence and threats of violence, or
    unjustified arrests or prosecutions, against journalists; serious acts
    of corruption; violence against women; and existence of the worst forms
    of child labor. Although the Ghanaian Government has taken steps to
    prosecute and punish officials who commit human rights violations or
    abuses, whether in the security forces or elsewhere in the Government,
    impunity remains a problem. If confirmed, I will encourage the Ghanaian
    Government to address impunity and hold accountable those responsible
    for human rights violations and abuses.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. Ghana's Constitution provides for freedom of speech and
    expression and freedom of assembly for all Ghanaians, not just to
    certain groups. These freedoms are foundational to our two democracies
    and must be vigorously defended. If confirmed, I will direct the
    Embassy team to work closely with our like-minded partners and allies
    in civil society to ensure these rights are respect for all Ghanaians;
    support PEPFAR's anti-stigma and anti-discrimination support to members
    of the LGBTQI+ community and people living with HIV; and stand up
    against injustice toward women and girls, LGBTQI+ individuals, members
    of religious minority groups, and people of all races and ethnicities.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Virginia E. Palmer by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. Gaddafi was deposed in Libya in October 2011. Tens of
    thousands of Malians who had been working in Libya for a better living
    returned home. Many of these ethnic Tuaregs (TWAHH-regs) had even
    served in Gaddafi's military and returned to Mali with guns and
    artillery. Shortly thereafter, in January 2012, Tuareg rebels
    destabilized Mali, which paved the way for violent extremist groups to
    gain a foothold. Since then, the march of violent extremism has
    continued southward, destabilizing Burkina Faso and now threatening
    Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire, Togo and Benin. What effect, if any, did Libya's
    destabilization have on security in sub-Saharan Africa? Also, given
    this worrying trend, how can we strengthen our partnership with Ghana
    to counter violent extremism and terrorism in the region?

        Answer. Smuggled arms looted from Gaddafi's armories have impacted
    security in sub-Saharan Africa. The region's porous borders and the
    vast ungoverned regions of the Sahel have always complicated monitoring
    the movement of people and goods, including armaments from Libya, that
    have constituted the economy of the Sahel for hundreds of years.
        Ghana is well-respected for its proactive involvement and positive
    leadership in security issues throughout West Africa. Ghana is also
    internationally recognized for its commitment to advancing peace on the
    continent, and around the world, through participation in U.N. and AU
    peacekeeping missions. Ghana ranks among the top dozen countries
    worldwide for its contributions to peacekeeping operations with
    missions in South Sudan, Lebanon, and Mali. If confirmed, I will
    support Ghana's regional leadership role and will strengthen our
    partnership with Ghana to counter violent extremism by continuing
    integrated U.S. programs on inclusive economic development, rule of law
    strengthening, and security and law enforcement cooperation.

        Question. Many of Africa's biggest challenges--trade, migration,
    violent extremism--are transnational in nature. However, embassies are
    understandably focused on bilateral relations. Do you think a regional
    focus on Western Africa might be effective and what might you do as
    ambassador to develop a more regional view?

        Answer. Yes. A too narrow focus on bilateral issues allows our
    adversaries to exploit seams in policy and along national boundaries.
    For example, if customs and border security are improved and anti-
    corruption measures enforced on one side of a border but not another,
    terrorists and criminals will still be able to take advantage of weak
    borders to move materiel and personnel. If confirmed, I will work to
    support the Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership and the Accra
    Initiative, a Ghanaian-led effort to strengthen the capabilities of
    Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Togo to combat violent
    extremism. These efforts will require close coordination with my fellow
    Ambassadors in the region, AFRICOM, the U.S. Coast Guard, U.S. agencies
    in Washington, and Congress. It is also important that these regional
    efforts integrate security sector support (maritime and border
    security, military, and law enforcement cooperation) and programs to
    strengthen the rule of law and combat corruption, improve cyber
    security, and spur inclusive economic growth.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Howard A. Van Vranken by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Despite Botswana's solid democratic reputation, some
    observers have suggested that press freedom has declined in recent
    years, pointing to the draconian media regulations, self-censorship by
    journalists, and the disturbing use of Cellebrite technology to unlock
    a journalist's phone to access their sources.

       Do you agree that Botswana has experienced a decline in freedom of
            the press? What will you do, if confirmed, to pressure the
            Government of Botswana to roll back its restrictions on press
            freedom?

        Answer. Botswana's constitution and laws provide for freedom of
    expression. Media contacts reported 10 years of self-censorship and
    dwindling advertising revenues under former President Khama. Upon
    taking office in 2018, President Masisi initially demonstrated a
    welcoming approach to the media and press freedom. However, this has
    largely stalled and the promised Freedom of Information bill has not
    yet materialized. State-owned media generally feature uncritical
    reporting on the Government and are sometimes susceptible to political
    interference. Opposition political parties claim that state media
    coverage heavily favors the ruling party.
        If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Embassy work to support
    media professionalization through exchanges, trainings, and other
    initiatives, such as assisting the Office of the Presidency to set up a
    Presidential Press Office. Helping the Government of Botswana create a
    press office which is proactive, responsive, and a source for useful
    and credible information for the press and the public directly supports
    our Mission Goal 1: Botswana has institutions, policies, and practices
    which respond to the needs and improve equitably the lives of its
    inhabitants by addressing the need to strengthen institutions to
    promote accountable, transparent, and democratic governance.

        Question. If confirmed as Ambassador to Botswana, you would also
    represent the United States at the Southern African Development
    Community. Southern Africa faces myriad challenges to the stability of
    the sub-region, including the insurgency in Mozambique.

       Do you believe that SADC is an effective organization to promote
            security, democracy, and prosperity in Southern Africa? Would
            deeper engagement with SADC advance U.S. interests?

        Answer. SADC's goals of promoting regional cooperation and
    integration, economic growth, socio-economic development, and durable
    peace and security among its member states have never been more
    important. SADC has achieved notable successes promoting regional peace
    and security and economic development for the betterment of the SADC
    region's most important resource--its people. SADC's enduring support
    helped Lesotho negotiate vital government reforms and undertake a
    peaceful transition of political power, and in Mozambique the
    organization's deployment of a Standby Force is helping combat the
    ISIS-linked terrorist threat. SADC continues to promote regional peace
    and security as demonstrated by its positive role in helping Zambia and
    the Democratic Republic of Congo resolve a longstanding border
    disagreement. And through its Southern African Power Pool, SADC is
    mobilizing resources to address energy shortages that threaten regional
    development and economic integration.
        If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our engagement with SADC,
    including by advocating for the organization to play a proactive role
    in promoting good governance, respect for human rights, and democratic
    values, and in holding its members accountable when they fall short. By
    insisting that all its members respect human rights and the rule of
    law, SADC can send a powerful message that it intends to be a force for
    positive change for all citizens across southern Africa.

        Question. What are the major barriers to improving conditions and
    protections for women, sexual minorities, and indigenous people in
    Botswana? What will you do to promote equality for groups that face
    discrimination if confirmed?

        Answer. Botswana generally has a good human rights record and laws
    have been enacted to protect vulnerable populations. However, some
    problems remain. I am concerned about societal problems that threaten
    respect for human rights including high rates of gender-based violence;
    discrimination against women and children, persons with disabilities,
    persons with HIV/AIDS, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex
    persons; and trafficking in persons.
        There are also growing concerns among Botswana's public that COVID-
    19 related movement restrictions and the Government's stated need to
    take on extra-legislative responsibilities as a response could impinge
    on some of their human rights, such as the freedom of peaceful
    assembly. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with the
    Government of Botswana and civil society organizations to address these
    concerns and promote equality for all. If confirmed, I will encourage
    them to focus their attention on the most pressing human rights
    concerns in Botswana and will look for synergistic opportunities to
    cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform, accountability, and
    respect for human rights.

    Democracy & Human Rights
        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. While serving in Iraq in 2008-2009, I worked directly with
    local government leaders and NGOs to build democratic processes and to
    strengthen civil society organizations in support of representative and
    responsive local government. Working through implementing partners, we
    facilitated training for local leaders, established a free and
    independent radio station, and identified local youth leaders to
    participate in national training programs. Our goal, in part, was to
    decentralize decision-making and implementation authority from the
    central and provincial governments to empower and hold accountable
    leaders at the local government level for activities which directly
    impacted their constituents.
        During my second tour in Iraq in 2011-2012, I spearheaded our
    efforts to resettle exiled Iranian nationals from Iraq to third
    countries. Those individuals, who were wanted by the Iranian
    Government, were under direct threat because of their perceived
    political affiliation. Together with others in the U.S. Government and
    UNHCR, we worked to safeguard the individuals' human rights and to
    promote the protection of refugees and the rule of law. In part as a
    result of my work, dozens of individuals were relocated legally to the
    safety of third countries.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Botswana? These challenges might include
    obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
    rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
    rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

        Answer. Botswana has a long track record as one of Africa's
    enduring democracies. The people of Botswana are justifiably proud of
    this democratic track record. However, there remain issues to address.
    Concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights Report include undue
    restrictions on freedom of expression, the press, and the internet,
    including the existence of criminal slander and libel laws;
    interference with freedom of association; acts of corruption; and the
    existence of the worst forms of child labor, including the commercial
    sexual exploitation of children and forced labor.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Botswana? What do you hope to accomplish through these
    actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
    obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to partner with governmental
    and non-governmental organizations in Botswana, where we are involved
    in political party strengthening and a number of democracy building
    activities, including youth outreach, promoting women's participation
    in the political process, supporting the development of women
    candidates for public office, and advocacy for independent
    parliamentary debates.
        Botswana's Parliament has only seven women members; three were
    elected in 2019, and the remainder appointed to specially elected seats
    by President Masisi. Gender based violence (GBV) also remains a major
    problem. Government figures from 2018 indicate that 37 percent of women
    in Botswana experience some form of GBV during their lives. This trend
    was exacerbated by lengthy COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020. The Government
    embarked on an anti-GBV campaign in late 2020, which included public
    awareness, dedicated GBV courts, and new operating procedures for
    police handling GBV cases and victims. If confirmed, I will continue to
    work with the Government of Botswana and civil society to combat this
    serious social scourge.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. The U.S. Embassy has focused on improving the participation
    of women in politics and political life through public awareness
    campaigns, bilateral engagement with the political parties and
    government leadership, and a $250,000 African Regional Democracy Fund
    grant to provide political training to women interest in politics. We
    also supported women and youth through a series of COVID-19 relief
    grants offering youth training and entrepreneurial skills development
    through mask making clinics, and through a grant to a women's GBV
    clinic to create an automated 24-hour help hotline via WhatsApp.
        USAID's Democracy and Governance programming strengthens the
    capacity of governmental institutions, civil society groups, and
    regional organizations to promote democratic practices. This work is
    accomplished by better linking political parties to their constituents
    and develop platforms based on citizen needs; fostering land rights for
    indigenous populations; and promoting gender-equality and human rights.
    USAID is also assisting workers and communities impacted by mining to
    understand and assert their rights. If confirmed, I will continue to
    support this important work through USAID and other U.S. Mission
    programs and initiatives.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Botswana? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
    efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
    regulatory measures?

        Answer. The promotion of respect for human rights is a central
    pillar in our relations with Botswana. If confirmed, I will continue
    and strengthen the relationships built by the U.S. Government and our
    partners with Botswana, U.S., and international civil society members
    working in this space. I will also engage with labor unions and
    workers. I will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen the
    capacity of civil society organizations and amplify their voices,
    encourage the Government to collaborate with these organizations for
    the betterment of Botswana, and ensure that we coordinate our efforts
    with diplomatic and international missions.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue to strengthen the
    relationships our U.S. Mission has built with democratically oriented
    political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the
    efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive
    political environment throughout Botswana. If confirmed, I will
    advocate for the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly for all
    political actors, even those who do not agree with the Government. If
    confirmed, I will advocate through public statements, targeted small
    grants and other programming, and direct engagement with a diverse
    spectrum of Batswana leaders and community members for a political
    environment that is inclusive of women, youth, minorities, and Batswana
    who might otherwise be marginalized.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Botswana on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
    designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
    regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    independent, local press in Botswana?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with media practitioners, like-
    minded missions, civil society, government, and international partners
    to underscore the importance of an independent, professional, and open
    media to a free and democratic society. If confirmed, I will seek
    resources to continue support to both Botswana's private and state-run
    media, including professional exchanges, targeted training programs,
    and seminars to educate journalists and media stakeholders about their
    rights. Batswana journalists have consistently participated in U.S.
    Government-sponsored professional exchange programs on investigative
    reporting, safeguarding freedom of expression, and the media's role in
    strengthening democratic institutions, and I will continue to
    prioritize these exchanges and training opportunities.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
    government counterparts on countering disinformation and malign
    propaganda by foreign state and non-state actors. If confirmed, I also
    commit to working with like-minded partners in Botswana to counter
    disinformation and malign propaganda campaigns.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Botswana on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
    independent trade unions?

        Answer. The United States has a long and strong tradition of
    supporting the rights of workers to exercise freedom of association,
    including to form and join independent trade unions. If confirmed, I
    will commit to engage with unions, relevant government offices, and the
    private sector to support labor rights. If confirmed, I will mobilize
    U.S. Government policies, programs and trade agreements to empower
    workers in all sectors to organize, successfully bargain with their
    employers, and improve working conditions.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Botswana, no
    matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Protecting human rights and democracy is a priority for the
    U.S. Mission in Botswana. If confirmed, I will strive to defend the
    human rights and dignity of all persons in Botswana, no matter their
    sexual orientation or gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Botswana?

        Answer. Botswana is a generally tolerant country, and there are no
    recent reports of attacks against the LGBTQI+ community by authorities.
    However, there were reported societal incidents of violence, societal
    harassment, and discrimination. Lingering societal problems can
    threaten respect for human rights, including the rights of lesbian,
    gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons, and increase
    vulnerabilities faced by these populations. Botswana's legal statutes
    are mixed on the issue. The High Court struck down penal code section
    164 criminalizing consensual same-sex activity in 2019; the Botswana
    Court of Appeal has set a date for the appeal on October 12, 2021. If
    confirmed, I will strive to defend the human rights and dignity of all
    persons in Botswana, no matter their sexual orientation or gender
    identity.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Botswana?

        Answer. Protecting human rights and democracy is a priority for our
    mission in Botswana. The U.S. Mission has strong ties with LGBTQI+
    civil society groups and relies on the 2019 landmark legal case to
    deepen social acceptance of LGBTQI+ persons in Botswana. If confirmed,
    I will continue these efforts with the goal that Botswana can become a
    model for other nations in Africa and show that decriminalization is
    possible.

    Congressional Consultations
        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Botswana?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
    Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all
    appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this
    committee.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Howard A. Van Vranken by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Botswana is one of four Sub-Saharan African countries
    identified as ``free'' in Freedom House's Freedom in the World 2021
    report. The State Department characterizes Botswana as ``an excellent
    democratic partner.'' Underlying a democratic system that has produced
    democratic elections, strong tolerance of the political opposition, and
    effective governance practices, is one that also often undermines
    democratic pluralism--one that ensures the ruling party remains firmly
    in power.

       What is your assessment of the resilience of Botswana's democracy?

        Answer. Botswana has a long track record as one of Africa's most
    successful and enduring democracies. Botswana is a constitutional,
    multiparty, republican democracy. Its constitution provides for the
    indirect election of a president and the popular election of a National
    Assembly. If confirmed, I will promote democratic values and seek to
    strengthen democratic institutions.

        Question. Are there any areas where you, as U.S. Ambassador if
    confirmed, will engage Botswana on issues related to freedom and
    democracy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely in
    partnership with government and non-governmental organizations in
    Botswana on U.S. Government initiatives. These include political party
    strengthening and a number of democracy building activities, including
    youth outreach, promoting women's participation in the political
    process, supporting the development of women candidates for public
    office, and advocacy for independent parliamentary debates.

        Question. In Botswana's 2019 parliamentary elections, the ruling
    Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) received 406,561 votes (52.65 percent
    of total votes). What role does Botswana's first-past-the-post
    electoral system play in limiting power sharing with a growing
    proportion of votes by the political opposition in the country? What
    reforms does Botswana's electoral system need to ensure greater equity
    among the country's main political parties and actors?

        Answer. Botswana's Parliamentary system of elections is like those
    used in many countries across the world. However, critics in countries
    where first-past-the-post voting is applied, including in Botswana,
    argue that this system is unfair to smaller political parties and
    groups that are underrepresented in the political process, such as
    women and ethnic minorities. Opposition parties argue that this system
    gives the ruling party a voting majority in parliament which enables it
    to implement its own policy objectives even if they do not have popular
    support. Botswana plans a constitutional reform process in the near
    future. If confirmed, I would work with all stakeholders on ways to
    advocate this process encompasses a broad set of issues, including the
    electoral system.
        Following the 2019 elections, international observer missions made
    several recommendations for improvement of electoral processes,
    including related to funding of political parties, representation of
    women and youth in political parties, standardization of polling
    station procedures, improving registration and voter education
    procedures, among other legal and procedures reforms. Enacting such
    reforms will ensure that elections in Botswana produce results that
    enjoy broad support, including through representation of opposition and
    equity among political parties. If confirmed, I will seek to engage the
    Government and political parties on these issues in advance of the next
    elections.

        Question. What is your view on a democratic system like Botswana
    that has never undergone a partisan transition of power and has seen an
    unbroken parliamentary majority by the same ruling party and control
    over the executive since independence?

        Answer. Botswana's electoral system provides opportunities for
    changes in political power. In recent elections, opposition parties
    have made inroads in increasing parliamentary representation,
    particularly in 2014. However, factors such as opposition party
    cohesiveness, political financing, and incumbency have all helped the
    Botswana Democratic Party maintain its majority. If confirmed, I would
    continue our work with all stakeholders in ensuring that Botswana's
    political system remains fair and transparent.
        If confirmed, I will promote democratic values and seek to
    strengthen democratic institutions, including through electoral
    processes that have credibility and integrity in representing the will
    of the people of Botswana.

        Question. Do you believe the United States should support robust
    democracy and governance assistance programs in comparatively stronger
    African democracies like Botswana? If so, what should be the strategic
    focus for these efforts?

        Answer. Botswana has been a strong proponent of democracy and
    respect for human rights within Africa. If confirmed, I will earnestly
    work to continue U.S. Embassy programming that strengthens the capacity
    of governmental institutions, civil society groups, and regional
    organizations to promote democratic practices.

        Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
    a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
    the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
    the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you
    respond to Botswana doing something like this?

        Answer. Botswana's strong democratic tradition includes term-limits
    that are respected by presidents, the political parties, and the
    electorate. I expect this respect for constitutional limits will
    continue. If confirmed, I will promote democratic values and seek to
    strengthen democratic institutions.

        Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
    independent international election observation missions? Would you
    support such a mission for Botswana's next general election?

        Answer. The U.S. Government supports efforts to ensure transparency
    in elections in all nations. Botswana's elections are regularly
    observed by external teams from the Southern African Development
    Community (SADC) and the African Union. Botswana welcomes and supports
    these missions and would likely be amendable to additional electoral
    observation if the conditions warrant such a mission.

        Question. In the area of conservation, Botswana is a critical
    partner. The Okovango River Delta in northwest Botswana is one of the
    world's largest inland river deltas, and serves as a critical source of
    biodiversity and home to Africa's largest remaining elephant
    population. However in Botswana, as in other countries across the
    continent, wildlife trafficking and human animal conflict are
    persistent challenges that have become more acute during the COVID
    pandemic.

       As U.S. Ambassador to Botswana, if confirmed, how will you engage
            with our Botswanan partners on issues related to conservation?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work earnestly to continue the U.S.
    Government engagement with the Government of Botswana and civil society
    to protect the country's valuable natural resources, including its
    wildlife and endangered ecosystems, such as the Okavango Delta,
    inscribed on UNESCO's list of World Heritage Sites (WHS) in 2014.

        Question. How will you as U.S. Ambassador engage the Government of
    Botswana to ensure the country's elephant population is ethically
    controlled and the Government follows adequate measures to ensure long-
    term conservation of their native elephant population?

        Answer. Sustainable management of Botswana's natural resources,
    including the Okavango Delta and the country's wildlife, is not only a
    critical conservation goal, but also vital for Botswana's long-term
    economic health. Tourism, primarily eco-tourism, accounted for 10
    percent of Botswana's GDP and 10 percent of its total employment pre-
    pandemic.
        If confirmed, I will encourage community-based natural resource
    management efforts that can make an important contribution to
    conservation and growth of the tourism sector, as well as to rural
    development and poverty eradication. If confirmed, I will work with
    U.S. agencies to promote best practices on wildlife conservation and
    management, including for Botswana's elephant population.

        Question. What more should the Government of Botswana do to curb
    poaching and wildlife trafficking? How can the United States build on
    existing efforts to support Botswana in its fight against both poaching
    and trafficking of wildlife? What more can the United States do to help
    enforce existing national and international anti-wildlife trafficking
    laws in Botswana?

        Answer. Botswana is committed to wildlife protection, and we
    appreciate the Government of Botswana's ongoing efforts on this issue.
    If confirmed, I pledge to continue supporting important wildlife
    trafficking assistance to Botswana, including training and building
    capacity in law enforcement personnel, both in country and regionally.
        Trends across the continent indicate better organized, more lethal,
    and sophisticated poaching and wildlife trafficking criminal
    organizations. Botswana considers these organizations a national
    security threat. If I am confirmed, I will commit to working with my
    government counterparts to deter and dismantle these criminal
    organizations in Botswana.

        Question. What additional tools can the U.S. draw on to provide
    support to Botswana in both preserving biodiversity and improving
    livelihoods for the Botswanan people

        Answer. Botswana has unique biodiversity and remains highly
    vulnerable to climate change, especially with regard to access to water
    for drinking, irrigation, and climate change's effects on complex
    biospheres such as the Okavango Delta. If confirmed, I will continue to
    engage with our partners including government, commercial, and civil
    society groups in support of the conservation goals of the DELTA Act.

        Question. What opportunities exist for the United States to build
    on its defense cooperation with Botswana?

        Answer. There are opportunities to strengthen our already robust
    defense partnerships through the International Military Education and
    Training (IMET) and the National Guard State Partnership Program. There
    are opportunities for PEPFAR and the Department of Defense HIV/AIDS
    Prevention Program (DHAPP) to implement HIV prevention programs to
    combat HIV/AIDS within the defense forces. Botswana would also welcome
    participation in additional regional military exercises.

        Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Botswana was
    identified as Tier 2 due to a ``lack of formal procedures to identify
    and refer victims to care and devoted substantially less funding for
    victim care than in the previous reporting period.'' How will you work
    with the Government or appropriate entities to address these issues if
    you are confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. The Government of Botswana does not fully meet the minimum
    standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making
    efforts to do so. Botswana remained a Tier 2 country in the 2021 TIP
    Report and has publicly reiterated its commitment to reaching Tier 1.
    In the 2021 reporting period, the Government of Botswana referred all
    identified victims to NGOs, funded and implemented the anti-trafficking
    national action plan, and provided additional services to victims who
    participated in trials against their traffickers. However, the
    Government did not convict any traffickers and identified significantly
    fewer victims than in the 2020 reporting period.
        If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Botswana to create
    and institutionalize procedures to identify trafficking victims and
    train stakeholders on such procedures, increase funding for NGOs to
    which the Government refers trafficking victims for shelter and
    services, and significantly increase efforts to investigate, prosecute,
    and convict traffickers through continued engagement with the
    Government, civil society, and international partners.

        Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
    Botswana was identified as tolerant of religious freedom. What is your
    assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
    with the Ambassador At Large to continue to bolster religious freedom
    in-country?

        Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and
    the Department continues to closely monitor religious freedom in
    Botswana. As noted, Botswana provides for freedom of thought and
    religion, with certain exceptions, protects against governmental
    discrimination, and has a high degree of religious tolerance and robust
    interfaith relations. If confirmed, I commit to work with the
    Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to
    emphasize the importance of religious freedom, addressing any religious
    freedom concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and respect among
    and for religious communities in Botswana.

        Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Botswana was identified
    as having serious human rights concerns, including infringement or
    suppression of freedom of expression, press, the internet, association,
    as well as corruption and child labor.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
            with the host government?

        Answer. Botswana generally has a good human rights record. However,
    some problems remain. These include occasional allegations of excessive
    use of force and abuse by security personnel, police corruption, and
    shortcomings in the judicial process, including lengthy delays and
    failure to inform defendants of their pretrial rights.
        I am concerned about societal problems that threaten respect for
    human rights including high rates of gender-based violence;
    discrimination against women and children, persons with disabilities,
    persons with HIV/AIDS, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex
    persons; and trafficking in persons.
        There are also growing concerns among Botswana's public that COVID-
    19 related movement restrictions and the Government's stated need to
    take on extra-legislative responsibility as a response could impinge on
    some of their human rights, such as their freedom of peaceful assembly.
    If confirmed, I will continue these efforts as I engage the Government
    of Botswana to address concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights
    Report.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. The U.S. Embassy maintains excellent relationships with all
    of Botswana's major civil society organizations. These organizations
    rely on us to act as a voice of conscience both in the public sphere
    and in our engagement with the Government. If confirmed, I will
    continue to work closely with Botswana's community of civil society
    organizations and will encourage them to focus their attention on the
    most pressing human rights concerns in Botswana and will look for
    synergistic opportunities to cooperate with these groups to advocate
    for reform, accountability, and respect for human rights.

        Question. Government resettlement schemes, policies that undermine
    aboriginal minorities' cultural practices and identities, and economic
    disenfranchisement are all areas where the Government has increasingly
    marginalized the aboriginal San and Basarwa people. In what ways should
    the United States work with the Government of Botswana to improve the
    rights and economic survival of these aboriginal people?

        Answer. The U.S. Government continues to follow the situation of
    the San in Botswana, including the legal dispute between some San
    communities and the Botswana Government over their families' rights to
    reside within Botswana's Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR). The
    Botswana Government has agreed to abide by all relevant court rulings
    regarding the San rights to live within the CKGR, but it has
    interpreted these rulings narrowly. If confirmed, I will continue to
    support the ongoing dialogue between the Botswana Government and San
    representatives regarding community welfare and living conditions.

        Question. In March this year, Botswana became the 46th African
    country to sign on to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI
    cooperation agreement will undoubtedly boost relations between the two
    countries and focus on infrastructure construction and other projects
    traditionally supporting the BRI. How will you ensure the United States
    interests and relationship with Botswana is not undermined by these
    deepening ties with China?

        Answer. The Government of Botswana sees China as an important
    partner and investor, but there has been unhappiness within Botswana
    about PRC business practices, after problems with several high-profile
    PRC construction projects. If confirmed, I will work to build upon our
    decades-long investment in African human capital (health and education)
    in order to strengthen our ties with Botswana, including through
    initiatives like the Power Africa Mega Solar program.

        Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee Majority Report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
    Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
    gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
    including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
    effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
    European countries to build on likeminded interests in Botswana and
    counter the malign influence of China?

        Answer. The United States and our European partners share an
    interest in supporting Botswana's efforts for financial transparency,
    respect for human rights, respect for freedom of expression, and
    efforts to counter corruption. We are concerned about the PRC's
    influence on these areas in Botswana. If confirmed, I would continue to
    work with European nations and the Government of Botswana to strengthen
    Botswana's resilience to malign external influence. If confirmed, I
    will work with European and other likeminded partners to speak up
    against China's malign actions and attempts to undermine the
    international rules-based system, including through advancing U.S.
    economic interests, countering China's aggressive and coercive actions,
    sustaining our military engagement, and engaging on U.S. positions in
    the U.N. system.

        Question. According to Reporters sans frontiers (RSF), press
    freedom declined significantly under President Ian Khama. While
    violations of press freedom have declined under President Masisi, there
    remain significant obstacles to freedom of the press in Botswana,
    including a legal framework that has no law on access to information
    and draconian laws such as the 2008 Media Practitioners Act. As U.S.
    Ambassador to Botswana, if confirmed, how will you engage the Botswanan
    Government on issues of freedom of information and freedom of the
    press?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Embassy work to
    support media professionalization through exchanges, trainings, and
    other initiatives, such as assisting the Office of the Presidency to
    set up a Presidential Press Office. Helping the Government of Botswana
    create a press office which is proactive, responsive, and a source for
    useful and credible information for the press and the public directly
    supports our Mission Goal 1: Botswana has institutions, policies, and
    practices which respond to the needs and improve equitably the lives of
    its inhabitants by addressing the need to strengthen institutions to
    promote accountable, transparent, and democratic governance.

        Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
    the last few years, in large part due to COVID.

       What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Botswana?

        Answer. COVID-19 has exacted a heavy toll on U.S. Mission Botswana,
    as many members of our community have lost loved ones. While there is
    currently a downward trend in cases across the region, Botswana's
    COVID-19 case count remains the highest in the Southern African region.
        COVID-19 exacerbated some of Botswana's infrastructural weaknesses
    like telecommunications, healthcare, and food availability. The Mission
    has adapted to this new environment, with staff building stronger ties
    with each other as they rely on one another more than they did prior to
    the pandemic. The U.S. Mission continues to prioritize Embassy morale
    through tools such as regular town halls, which provide a platform for
    staff to connect with leadership and for speakers to discuss resilience
    and coping mechanisms.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Botswana?

        Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the official
    community will be of primary importance. I will seek to support
    employees and their families to create an inclusive and welcoming
    culture where individuals are safe and can achieve professional and
    personal goals. As I expect one of my sons (who is 15 years old) and my
    wife, Rebecca, will accompany me (and my other children will spend
    significant time with me in Botswana), I will focus on schooling and
    educational needs for children and work with U.S. and Batswana
    officials to expand U.S.-accredited education where possible.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    at Mission Botswana?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all
    agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies and
    tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I will engage all
    employees and stakeholders to conceive and articulate clearly what we
    will do, and how we will do it. If confirmed, I will create a culture
    of inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.

        Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.

       How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I aspire to create a leadership culture in which all are
    encouraged to contribute, create, and grow. My ideal is a workplace in
    which people achieve shared objectives while respecting and valuing
    everyone's contributions. This requires from leadership and employees a
    recognition of individuals strengths and areas of development, and a
    respect for shared values, inclusion, and our institutions.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. There is no acceptable place for `berating' subordinates,
    either in public or in private.

        Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as the
    director of NEA-SCA/EX?

        Answer. While Executive Director of NEA-SCA/EX, I learned quickly
    the limits of my own ability to achieve goals without delegating
    responsibility and authority when appropriate. My experience leading
    that organization affirmed to me that subordinates need space to learn
    and grow, and that results which fall short of full success represent
    valuable opportunities to adjust styles and inculcate a culture of
    continual learning and improvement. I refined the ability to delegate
    and build a spirit of inclusion during my time as Executive Director.

        Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
    deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I expect to collaborate closely with the
    Deputy Chief of Mission to conceive goals, then implement and oversee
    tactics and activities to achieve those goals. If confirmed, I will
    work with the Deputy Chief of Mission to articulate and maintain high
    ethical standards and create a culture of inclusion and respect. If
    confirmed, I will lean on the Deputy Chief of Mission's deep area
    expertise and seek her counsel before developing or implementing
    policy. I believe Deputy Chiefs of Mission are most effective,
    productive, and valued when they are permitted to work with
    independence, while understanding that the Chief of Mission is
    ultimately responsible in all ways for the work of the Mission.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the Deputy Chief of Mission to
    lead our internal effort to address the COVID pandemic. I will also ask
    her to lead recruitment efforts for Foreign Service and other agencies'
    diplomatic personnel. If confirmed, I will collaborate with her closely
    on policy implementation, engagement with the Government of Botswana,
    and outreach to key groups-particularly youth-through traditional and
    social media.
        In order to create and continue employee excellence at the
    Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs) for
    Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.

        Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
    with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
    encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
    roles?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
    Botswana.

       In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
            walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively
    engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the
    country to which they are assigned.
        The safety and well-being of our U.S. Mission staff is paramount.
    Thus, during COVID-19, especially during the recent third wave, we have
    limited our external engagement and official travel to mission
    critical. However, during normal times our U.S. Mission community is
    actively involved in external engagement with our government, civil
    society, and media partners and members of the international community
    throughout the country. In the meantime, we have been actively involved
    in external engagement on virtual platforms and in small group settings
    to maximize safety.

        Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, and as health and safety conditions permit, I
    will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person
    with local populations. Until then, we will maintain active engagement
    through virtual media. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit people
    in each district of Botswana and use those visits to facilitate
    contacts for other U.S. diplomats.
        COVID-19 limited physical interactions and poor telecommunications
    infrastructure made virtual interactions difficult. However, nearly all
    Mission personal have been vaccinated and the number of vaccinated
    Batswana is also increasing. This should improve our ability to access
    more people locally as in-person interactions will remain the preferred
    form of engagement in Botswana.
        Once the COVID-19 situation improves we intend to fully re-engage
    with all our stakeholders throughout the country in-person. I will
    prioritize our Embassy's travel and site visits to our partners and
    beneficiaries in the field, on priority issues including our HIV/AIDS
    response and wildlife trafficking, to improve our collective
    understanding of the myriad issues at stake, underscore U.S. leadership
    on these issues, and to monitor U.S. Government funds.
        Once we achieve a healthy threshold of vaccinated people, we plan
    to return to hosting more representational events as they have
    historically been well received, especially our Fourth of July
    celebrations. A resumption in issuing tourist and business visas will
    also increase our interaction as it will raise interest in the United
    States.

        Question. In recent years, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF),
    an intergovernmental standards-setting body on anti-money laundering
    matters (AML), of which the United States is a member, identified
    Botswana as strategically deficient on AML. How is the United States
    supporting AML compliance efforts in Botswana and what steps will you
    take as ambassador to ensure the country continues to make improvements
    in this area?

        Answer. The United States supports Botswana's efforts to strengthen
    its compliance with international AML standards, including through U.S.
    Department of Treasury technical assistance. If confirmed, I will work
    diligently to ensure the U.S. Embassy continues to support Botswana's
    efforts to bolster its anti-money laundering capacity.

        Question. Do you think the Department should require chiefs of
    mission have experience in the region to which they are nominated?

        Answer. The Department of State looks for officers who exemplify
    the six Core Values (accountability, character, community, diversity,
    loyalty, service) and the Department's Leadership and Management
    Principles (model integrity, plan strategically, be decisive and take
    responsibility, communicate, learn and innovate constantly, be self-
    aware, collaborate, value and develop people, manage conflict, and
    foster resilience) when selecting Chiefs of Mission. Candidates for COM
    positions must possess: outstanding interpersonal skills; deep regional
    and functional professional experience; demonstrated effectiveness in
    leading people, policies, and programs; proven skills in public
    diplomacy, navigating the interagency process, leading and motivating
    teams; talent for advocating U.S. foreign policy interests, including
    promoting democracy and good governance, rule of law, and economic
    interests; and the ability to operate at the senior U.S. national
    security policy level. The Department also seeks COM candidates who
    have championed diversity and will continue to foster diverse and
    inclusive teams and hold people accountable for performance and
    conduct. COM nominees are able to apply these values and principles in
    any geographic region to advance U.S. interests.

        Question. With little experience in the sub-Saharan Africa, how are
    you approaching this assignment?

        Answer. Mission Botswana has a strong team which I am looking
    forward to meeting and leading. I am confident that our respective
    experiences will complement each other.
        I have engaged in an accelerated program to learn as much as
    possible as quickly as possible about the region through the Foreign
    Service Institute and consultations with regional experts. If
    confirmed, I will broaden that engagement to include regional experts
    throughout and outside the U.S. Government.

        Question. Do you consider your lack of experience in the region a
    handicap in starting your position as COM?

        Answer. I come to this assignment with a long history of success in
    leading people and managing programs and resources to achieve goals.
    Those experiences are directly applicable to this challenging
    assignment. I also approach this assignment cognizant that the region
    is richly complex, and I will need to seek advice, counsel, and
    recommendations from a range of experts from throughout and outside the
    U.S. Government in order to succeed.
        The State Department prides itself in developing adaptable
    generalists who bring the breadth of their experience to every
    assignment. There are naturally strong arguments for having regional
    experts, but I am confident that I can bring new approaches to bear
    based on my experience at other posts. My work in the Department's
    Executive Secretariat also gave me a unique perspective on how Africa
    fits into our overall foreign policy, experience which I believe make
    me a strong advocate for the needs of Mission Botswana.

        Question. If confirmed, would you consider your lack of experience
    in Africa in identifying a deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. The Department of State provides a list of suitable Deputy
    Chief of Mission candidates for a Chief of Mission to select when those
    positions become open. If confirmed, I will select a DCM who
    compliments my skills, experience, and knowledge to ensure the U.S.
    Mission in Botswana is best placed to advance U.S. interests.

        Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
    policy efforts.

       What is the public diplomacy environment like in Botswana? What
            public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

        Answer. The strong U.S.-Botswana bilateral relationship facilitates
    a positive public diplomacy environment. The Botswana public is
    generally receptive to U.S. Government programs and messaging on our
    policy priorities. The challenges that do exist include capacity issues
    like an organization's ability to maintain and implement grants on
    behalf of the U.S Government; the lack of a flourishing civil society
    which limits our ability to offer diverse programming; and the poorly
    developed press corps. However, journalists are eager to gain
    additional training and experiences through USG media exchange
    programs. COVID-19 has severely impacted the Mission's ability to
    conduct in person exchanges and outreach, and poor internet
    connectivity and availability make virtual programming challenging.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. The Embassy's Public Affairs Office does a good job
    balancing these occasionally differing objectives. The Mission's
    strategic planning working group meets monthly to discuss important
    policy objectives and to decide how to best deliver messaging to the
    public. Due to our strong bilateral relationship, the Botswana public
    is largely receptive to our messaging. As a Mission, we focus most of
    our messaging on our priority policy goals and objectives including our
    health partnerships under PEPFAR, women's empowerment, democracy and
    governance, environmental issues, regional security, and strengthening
    the economy. However, we also deliver messaging on Washington's policy
    priorities. The Botswana public is also receptive to these messages.
    Most public messaging is delivered via our influential social media
    platforms including Facebook and Twitter, but also via traditional
    media including radio, television, and newspaper interviews, which is
    dominated by state media.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Howard A. Van Vranken by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. Botswana's HIV prevalence rate is improving but remains
    the fourth highest in the world, with 19.9 percent of adults HIV-
    positive in 2020. What is your assessment of the importance and
    effectiveness of U.S. support to combatting HIV/AIDs and other public
    health emergencies in Botswana, including the COVID pandemic?

        Answer. U.S. support through PEPFAR has played and will need to
    continue to play an important role in supporting Botswana's HIV/AIDS
    response. While Botswana is a high HIV-burdened country, it has been
    making significant progress toward controlling its HIV epidemic and
    that control must be sustained. The health systems and capacities that
    have been strengthened for the HIV/AIDS response have also been
    instrumental in helping to respond to other health threats, including
    COVID-19. Botswana funds approximately 60 percent of its national
    response to HIV/AIDS and PEPFAR has strategically filled service
    delivery gaps and provided technical support to scale up and strengthen
    services.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                          THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., via
    Videoconference, Hon. Brian Schatz presiding.
        Present: Senators Schatz [presiding], Cardin, Murphy,
    Booker, Van Hollen, and Hagerty.

                OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN SCHATZ,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM HAWAII

        Senator Schatz. Good morning. This hearing of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
        We are here to consider four important nominees--Ambassador
    Laura Holgate to be the U.S. Representative to the Vienna
    Office of the U.N. and the U.S. Representative to the
    International Atomic Energy Agency; Caryn McClelland to be the
    U.S. Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam; David Young to be U.S.
    Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi; and Claire Pierangelo to
    be the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the
    Union of the Comoros.
        Congratulations to the four of you on your nominations. Our
    thanks for your willingness to serve and to the members of your
    families because this is a family sacrifice as well.
        I understand that our distinguished former colleague
    Senator Nunn is here to introduce Ambassador Holgate this
    morning. So we will turn to him first before any opening
    statements.
        Senator Nunn?

                      STATEMENT OF HON. SAM NUNN,
                    FORMER U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA

        Senator Nunn. Thank you very much, Chairman Schatz. Can you
    hear me okay? I am not----
        Senator Schatz. We can hear you fine.
        Senator Nunn. Great. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman,
    Ranking Member Hagerty, Senator Cardin, and others on the
    Foreign Relations Committee.
        I am honored to present Laura Holgate to this committee,
    and I strongly recommend that she be confirmed as our Nation's
    Ambassador to the Vienna Office of the United Nations and the
    International Atomic Energy Agency.
        Mr. Chairman, our Nation is fortunate to have a nominee
    with the experience, the knowledge, and the diplomatic skills
    that Laura would bring to this important role if confirmed by
    the Senate. Laura has served more than 30 years in critical
    national security positions, both inside and outside
    government. She has broad experience. She has skilled
    leadership. Laura has sound judgment, and she has an
    international reputation as a very capable diplomat and
    persuasive advocate of U.S. priorities.
        She also brings a background and spirit of nonpartisanship.
    I know that firsthand, Mr. Chairman, because I have worked
    closely with her, and she has worked so closely with Senators
    and staff over the years.
        So, Mr. Chairman and Senator Hagerty, I have known Laura
    for almost all of her professional career. She was part of the
    Ash Carter Harvard University team that worked closely with my
    partner Senator Dick Lugar and with me to persuade Congress to
    create what became known as the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat
    Reduction Program.
        Laura later led this program at the Pentagon and was part
    of the team that achieved one of the most significant global
    security steps of our era--Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine
    getting rid of all of their nuclear weapons and joining the
    Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. So Laura has been at the
    forefront of policy innovation as well as implementation to
    reduce nuclear, biological, and chemical threats for really her
    entire career.
        When the Nuclear Threat Initiative was created in the year
    2001 by Ted Turner and by me, I knew Laura was one of the most
    capable people that we could ever find. So I persuaded her to
    become one of the first employees of NTI. Laura's strong
    relationships with colleagues in the U.S. departments and
    agencies on Capitol Hill and really around the world helped her
    work with others to improve nuclear security and keep weapons
    and weapons-usable material, most important, out of the hands
    of terrorists globally.
        At NTI, Laura led a number of international threat
    reduction projects that helped make the world safer, and I am
    just going to mention a couple. In 2001, she directed NTI's
    important role in the removal of two bombs' worth of highly
    enriched uranium from a poorly secured facility in Serbia. This
    project, led by the U.S. Government with cooperation from
    Serbia, Russia, and the IAEA, laid the foundation for the U.S.
    Government's program known as the Global Threat Reduction
    Initiative.
        Most recently, she helped produce our NTI's Nuclear
    Security Index, which is recognized globally, I believe, as the
    premier open source resource and tool for tracking and
    improving the security of some of the deadliest materials in
    the world.
        Importantly, Mr. Chairman and Senator Hagerty, Laura has
    continued her lifelong commitment to broadening the number of
    talented women in the nuclear security field, enhancing our
    national and our global security. Laura knows that giving women
    a fair shake strengthens our national security and also
    strengthens our Nation.
        Laura served from 2009 to 2016 at the National Security
    Council, where she exhibited strong leadership in coordinating
    U.S. Government efforts to reduce weapon of mass destruction
    threats and prevent catastrophic terrorism. In particular, she
    led preparations for the four nuclear security summits under
    President Obama, which made significant progress in securing
    nuclear materials globally.
        We do not get much encouraging news, but Mr. Chairman, over
    the last 20 or so years under both parties, both Presidents,
    Republicans and Democrats, we have moved from 50 nations with
    nuclear material known as highly enriched uranium to 23
    nations. Still a lot of challenges, but Laura has played a huge
    role in all of that.
        In conclusion, Chairman Schatz and Senator Hagerty and
    members of the committee, I am confident that Laura is fully
    prepared to serve in this critical role. I strongly support her
    nomination by President Biden, and I urge the committee's
    support. And of course, I urge strongly her confirmation by the
    full Senate.
        So thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Senator Nunn, and
    thank you for your public service and leadership over many,
    many years.
        We will now turn to my opening remarks, followed by Senator
    Hagerty.
        Ambassador Holgate previously served as the U.S.
    Representative to the IAEA and Vienna Office of the U.N. in
    2016. She also served as Director for Weapons of Mass
    Destruction, Terrorism, and Threat Reduction on the NSC, where
    she led the preparation of four nuclear security summits. The
    IAEA is facing a number of challenges to one of its core
    missions, ensuring that states comply with their
    nonproliferation treaty commitments to maintain only peaceful
    nuclear programs.
        Iran is currently blocking IAEA access to many of its
    nuclear facilities, and North Korea moves ahead with its
    nuclear capabilities. Ambassador Holgate brings a wealth of
    experience to this important role, and we look forward to
    hearing about how she plans to engage the IAEA on
    nonproliferation matters and the peaceful use of nuclear
    science and technology to solve today's challenges, including
    climate change.
        Pleased to see Caryn McClelland, a career Foreign Service
    officer, nominated as our next Ambassador to Brunei. In her
    distinguished career at State, she has served in senior-level
    positions in the Indo-Pacific and Europe as well as on oceans
    and international environmental issues and commercial and
    business affairs, all of which position her well for this
    assignment.
        In particular, her background working energy issues, as we
    seek to work with Brunei to transition its economy to a zero-
    carbon future, is invaluable. I look forward to hearing her
    thoughts on that issue today.
        I am also interested in her views on Brunei's approach to
    trafficking in persons and LGBTQ issues under Sharia law,
    issues this committee continues to monitor closely.
        Next, we have David Young. David Young is a career member
    of the Senior Foreign Service. He currently serves as the
    charge d'affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Lusaka, Zambia, and
    previously served as the charge d'affaires at the U.S. Embassy
    in Pretoria, South Africa, and Deputy Chief of Mission at the
    U.S. Embassy in Abuja, Nigeria. His extensive experience in
    Southern Africa will serve him well if confirmed as our next
    Ambassador to Malawi.
        At a time when many African countries are experiencing
    democratic backsliding, Malawi stands out as having achieved a
    democratic transition, thanks to the vigilance of its citizens
    and the independence of its institutions. Still, Malawi faces
    serious challenges, including widespread poverty, corruption,
    and the threat of climate change and natural disasters, such as
    Cyclone Idai in 2019.
        And despite meeting its goals to control HIV/AIDS, Malawi
    still has one of the world's 10 highest HIV prevalence rates. I
    look forward to hearing how, with sufficient engagement and
    assistance, the United States can help Malawi turn its recent
    democratic success into long-term stability and prosperity.
        Lastly, Claire Pierangelo is a career member of the Senior
    Foreign Service. She currently serves as Principal Officer at
    the Consulate General in Lagos, Nigeria. Madagascar is facing
    difficult circumstances, and our Embassy urgently needs an
    experienced diplomat like Claire Pierangelo. High-stakes
    competition between political elites has dangerously
    destabilized Madagascar, with alleged coup and assassination
    plots pushing the country to the brink of a political crisis.
        Even more alarming is Madagascar's vulnerability to climate
    change. Southern Madagascar is on the edge of a deadly famine,
    one of the first to be caused by climate change rather than
    man-made conflict, according to the U.N.
        The Union of the Comoros, where Ms. Pierangelo would also
    represent the United States, if confirmed, faces governance
    challenges such as corruption and authoritarianism. It is
    becoming vulnerable to climate change, which is spurring
    irregular migration and affecting access to food and to water.
    I hope to hear how the United States can help these two
    countries to confront these challenges.
        So while the four of you have a number of challenges ahead,
    I am confident that your knowledge and experience will serve
    you well as you take them upon confirmation.
        I now turn to the ranking member, Senator Hagerty, for his
    opening comments.

                    STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

        Senator Hagerty. It is an honor to be with both of you. Mr.
    Chairman, I also want to thank the nominees for being here
    today. As you said, it is a great commitment, and it is a
    family commitment, and I appreciate and congratulate all of you
    for your nomination.
        I would like to start with the nominee for Representative
    of the United States to the International Energy Agency. This
    position has a unique responsibility in advancing the security
    of the United States by promoting the safe, secure, and
    peaceful use of nuclear technologies.
        I would like to share just a little bit of my own
    background from this perspective. Not long after my arrival in
    Tokyo as the U.S. Ambassador to Japan, North Korea tested a
    thermonuclear weapon, highlighting for me the continued
    challenges and threats that we face from nuclear proliferation
    around the world.
        The United States and our allies need to work very closely
    together on this, and I look forward to hearing from the
    nominee about how best to prevent states from diverting their
    civil nuclear energy programs to military purposes as we
    approach the 21st century.
        Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be the
    Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. The United States and Brunei
    work closely together on a bilateral and regional agenda to
    tackle some of the most pressing issues, particularly in light
    of Brunei's role in ASEAN. I look forward to hearing from Caryn
    on ways to advance the U.S.-Brunei relationship. I have had the
    opportunity to work with Caryn in the past. I look forward to
    hearing from her today.
        I would also like to turn to the nominee to be Ambassador
    to Malawi. The United States continues to partner with Malawi
    in order to advance accountable democratic governance, to
    foster private sector growth, and to advance health, education,
    energy, and environmental sectors in Malawi. I am interested in
    hearing from the nominee on these subjects when we get to them.
        Last, I would like to focus on the nominee to be the
    Ambassador to Madagascar. And as Madagascar continues to play--
    transition toward a free democracy, the United States will play
    a critical role as one of the largest providers of assistance
    to Madagascar. I look forward to hearing from our nominee about
    ways to bolster the partnership between the United States and
    Madagascar.
        Mr. Chairman, I yield my time back to you. Thank you.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Senator Hagerty.
        All of our nominees will be provided an opportunity to give
    their testimony. We asked them to be as brief as possible. We
    are about to enter into a series of five votes to keep the
    Government open. So that if we can do this expeditiously, we
    will not have to hand the gavel back and forth.
        So we will start our testimony from our nominees. We ask
    you to summarize your statement in 5 minutes or even less. All
    of your full statements will be included in the record without
    objection, and we will proceed in the order that you appear on
    the hearing notice, beginning with Ambassador Holgate.

    STATEMENT OF HON. LAURA S.H. HOLGATE OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO
       BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
         INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY, WITH THE RANK OF
     AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF
     AMERICA TO THE VIENNA OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE
                           RANK OF AMBASSADOR

        Ambassador Holgate. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty,
    and members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
    today to serve--as the President's nominee to serve as the U.S.
    Permanent Representative to the United Nations, the
    International Atomic Energy Agency, and other international
    organizations in Vienna.
        I am grateful to President Biden and to Secretary Blinken
    for their confidence that they have placed in me, and I am
    especially grateful to Senator Nunn for his mentorship over the
    years and for his generous remarks this morning.
        This is a critical moment for the United States' interests
    in the IAEA and other U.N. offices in Vienna. Iran, nuclear
    energy, space, cyber crime, climate change, the opioid
    epidemic--none of these challenges can be adequately met by the
    United States acting alone. We helped create the U.N. system to
    align the interests and combine the strengths of multiple
    nations to address global challenges, and I firmly believe that
    these institutions are more necessary today than ever.
        My experience inside and outside the United States
    Government has prepared me to play this vital role in Vienna.
    If I am confirmed in this position, I pledge to strengthen and
    broaden the partnerships with other member states and with the
    Vienna-based U.N. agencies and further develop the coalitions
    that we need to achieve U.S. priorities.
        Key among these goals is to work to make sure the IAEA has
    the mandate and the capacity to address evolving challenges and
    the greater demands being placed upon it. The IAEA must have
    the technical, human, and financial resources it needs to
    implement global safeguards, including in critical areas such
    as Iran and to be prepared to return to North Korea should a
    monitoring agreement be reached there.
        The IAEA's Directorates of Nuclear Energy, Safety and
    Security, and Safeguards must work better together to guide and
    monitor the safe and secure expansion of next-generation
    nuclear energy in a way that helps address climate change
    without increasing nuclear risk.
        If confirmed, I will press international organizations in
    Vienna to continue to make progress on management reforms,
    transparency, and accountability. I will encourage intensified
    efforts towards achieving greater gender and regional diversity
    and greater representation of U.S. citizens, especially at
    senior and policymaking levels. And I will revitalize the
    International Gender Champions chapter, which I helped found
    during my previous appointment.
        The achievement of these and other U.S. priorities will
    face the growing influence of Russia and China in multilateral
    organizations, and I believe the U.S. must be even more
    present, active, and visible at these fora. And if confirmed, I
    will strengthen the essential relationships with traditional
    diplomatic partners and work hard to build new connections with
    countries who are eager to see U.S. leadership on the issues
    they care about.
        Mr. Chairman, I am eager to return to the post I held so
    briefly and optimistic about the opportunities to re-engage the
    diplomatic and U.N. community, many of whom I know well. I am
    grateful to this committee for its attention and to my family,
    friends, and colleagues observing these proceedings online for
    their love, support, and inspiration as I pursue a return to
    public service.
        Thank you very much.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Holgate follows:]

                 Prepared Statement of Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of the committee:
    I am honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee to
    serve as the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations
    (U.N.), the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and other
    International Organizations in Vienna. I am grateful to President Biden
    and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
        This is a critical moment for the United States' interests in the
    IAEA and the other U.N. offices in Vienna. Establishing confidence that
    Iran's nuclear activities are solely peaceful and remain so,
    strengthening the global nuclear architecture that promotes security of
    nuclear materials and facilities, supporting the safe and secure
    expansion of nuclear energy and other peaceful nuclear technologies,
    promoting effective efforts to combat transnational crime and
    corruption, and supporting innovative peaceful applications of space
    science demand active, focused leadership and engagement by the United
    States to promote our national interests and advance our contributions
    towards shared global priorities. Indeed, none of these challenges can
    be adequately met by the United States acting alone--we helped create
    the U.N. system to align the interests and combine the strengths of
    multiple nations to address global challenges, and I firmly believe
    that these institutions are more necessary today than ever.
        My experience inside and outside the United States Government has
    prepared me to play this vital role in Vienna. I have focused on
    reducing nuclear, biological, and chemical threats since 1989, when I
    wrote my MIT masters thesis on chemical weapons destruction. From the
    Pentagon to the Energy Department to the White House, and--briefly--in
    Vienna, I have spent over 15 years designing, leading, and coordinating
    federal programs to reduce and eliminate nuclear, chemical, and
    biological weapons, through bilateral and multilateral cooperation. In
    my 12 years at the nongovernment Nuclear Threat Initiative, I have
    developed and piloted creative solutions to nuclear challenges, many of
    which have been adopted by the United States and the IAEA.
        Mr. Chairman, it was my distinct honor to have been supported by
    this committee and confirmed by the Senate in 2016 to the position for
    which I am now again being considered, and I served for six months in
    that role, leading UNVIE's talented team of Foreign Service Officers,
    locally engaged staff, and civil servants from multiple U.S. agencies.
        If I am confirmed in this position, I pledge to strengthen and
    broaden the partnerships with other member states and with the Vienna-
    based U.N. agencies, and further develop the coalitions that we need to
    achieve U.S. priorities. Key among these goals is to work to make sure
    the IAEA has the mandate and the capacity to address evolving
    challenges and the greater demands being placed on it. The IAEA must
    have the technical, human, and financial resources it needs to
    implement global safeguards, including in critical areas such as Iran,
    and to be prepared to return to North Korea, should a monitoring
    agreement be reached there. The IAEA's Directorates of Nuclear Energy,
    Safety and Security, and Safeguards must work better together to guide
    and monitor the safe and secure expansion of next-generation nuclear
    energy in a way that helps address climate change without increasing
    nuclear risks. The IAEA's Directorates of Technical Cooperation and
    Nuclear Sciences and Applications must strengthen initiatives to safely
    and securely provide the benefits of nuclear technology to all,
    including innovations to speed the diagnosis of pandemic health
    threats.
        If confirmed, I will press international organizations in Vienna to
    continue to make progress in management reforms, transparency, and
    accountability. I will encourage intensified efforts toward achieving
    greater gender and regional diversity, especially at the senior and
    policy-making levels, and revitalize the International Gender Champions
    chapter, which I helped found during my previous appointment.
        The achievement of these and other U.S. priorities will face the
    growing influence of Russia and China in multilateral organizations. I
    believe the U.S. must be even more present, active, and visible in
    these fora and if confirmed, I will strengthen the essential
    relationships with traditional diplomatic partners and work hard to
    build new connections with countries who are eager to see U.S.
    leadership on issues they care about.
        Mr. Chairman, I am eager to return to the post I held so briefly,
    and optimistic about the opportunities to reengage the diplomatic and
    U.N. community, many of whom I know well. I am grateful to this
    committee for its attention, and to my family, friends, and colleagues
    observing these proceedings on-line for their love, support, and
    inspiration as I pursue a return to public service.

        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
        Ms. McClelland?

    STATEMENT OF CARYN R. MCCLELLAND OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
      OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
           THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO BRUNEI DARUSSALAM

        Ms. McClelland. Thank you very much.
        Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished
    members of the committee, I am honored to be here today before
    you as President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S.
    Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. If confirmed, I look forward
    to working closely with this committee to advance U.S.
    interests in Brunei.
        I would also like to take this opportunity to thank my
    family, friends, mentors, and colleagues whose support and
    guidance has been critical throughout my career. Most
    importantly, I want to recognize my daughter, Marlowe, who has
    shared this adventure with me for the last 13 years, and my
    parents, Robert and Catherine. Without their constant love,
    support, and encouragement, I would not be here today.
        The U.S.-Brunei relationship has flourished over the years
    as we continuously work together to promote a more stable,
    peaceful, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. We have enjoyed
    more than 170 years of close cooperation since our countries
    signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Commerce, and
    Navigation in 1850. The United States was also among the first
    countries to establish diplomatic relations with Brunei after
    it became fully independent from the United Kingdom in 1984.
        Our partnership with Brunei and our support for ASEAN
    centrality remain a cornerstone of our Indo-Pacific policy. The
    United States works closely with Brunei, especially during its
    role as the ASEAN chair in 2021. Brunei's time leading ASEAN
    coincided with the two most acute challenges to face ASEAN
    since its inception, the coup d'etat in Burma and COVID-19.
        Brunei has been a steady and constructive partner on both
    issues. Our shared commitment to addressing some of the
    region's most pressing challenges will continue to yield
    cooperation, including on pandemic response, confronting the
    climate crisis, and resolving the conflict brought on by the
    coup and violence in Burma.
        The robust security, economic, and people-to-people ties
    between our two countries are at the core of our relationship
    with Brunei. Our defense relationship is described in our
    Memorandum of Understanding on Defense Cooperation, and our
    military-to-military ties have become a cornerstone of the
    U.S.-Brunei bilateral relationship.
        Prior to the pandemic, Brunei conveyed a strong desire to
    increase participation in military exercise and engagements
    with the United States, particularly with respect to enhancing
    maritime domain awareness. While many in-person defense
    exchanges have either been postponed or canceled due to the
    COVID-19 restrictions, Brunei remains committed to our defense
    partnership, as witnessed by its recent purchase of U.S.-origin
    defense equipment and its continued participation in our
    bilateral maritime exercises.
        We have a shared interest in maintaining peace and
    stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and respect for
    international law, including freedoms of navigation and
    overflight and other lawful activities in the South China Sea.
    If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to strengthen our
    partnership in these areas with the Bruneian Government and
    work with Brunei to uphold the rules-based international order
    that has underpinned the region's security and prosperity.
        We have also fostered a positive economic relationship with
    Brunei and enjoy a robust trade in goods such as aircraft,
    machinery, technology, iron, steel, and others. U.S. goods and
    services trade with Brunei totaled an estimated $262 million in
    2020.
        We have frequently worked with Brunei and other regional
    economies to lower barriers to trade and investment across the
    Indo-Pacific region, leveling the playing field for U.S.
    companies and supporting job growth at home. If confirmed, I
    hope to further expand our bilateral trade relationship and
    advance an economic agenda that promotes shared prosperity,
    leverages economic potential, and builds inclusive and
    resilient economies, especially as the entire region works
    toward pandemic recovery.
        If there is one thing the past year and a half has taught
    us, it is the true value of personal relationships. Our
    cultural, educational, and people-to-people ties with Brunei
    are critically important to advance both mutual understanding
    between our nations and our bilateral relationship. In a
    country with limited exposure to the United States, engaging
    the next generation of Bruneian leaders and change-makers is
    vital.
        Prior to the pandemic, approximately 50 Bruneians
    participated annually in U.S.-sponsored exchange programs,
    including the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, the
    International Visitor Leaders Program, and Fulbright Program,
    and other professional and academic exchanges. The U.S. Embassy
    in Brunei also maintains a robust network of more than 300
    alumni of U.S. Government exchange programs and works regularly
    with Bruneian civil society to collaborate on addressing issues
    of mutual concern, such as empowering women, promoting
    entrepreneurship, and protecting the environment, among other
    issues. If confirmed, I intend to leverage these exchange
    programs and other initiatives to broaden our people-to-people
    ties in the future.
        Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear here
    today, and I look forward to your questions.
        Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. McClelland follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Caryn R. McClelland

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
    committee, I am honored to be here before you today as President
    Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. I
    am deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for placing
    their confidence in me to serve the United States in Brunei. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this committee to
    advance U.S. interests in Brunei.
        I would also like to take this opportunity to thank my family,
    friends, mentors, and colleagues, whose support and guidance has been
    critical throughout my career. Most importantly, I want to recognize my
    daughter Marlowe, who has shared this adventure with me for the last 13
    years, and my parents Robert and Catherine. Without their constant
    love, support, and encouragement, I would not be here today.
        The U.S.-Brunei relationship has flourished over the years as we
    continuously work together to promote a more peaceful, stable, and
    prosperous Indo-Pacific region. We have enjoyed more than 170 years of
    close cooperation since our countries signed the Treaty of Peace,
    Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation in 1850. The United States was
    also among the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with
    Brunei after it became fully independent from the United Kingdom in
    1984.
        Our partnership with Brunei and our support for ASEAN centrality
    remain a cornerstone of our Indo-Pacific policy. The United States
    works closely with Brunei, especially during its role as the ASEAN
    Chair in 2021. Brunei's time leading ASEAN coincided with the two most
    acute challenges to face ASEAN since its inception--the coup d'etat in
    Burma and COVID-19. Brunei has been steady and constructive partner on
    both issues. Our shared commitment to addressing some of the region's
    most pressing challenges will continue to yield cooperation, including
    on pandemic response, confronting the climate crisis, and resolving the
    conflict brought on by the coup and violence in Burma.
        The robust security, economic, and people-to-people ties between
    our two countries are at the core of our relationship with Brunei. Our
    defense relationship is described in our Memorandum of Understanding on
    Defense Cooperation, and our military-to-military ties have become a
    cornerstone of the U.S.-Brunei bilateral relationship. Prior to the
    pandemic, Brunei conveyed a strong desire to increase participation in
    military exercises and engagements with the United States, particularly
    with respect to enhancing maritime domain awareness. While many in-
    person defense exchanges have either been postponed or cancelled due to
    COVID-19 restrictions, Brunei remains committed to our defense
    partnership as witnessed by its recent purchase of U.S.-origin defense
    equipment and its continued participation in our bilateral maritime
    exercises. We have a shared interest in maintaining peace and
    stability, unimpeded lawful commerce, and respect for international
    law, including freedoms of navigation and overflight and other lawful
    activities in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will look for
    opportunities to strengthen our partnership in these areas with the
    Bruneian Government and work with Brunei to uphold the rules-based
    international order that has underpinned the region's security and
    prosperity.
        We have also fostered a positive economic relationship with Brunei
    and enjoy a robust trade in goods such as aircraft, machinery,
    technology, iron, and steel, among others. U.S. goods and services
    trade with Brunei totaled an estimated $262 million in 2020. We
    frequently work with Brunei and other regional economies to lower
    barriers to trade and investment across the Indo-Pacific region,
    leveling the playing field for U.S. companies and supporting job growth
    at home. If confirmed, I hope to further expand our bilateral trade
    relationship and advance an economic agenda that promotes shared
    prosperity, leverages economic potential, and builds inclusive and
    resilient economies--especially as the entire region works toward
    pandemic recovery.
        If there is one thing the past year and a half has taught us, it is
    the true value of personal relationships. Our cultural, educational,
    and people-to-people ties with Brunei are critically important to
    advancing both mutual understanding between our nations and our
    bilateral relationship. In a country with limited exposure to the
    United States, engaging the next generation of Bruneian leaders and
    changemakers is vital. Prior to the pandemic, approximately 50
    Bruneians participated annually in U.S. Embassy-sponsored exchange
    programs, including the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative
    (YSEALI), the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), the
    Fulbright Program and other professional and academic exchanges. The
    U.S. Embassy in Brunei also maintains a robust network of more than 300
    alumni of U.S. Government exchange programs and regularly works with
    Bruneian civil society to collaborate on addressing issues of mutual
    concern, such as empowering women, promoting entrepreneurship, and
    protecting the environment, among other issues. If confirmed, I intend
    to leverage these exchange programs and other initiatives to broaden
    our people-to-people ties in the future.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear here today. I look forward
    to your questions.

        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, Ms. McClelland.
        Mr. Young?

     STATEMENT OF DAVID JOHN YOUNG OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
       THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
         THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI

        Mr. Young. Chairman Schatz, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
    distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
    before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next
    Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi.
        I appreciate the confidence the President and my colleagues
    at the Department of State have shown in me through this
    nomination, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with
    you and other Members of Congress and staff to advance U.S.
    interests in Malawi.
        As I appear before you today, I wish to acknowledge the
    steadfast support I have received throughout my career from my
    wonderful life partner, my wife, Diane Weisz Young; and our
    children, Paul and Sarah; as well as my brothers, Keith and
    Terry; and in-laws Howard, Ann, and Gregg Weisz. The
    inspiration and love I have received from my family have
    inspired my public service across 32 years working for the
    Department of State.
        The United States has a wide range of overlapping interests
    in Malawi, from strengthening democracy and promoting respect
    for human rights to support for market economics and inclusive
    growth, from investments in health and education to support for
    the country's peacekeeping efforts across the African
    continent. Our assistance programs mirror these interests, and
    our governance programming bolsters the country's democracy and
    helps our Malawian partners promote respect for human rights,
    combat corruption, and promote better performance by government
    agencies. Our bilateral trade and investment engagements hold
    promise to help lift Malawians out of poverty and to help
    American companies interested in investment.
        Malawi today stands at a high point in its international
    profile and regional leadership. Its independent judiciary
    overturned the flawed 2019 presidential election, and the
    victory of President Lazarus Chakwera in 2020 marked only the
    second election re-run on the continent and the first to unseat
    an incumbent. The peaceful transition of power that followed
    was a testament to Malawians' commitment to democratic ideals.
        A primary responsibility of any Ambassador is the
    protection of American citizens and American interests. In
    Malawi, that now includes joining the global fight to combat
    the spread of COVID-19. And for decades, we have supported
    Malawi's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS. In so doing, we have saved
    millions of lives, and we have become the partner of choice for
    health programming. I was pleased to see the recent arrival in
    Lilongwe of more than 300,000 U.S.-provided Johnson & Johnson
    COVID-19 vaccine doses.
        Malawi's heavy dependence on agriculture offers
    opportunities for U.S. Government and private sector
    engagement. American expertise can invest and advance efforts
    towards crop diversification, generate greater revenue, and
    fight poverty through improved yields.
        Having worked on African issues for the past decade, and
    with more than 5 years' service in Southern Africa, I am also
    cognizant of the worker exploitation occurring in this sector.
    If confirmed, I will work with Malawian, American, and
    international partners to combat human trafficking and other
    human rights violations.
        The United States has enjoyed decades of close
    collaboration with the Malawian military, and their defense
    force's apolitical posture following last year's--the 2019
    election had a huge impact on the transition to democracy.
    Malawian soldiers contribute to peacekeeping operations in some
    of the world's most dangerous places, and if confirmed, I hope
    to find new ways for Malawi to further enshrine itself as a net
    exporter of security.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear
    before you today, and I would be honored to answer any
    questions.
        Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Young follows:]

                      Prepared Statement of David J. Young

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members of
    the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
    Biden's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi. I
    appreciate the confidence the President and my colleagues at the
    Department of State have shown in me through this nomination. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working with you and other members of
    Congress and staff to advance U.S. interests in Malawi.
        As I appear before you today, I wish to acknowledge the steadfast
    support I have received throughout my career from my wonderful life
    partner, my wife Diane Weisz Young, and our children Paul and Sarah, as
    well as my brothers Keith and Terry, and in-laws Howard, Ann, and Gregg
    Weisz. The inspiration and love I have received from my family have
    inspired my public service across 32 years working for the Department
    of State.
        The United States has a wide range of overlapping interests in
    Malawi--from strengthening democracy and promoting respect for human
    rights to support for market economics and inclusive growth, from
    investments in health and education to support for the country's
    peacekeeping efforts across the African continent. Our assistance
    programs mirror these interests. Our governance programming bolsters
    the country's democracy and helps our Malawian partners promote respect
    for human rights, combat corruption, and promote better performance by
    government agencies. Our bilateral trade and investment engagements
    hold promise to help lift Malawians out of poverty and to help American
    companies interested in investment. The U.S. encourages Malawi to move
    along a sustainable development trajectory that curves toward expanding
    trade as a means to increase prosperity. Our investments in Malawi's
    human capital help to build a healthy, educated, and self-reliant
    population.
        Malawi today stands at a high point in its international profile
    and regional leadership. Its independent judiciary overturned the
    flawed 2019 presidential election, and the victory of President Lazarus
    Chakwera in 2020 marked only the second election re-run on the
    continent and the first to unseat an incumbent. The peaceful transition
    of power that followed was a testament to Malawians' commitment to
    democratic ideals. President Chakwera assumed leadership of the 16-
    member Southern African Development Community in August and in this
    role is helping contribute to pro-market, good governance reforms in
    Malawi and across the region. If confirmed, I will work to expand our
    partnership with President Chakwera's Government to advance these
    mutual interests.
        The primary responsibility of any ambassador is the protection of
    American citizens and American interests. In Malawi, that now includes
    joining the global fight to contain the spread of COVID-19. For decades
    we have supported Malawi's efforts to combat HIV/AIDs. In doing so we
    have saved millions of lives, and we have become the partner of choice
    for health programming. I was pleased to see the recent arrival in
    Lilongwe of more than 300,000 U.S.-provided Johnson & Johnson COVID-19
    vaccine doses. If confirmed, I will serve as a faithful steward of
    these investments to ensure and expand the impact of our citizens'
    unmatched generosity.
        Malawi's heavy dependence on agriculture offers opportunities for
    U.S. Government and private sector engagement. American expertise can
    advance efforts towards crop diversification, generate greater revenue,
    and fight poverty through improved yields. Having worked on African
    issues for the past decade, and with more than five years' service in
    southern Africa, I am also cognizant of the worker exploitation
    occurring in the sector. Malawi must do more to combat human
    trafficking, including protecting vulnerable workers and prosecuting
    those responsible for forced labor. If confirmed, I will work with
    Malawian, American, and international partners to support these
    efforts.
        The United States has enjoyed decades of close collaboration with
    the Malawian military. The Malawian Defense Force's apolitical posture
    following the annulment of the 2019 elections and the subsequent
    transfer of power speaks to the strength of its independence and its
    unshakeable commitment to democracy. Malawian soldiers contribute to
    peacekeeping operations in some of the world's most dangerous places.
    Like others, I mourn the death of a Malawian peacekeeper killed in the
    Democratic Republic of the Congo in May this year. If confirmed, I hope
    to find new ways for Malawi to further enshrine itself as a net
    exporter of security.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you
    today. I would be honored to respond to any questions.

        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Young.
        Ms. Pierangelo?

       STATEMENT OF CLAIRE A. PIERANGELO OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
       COUNSELOR, NONMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
    OF MADAGASCAR AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL
    COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
        THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNION OF THE COMOROS

        Ms. Pierangelo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
    and distinguished members of the committee. I am honored to
    appear before you today as President Biden's nominee as
    Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the Union of
    the Comoros.
        Please let me thank my family and my friends who have
    supported me throughout my career. My parents, the late Dr.
    Anthony and Mrs. Rose Cobino Pierangelo. My beloved sons, Luca
    and Nicholas, who have been my intrepid travel companions and
    my most avid supporters. And my brothers and their families and
    my friends, who have always made sure that we had a welcoming
    home to come home to.
        Mr. Chairman, I have served across four continents. I have
    led teams working on economic reform, public health crises,
    violent extremism, radicalism, terrorism, and the challenges
    posed by the lack of democratic institutions and the rule of
    law. As a San Diego native, I was an avid student of the
    challenges of wildlife conservation through the work of the San
    Diego Zoo Global Wildlife Alliance, and I have carried that
    passion with me throughout my career.
        If confirmed to be concurrently Ambassador to Madagascar
    and Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros, I will safeguard
    U.S. interests, and I will strengthen our relationship with the
    peoples and governments in these nations. We enjoy positive
    relationships with Madagascar and Comoros as we partner with
    them to address their many domestic, regional, and global
    challenges.
        We have an opportunity in the next few years to support the
    Malagasy and Comorian people in their upcoming presidential
    elections in order to reinforce democratic principles, to
    advocate for full and open political participation, and to
    press for the protection of human rights. Strong democratic
    institutions and stability are the precursors to resilient and
    sustainable development.
        If confirmed, my team and I would support the independent
    democratic aspirations in Madagascar and Comoros and would seek
    to counter malign influences and disinformation.
        These two nations sit at the maritime crossroads between
    the Indian Ocean, Africa, and the Atlantic, and they deserve
    our increased strategic attention. The sea lanes linking these
    regions are an important geostrategic maritime transit route.
    The region's largest deep-water port is situated at the
    northern tip of Madagascar. Oil and gas reserves in the area,
    including potential large reserves off of the coast of
    Madagascar, have attracted interest and investment from
    countries who do not always prioritize these nations' long-term
    security interests.
        Stability in the region is also threatened by climate
    change, creating serious humanitarian, economic, and
    environmental crises. An extended drought in Southern
    Madagascar has thrown 1.4 million people into food insecurity
    and has caused internal migration that threatens unique
    ecosystems. COVID-19 has brought significant health and
    economic challenges, and there is an urgent need for additional
    vaccine doses.
        Of course, if confirmed, encouraging U.S. trade, protecting
    U.S. investment, and promoting greater economic self-
    sufficiency would be top priorities. We have robust development
    assistance programs and collaborate closely with other
    international partners.
        If confirmed, I can commit to advancing these efforts, as
    well as combatting threats to Madagascar's biodiversity. I
    would look forward to working with the Peace Corps to resume
    its historically vibrant programs in Madagascar and in Comoros.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
    the committee, thank you so much for the opportunity to speak
    with you today. If confirmed, I would serve proudly as the U.S.
    Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the Union of
    the Comoros. I welcome advice from you and your staff on United
    States' interests in this region.
        And one of the highlights of my Foreign Service career has
    always been facilitating the visits of Members of Congress in
    the countries where I served, and I would hope to host you and/
    or your staff in the future.
        And I welcome any questions. Thank you, sir.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Pierangelo follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Claire Pierangelo

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
    committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
    nominee as Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to the Union of
    the Comoros.
        Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank my family and friends who have
    supported me throughout my career: My parents, the late Dr. Anthony and
    Mrs. Rose Pierangelo, who lived their lives helping others and who
    would have been thrilled to be here today. My beloved sons Luca and
    Nicholas Pierangelo, who have been my intrepid travel companions and my
    most avid supporters. My brothers and their families and my friends who
    always made sure we had a welcoming home upon our return.
        Mr. Chairman, I have served across four continents, from Cold War
    Europe to a newly independent Haiti to a Southeast Asia in transition
    and now in a challenged West Africa. These were often tough, sometimes
    dangerous environments. I have led teams working on economic reform,
    public health crises, violent extremism and terrorism, and the
    challenges posed by lack of democratic institutions and rule of law. I
    have worked closely with our Department of Defense colleagues on
    disaster management, maritime security and as an assistant professor at
    the National War College. As a San Diego native, I was an avid student
    of the challenges of wildlife conservation through the San Diego Zoo
    Wildlife Alliance and I have carried that passion throughout my career.
        If confirmed to be concurrently Ambassador to the Republic of
    Madagascar and Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros, I will safeguard
    U.S. interests and strengthen our relationships with the peoples and
    governments in these nations. We enjoy positive relationships with
    Madagascar and Comoros as we partner with them to address their many
    domestic, regional and global challenges.
        With the upcoming presidential elections in Madagascar in 2023, and
    in Comoros in 2024, we have an opportunity to partner with the Malagasy
    and Comorian people to reinforce democratic principles, to advocate for
    full and open political participation, and to press for the protection
    of human rights. Fair and transparent electoral processes would
    strengthen democracy and support stability, a precursor to fostering
    resilient and sustainable development. If confirmed, my team would
    support the independent democratic aspirations in Madagascar and
    Comoros and would seek to counter malign influence and disinformation.
        These two nations sit at the maritime crossroads of the Indian
    Ocean, Africa and the Atlantic and deserve our increased strategic
    attention. The sea lanes linking Madagascar, Comoros and East Africa
    are an important geostrategic transit route for tankers and other
    maritime traffic. The region's largest deep-water port is situated at
    the northern tip of Madagascar. Oil and gas reserves in the area,
    including potential large reserves off western Madagascar itself, are
    attracting interest and investment from countries who do not always
    prioritize these nations' long-term security.
        Stability in the region is also threatened by climate change,
    creating serious humanitarian, economic, and environmental crises.
    Southern Madagascar has suffered an extended drought, throwing more
    than 1.4 million people into food insecurity and causing internal
    migration that threatens unique ecosystems. COVID-19 has brought
    significant health and economic challenges to Madagascar and Comoros
    and there is an urgent need for additional vaccine doses to protect
    their populations and combat this threat to the global community.
        If confirmed, encouraging U.S. trade, protecting U.S. investment,
    and promoting greater economic self-sufficiency would be top
    priorities. The U.S. Mission to Madagascar, largely through USAID, has
    robust development assistance programs, and collaborates closely with
    other international partners. Our efforts are focused on providing
    basic healthcare, primary education, and emergency food aid in the
    south; combatting wildlife trafficking and corruption; and promoting
    good governance, and economic development. If confirmed, I commit to
    advancing these efforts, as well as combatting threats to Madagascar's
    biodiversity, including illegal fishing, deforestation, and
    unsustainable harvesting of its unique flora and fauna. I would look
    forward to working with the Peace Corps to resume its historically
    vibrant programs in Madagascar and Comoros.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. If
    confirmed, I would serve proudly as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
    of Madagascar and the Union of the Comoros. I welcome advice from you
    and your staff on the United States' interests in Madagascar and
    Comoros. One of the highlights of my Foreign Service Career has been
    facilitating the visits of members of Congress to the countries where I
    served and I hope to host you or your staff in the future. I welcome
    any questions.

        Senator Schatz. Thank you to all of our testifiers.
        Before I start my own questions, I have some general
    questions that speak to the importance that this committee
    places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive
    branch. I would like to ask each of you to provide a simple yes
    or no answer to the following questions.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff, when invited?
        Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
        Ms. McClelland. Yes.
        Mr. Young. Yes.
        Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
        Senator Schatz. Do you commit to keeping the committee
    fully and currently informed about the activities under your
    purview?
        Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
        Ms. McClelland. Yes.
        Mr. Young. Yes.
        Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
        Senator Schatz. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation when policies are being developed, and not just
    providing notification after the fact?
        Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
        Ms. McClelland. Yes.
        Mr. Young. Yes.
        Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
        Senator Schatz. Finally, do you commit to promptly
    responding to requests for briefings and information requested
    by the committee and its designated staff?
        Ambassador Holgate. Yes.
        Ms. McClelland. Yes.
        Mr. Young. Yes.
        Ms. Pierangelo. Yes.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        My first question is for Ambassador Holgate. Ambassador,
    one of the most difficult issues that the IAEA has to manage is
    verifying and monitoring Iran's nuclear program. The Director
    General of the IAEA said in a recent report that Iran is
    stonewalling its investigation into past activities and
    jeopardizing important monitoring work. Can you talk about how
    the United States can best support the IAEA's effort to monitor
    Iran?
        Ambassador Holgate. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I agree that this is a critical requirement and important
    mission of the U.S. team, both here in Washington and in
    Vienna. And I know that the team has been working very closely
    with Director General Grossi to be sure he has everything he
    needs to do that in the way of political as well as financial
    and technical support.
        I think it is critical, too, for--if I were to be
    confirmed, for the U.S. Ambassador in Vienna to lead
    coordination with the other diplomatic community there in
    Vienna and to provide support and information as requested by
    the agency to help them do their work. This is obviously a
    whole-of-government effort that is led here in Washington. I
    have not been fully briefed on the details of the U.S. policies
    and decision-making there, but I know what it is like to be the
    Vienna face of those policies, and if confirmed, I am fully
    ready to play that role.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
        The IAEA's Peaceful Uses Initiative has helped more than
    150 countries harness nuclear science to address real world
    challenges. We have seen radiotracers help track marine
    plastics, radiolabeled molecules help to improve vaccines
    against infectious diseases, and climate is another area where
    there is a lot of potential not just in terms of nuclear
    energy. Can you talk about how the IAEA can help countries to
    use nuclear science and technology to combat the climate
    crisis?
        Ambassador Holgate. Mr. Chairman, I think that is a really
    important and fascinating topic. When I was in Vienna before,
    that was my very first visit offsite was to the U.N.'s--the
    IAEA laboratory in Seibersdorf outside Vienna, where they are
    undertaking this research, and the U.S. has been at the
    forefront of raising funds to update that laboratory. The new
    so-called renewals lab is now operating and has significantly
    increased its capability to train member states'
    representatives in some of the technologies that you have
    described, whether sterile insect technique or isotopic tracing
    or the full range of application of nuclear science.
        I am proud that the U.S. Government has been supportive of
    this effort through the Peaceful Uses Initiative and through
    its voluntary contributions to the technical cooperation
    budget. And if confirmed, I would continue to advocate for such
    contributions and to make sure that those who receive the
    contributions understand that they come from the United States
    and that they represent support by the United States of their
    development ambition.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Schatz.
        And I would like to come back to the first question that
    you brought up with Ms. Holgate pertaining to Iran and their
    malign behavior. The Biden administration is seeking to rejoin
    the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. It is an agreement that did not
    receive the advice and consent of the United States Senate. It
    is an agreement that I feel is deeply flawed.
        Since 2018, the IAEA, which is the world's nuclear
    watchdog, has continued to investigate new evidence of
    undeclared nuclear materials and activities in Iran. In 2019
    and in 2020, the IAEA found evidence of undeclared uranium
    particles in three sites in Iran, which could indicate
    potential covert Iranian nuclear activities.
        So far, Iran has stalled the IAEA's investigation,
    including their access to nuclear science. Iran has removed and
    covered up evidence, and Iran has provided so-called
    explanations that the nuclear watchdog deems not technically
    credible.
        Under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, Iran is required
    to declare to IAEA inspectors its use of nuclear material, its
    sites where it uses such material, and sites where it carries
    out sensitive nuclear activities. And I want to be clear here,
    Iran's obligations to the IAEA are completely separate from the
    nuclear deal, and they endure regardless of what happens with
    the Iran nuclear deal status.
        So, Ambassador Holgate, I would like to come back and just
    be clear. Do you agree that Iran is actively frustrating, even
    stonewalling, the IAEA's ongoing investigation of undeclared
    Iranian nuclear activities?
        Ambassador Holgate. Ranking Member Hagerty, I do understand
    that that is the case.
        Senator Hagerty. I am glad you agree. Do you believe that
    Iran is in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty?
        Ambassador Holgate. I think the issues that are going on
    with both current and historical activities create grave
    concerns about Iran's commitment to safeguards and to peaceful
    uses, and that is why the United States has been supporting
    Director General Grossi's efforts to return Iran to a
    compliance state with its safeguards requirements.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, I certainly think what you are
    saying is that they are not in compliance. They certainly
    cannot be in compliance if they are not willing to answer IAEA
    questions on undeclared nuclear activities. Would you agree
    with that?
        Ambassador Holgate. Sir, I have not been briefed on the
    intelligence details of the current concerns about Iran. So I
    would hesitate to draw a strong conclusion on that.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, let us move on. The IAEA's Director
    General has issued several reports on Iran that make it clear
    that that IAEA has serious outstanding concerns regarding
    possible undeclared nuclear material and the activities that
    are taking place in Iran today. Due to Iran's lack of
    cooperation, the fact that Iran is limiting verification and
    access by international nuclear inspectors, the IAEA's Director
    General has reported that the agency is having a difficult time
    ensuring that Iran's nuclear program is exclusively peaceful.
        And in a recent development, the IAEA said last Sunday that
    Iran has failed to honor the terms of a deal struck 2 weeks ago
    to let international nuclear inspectors into Iran to access and
    repair equipment for monitoring nuclear materials and
    activities. Again, activities that likely are being diverted to
    military purposes.
        Iran and the IAEA have made this recent deal as Iran faced
    the prospect of a formal censure by the IAEA Board of Governors
    for its obstructionism. So, Ambassador Holgate, if you are
    confirmed, do you commit to advocating for the United States to
    use its voice and vote on the 35-nation IAEA Board of Governors
    in order to hold Iran accountable for its ongoing noncompliance
    with its nuclear obligations and to censure Iran for repeatedly
    frustrating the international watchdog's ongoing investigation
    of Iran's undeclared nuclear activities?
        Ambassador Holgate. Senator Hagerty, I can certainly say
    that, if confirmed, I will use the U.S. voice and vote in the
    Board of Governors to promote a full return of Iran to IAEA
    safeguards compliance and to make sure the Director General has
    the tools he needs to do that.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, I appreciate that. I think it is
    incumbent upon the United States to hold egregious
    proliferators like Iran accountable. The position that you will
    be going into will provide that opportunity, and I certainly
    hope and expect that you will use every bit of United States
    influence to make certain that we hold actors like Iran and
    their malign behavior to full account.
        Thank you, and I yield my time back, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
        Senator Cardin?
        Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
        And to all four of our nominees, thank you for your careers
    of public service. We very much appreciate your willingness to
    continue to serve our country. You all are certainly very well
    experienced and qualified for the positions that you have been
    nominated to.
        Ms. Holgate, I am going to continue with the IAEA for one
    moment, if I might? In July, I did have an opportunity to be in
    Vienna, and I did meet with the Director General Grossi. And I
    must tell you, I am impressed by his leadership at the IAEA.
    But I want to come at this from a little bit different
    position.
        He made an interesting observation, and I want to get your
    view on this. That the IAEA itself, you talk about having the
    capacity to deal with, for example, the JCPOA, and he pointed
    out that the IAEA was constructed based upon member countries
    being friendly or cooperative to how the IAEA would operate,
    that they would be willing partners.
        Well, obviously, Iran is not a willing partner. So my
    question to you, and this follows up a little bit on Senator
    Hagerty's point. Do we need to look at some changes at the
    IAEA, recognizing that Iran is not an honest broker here, that
    they will never be an honest broker, and that we need to have
    the authorities within IAEA that would not necessarily be
    needed in a country that is more cooperative?
        Ambassador Holgate. Thank you, Senator Cardin. That is a
    very interesting question and one that I have not yet discussed
    with the State Department colleagues that I would be working
    with, if confirmed.
        The IAEA is nested within the broader U.N. system, and the
    responsibilities for actions, mandatory actions are sited with
    the U.N. Security Council. The IAEA Board of Governors has the
    opportunity to refer issues to the Security Council when they
    are not available to be addressed within the mandate of the
    agency.
        I think there are interesting opportunities with the
    upcoming Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty review conference to
    consider whether the underlying treaty that governs these
    issues can be strengthened and accountability tools can be
    added or improved. And I would look forward to participating in
    any conversations around those topics, if I am confirmed in
    this role.
        Senator Cardin. Would you commit to this committee that
    when you are confirmed, that you will come back to us with your
    evaluation as to the capacity of the IAEA to be able to enforce
    agreements in regards to Iran so that we have an honest--it can
    be done in an open or closed session, but that you would share
    with us your belief as to how effective the IAEA can be under
    its arrangement under United Nations in monitoring the
    activities of Iran?
        Ambassador Holgate. Senator, if I am confirmed, I would be
    happy to make that commitment to you and the committee.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. I appreciate that.
        Ms. Pierangelo, I want to talk a little bit about
    Madagascar and also Comoros. Both countries have significant
    corruption problems. President Biden has indicated that
    corruption is a core national concern of the United States, a
    national security interest concern of the United States.
        We are asking those missions that are in countries that
    have significant challenges on corruption to build up their
    internal capacity within the mission to deal with corruption.
    So do we have your commitment that this will be a high
    priority, if you are confirmed, to be able to have the capacity
    within your mission to understand the challenges in the
    countries and to be able to provide technical help and
    assistance for anti-corruption measures?
        Ms. Pierangelo. Senator Cardin, I would look forward to
    that, if confirmed. You know, fundamentally accountable
    institutions sustained by a commitment to the rule of law,
    transparency are essential to creating a climate whether you
    are talking about political stability or economic stability. We
    need to have that as a precursor.
        So our mission I know is working very diligently on this
    issues, and sir, we would welcome any additional resources. And
    I certainly would commit that once I am on the ground, if
    confirmed, I will do my own personal assessment with my team to
    assess what we need and how we would deploy it.
        So, thank you, sir. That would be very welcome.
        Senator Cardin. And I will just end on this. There is
    legislation that our committee has already acted on that would
    require our missions to rate how well countries are doing in
    regards to fighting corruption based upon a tier rating system
    similar to what we use in trafficking in humans. I would ask
    that you help us and support us in getting that type of
    legislation to the finish line.
        I recognize you will not have a direct role to play in
    this. Believe me, I understand that. But if we had that in
    place, then it makes it easier in your bilateral relationship
    to point out that this is a policy requirement that requires
    attention in every country that the United States have
    missions.
        With that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back my time.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Do we have
    Senator Van Hollen online?
        [No response.]
        Senator Schatz. Senator Booker?
        [No response.]
        Senator Schatz. Any other members of the Foreign Relations
    Committee wishing to ask the nominees any questions?
        [No response.]
        Senator Schatz. Ranking Member Hagerty, anything else?
        Senator Hagerty. I would just applaud your chairmanship
    today, Senator Schatz. I appreciate all the candidates being
    with us.
        I am going to submit a number of additional questions
    through the QFR process, and I want to congratulate you on a
    very well-conducted hearing.
        Thank you.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much. Pleasure to work with
    you, and thanks to the staff of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee as well as my staff and everybody for being willing
    to serve, and especially their families.
        If there are no more questions for our witnesses, the
    record will remain open until the close of business on Friday,
    October 1 for questions. I would urge the nominees, if you get
    questions for the record, to answer them fully and
    expeditiously so that we can consider your nominations at a
    business meeting and get you marked up and get you confirmed as
    quickly as possible.
        With the thanks of the committee for your willingness to
    serve, this hearing is adjourned.
        Ambassador Holgate. Thank you very much.
        Ms. Pierangelo. Thank you, sir, and to all the members of
    the committee, thank you for your time.

        [Whereupon, at 10:46 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Serious concerns have been raised about the ability of
    the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to verify and monitor
    Iran's comprehensive safeguard agreement. Iran continues to stonewall
    the IAEA's investigation into undeclared nuclear materials and
    activities that were uncovered in 2018 and is refusing to allow the
    IAEA to access critical monitoring equipment. The Joint Statement
    between Iran and IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi issued on
    September 12th, 2021 was wholly inadequate in addressing these issues.

       How is Iran's stonewalling of the IAEA, which it has suffered no
            penalty for, impacting the credibility of the agency?

        Answer. I believe the IAEA is highly credible in the implementation
    of its verification ``watchdog'' mission and it is in the U.S. interest
    that it remain so. For that reason, if confirmed, I will strongly
    support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of
    possible undeclared nuclear material and, along with the rest of the
    international community, expect full Iranian cooperation with
    inspectors-without delay-as the IAEA works toward conclusions.

        Question. What impact is Iran's refusal to cooperate with the IAEA
    having on the global non-proliferation regime?

        Answer. IAEA safeguards are implemented for the purpose of
    providing assurances regarding the peaceful use of nuclear energy and
    are an essential element of maintaining the credibility and
    effectiveness of the global nonproliferation regime. Iran is obligated
    under its NPT-required safeguards agreement to declare to the IAEA
    nuclear material and nuclear activities in Iran. Iran's failure to
    provide substantive or technically credible responses to the IAEA's
    questions related to possible undeclared nuclear materials and
    activities in Iran is cause for serious concern because of both what it
    suggests for Iran's intentions and its implications for the global non-
    proliferation regime. Thus, it is vital that Iran provide such
    responses to the IAEA, and if confirmed, I will strongly support the
    IAEA's ongoing investigation and, along with the rest of the
    international community, expect full Iranian cooperation with
    inspectors without delay.

        Question. Iran is currently denying IAEA requests for access to
    nuclear sites and is resisting providing the IAEA with a complete
    nuclear declaration. Do you think other states will follow Iran's
    example?

        Answer. Article III of the Non-Proliferation Treaty requires all
    non-nuclear weapons states to accept IAEA safeguards in order to ensure
    that nuclear material is not diverted for non-peaceful uses. If
    confirmed, I will continue the United States' long-standing support for
    the IAEA and its mandate to ensure that all countries, including Iran,
    adhere to their safeguards obligations.

        Question. Why was a resolution criticizing Iran's unwillingness to
    cooperate with the IAEA withdrawn before the last IAEA Board of
    Governors meeting?

        Answer. As I was outside of government at the time of the last IAEA
    Board of Governors meeting, I am not in a position to comment on any
    internal deliberations among Board members regarding potential actions
    related to the IAEA's ongoing attempts to engage Iran on unresolved
    questions related to its safeguards agreement. If confirmed, I will
    strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in Iran into
    indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and, along with the
    rest of the international community, expect full Iranian cooperation
    with inspectors-without delay-as the IAEA works toward conclusions.
    President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran
    never acquires a nuclear weapon.

        Question. In your opinion what impact are Iran's limitations on the
    IAEA having on the agency's ability to monitor and verify Iran's
    nuclear program?

        Answer. I share the concerns reported by IAEA Director General in
    September that Iran's decision to stop implementing its nuclear-related
    commitments under the JCPOA, including the Additional Protocol, is
    seriously undermining the IAEA's verification and monitoring
    activities. If confirmed, I will work to press Iran to provide the IAEA
    with full and immediate cooperation as it seeks to both monitor and
    verify Iran's JCPOA nuclear commitments as well as resolve ongoing
    questions related to Iran's safeguards agreement.

        Question. The IAEA monitors Iranian compliance with the July 2015
    Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) provisions. Some the
    provisions of the nuclear agreement require addition IAEA access beyond
    those of Iran's comprehensive safeguards agreement. Tehran has stopped
    complying with many of these provisions while at the same time vastly
    expanding its nuclear program.

       Do you believe the United States should rejoin the JCPOA if Iran
            refuses to allow a full IAEA investigation into the undeclared
            nuclear materials and activities it uncovered in 2018?

        Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring
    that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and that the JCPOA is still
    the best diplomatic option for addressing the threats posed by Iran's
    nuclear activities. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's
    ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of possible undeclared
    nuclear material and, along with the rest of the international
    community, expect full Iranian cooperation with inspectors-without
    delay-as the IAEA works toward conclusions.

        Question. Is the current gap in IAEA monitoring of Iranian
    centrifuge activities increasingly the level of uncertainty around how
    many and what types of centrifuges Iran has produced and assembled this
    year?

        Answer. The IAEA Director General reported in September that lack
    of access to the IAEA's monitoring equipment is seriously compromising
    the IAEA's ability to maintain continuity of knowledge over Iran's
    nuclear-related activities. If confirmed, I will work to press Iran to
    provide the IAEA with full and immediate cooperation as it seeks to
    both monitor and verify Iran's JCPOA nuclear commitments as well as
    resolve ongoing questions related to Iran's safeguards agreement.

        Question. Do you agree that Iran over the last 12 months has made
    significant technical progress in key nuclear areas? If so will this
    progress require alterations to the JCPOA in order to sustain the
    original objective of a 12 month breakout time?

        Answer. Iran's continued efforts to advance its nuclear program,
    and in particular its uranium enrichment capabilities, are a cause for
    serious concern. Although I defer to the intelligence community on
    questions related to the impact of Iran's nuclear advances on its
    fissile material breakout timeline, the Biden administration has been
    clear that such advances make it more difficult to restore the
    nonproliferation benefits originally achieved by the JCPOA. If
    confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Malley and his team to ensure
    the strongest possible IAEA verification and monitoring of Iran's
    nuclear program.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Iranian officials have recently sexually harassed and
    intimidated female IAEA inspectors. What should we do if this behavior
    continues?

        Answer. I am very concerned about reports that IAEA inspectors are
    experiencing inappropriate treatment at the hands of Iranian security
    personnel. Such behavior and any attempt to intimidate IAEA inspectors
    is unacceptable and, if confirmed, I will work in close coordination
    with other members of the IAEA Board of Governors to ensure that the
    Board takes appropriate action in the event that the Director General
    reports additional incidents. The IAEA Director General and the
    Secretariat will have the United States' full support on these matters.

        Question. On 9/26/2021, the IAEA said Iran had failed to honor the
    terms of a deal struck two weeks ago letting IAEA inspectors in to
    service monitoring equipment in the country. Iran and the IAEA had made
    this recent deal as Iran faced the prospect of a formal censure by the
    IAEA Board of Governors.

       Given Iran's failure to abide by this agreement, should the U.S.
            use its voice and vote to pursue a formal censure by the Board
            of Governors?
       Why or why not?

        Answer. The Biden administration has been clear that Iran must
    follow through on the commitments it made in the September 12 Joint
    Statement with the IAEA, including by providing the IAEA with needed
    access to service its monitoring equipment and inviting the Director
    General to Tehran for discussions related to unresolved safeguards
    issues. If confirmed, I will work in close coordination with Special
    Envoy Malley as well as the IAEA Board of Governors to insist that Iran
    provides full and immediate cooperation with the IAEA as it seeks to
    verify both Iran's safeguards agreement as well as its JCPOA nuclear-
    related activities.

        Question. The IAEA said in a September report, ``Since 23 February
    2021, the Agency's verification and monitoring of activities have been
    seriously undermined as a result of Iran's decision to stop the
    implementation of its nuclear related commitments.'' Given this
    statement, how much confidence can we have in present Iranian
    negotiations and statements?

        Answer. I share the concerns reported by IAEA Director General in
    September that Iran's decision to stop implementing its nuclear-related
    commitments under the JCPOA, including the Additional Protocol, is
    seriously undermining the IAEA's verification and monitoring
    activities. If confirmed, I will work to press Iran to provide the IAEA
    with full and immediate cooperation as it seeks to both monitor and
    verify Iran's JCPOA nuclear commitments as well as resolve ongoing
    questions related to Iran's safeguards agreement.

        Question. Will you commit to supporting a thorough IAEA
    investigation in Iran to ascertain the nature and status of its nuclear
    program, including necessary requests for access to military sites,
    personnel, and documentation, to ensure the end of Tehran's nuclear
    weapons program and activities?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing
    investigation in Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear
    material, including all requests for information and access deemed
    necessary by the Director General and the Secretariat. As the IAEA
    Board of Governors has made clear, Iran must provide full cooperation
    with the IAEA without further delay.

        Question. What would you do to encourage the IAEA to investigate
    Iran's potentially ongoing nuclear weaponization work, which the
    nuclear archive indicates Tehran hid and dispersed at research
    institutes, universities, and military sites after 2003?

        Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards
    agreement to declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear
    activities in Iran. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's
    verification and monitoring activities in Iran, including the IAEA's
    ongoing efforts to investigate questions related to undeclared nuclear
    materials and activities in Iran.

        Question. Considering Iran's failure to address the IAEA's
    questions on undeclared nuclear materials and activities, do you
    believe Iran is in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty?

        Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
    Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in light of the IAEA's ongoing
    safeguards investigations and Iran's failure to provide the IAEA with
    the cooperation necessary to resolve them. Iran must engage and
    cooperate fully with the IAEA in a way that leads to credible, concrete
    progress and toward resolution of these issues. I have full confidence
    in the IAEA to pursue any indications of undeclared or diverted nuclear
    material that could contribute to any renewed Iranian pursuit of a
    nuclear weapon.

        Question. Do you think the Biden administration should commit to
    not lifting or waving sanctions on Iran until Iran--among other
    demands--fully and credibly complies with the IAEA's requests to
    resolve the outstanding issues on undeclared nuclear materials and
    activities?

        Answer. I share the views of the Biden administration and the IAEA
    Board of Governors that Iran must provide full cooperation with the
    IAEA without further delay. If confirmed, I will strongly support the
    IAEA's ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of possible
    undeclared nuclear material and will work closely with our partners and
    allies as well as the IAEA to ensure that Iran provides the IAEA with
    the necessary cooperation.

        Question. Is it possible for the IAEA Board of Governors to truly
    hold Iran accountable, if the Board's main recourse is snapping back
    all U.N. sanctions on Iran and ending JCPOA--a deal that the Biden
    administration has said it hopes to revive?

        Answer. The IAEA Board of Governors has the ability to hold Iran
    accountable to its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA and its
    NPT-related safeguards obligations, including through authorities it
    has under the IAEA Statute with respect to safeguards compliance and
    its actions in support of the JCPOA participants. If confirmed, I will
    work to ensure that the IAEA makes full use of its authorities as it
    works to monitor Iran's implementation of its JCPOA nuclear-related
    commitments and continues its investigation of questions related to
    undeclared nuclear material in Iran.

        Question. Doesn't the desire to revive the JCPOA actually create a
    dynamic that discourages IAEA Member States from taking Iran's
    safeguards violations to the U.N. Security Council?

        Answer. Iran's legal obligations under its safeguards agreement
    with the IAEA are separate from its JCPOA nuclear-related commitments.
    Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards agreement to
    declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear activities in Iran. If
    confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in
    Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and,
    along with the rest of the international community, expect full Iranian
    cooperation with inspectors-without delay-as the IAEA works toward
    conclusions.

        Question. What would you do to end Iran's use of extortion--
    escalating to take threatening and dangerous actions, then demanding
    concessions from the U.S. to solve and problem it created?

        Answer. Iran's nuclear escalations have implications for both its
    nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA and its legal obligations
    under its safeguards agreement with the IAEA. If confirmed, I will
    strongly support the IAEA's monitoring and verification activities in
    Iran so that our response to Iran's actions with respect to its nuclear
    program is informed by timely and detailed reporting from the IAEA.

        Question. What is your position on the use of the snapback
    mechanism at the U.N.? Does the U.S. have the authority to call for its
    use?

        Answer. The snapback mechanism was designed to provide leverage to
    help ensure Iran performed its commitments under the JCPOA. The Trump
    administration invoked snapback in a way that was never contemplated by
    the deal, namely after unilaterally exiting it. Virtually none of our
    allies or partners recognized this invocation of snapback. The Biden
    administration believes that the United States will be in a stronger
    position to counter the full range of threats posed by Iran, including
    its nuclear program, by working in close concert with our allies and
    partners. On specific questions related to the legal authority
    available to the United States in connection with the snapback
    mechanism under U.N. Security Council resolution 2231, I would defer to
    the U.S. Mission to the United Nations as well as the Department's
    Office of the Legal Adviser.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. Iran has made a number of breaches of its commitments
    under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) after President
    Trump unilaterally withdrew the United States from the agreement in
    2018 and re-imposed sanctions. In your view, is a diplomatic resolution
    or the use of military force the most effective and lasting way to
    prevent a nuclear armed Iran?

        Answer. The administration believes that diplomatic efforts to
    achieve a mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA are the best path
    forward at this time to prevent Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear
    weapon.

        Question. On Sept. 15th, the United States, United Kingdom, and
    Australia announced AUKUS--a trilateral security agreement that will
    supply Australia with nuclear propelled submarines. As the U.S.
    Ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), will you
    encourage Australia to adopt the Additional Protocol to its IAEA
    Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement and/or take other steps that require
    strong nonproliferation standards for other non-nuclear weapon
    countries who may seek a nuclear propulsion program of their own?

        Answer. Australia was the first country to bring into force an
    Additional Protocol to its IAEA Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement,
    doing so in December 1997. As President Biden said in announcing this
    partnership: ``Our governments will now launch an 18-month consultation
    period to determine every element of this program . . . . We'll all
    undertake this effort in a way that reflects the longstanding
    leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification
    standards, in partnership and consultation with the International
    Atomic Energy Agency.'' As announced, over the 18-month consultation
    period, the shared objective of maintaining the strength of the non-
    proliferation regime and Australia's exemplary non-proliferation
    credentials will be central to the three countries' discussions. If
    confirmed, I will work to reinforce this effort.

        Question. I am concerned about press reports that the Kingdom of
    Saudi Arabia is moving quickly to master the early stages of the
    nuclear fuel cycle with cooperation from China and outside IAEA
    safeguards. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to
    encourage Saudi Arabia to rescind its Small Quantities Protocol and
    adopt the Additional Protocol?

        Answer. Saudi Arabia is a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty (NPT) and a strong security partner of the United States. Under
    the NPT, it is obligated not to acquire nuclear weapons and to accept
    IAEA safeguards to verify the non-diversion of nuclear material to
    weapons purposes. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that Saudi
    Arabia continues to abide by these important nonproliferation
    obligations and encourage Saudi Arabia to take further steps, including
    rescinding its Small Quantities Protocol and bringing into force an
    Additional Protocol.

        Question. Given Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman's statement in
    2018 that ``if Iran developed a nuclear bomb, we will follow suit as
    soon as possible,'' what concerns, if any, do you have that a maturing
    Saudi Arabia nuclear program would remain exclusively peaceful?

        Answer. Saudi Arabia is a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
    Treaty (NPT) and a strong security partner of the United States. Under
    the NPT, it is obligated not to acquire nuclear weapons and to accept
    IAEA safeguards to verify the non-diversion of nuclear material to
    weapons purposes. If confirmed, I would work to ensure that Saudi
    Arabia continues to abide by these important nonproliferation
    obligations and encourage Saudi Arabia to take further steps, including
    rescinding its Small Quantities Protocol and bringing into force an
    Additional Protocol.

        Question. As the Senior Director on the National Security Council
    in the Obama administration, you served as the ``Sherpa'' or organizer
    for the Nuclear Summit process that saw roughly fifty countries
    eliminate and secure fissile material from their civilian stocks. Given
    the difficulty to reach consensus in the Conference on Disarmament on a
    fissile material cutoff treaty, would you support an ad hoc convening
    of countries, modeled on the Nuclear Security Summit process, to lead
    countries to make commitments that secure and reduce highly enriched
    uranium and plutonium, and perhaps weapons, from their non-civilian
    stocks?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to cooperate with
    countries aimed at securing and eliminating excess weapon-usable
    nuclear material, including by encouraging additional subscribers and
    actions under IAEA Information Circular (INFCIRC) 912 ``Joint Statement
    on Minimizing and Eliminating the Use of Highly Enriched Uranium in
    Civilian Applications'' and related INFCIRCs, such as INFCIRC/908
    ``Joint Statement on Mitigating Insider Threats'' and INFCIRC/909
    ``Joint Statement on Transport Security of Nuclear Materials,'' that
    resulted from the Nuclear Security Summit process. I will also support
    the IAEA's convening additional International Conferences on Nuclear
    Security and Review Conferences of the Amended Convention on Physical
    Protection of Nuclear Materials, which create opportunities for
    countries to make pledges regarding their voluntary application of IAEA
    nuclear security guidelines to non-civilian nuclear materials.
    Similarly, national reporting under United Nations Security Council
    Resolution 1540 offers a platform for national statements regarding
    non-civilian nuclear materials. If confirmed, I would encourage states
    to follow the lead of the United States in reporting on their measures
    for securing and reducing non-civilian nuclear materials.

        Question. If confirmed, in what ways will you work to educate
    Members of Congress and the American public about the technical
    advances of the International Monitoring Stations (IMS) and the
    International Data Centre since the U.S. Senate last considered a
    resolution of ratification of CTBT in 1999? Based on your experience,
    what degree of confidence does the United States have that it can
    detect a low-yield nuclear explosion and how would unlocking the on-
    site inspection provision of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty
    (CTBT), through entry into force, assist with verification?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to highlight the
    significant technological advances in both the U.S. National Technical
    Means (NTM) as well as the capabilities of the International Monitoring
    System (IMS) that the CTBT establishes. The IMS is now nearly 90
    percent complete, composed of more than 300 facilities, employing four
    separate technologies, that provide data and analytical products to the
    CTBT signatory States. While no remote monitoring system has the
    capability to detect nuclear explosions with extremely low yield, once
    in force the treaty's on-site inspection capability will allow the
    deployment of inspectors using a broad array of close-in techniques and
    equipment to look for evidence of a nuclear explosion.

        Question. If North Korea has observed a moratorium on nuclear test
    explosions since 2017 but it remains one of the eight Annex II
    countries who have yet to ratify the CTBT required for the treaty to
    enter into force. Should North Korea's adoption of the CTBT be priority
    in future U.S. negotiations with North Korean on its nuclear program,
    and if not, why not?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration believes that a global,
    legally binding ban on nuclear explosive testing is in the national
    security interest of the United States. Entry into force of the CTBT
    will enhance our efforts to prevent the further proliferation of
    nuclear weapons. The administration will take all appropriate
    opportunities to encourage ratification by the remaining Annex 2
    states, including North Korea.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. Since 2007, it has nearly always been the position of the
    United States that Iran is not a member in good standing within the
    Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Even pursuant
    to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran would not have
    returned to being a member in good standing until the International
    Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reached a ``Broader Conclusion'' (BC)
    verifying the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. In
    April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative for Nuclear
    Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing to the
    Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past
    noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT
    obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to
    past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive
    device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives
    for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel
    related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
    nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''

       Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?

        Answer. The United States has, including in the 2021 Compliance
    Report, indicated concern with regard to Iran's compliance with Article
    III of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Given Iran's past non-
    compliance with its obligations under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required
    safeguards agreement and its present failure to fully address the
    IAEA's current questions related to implementation of that safeguards
    agreement, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the
    NPT cannot be described as ``good.''

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
    Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If
    no, please explain why.

        Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
    Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will help
    implement U.S. policy to support the IAEA's work to monitor and assess
    Iran's compliance with its NPT-required safeguards agreement. Iran must
    cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the serious, outstanding
    issues related to potential undeclared nuclear material in Iran. As a
    non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT, Iran is obligated not to
    manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons. Under the JCPOA, Iran
    reaffirmed this commitment, and if confirmed, I will work to prevent
    Iran from ever obtaining a nuclear weapon.

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Iran's long history of denial and concealment regarding its
    past nuclear weapons program is of serious concern. If confirmed, I
    will fully support the IAEA as it uses its safeguards authorities to
    investigate any indication of undeclared nuclear material or activities
    in Iran. I am committed to preventing Iran from ever acquiring a
    nuclear weapon.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of
    civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good
    standing of the NPT? If yes, please explain why. If no, please explain
    why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons and its
    NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy
    Agency. If confirmed, I will fully support the IAEA as it uses its
    safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared
    nuclear material or activities in Iran.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons and its
    NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy
    Agency. If confirmed, I will fully support the IAEA as it uses its
    safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared
    nuclear material or activities in Iran.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to
    benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes,
    please explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons and its
    NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy
    Agency. If confirmed, I will fully support the IAEA as it uses its
    safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared
    nuclear material or activities in Iran.

        Question. In 2015, you testified before the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee. When asked about the issue of Iran's possible
    military dimensions, you responded: ``the JCPOA is focused on the
    future rather than the past.'' In 2017, you wrote, ``The unusually
    intrusive verification measures contained in the JCPOA are a specific
    response to Iran's decades of deception regarding its nuclear
    activities,''

       Given we do not have a comprehensive accounting of Iran's PMD
            program, and taking into consideration Iran's decades of
            deception to the IAEA on its nuclear program, how is it
            possible to have an accurate appraisal of Iran's activities as
            they evolve, when the international community lacks a baseline
            for verification efforts?

        Answer. The IAEA has reported significant concerns regarding
    potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and we
    have full confidence in the Agency to pursue its critical verification
    and monitoring responsibilities there. It is essential that Iran fully
    comply with its legally binding obligations under the Nuclear Non-
    Proliferation Treaty and its comprehensive safeguards agreement with
    the IAEA to resolve these important matters without further delay. If
    confirmed, I will support the IAEA's monitoring and verification
    activities in Iran.

        Question. Despite the Board of Governor's December 2015 Final
    Assessment, which closed the chapter on PMDs in order to move forward
    with implementation of the JCPOA, the issue of Iran's possible military
    dimension remains outstanding.

       If confirmed, do you plan to reopen the PMD file? If not, why not?

        Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring
    that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will
    strongly support the IAEA's monitoring and verification activities in
    Iran so that the IAEA can provide the strongest possible assurance that
    all nuclear materials in Iran remain in peaceful uses, and that Iran is
    not undertaking any undeclared nuclear activities.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Chris Van Hollen

        Question. Under the new AUKUS partnership, the United States and
    United Kingdom will help Australia construct and operate nuclear-
    propelled submarines. This initiative presents an opportunity to set a
    strong precedent for establishing a system of IAEA safeguards on naval
    nuclear reactors under the jurisdiction of non-nuclear weapon states
    party to the NPT. Such a system should balance the need to protect
    sensitive military technology and facilities with the need to ensure
    against the diversion and misuse of nuclear materials used in naval
    propulsion.

       Would the supply of fabricated naval nuclear fuel by the United
            States or United Kingdom pose less of a proliferation risk than
            the development by Australia of indigenous enrichment and fuel
            fabrication capabilities designed to produce its own naval
            nuclear fuel?

        Answer. As President Biden said in announcing the AUKUS
    partnership: ``Our governments will now launch an 18-month consultation
    period to determine every element of this program . . . We'll all
    undertake this effort in a way that reflects the longstanding
    leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous verification
    standards, in partnership and consultation with the International
    Atomic Energy Agency.'' As announced, over the 18-month consultation
    period, the shared objective of maintaining the strength of the non-
    proliferation regime and Australia's exemplary non-proliferation
    credentials will be central to the discussions. If confirmed, I will
    support the United States' longstanding policy of seeking to limit the
    spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies around the world
    because of the proliferation risks those technologies pose.

        Question. Would the reapplication of IAEA safeguards on spent fuel
    once discharged from naval nuclear reactors help address proliferation
    risks?

        Answer. As President Biden said in announcing the AUKUS
    partnership: ``We'll all undertake this effort in a way that reflects
    the longstanding leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous
    verification standards, in partnership and consultation with the
    International Atomic Energy Agency.'' As the three partners have
    committed to engage with the IAEA throughout the coming months, and if
    confirmed, I will be fully committed to setting a high standard for
    international verification and implementing all obligations to the IAEA
    under our respective safeguards agreements.

        Question. Do you believe the use of seals and other black-box
    safeguards equipment and techniques would help the IAEA maintain
    ``continuity of knowledge'' over the naval nuclear fuel cycle while
    protecting classified or sensitive military information and facilities?

        Answer. As President Biden said in announcing this partnership:
    ``We'll all undertake this effort in a way that reflects the
    longstanding leadership in global nonproliferation and rigorous
    verification standards, in partnership and consultation with the
    International Atomic Energy Agency.'' As the three partners have
    committed to engage with the IAEA throughout the coming months, and if
    confirmed, I will be fully committed to setting a high standard for
    international verification and implementing all obligations to the IAEA
    under our respective safeguards agreements.

        Question. A longstanding objective of United States
    nonproliferation policy has been to make universal the adoption of the
    Additional Protocol (AP) and to establish it as a condition of
    international nuclear supply. There has been considerable progress on
    this front, and currently 137 states and Euratom have in force an AP
    with the IAEA.
        Nevertheless, there remain major holdouts who have evinced little
    interest in bringing into force an AP with the IAEA. Brazil and
    Argentina possess significant nuclear infrastructures and enrich
    uranium indigenously, while Egypt and Saudi Arabia are looking to
    expand their own nuclear programs. Moreover, Russia and China are
    engaging in nuclear commerce with countries that do not have APs in
    force.

       What enticements and sticks can we use to encourage these holdouts
            to bring into force APs with the IAEA?

        Answer. Achieving universal adherence to the Additional Protocol
    (AP) is a high priority for the United States. Zimbabwe recently
    brought the number of APs in force to 138. The United States raises
    this objective at all levels, including the Secretary of State, in
    diplomatic engagement on nonproliferation. In particular, the United
    States raises it in bilateral engagement with countries that have not
    yet brought an AP into force, including those mentioned here. If
    confirmed, I will continue to stress that implementation of the AP
    would build confidence and facilitate cooperation on the peaceful use
    of nuclear technology, and I will support the Department of Energy's
    active program to help states implement comprehensive safeguards
    agreements and APs. This assistance helps states that have limited
    technical capacity and helps dispel concerns and misconceptions about
    the AP.

        Question. A longstanding objective of United States
    nonproliferation policy has been to make universal the adoption of the
    Additional Protocol (AP) and to establish it as a condition of
    international nuclear supply. There has been considerable progress on
    this front, and currently 137 states and Euratom have in force an AP
    with the IAEA.
        Nevertheless, there remain major holdouts who have evinced little
    interest in bringing into force an AP with the IAEA. Brazil and
    Argentina possess significant nuclear infrastructures and enrich
    uranium indigenously, while Egypt and Saudi Arabia are looking to
    expand their own nuclear programs. Moreover, Russia and China are
    engaging in nuclear commerce with countries that do not have APs in
    force.

       How can we make progress on establishing the Additional Protocol as
            a condition of international nuclear supply?

        Answer. The United States is committed to establishing the
    Additional Protocol (AP) as a condition of nuclear supply and plays a
    leading global role in stressing the AP as an instrument that
    facilitates increased peaceful nuclear cooperation. If confirmed, I
    will continue to work with nuclear suppliers to highlight the
    importance of the AP as a condition of nuclear supply both bilaterally
    and multilaterally, including in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Laura S.H. Holgate by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. In 2015, the Iran nuclear deal artificially closed the
    IAEA's investigation into the ``possible military dimensions'' of
    Iran's nuclear program in 2015. But in 2018, the importance of re-
    opening this investigation became clear and obvious after Israel's
    revelation to the world that Iran possessed a massive secret archive on
    its efforts related to making nuclear weapons. If confirmed, will you
    commit to supporting an in-depth IAEA investigation in Iran to
    ascertain the nature and status of its nuclear program, including any
    necessary requests for access to military sites, to nuclear scientists
    and other personnel, and to documentation, in order to ensure the end
    of Iran's nuclear weapons program and Iran's activities related to
    nuclear weapons capability? Please begin your response with a yes or
    no.

        Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring
    that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will
    strongly support the IAEA's monitoring and verification activities in
    Iran so that the IAEA can provide the strongest possible assurance that
    all nuclear material in Iran remains in peaceful uses, and that Iran is
    not undertaking any undeclared nuclear activities.

        Question. Many United Nations agencies that deal with international
    drug trafficking and other international crimes are headquartered in
    Vienna, including the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, the International
    Narcotics Control Board, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, the U.N.
    Transnational Organized Crime Convention Conference of States Parties,
    and the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice. Illegal
    narcotics, particularly fentanyl and related substances, are taking a
    dramatic toll on American youth. Much of this can be attributed to
    China, including fentanyl precursors and expertise to manufacture these
    substances. When you previously held this position, how did you
    leverage these organizations to fight this scourge of fentanyl and
    related substances, including holding China and other nations
    accountable for their actions in fueling it? If confirmed, how would
    you use policy, budget, and personnel decisions by these agencies to
    address the fentanyl crisis and opioid overdose epidemic? Do you
    commit, if confirmed, to using every possible measure at these
    organizations to combat the fentanyl production and smuggling that is
    affecting every state, and to keeping me and other committee members
    informed of your efforts?

        Answer. The United States supports initiatives implemented by the
    U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and its associated bodies that
    provide member states with guidance, resources, and tools to address
    the challenge of synthetic drugs and reduce global trafficking in
    synthetics and precursor chemicals. During my previous tenure, the
    United States led a successful global effort to place two of the main
    precursor chemicals used to produce fentanyl under international
    control and urge countries to take innovative national action against
    fentanyl and its precursors. If confirmed, I will further cooperate
    with the Vienna-based organizations and other member states to enhance
    member state capacity and collective action to counter the threat these
    substances pose, as well as engage with Congress to keep them informed.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Caryn R. McCelland by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. If confirmed, one issue that you will immediately
    confront is China's inroads into Brunei and China's malign influence
    throughout Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific. Brunei sits on the
    South China Sea, much of which China falsely claims. Although Brunei
    has not been involved in the frequent incidents that some other South
    China Sea claimants have, it is an active participant in negotiations
    between ASEAN and China over these issues and over a possible Code of
    Conduct for parties in the region, especially as this year's chair of
    ASEAN. How would you characterize Brunei's approach to the disputes in
    the South China Sea? If confirmed as Ambassador, would you encourage
    Brunei to play a more active role in diplomacy in the South China Sea?
    Do you believe Brunei is willing to play such a role?

        Answer. Like other South China Sea littoral states, Brunei's
    maritime claims overlap with the PRC's expansive and unlawful maritime
    claims. Both the United States and Brunei have a clear national
    interest in the peaceful resolution of disputes, unimpeded lawful
    commerce, and compliance with international law, including freedoms of
    navigation and overflight and other lawful uses of the sea. Brunei has
    been an active participant in ASEAN activities related to the South
    China Sea, including the ongoing negotiations of an ASEAN-China Code of
    Conduct. If confirmed, I will support Brunei's efforts to advocate for
    its rights and those of other Southeast Asian claimants in the South
    China Sea.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to David John Young by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Corruption continues to be a major challenge for Malawi,
    with recent administrations facing high-profile corruption scandals and
    with low-level corruption being a daily reality for regular Malawians.
    What anti-corruption activities is the Unites States currently
    supporting in Malawi? Are they adequate in your view? If confirmed, in
    what areas will you advocate the U.S. focus its anti-corruption
    investments?

        Answer. U.S. Mission programs, including a recently launched
    program with the Malawian Police Service, work to combat Malawi's
    endemic corruption. Training programs through the Public Affairs
    Section and other offices highlight the corrosive effect of corruption
    on Malawi's investment climate. USAID provides technical assistance to
    the Malawian Government, including embedded advisors who work hand in
    hand to combat corruption and pursue asset recovery. USAID works with
    local governments to put in place more accountable and transparent use
    of government resources. If confirmed, I plan to seek further avenues
    to combat corruption and improve governance at all levels.

        Question. Like many countries in Africa, Malawi is facing a massive
    youth bulge. According to some estimates, more than half the population
    under the age of 18. Are there adequate educational and employment
    opportunities for Malawi's youth population? What U.S. assistance
    programs are focused on addressing any gaps in such opportunities? If
    confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that U.S. assistance
    programs adequately address the potential destabilizing economic and
    political impacts the youth bulge can have in the face of inadequate
    economic opportunities?

        Answer. Malawi faces major challenges in educating its youth, and
    illiteracy is widespread. USAID funds a wide variety of education
    programs benefitting students at the primary, secondary and tertiary
    levels. USAID has helped every primary schoolchild in Malawi have
    access to a schoolbook for the first time in the country's history. We
    partner with U.S. universities to expand digital online learning for
    all Malawi's public universities, particularly focusing on women
    students and those from marginalized communities. If confirmed, I will
    work to ensure that U.S. assistance programs address the challenges of
    the youth bulge, so that young people have path to improved educational
    and employment opportunities.

        Question. What areas of U.S. assistance have been particularly
    impactful in Malawi with regards to economic diversification and
    growth? If confirmed, what areas will you recommend for increased U.S.
    investment?

        Answer. Malawi completed a $350 million Millennium Challenge
    Corporation Compact in 2018 that improved the enabling environment for
    economic growth through increased capacity to build, operate, and
    regulate the power sector. USAID is working through a variety of
    programs to diversify the economy away from subsistence agriculture to
    more valuable cash crops. USAID works to aggressively engage and
    strengthen the private sector to create greater economic opportunities,
    including in aquaculture, fisheries and ecotourism. If confirmed, I
    will advocate strongly for the introduction and expansion of projects
    like these that seek to diversify and grow Malawi's economy and raise
    Malawians out of poverty.

        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. While in Zambia as Charge d'Affaires, I led our Mission's
    efforts to support a free and fair election in August 2021. This
    involved major coordination across 20 months, and we played important
    roles behind the scenes to push back against ruling party harassment,
    press for a result that reflects the will of the people, and help
    independent media stay in business. I have played roles in helping
    obtain prisoner releases of LGBTQI+ individuals in Zambia on two
    occasions, and while in Hanoi, I helped secure the release of two dozen
    Vietnamese prisoners who had been detained on political and religious
    grounds. During my tenure in Abuja, I helped intervene to prevent the
    arrest of the speaker of the national assembly in Nigeria.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Malawi? These challenges might include
    obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
    rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
    rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

        Answer. Over the past year, the Chakwera administration has made
    significant gains restoring Malawi's democratic trajectory and
    implementing good governance reforms. However, endemic corruption, lack
    of local capacity, and insufficient funds impede the implementation of
    President Chakwera's anti-corruption agenda. Pre-existing patronage
    networks now seek to stall ongoing reform efforts, and declining
    development assistance from the United Kingdom and likeminded missions
    has imperiled the efforts of independent accountability institutions.
    Fortunately, the United States remains Malawi's partner of choice on
    these issues, and if confirmed, I will advocate strongly for further
    efforts towards democratic reforms and institutionalization.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Malawi? What do you hope to accomplish through these
    actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
    obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. If confirmed, I hope to press the ruling government to
    appoint and confirm heads of watchdog agencies including the Financial
    Intelligence Agency and the Office of the Auditor General. I also hope
    to expand our efforts to professionalize the institutions that uphold
    Malawi's democracy, including the Electoral Commission, media outlets,
    and democracy activists. I have seen firsthand the significant impact
    of trainings from U.S.-based institutions like the National Democratic
    Institute (NDI), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the
    Solidarity Center, and the Center for International Private Enterprise
    (CIPE), and if confirmed I plan to advocate for these organizations'
    continued engagement in Malawi.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to identify and support reputable
    Malawian and international partners who share our commitment to helping
    Malawi build an inclusive, responsive, and resilient democracy. As I
    have done in my other leadership roles, I plan to ensure our Mission
    has strict accountability measures in place for the disbursement,
    monitoring, and evaluation of bilateral assistance. I will seek to
    ensure that all staff are held to the highest possible standards and
    equipped with the most up to date training and tools. I will also
    prioritize assistance that bolsters Malawi's ability to push back
    against the corrosive forces of corruption and the malign influence of
    strategic competitors, including the People's Republic of China.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Malawi? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
    efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
    regulatory measures?

        Answer. Yes. Nongovernmental and civil society organizations play a
    critical role in upholding democracy, especially in developing
    countries. During my decade of work on African issues I have worked
    closely with NGO counterparts to solicit information, raise awareness,
    and advance U.S. objectives. We do our best work when we hear from all
    actors on the ground, so I plan to maintain my open-door policy for
    Malawian activists and encourage my colleagues at Embassy Lilongwe to
    do the same. If confirmed, I also hope to find ways to use the wealth
    of American and international expertise to build capacity for heroes of
    democracy in Malawi.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. Yes. Inclusivity--both for frequently marginalized groups
    and opposition parties--is a cornerstone of my personal leadership
    style and Department policy more broadly. The United States has a
    vested interest in the promotion of inclusive, resilient democracy in
    Malawi and across the continent. If confirmed, I will work closely with
    our State Department, interagency, international, and Malawian partners
    to advance these efforts. In Malawi, this will mean further U.S.
    support to key institutions like the Electoral Commission and Malawi's
    historically independent judiciary. It will also mean advocating for
    American and international support for the civil society groups and
    watchdog institutions that uphold government accountability.

        Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
    Malawi on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
    designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
    regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    independent, local press in Malawi?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
    Malawi on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
    independent trade unions?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Malawi, no matter
    their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Malawi?

        Answer. Members of the LGBTQI+ community in Malawi face many of the
    same pressures felt by their counterparts throughout southern Africa.
    Societal pressure, stigma, and discrimination create a climate of fear
    for many members of these communities, and many LGBTQI+ individuals
    justifiably believe that they cannot freely express their sexual
    preferences, gender identity, or true selves. There continue to be laws
    that criminalize consensual same-sex sexual activity as ``unnatural
    offenses,'' even though they are not actively enforced. An ongoing lack
    of access to justice means that members of this community are unable to
    adequately seek justice when they become victims of discrimination or
    persecution.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Malawi?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to meet regularly with members
    of the LGBTQI+ community in Malawi and learn from them how the U.S.
    Mission can best be helpful in the local context they face. As I have
    learned from my work in Zambia and Nigeria, it is critically important
    to be in touch with LGBTQI+ leaders in a country to know how to be
    helpful and not to do harm. If confirmed, I will make inclusive
    programming a core tenet of the Mission's internal and external ethos,
    and I will work with interagency, international, and Malawian partners
    to support LGBTQI+ champions and expand U.S. funded programming that
    supports members of the community.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Malawi?

        Answer. Yes.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to David John Young by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In November 2020, I published Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee Majority Report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
    Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
    gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
    including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
    effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
    European countries to build on likeminded interests in Malawi and
    counter the malign influence of China?

        Answer. The U.S. Mission in Lilongwe works closely with likeminded
    European partners, to support Malawi's democracy through investments in
    the electoral commission, judiciary, civil society, and accountability
    institutions. If confirmed, I will work with likeminded partners to
    counter malign influence, promote free market and democratic values,
    and support the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts. Further
    efforts to combat corruption will improve the investment climate and
    advance our goals of fiscal transparency. If confirmed, I will work
    closely with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation to
    support U.S. private sector opportunities in Malawi and to ensure
    Malawi has active U.S. alternatives to Beijing-based creditors.

        Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
    a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
    the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
    the term of the current President in power?

        Answer. Actions by a President in power to change the laws to allow
    him or her to remain in office extralegally pose an inherent threat to
    any democracy's health. A healthy democracy abides both by the will of
    its people and the underlying legal foundations upon which it rests.
    This requires the active participation of all citizens to safeguard
    democracy.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to Malawi doing
    something like this?

        Answer. Any effort that might seek to upend the existing democratic
    order would undermine the legitimacy of Malawi's democracy. If
    confirmed, in such a scenario I would work with colleagues in
    Washington and local and international partners to defend democracy and
    push back against extralegal efforts to thwart the will of the people.

        Question. What lessons will you draw from your experience as Charge
    d'affairs in Zambia in your role as U.S. Ambassador to Malawi, if
    confirmed?

        Answer. The recent democratic Presidential election in Zambia shows
    that U.S. Government programming, combined with activist U.S. private
    and public diplomacy, can help support and safeguard democratic values.
    These efforts played an important role in the Zambian political
    transition and the election of President Hakainde Hichilema. Zambia,
    like Malawi, has a comprehensive program to combat HIV/AIDS through the
    President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), and there are many
    similarities between the programs in the two countries. The two U.S.
    Missions in Zambia and Malawi also work to expand two-way trade and
    investment and strengthening the private sector in both countries is a
    key goal.

        Question. Do you agree that democracy and governance programming is
    an essential element of an assistance portfolio? Why?

        Answer. Yes. The United States has a vested interest in advancing
    democracy around the world. As President Biden said in his address
    before the 76th Session of the United Nations General Assembly,
    democracy remains the best tool we have to unleash our full human
    potential. Democracies value and protect the intellectual, social, and
    economic contributions of their citizens. Democracies are also
    inherently more stable and responsive to the demands and expectation of
    their polities. Investments in democracy programming ensure the
    longevity and impact of our assistance programs across all sectors.

        Question. What opportunities as U.S. Ambassador to Malawi do you
    envision for yourself, if confirmed, in supporting democratic processes
    and the development of resilient democratic institutions in Malawi?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will press the ruling government to appoint
    and confirm heads of watchdog agencies including the Financial
    Intelligence Agency and the Office of the Auditor General. I will also
    expand our efforts to professionalize the institutions that uphold
    Malawi's democracy, including the Electoral Commission, media outlets,
    and democracy activists. I have seen firsthand the significant impact
    of trainings from U.S.-based institutions like the National Democratic
    Institute (NDI), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the
    Solidarity Center, and the Center for International Private Enterprise
    (CIPE). If confirmed, I will advocate for these organizations'
    continued engagement in Malawi.

        Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
    independent international election observation missions?

        Answer. Election observer missions play a critical role in our
    efforts to support democracy, especially in developing countries.
    Independent observers provide critical quantitative and qualitative
    insight about the functioning of electoral processes. This data allows
    the United States and our international partners to determine whether
    an election is free and fair, and whether electoral results in a
    country accurately reflect the will of its people. By supporting these
    efforts, we communicate the centrality of democracy promotion and
    support in our foreign policy.

        Question. Would you support such a mission for Malawi's next
    general election?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working closely with the
    Office of the U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator and Health Diplomacy (OGAC)
    at the U.S. Department of State to ensure that the U.S. country team in
    Malawi's efforts to combat HIV/AIDS are efficient, effective, aligned
    and complementary to the work of OGAC?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Will you work to ensure that each of the agencies
    operating under Chief of Mission authority--notably USAID and CDC--
    meaningfully contribute to, but also adhere to, PEPFAR's Country
    Operating Plan (COP) process?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Will you also ensure that each of the agencies operating
    under Chief of Mission authority in Malawi uphold their commitments to
    the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that all future funding for the
    Secondary Education Expansion for Development (SEED) program will be
    derived from funds appropriated for basic and secondary education,
    rather than for PEPFAR?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
    Malawi?

        Answer. The isolation, hardship, and fear caused by COVID-19 have
    had a particularly adverse effect on our overseas Missions, including
    in Malawi. The current lull in local infection rates, seasonal rotation
    of staff, and the lifting of government-imposed lockdowns have improved
    morale. Nevertheless, remote work in a developing country is a
    distinctly difficult and isolating experience for American and Malawian
    staff alike.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Malawi?

        Answer. If confirmed, I plan to make staff morale a central focus
    of my tenure. American diplomats and our interagency colleagues in the
    field make incredible sacrifices to advance our nation's objectives. If
    confirmed, I will begin by building trust with all levels of the
    Embassy's staff and soliciting local ideas for how we overcome our
    shared challenges and more effectively accomplish our mission.

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    at Mission Malawi?

        Answer. Throughout my career I have upheld a ``One Team'' approach
    that values the contributions, voice, and role of every individual.
    Effective and responsive management is critical in this effort.
    American and Malawian managers should be equipped with the most
    effective tools and held to the highest standards. The follow-on
    effects of COVID-19 have accelerated isolation at our overseas
    missions, and if confirmed, I hope to make interagency relationships a
    central focus of my tenure.

        Question. How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. I believe strongly in a One Mission, One Team approach, and
    in my leadership roles over the past decade in Missions in Africa, I
    have sought to put this principle in practice. I have worked to set up
    cross-cutting interagency teams to advance our shared interagency
    Mission goals, including working groups that have advanced our
    democratic and electoral goals in Nigeria and Zambia, and our Northeast
    Working Group in Nigeria. I believe strongly in 360 communication,
    empowering and listening to all team members, and working closely with
    Locally Employed Staff, who provide the continuity and ongoing capacity
    of our Missions' work.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. No.

        Question. How do you envision your relationship with deputy chief
    of mission?

        Answer. Having served in leadership roles at multiple Missions in
    Africa, including three times as a deputy chief of mission, I am deeply
    committed to empowering and supporting the deputy chief of mission to
    help improve the work of the Mission. The relationship between the
    chief of mission and deputy chief of mission is critical to the success
    and morale of a Mission. If confirmed, I will build a relationship
    based on honesty, accountability, and collegiality, and I will equip my
    deputy to act decisively on the wide array of policy, security, and
    management issues we face.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will sit down immediately with my deputy
    chief of mission and jointly work with him or her to develop a
    collaborative plan for how we lead the Mission together. In general, I
    would seek to have the deputy chief of mission serve as the ``chief of
    operations'' of the Mission, ensuring that the Mission implements and
    executes the goals of our work together as a Mission team. I hope to
    work with the deputy chief of mission to identify issue areas where the
    deputy would take lead in policy development, public outreach, and
    performance management. This could focus on a variety of agency
    programs, but I believe it important that the two of us jointly assess
    the particular areas once we are on the ground working together.

        Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
    with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
    encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
    roles?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
    embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?

        Answer. In the countries where I have served, I have come to
    appreciate the importance of in-person relationships. I prioritize such
    these engagements, and I have been committed throughout my career to
    wide ranging work in this area. I recognize that diplomats around the
    world face many challenges to their safety and security, and we must
    mitigate the risks as we do our jobs outside the embassy walls.
    Security and health concerns have restricted diplomats' ability to
    safely move around outside the embassy walls in some countries. I
    applaud the contributions of the members of Diplomatic Security, the
    United States Marine Corps, and others who keep us safe overseas.

        Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, the safety of American and locally engaged
    personnel under my purview will be my top priority. I will lead by
    example in accessing local populations, and I will encourage my
    colleagues to expand our in-person access across all of Malawi. That
    said, we will of course remain cognizant of the particular logistical
    and security challenges our Mission faces in Malawi. Prioritizing staff
    training and the procurement of safe and reliable housing and
    transportation equipment will advance these efforts.

        Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Malawi?
    What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?

        Answer. Malawians are eager to learn more about and engage with the
    United States. Malawi's low internet penetration rate requires a
    reliance on radio broadcasting and in-person travel. Embassy events
    receive significant attendance and local coverage. Public diplomacy
    staff have strong professional relationships with members of public and
    privately owned media outlets. The advance of high-speed cellular
    service through Malawi will broaden our reach, especially with Malawi's
    outsized youth population.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. Effectively conveying our public diplomacy messages
    requires fluency in both U.S. policy and best practices on the ground.
    Achieving both takes intentional work at all levels of the Mission. In
    my previous leadership roles, I have prioritized forging relations with
    my Washington-based colleagues, and I have encouraged my staff members
    to do the same. I have also advocated within the Department for the
    unique role played by Mission staff members, who have unmatched
    contextual knowledge of what strategies are most effective. These
    relationships pay dividends as we work to shape and deliver effective
    messages.

        Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Malawi was
    identified as Tier 2 due to inadequate government efforts to address
    sex trafficking, reporting, or identifying victims or traffickers by
    the Government, and more. How will you work with the host government to
    address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize our work to combat human
    trafficking as one of my top policy emphases. I will immediately and
    frequently communicate the importance of combatting human trafficking
    through private and public diplomacy. I have worked extensively on
    human trafficking issues in each leadership position I have held over
    the past decade, and I have found that offering solutions is a
    necessary companion to identifying problems. The U.S. Government and
    U.S.-based institutions offer a wealth of expertise, and if confirmed,
    I hope to connect Malawian partners with experts who can offer support
    on how to prevent trafficking, prosecute traffickers, and protect
    victims.

        Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
    Malawi was identified as having community tension regarding religious
    freedom. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
    confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster
    religious freedom in-country?

        Answer. Malawi boasts a long history of interreligious tolerance,
    though within communities there are societal pressures to adopt locally
    dominant religious practices. If confirmed, I plan to draw upon my
    experience in previous assignments to advance religious freedom. I
    served as Director of the Office of International Religious Freedom and
    deeply value the shared advocacy that Missions and Washington
    colleagues do on behalf of religious freedom. In Nigeria, we developed
    programs of Christian-Muslim dialogue and peacebuilding to address
    widespread farmer-herder violence in the Middle Belt of the country.
    The support and expertise of Department principals, including the
    Ambassador-at-Large, are crucial to these efforts.

        Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Malawi was identified as
    having significant human rights abuses including harsh and life-
    threatening prison and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest or
    detention; significant acts of corruption; lack of investigation and
    accountability for violence against women; and criminalization of same-
    sex sexual conduct. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address
    these instances with the host government?

        Answer. In my prior positions, I have found that offering solutions
    and support is the most effective approach to advancing our objectives.
    Malawi faces serious human rights challenges, many of which derive from
    a lack of local capacity to uphold laws and the enshrined rights of
    individuals. To address these concerns, if confirmed, I will work to
    identify the key institutions that warrant our support. The U.S.
    Mission in Lilongwe has preexisting programming with some of these,
    including the Malawian Police Service, and if confirmed I hope to
    expand these programs. Malawi also needs significant legal reform to
    protect the rights of all citizens, including women and persons in
    same-sex relationships.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead the U.S. Mission team in
    continuing to strengthen close relationships with civil society
    organizations and to maintain an open-door policy for our Malawian
    partners. These individuals frequently have unparalleled access,
    relationships, and information, and they can play a key role in
    advancing human rights and a wide range of our objectives.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to David John Young by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. Malawi is among the poorest countries in the world, and
    our bilateral relationship is heavily focused on development issues.
    The challenges women and girls face are particularly crucial to
    address. On September 28, I introduced legislation, along with a group
    of senators that includes Senators Rubio and Portman from this
    committee, to formalize the Women's Global Development and Prosperity
    (W-GDP) initiative. W-GDP--which was established in February 2019 as a
    groundbreaking, whole-of-government approach to advancing women's
    economic empowerment--reached 12 million women worldwide during its
    first year and seeks to reach 50 million women by 2025. This
    legislation would advance women's economic empowerment by removing
    educational and skills barriers to female participation in the
    workforce; promoting women's entrepreneurship and increasing female
    access to capital and markets; and reforming laws and practices that
    prevent women's full and free participation in the global economy. What
    key economic challenges do Malawian women and girls face? Drawing on
    examples from your past service, how would you seek to work with
    Malawians to promote women's economic empowerment?

        Answer. Women and girls in Malawi face economic challenges,
    societal discrimination, and limited access to capital, education, and
    professional opportunities. Insufficient child and health care mean
    many women and girls carry disproportionate familial duties. As I have
    done in other assignments in Zambia, Nigeria, and South Africa, if
    confirmed I will work to use U.S. Mission resources through USAID and
    through Public Affairs Section training programs to empower women,
    expand skills training, create mentorship networks, and provide small
    grants to start-up businesses run by women. If confirmed, I will also
    work with development partners to expand programs that support female
    students, entrepreneurs, activists, and civil society leaders.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Claire A. Pierangelo by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. People in southern Madagascar are experiencing famine-
    like conditions. What is your assessment of how effective the Malagasy
    Government has been at organizing a response? Are there actions the
    U.S. Mission could take to help improve the response? What are the
    potential second-order impacts of famine on the country as a whole, and
    what steps would you take, if confirmed, to mitigate them?

        Answer. This is not only a difficult challenge, but an existential
    one as well. The Malagasy Government has limited capacity to address
    the drought-induced food insecurity facing southern Madagascar. In
    addition to providing significant financial support, the U.S. Mission
    has encouraged other donor countries to support this humanitarian
    crisis and continues to work closely with NGOs and U.N. agencies such
    as the World Food Program to address the immediate need and develop
    plans to assist the population adapt to drought conditions. The most
    significant impact is internal migration, which threatens unique
    ecosystems.
        I would work with the U.N., NGOs, other donor countries, and U.S.
    agencies like USAID to determine what more we can and should be doing.
    I would also work with the Malagasy Government to assess their efforts
    on assisting displaced persons and concurrently protecting endangered
    environmental resources.

        Question. Madagascar was slow to join the COVID-19 Vaccines Global
    Access initiative, (COVAX), and President Andry Rajoelina spent the
    early months of the COVID-19 pandemic touting an herbal remedy for the
    disease. He also criticized vaccines. If confirmed, what steps will you
    take to encourage the Government to take a science based approach to
    containing and mitigating the COVID-19 pandemic, and take steps to plan
    for the effective procurement and distribution of vaccines once they
    are available?

        Answer. The situation has improved recently. Madagascar received a
    U.S. Government donation of 302,400 doses of the Johnson and Johnson
    vaccine in late July and there has been strong public acceptance of it.
    I will proactively seek opportunities to encourage the Government of
    Madagascar to promote vaccines and utilize the mission's excellent
    connections within the health community and our public diplomacy tools
    to support this message. I will commit Mission resources to help the
    Government of Madagascar address the challenge of an underdeveloped
    health system and poor transportation infrastructure, which inhibit
    large-scale, rapid distribution of vaccines, particularly to rural
    areas far from the capital Antananarivo.

        Question. Competition between political elites in Madagascar has
    had violent and destabilizing consequences in the last twelve years,
    including a coup in 2009. This year, President Rajoelina claimed that
    security forces foiled a coup plot against him. What is your assessment
    of the level of political stability in Madagascar-is another coup
    likely? If confirmed, what steps will you take to reduce tensions
    between political elites?

        Answer. Although the Government of Madagascar claimed there was a
    coup attempt this summer, the Rajoelina administration appears
    relatively stable and we assess that a successful coup is not likely in
    the near term. I commit to building relationships with all political
    parties in Madagascar and engaging with the diplomatic community to
    facilitate discussion among the political elites.

        Question. Presently, the United States has limited diplomatic
    engagement with Comoros, and provides little in the way of foreign
    assistance. Would an expansion of ties be in the interest of the United
    States? What are potential areas of cooperation? If confirmed, would
    you increase engagement with the Comorian Government?

        Answer. There are excellent opportunities to expand our diplomatic
    engagement with Comoros to the benefit of U.S. interest, particularly
    in the arena of maritime security due to its location on the Mozambique
    Channel, which is a major trafficking artery. Assistance in expanding
    capacity in maritime security, establishing transparent and accountable
    institutions, and in basic health and education would be immediate
    priorities in expanding our bilateral relationship.

        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. Early in my career I served in Haiti in the post-``Baby
    Doc'' era where we worked to support its fledgling democracy. Later in
    my career, in both Vietnam and Indonesia, the issues of democracy and
    human rights were at the top of our agenda. Whether advocating for
    human rights for our local staff or for the population at large, this
    is something I take very seriously and has been a priority in every
    post that I have served. I realize these issues are front and center in
    Madagascar and Comoros, so my team and I would have a lot to work to
    do, if I were confirmed. I commit to prioritizing these issues in both
    countries.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Madagascar and Comoros? These challenges
    might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
    institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
    society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
    possible.

        Answer. As Senator Cardin has noted, corruption is a significant
    issue in Madagascar and Comoros. Both countries also face challenges in
    the electoral process, with disinformation from malign actors in
    Madagascar, and opposition party boycotts in Comoros. If confirmed, I
    will use upcoming elections in Madagascar in 2023 and in Comoros in
    2024 to support both countries in strengthening their democratic
    institutions to ensure the elections ultimately reflect the will of
    their citizens.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Madagascar and Comoros? What do you hope to accomplish
    through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing
    the specific obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. My first step would be to assess the current challenges to
    democracy in Madagascar and Comoros and develop an action plan to
    address these challenges. I expect that action plan would include
    outreach to opposition parties and civil society as well as programs to
    encourage greater transparency in government.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. I would review the current allocation of government
    assistance, gather input from my team and civil society partners, and
    assess how to prioritize these limited resources. I would look to find
    a balance between humanitarian assistance on one hand and programs to
    build the Government of Madagascar's capacity and establish good
    governance practices on the other.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Madagascar and Comoros? What steps will you take to pro-
    actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society
    via legal or regulatory measures?

        Answer. Yes, I would make it a priority to meet with civil society
    members in Madagascar and Comoros to understand their challenges and to
    most effectively utilize USG programs that support their work. I will
    staunchly defend the rights of civil society and take appropriate
    actions to ensure their ability to operate freely in Madagascar and
    Comoros.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to meeting with democratically oriented
    political opposition figures and parties in both countries. With
    elections coming up in 2023 and 2024, I would work with my team to
    create a plan to establish relationships with opposition parties,
    including diaspora groups. I also commit to advocate for diverse
    participation in the political process.

        Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with
    Madagascar and Comoros on freedom of the press and address any
    government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
    through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting
    regularly with independent, local press in Madagascar and Comoros?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to actively engage with the media and
    staunchly defend freedom of the press. I also commit to regularly
    meeting with the independent, local press in both Madagascar and
    Comoros.

        Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to engage with a variety of government and
    non-government counterparts to counter disinformation, whether
    disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors.

        Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with
    Madagascar and Comoros on the right of labor groups to organize,
    including for independent trade unions?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to actively engage with the Governments of
    Madagascar and Comoros to support the rights of labor groups to
    organize, including for independent trade unions.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Madagascar and
    Comoros, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to use my position to defend the human rights
    of all Malagasy and Comorian people, no matter their sexual orientation
    or gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Madagascar and Comoros?

        Answer. In Madagascar, no law prohibits same-sex sexual conduct for
    those aged 21 and older. . Nonetheless, members of the LGBTQI community
    report they face social stigma and discrimination, particularly within
    their own families. In Comoros, same-sex sexual activity is illegal,
    although authorities do not actively enforce the law. Due to societal
    pressure, LGBTQI persons generally do not reveal their sexual
    orientation.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Madagascar and Comoros?

        Answer. I commit to regularly meeting with LGBTQI organizations and
    advocating for their rights in Madagascar and Comoros.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Madagascar and Comoros?

        Answer. Yes, I would welcome the opportunity to fully brief members
    of Congress and/or their staff each time I am in Washington for
    consultations.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Claire A. Pierangelo by Senator James E, Risch

        Question. Given the administration's redefined Prosper Africa
    policy, how will you prioritize U.S. investment into Madagascar, and
    ensure there is a level playing field given the pervasive levels of
    corruption that exist in Madagascar's institutions and its judiciary?
    Further, will you focus on the settling of the standing investment
    disputes with US companies, including Symbion Power?

        Answer. Corruption in Madagascar is a significant obstacle for U.S.
    business, and I recognize that accountable institutions, sustained by a
    commitment to the rule of law and transparency, are essential to
    creating a business climate conducive to foreign investment. I commit
    to working with the Government of Madagascar to reinforce the need for
    accountable institutions and provide U.S. expertise in developing
    transparent government. I also commit to support U.S. companies to
    settle investment disputes.

        Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
    a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
    the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
    the term of the current President in power? If confirmed, how would you
    respond to Madagascar or Comoros doing something like this?

        Answer. Constitutional changes should be made through a
    consultative process that includes civil society, opposition parties
    and all other stakeholders. Constitutional changes designed to favor
    incumbents or extend terms against the will of the people erode
    democratic principles and undermine stability. If confirmed, I will
    advocate for regular, democratic transitions of power, which yield more
    accountability, stronger institutions, and less corruption.

        Question. In November 2020, I published Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
    Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
    gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
    including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
    effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
    European countries to build on likeminded interests in Madagascar and
    Comoros, and counter the malign influence of China?

        Answer. The United States should partner with likeminded countries
    to counter negative actions and influence of the PRC. We need to call
    out and confront nondemocratic behavior and insist that all economic
    actors on the continent adhere to the highest standards of
    transparency, anti-corruption, debt sustainability, environmental
    protection, and respect for human rights, including labor rights.

        Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
    independent international election observation missions? Would you
    support such a mission for Madagascar's next national election?

        Answer. Promoting democracy and human rights has long been a core
    task of American foreign policy. Election observation can promote
    public participation, encourage transparency and public confidence in
    the electoral process, and mitigate the potential for electoral
    violence. Both U.S. Mission observers and independent observation
    missions help deter fraud at polling stations and facilitate the
    collection of critical information about the conduct of the elections.
    To ensure real democratic gains, it is important that our elections
    work not focus solely on Election Day, but also address problems in the
    lead up to elections that inhibit the ability of all parties to compete
    on an equal basis.

        Question. Many U.S. Missions have been under enormous stress over
    the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
    understanding of morale throughout Mission Madagascar?

        Answer. I am impressed with the resiliency of the team in
    Madagascar in general but in particular during the difficult last 18
    months under COVID-19. Morale remains good at post thanks to the
    efforts of the former Ambassador and the current Deputy Chief of
    Mission.

        Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission
    Madagascar?

        Answer. At every one of my posts, taking care of our teams has been
    my top priority. First, I would assess where things stand today with
    both the American and local staff in both Madagascar and Comoros
    through direct communication and interaction. And then together, we
    would see what changes, if any, were necessary. The bottom line is
    always communication and interaction. Even at the height of terrorism
    in Indonesia and direct attacks in my consular district when I was
    principal officer in Surabaya, my team and I were united and mutually
    supportive. That is always my number one goal..

        Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
    at Mission Madagascar?

        Answer. I successfully faced this challenge in my last three
    overseas leadership positions in large and complex, multi-post
    missions--Indonesia, Vietnam and Nigeria. Creating a true ``One Team,
    One Mission'' approach takes a unified strategic approach, time, effort
    and honesty. The results are always worth the work. I would aim to do
    the same at Mission Madagascar.

        Question. Management is a key responsibility for Chiefs of Mission.
    How would you describe your management style?

        Answer. Whether I was supervising a section of 10 or a Mission of
    900, my approach has always been to be as communicative and transparent
    as possible and to welcome and incorporate the great contributions of
    my team. I solicit input first and then carefully listen to my staff
    before making decisions. However, ultimately, I must take
    responsibility for our decisions and back up my team. I am also fully
    aware of when I must make the difficult decisions.

        Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
    berate subordinates, either in public or private?

        Answer. No. Any action that does not convey respect or
    professionalism is not only unacceptable, it is simply
    counterproductive. This goes not only for supervisors but also for
    other staff, including our local staff.

        Question. How do you envision your relationship with Deputy Chief
    of Mission?

        Answer. The COM-DCM relationship is extremely important because it
    sets the tone for the Mission. If confirmed, I would create a close
    partnership with the incumbent, relying on him for both policy and
    personnel guidance and the critical ``truth-to-power'' reality checks.
    The DCM is the eyes and ears of the Mission and I intend listen.

        Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
    intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?

        Answer. As a former DCM and two-time principal officer, I know what
    a critical role the DCM should play in both bilateral policy issues and
    internal Mission management. The DCM should not be chained to their
    desk but should be representing the Mission outwardly as well. Just as
    the DCM should lead and mentor our midlevel and more junior staff, they
    must have the opportunity to lead at the Mission level to prepare
    themselves for more senior positions.

        Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
    the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
    for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
    you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
    constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
    improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?

        Answer. This is a topic dear to my heart. As Director of the Office
    of Performance Evaluation in the then-Bureau of Human Resources, I led
    the team responsible for major reform of the EER, promotion and awards.
    I personally introduced the changes with outreach to more than 10,000
    foreign service employees over two years. Those reforms were just a
    first step to creating a more responsive system such as the new
    Meritorious Service Increase award process and I am happy to say that
    these efforts are ongoing. Key to all these efforts is the push for
    supervisors to be honest, fair, and responsive in their evaluations.
    The Department continues to prioritize this effort, as do I personally.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
    accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
    performance and reward high achievers?

        Answer. Yes, I believe that is very important. I have not only
    supported such efforts but have championed them and tried to educate my
    colleagues on this issue. It is critical not only to the assessment of
    the rated employee but to the development of supervisors and future
    Department leaders.

        Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
    abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
    non-government organizations, and local citizens. In your experience,
    do U.S. diplomats get outside of our Embassy walls enough to accomplish
    fully their missions?

        Answer. If you ask my team my overriding motto, they would tell you
    in unison ``If you are sitting behind your desk, you are not doing your
    job.'' At every post that I have worked in or led, this has been true.
    Our best work is done when we are engaged with our host country and its
    nationals. That is often a challenge, especially in large Missions,
    where we must respond to the demands of Washington and the interagency
    24/7. I believe that the Chief of Mission must set the expectation,
    provide the resources, and if need be, pick up the slack in order for
    our staff to get out of the office, interact with the people and
    support U.S. interests.

        Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
    diplomats to better access all local populations?

        Answer. In most cases, it is simply a matter of time and resources.
    If confirmed, I, along with my DCM, will make sure our team have enough
    of both.

        Question. Do you think the Department should require Chiefs of
    Mission have experience in the region to which they are nominated?

        Answer. In my experience, the overriding qualification for any COM
    must be proven leadership and management experience. That is not
    something that can be learned on the job. Secondarily, experience in
    strategic policy making that can be applied to any post or situation
    should be considered. If one can combine those two skills with regional
    experience, that would be ideal. However regional experience on its own
    should not be considered sufficient, in my opinion.

        Question. With little experience in the sub-Saharan Africa, how are
    you approaching this assignment?

        Answer. I have served across four continents and led Missions in
    three postings. That includes senior leadership in arguably our most
    important partner in Africa, Nigeria, where I run a multi-agency post
    of 400 American and local staff plus 200 security contractors. Lagos is
    larger than 80 percent of our sub-Saharan Africa posts, including
    Madagascar, and is important to our overall Africa policy. If
    confirmed, I will bring my years of experience in Africa and elsewhere
    to this challenging assignment.

        Question. Do you consider your lack of experience in the region a
    handicap in starting your position as COM?

        Answer. I bring extensive strategic leadership and more
    specifically, experience in the complex, sometimes dangerous, and
    always challenging Nigerian environment to the table. In Vietnam, I led
    a team of more than 900 staff in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, both as
    Deputy Chief of Mission and as Charge d'Affaires for more than one
    year. In Surabaya, I led a team of 120 in two posts (including Bali)
    through terrorist attacks, pandemics, and natural disasters.

        Question. If confirmed, would you consider your lack of experience
    in identifying a Deputy Chief of Mission?

        Answer. Yes, that would be one of many factors I would consider. I
    have extensive experience in recruiting, hiring, mentoring and
    supporting my senior staff. Many of my former staff and mentees are now
    in leadership positions of their own including multiple Deputy Chiefs
    of Mission and Deputy Assistant Secretaries. I also have an extensive
    network and knowledge of our next level of leaders through my time in
    the Human Resources Bureau and as assistant professor and Acting Deputy
    Commandant at the National War College.

        Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
    policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
    Madagascar? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
    there?

        Answer. Mission Madagascar's public diplomacy program is small but
    robust. As in many countries, there is always more demand for
    engagement, training, and exchange programs but the Mission is actively
    engaged. If confirmed, I will move back to more in-person programs, but
    virtual programs will continue to be an important tool. Challenges are
    more physical than philosophical at this point, with poor
    infrastructure, transportation challenges and distances posing some
    obstacles to travel and programming.

        Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
    the in-country Mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
    messages for foreign audiences?

        Answer. Post has latitude to tailor public messaging to local
    issues and concerns. If confirmed, I will ensure that our public
    diplomacy posture continues to play a key role in promoting our many
    shared values and America's generous financial assistance and support
    across the range of issues.

        Question. As Ambassador, what would be your approach to dividing
    your time and attention between Madagascar and Comoros?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make this one of my first on-the
    ground assessments. COVID-19 restrictions hampered the Mission's
    outreach to Comoros, but two teams have travelled since May, and the
    current Charge d'Affaires will be visiting the first week of October. I
    look forward to her and the DCM's thoughts on the best way forward.

        Question. How frequently would you plan to travel to Comoros to
    meet in-person with partners?

        Answer. It would be my goal to visit as often as is feasible. Just
    as important is making sure that our team at all levels travel
    regularly, not just the Chief of Mission.

        Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Madagascar
    remained on Tier 2 due to lack of accountability of complicit
    government officials, as well as failure to end facilitating child sex
    trafficking, among several other key areas of potential improvement.
    How will you work with the Government to address these issues if you
    are confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. I commit to work with the Government of Madagascar to make
    improvements in preventing trafficking in persons. I would continue to
    support our efforts to increase transparency of government institutions
    and to alleviate poverty, which together address the roots of this
    issue.

        Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
    Madagascar was identified as having religious freedom issues within
    civil society. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
    confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster
    religious freedom in-country?

        Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and
    the Department continues to closely monitor the religious freedom
    situation in Madagascar. I commit to working with civil society and the
    Malagasy Government to ensure all citizens enjoy freedom of religious
    thought and expression as provided in the country's constitution. My
    understanding is that there are several, discrete challenges for
    specific religious groups in Madagascar and that the country overall is
    accepting of religious diversity. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to
    emphasize the importance of religious tolerance and to address
    religious freedom concerns in Madagascar.

        Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Madagascar was
    identified as having a litany of human rights abuses, including
    impunity for security forces and within government ranks. If confirmed,
    what steps will you take to address these instances with the host
    government?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will assess the situation and develop an
    action plan to reduce the instances of extrajudicial killings, which
    would likely include improving training for Malagasy security forces.

        Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to meet with civil
    society members in Madagascar and Comoros to understand their
    challenges and to most effectively utilize USG programs that support
    their work. I will staunchly defend the rights of civil society and
    take appropriate actions to ensure their ability to operate freely in
    Madagascar and Comoros.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Claire A. Pierangelo by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. Madagascar is one of the most interesting places in the
    world, with unique flora and fauna and a very distinct culture and
    population, but it also remains a very poor country. Trade--and the
    jobs that it sustains--are key to self-sustaining development. Good
    jobs solve so many social challenges. In what manner and in what
    sectors might you seek to increase U.S. trade with and investment in
    Madagascar? What role do you see for potentially greater trade and
    investment engagement in Madagascar via U.S. programs like Prosper
    Africa and Power Africa?

        Answer. Commercial engagement is one of the top Mission goals and
    as an economic officer, I have always put that at the forefront of my
    professional efforts. I was pleased to learn that the Mission team has
    put a strong focus on increasing its outreach, including to U.S.
    businesses. If confirmed, I would work hard to ensure fair treatment by
    local officials and others to counter weak rule of law and corruption.
    Sustainable development would be our goal. In Nigeria, my team and I
    have worked with Prosper Africa and Power Africa programs and I would
    welcome seeing how we can bring that expertise and opportunity to
    Madagascar.

        Question. The Comoros Islands sit in a strategic location in the
    Indian Ocean, particularly with respect to combatting piracy and the
    threat it poses to international sea commerce. What are your views on
    the programmatic focus and impact of America's International Military
    Educational Training (IMET) program in Comoros, especially on military
    professionalization and counter-piracy initiatives in the Indian Ocean?

        Answer. The objective of the U.S. IMET training program is to
    professionalize the Comorian military, especially its maritime forces.
    This is particularly important due to the country's strategic location
    in the Mozambique channel, a major piracy artery. The Mission's
    Department of Defense staff are working hard within the constraints of
    their finite resources to build cooperative security partnerships with
    Comoros and with like-minded allies in the region. Our current
    bilateral partnership with Comoros on maritime security issues is
    strong, and developing their capacity is a long-term project. If
    confirmed, I would welcome working with our Department of Defense
    colleagues on the ground, as I have done in Indonesia, Vietnam, and
    Nigeria.

                                   __________